Zbirka / Series OPERA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI SLOVENIAE 39 Uredniki zbirke / Editors of the series Jana Horvat, Andrej Pleterski, Anton Velušček Slavko Ciglenečki Korinjski hrib in poznoantične vojaške utrdbe v Iliriku Zvezdana Modrijan in / and Korinjski hrib and late antique military forts in Illyricum Tina Milavec Recenzenta / Reviewed by Janez Dular, Ivan Šprajc Prevod / Translation Maja Sužnik Jezikovni pregled / Language Editor Špela Križ Tehnična ureditev / Technical Editor Mateja Belak Oblikovanje ovitka / Front cover design Tamara Korošec Risbe / Drawings Dragica Knific Lunder, Tamara Korošec, Larisa Skalerič Fotografije / Photographs Slavko Ciglenečki, Carmen Narobe Računalniški prelom / DTP Mateja Belak Priprava slikovnega gradiva / Preparation of illustrations Drago Valoh, Mateja Belak Založnik / Publisher Založba ZRC Zanj / Represented by Aleš Pogačnik Izdajatelj / Issued by ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo Zanj / Represented by Anton Velušček Tisk / Printed by Present d. o. o., Ljubljana Naklada / Print run 500 izvodov / copies Izid knjige sta podprla / Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Slovenian Research Agency, Published with the support of Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU / Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts Fotografija na ovitku / Tomaž Lauko: Srebrna fibula jezdeca / Silver horse-rider fibula Front Cover photo (hrani / kept by Narodni muzej Slovenije) Ljubljana 2020; prva izdaja, prvi natis / first edition, first print Prva e-izdaja knjige (pdf) je pod pogoji licence Creative Commons 4.0 CC-BY-NC-SA prosto dostopna tudi v elektronski obliki (pdf) / First e-edition of the book (pdf) is freely available in e-form (pdf) under the Creative Commons 4.0 CC-BY-NC-SA. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/9789610502555 CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 904(497.4Korinjski hrib)«652« CIGLENEČKI, Slavko, 1949­ Korinjski hrib in poznoantične vojaške utrdbe v Iliriku = Korinjski hrib and late antique military forts in Illyricum / Slavko Ciglenečki, Zvezdana Modrijan, Tina Milavec ; sodelavci, with contribu­tions of Peter Kos ... [et al.] ; [prevod Maja Sužnik ; risbe Dragica Knific Lunder, Tamara Korošec, Larisa Skalerič ; fotografije Slavko Ciglenečki, Carmen Narobe]. - 1. izd., 1. natis. - Ljubljana : Založba ZRC, 2020. - (Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae, ISSN 1408-5208 ; 39) ISBN 978-961-05-0254-8 1. Modrijan, Zvezdana 2. Milavec, Tina, 1979­COBISS.SI-ID 303468800 ISBN 978-961-05-0255-5 (pdf) COBISS.SI ID 303528704 Raziskava je vključena v program (P6-0064 (B)), ki ga sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proračuna. The authors acknowledge the financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency (research core funding No. P6-0064 (B)). © 2020, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo, Založba ZRC Slavko Ciglenečki Zvezdana Modrijan Tina Milavec Korinjski hrib in poznoantične vojaške utrdbe v Iliriku Sodelavci: Peter KOS, Mateja KOVAČ, Borut TOŠKAN, Lucija GRAHEK, Darja GROSMAN, Julijana VISOČNIK Korinjski hrib and late antique military forts in Illyricum With contributions of Peter KOS, Mateja KOVAČ, Borut TOŠKAN, Lucija GRAHEK, Darja GROSMAN, Julijana VISOČNIK LJUBLJANA 2020 VSEBINA Predgovor (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ....................................................................................................................................... 9 1. Uvod ................................................................................................................................................................................... 13 Geografski oris (Tina MILAVEC) ................................................................................................................................. 13 Zgodovina raziskav (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ............................................................................................................... 15 Literatura .......................................................................................................................................................................... 21 2. Terenski izvid (Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ................................................................................ 23 Stolpi .................................................................................................................................................................................. 25 Cerkev ............................................................................................................................................................................... 48 Sonde ................................................................................................................................................................................. 68 Grobišče ............................................................................................................................................................................ 70 3. Nekeramične najdbe (Tina MILAVEC) ........................................................................................................................ 71 Kovinske in rožene najdbe ............................................................................................................................................. 71 Steklene najdbe ................................................................................................................................................................ 87 Kovinske, rožene in steklene najdbe - sklep ................................................................................................................ 90 Literatura .......................................................................................................................................................................... 94 4. Keramika (Zvezdana MODRIJAN) ............................................................................................................................... 97 Uvožena keramika ........................................................................................................................................................... 97 Groba keramika ............................................................................................................................................................. 106 Zaključek ........................................................................................................................................................................ 118 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 119 5. Numizmatične najdbe (Peter KOS) ............................................................................................................................. 123 Keltski novci ................................................................................................................................................................... 123 Rimski novci ................................................................................................................................................................... 124 Vzhodnogotski in bizantinski novci ........................................................................................................................... 128 Katalog ............................................................................................................................................................................ 129 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 140 6. Antropološka analiza skeletnih grobov z najdišča Korinjski hrib (Mateja KOVAČ) ............................................ 141 Uvod in metode dela ..................................................................................................................................................... 141 Rezultati .......................................................................................................................................................................... 142 Zaključek ........................................................................................................................................................................ 157 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 158 7. Živalski ostanki (Borut TOŠKAN) .............................................................................................................................. 159 Material in metode ........................................................................................................................................................ 159 Taksonomija ................................................................................................................................................................... 160 Razpršenost živalskih ostankov v prostoru ................................................................................................................. 164 Diahrone spremembe ................................................................................................................................................... 167 Sklep ................................................................................................................................................................................ 167 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 169 CONTENTS Foreword (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ........................................................................................................................................ 9 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................................... 13 Geographical Outline (Tina MILAVEC) ...................................................................................................................... 13 History of Research (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ................................................................................................................ 15 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................................................... 21 2. Field report (Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Slavko CIGLENEČKI) .................................................................................... 23 Towers ............................................................................................................................................................................... 25 Church ............................................................................................................................................................................... 48 Trial trenches..................................................................................................................................................................... 68 Burial ground ................................................................................................................................................................... 70 3. Non-pottery finds (Tina MILAVEC).............................................................................................................................. 71 Metal and antler finds ..................................................................................................................................................... 71 Glass finds ......................................................................................................................................................................... 87 Metal, antler and glass finds - conclusion ................................................................................................................... 90 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................................................... 94 4. Pottery (Zvezdana MODRIJAN) .................................................................................................................................... 97 Imported pottery ............................................................................................................................................................. 97 Coarse ware .................................................................................................................................................................... 106 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................................... 118 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 119 5. Numismatic finds (Peter KOS)...................................................................................................................................... 123 Celtic coins ..................................................................................................................................................................... 123 Roman coins ................................................................................................................................................................... 124 Ostrogothic and Byzantine coins ...........................................................................................................................128 Catalogue ........................................................................................................................................................................ 129 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 140 6. Anthropological analysis of skeletal graves from Korinjski hrib (Mateja KOVAČ) .............................................. 141 Introduction and work methods ................................................................................................................................. 141 Results ............................................................................................................................................................................. 142 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................................... 157 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 158 7. Animal remains (Borut TOŠKAN) .............................................................................................................................. 159 Materials and methods ................................................................................................................................................. 159 Taxonomy ....................................................................................................................................................................... 160 Spatial Dispersion of Animal Remains ....................................................................................................................... 164 Diachronical Changes ................................................................................................................................................... 167 Conclusions .................................................................................................................................................................... 167 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 169 8. Razprostranjenost najdb po objektih (Tina MILAVEC, Zvezdana MODRIJAN) ................................................ 171 9. Obrambni stolpi kot temeljni element obrambe na Korinjskem hribu (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ........................ 177 10. Cerkev na Korinjskem hribu in poznoantična cerkvena arhitektura v vzhodnih Alpah, Dalmaciji in na severnem Balkanu (Zvezdana MODRIJAN) ............................................................................................................. 191 Uvod ................................................................................................................................................................................ 191 Vzhodni zaključek in prezbiterij ................................................................................................................................. 192 Ladja ................................................................................................................................................................................ 206 Severni stranski prostor - baptisterij .......................................................................................................................... 207 Narteks ............................................................................................................................................................................ 209 Oprema in izgled cerkve ............................................................................................................................................... 210 Zaključek ........................................................................................................................................................................ 212 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 216 11. Grobišče (Tina MILAVEC) ........................................................................................................................................ 219 Grobnica ......................................................................................................................................................................... 219 Sklep ................................................................................................................................................................................ 222 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 223 12. Namen utrdbe Korinjski hrib in pregled zadnjih antičnih utrdb z vojaškimi nalogami (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ................................................................................................................................................ 225 Prepoznavanje funkcije Korinjskega hriba in sorodnih utrdb v 6. st. .................................................................... 227 Zaključek ........................................................................................................................................................................ 279 Literatura ....................................................................................................................................................................... 286 13. Prazgodovinske sledi na Korinjskem hribu in pri Malem Korinju (Lucija GRAHEK) ...................................... 291 Najdbe iz bakrene in bronaste dobe ............................................................................................................................ 291 Najdbe iz železne dobe .................................................................................................................................................. 295 Poselitev pri Malem Korinju ........................................................................................................................................ 297 Sklep ................................................................................................................................................................................ 303 Katalog ............................................................................................................................................................................ 304 Literatura ........................................................................................................................................................................ 311 14. Stara cerkev sv. Jurija pri Malem Korinju (Tina MILAVEC, Darja GROSMAN, Julijana VISOČNIK) .............. 327 15. Kronologija poselitve Korinjskega hriba (Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Tina MILAVEC, Zvezdana MODRIJAN) ..... 335 16. Povzetek (Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC) ......................................................... 341 17. Katalog najdb (Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC) ...................................................................................... 345 Table ..................................................................................................................................................................................... 361 Seznam avtorjev .................................................................................................................................................................. 400 8. Small finds in contexts (Tina MILAVEC, Zvezdana MODRIJAN) ......................................................................... 171 9. Defence towers as the basic element of defence at Korinjski hrib (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ................................. 177 10. The church at Korinjski hrib and late antique church architecture in the eastern Alps, Dalmatia, and the northern Balkans (Zvezdana MODRIJAN) ........................................................................................................ 191 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................... 191 The eastern end and the presbyter .............................................................................................................................. 192 The nave .......................................................................................................................................................................... 206 Northen annex - the baptistery ................................................................................................................................... 207 The nartex ....................................................................................................................................................................... 209 Church fittings and appeearance ................................................................................................................................. 211 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................................... 212 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 216 11. Cemetery (Tina MILAVEC) ....................................................................................................................................... 219 The Tomb ........................................................................................................................................................................ 219 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................................... 222 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 223 12. The function of the Korinjski hrib fort and an overview of the last antique forts with military tasks (Slavko CIGLENEČKI) ................................................................................................................................................ 225 Recognising the Function of Korinjski hrib and Similar Forts of the 6th Century ..................................................... 227 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................................... 279 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 286 13. Prehistoric traces at Korinjski hrib and near Mali Korinj (Lucija GRAHEK) ........................................................ 291 Finds from the Copper and Bronze Ages....................................................................................................................291 Finds from the Iron Age ............................................................................................................................................... 295 Settlement near Mali Korinj ......................................................................................................................................... 298 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................................................................. 303 Catalogue ................................................................................................................................................................................ 304 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 311 14. The old church of St George (Sv. Jurij) near Mali Korinj (Tina MILAVEC, Darja GROSMAN, Julijana VISOČNIK) ................................................................................................................................................................... 327 15. Settlement chronology of Korinjski hrib (Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Tina MILAVEC, Zvezdana MODRIJAN) .... 335 16. Summary (Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC) ....................................................... 341 17. Catalogue (Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC) ............................................................................................. 345 Plates .................................................................................................................................................................................... 361 List of contributors ............................................................................................................................................................. 400 PREDGOVOR FOREWORD Sicer ne veliko, toda velezanimivo je gradišče na Velikem Korenu … (Jernej Pečnik) Arheološka najdišča imajo velikokrat nenavadno usodo, a so redko zbujala tako spremenljivo pozornost, kot jo je Korinjski hrib. Že ob koncu 19. stoletja je bil pre­poznan kot eno najpomembnejših arheoloških najdišč v slovenskem prostoru, a je bil zaradi slabega slovesa naj­ditelja, starinokopa Jerneja Pečnika, pozneje pozabljen in spregledan. Šele v času velikopoteznega odkrivanja poznoantičnih višinskih postojank v sedemdesetih in Not really big, yet highly interesting is the hill fort at Veliki Koren… (Jernej Pečnik) Archaeological sites are often the subject of an unusual destiny, yet it is rarely that any of them have aroused such changing attention as Korinjski hrib. No later than at the end of the 19th century it was recognised as one of the most important archaeological sites in the Slovenian territory, but was due to the bad reputation of its discoverer, excavator Jernej Pečnik, later forgot­ten and overlooked. It was only “rediscovered” and Pogled s Korinjskega hriba na vas Mali Korinj med izkopavanji leta 1983. View from Korinjski hrib to Mali Korinj village during excavations in 1983. osemdesetih letih je bil znova “odkrit” in sondiran ter zaradi (ne)srečnega naključja izpada izkopavanj drugod v naglici takoj za tem uvrščen v program sistematičnih izkopov delno že na površju dobro vidne arhitekture. Velik polet, ki ga je poznoantična arheologija do-živela z izkopavanji na Rifniku, Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem in Hrušici v začetku sedemdesetih let 20. st., je vplival tudi na mlado generacijo arheologov, ki je tedaj šele stopala na samostojno strokovno pot: med tistimi, ki nas je to obdobje s svojo problematiko in hkrati popolno neraziskanostjo navdušilo, sem bil tudi sam. Potem ko mi je uspelo na osnovi starejšega, prezrtega podatka v literaturi prepoznati pomembno utrjeno poznoantično naselbino Gradec pri Prapretnem, sem domneval, da so bili tudi nekateri drugi – sicer objavljeni podatki – zaradi različnih vzrokov podobno prezrti. Ker sem imel – kljub tedaj večinskemu nasprotnemu mnenju – dobre izkušnje z rekognosciranjem najdišč na osnovi podatkov Jerneja Pečnika pri preučevanju rimske pode­želske naselitve v nižinskem svetu, sem kmalu zaslutil, da slabe ocene, ki si jo je Pečnik prislužil s svojimi na zaslužek usmerjenimi izkopavanji grobišč, ni mogoče v celoti aplicirati na njegove številne topografske raziskave naselbin: njegovi skopi terenski podatki so bili v veliki meri točni, vendar so zahtevali daljša preverjanja in terenske izkušnje. Njegovo obsežno topografsko delo s sicer zelo lapidarno objavljenimi izsledki tako omogoča prepoznavanje številnih naselbin iz najstarejših obdobij v velikem delu Slovenije. Ker sem dobro poznal Pečnikov članek o gradiščih na Kranjskem (J. Pečnik, Pogled na kranjska gradišča. – Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 4, 1894, 6-12), sem seveda opazil pomembno mesto, ki ga je v tem velikokrat po krivici spregledanem pregledu namenil najdišču Korinjski hrib. Po opisu in predvsem glede na lego visoko v hribovju sem domneval, da gre za pozno­antično postojanko, ki je bila – podobno kot Gradec pri Prapretnem – v celoti prezrta, pravzaprav kar ignorirana, prav zaradi ominoznega Pečnikovega slovesa. Sum na poznoantično starost najdišča je krepil tudi patrocinij tik pod utrdbo ležeče opuščene cerkve sv. Jurija, kjer je bil najden zanimiv rimski nagrobnik. Ogled najdišča leta 1975 je potrdil moje domneve, uvidel sem, da je najdišče primerljivo z ostalimi takrat poznanimi poznoantičnimi naselbinami in da je že tudi Pečnik prepoznal rimske ostaline na prazgodovinskem gradišču. Tudi drugod je pri identificiranju poznoan­tičnih najdišč na Dolenjskem velikokrat zadel v polno, kar so potrdila rekognosciranja najdišč Sv. Peter pri Gorenjem Mokronogu, Zidani gaber nad Mihovim, Jaršč nad Homom, Kincelj nad Trbincem in Grac pri Lisci, ki sem jih pozorneje pregledal kmalu za tem. Raziskave na Korinjskem hribu so tako vsaj delno osve­tlile ta aspekt Pečnikovega dela, ki je bil v primerjavi z njegovim razvpitim kopanjem različnih grobišč dolgo prezrt. Njegovi lapidarni opisi naselbin in včasih le dvo-trenched at the time of the large-scale detection of late antique hilltop settlements in the 1970s and 1980s and due to an (un)fortunate coincidence when excavations elsewhere fell through, was included immediately after in a hurry in the programme of systematic excavations of the architecture that was partly visible on the surface. The great zest experienced by late antique archae­ology with the excavations at Rifnik, Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, and Hrušica in the beginning of the 1970s, influenced the young generation of archaeolo­gists who at the time had only just begun treading their independent professional path: I, too, was among those who were completely enthusiastic by this period and its issues as well as the complete unexploredness. After I succeeded, on the basis of older, missed data in relevant literature, in recognising the important fortified late antique settlement of Gradec near Prapretno, I assumed that some other – though published – data had been similarly overlooked due to various reasons. Since I had had, despite at the time mostly contrary opinion, good experience with the recognising of sites based on data by Jernej Pečnik in the research of Roman provincial settlement in the lowlands, I soon sensed that the bad opinion Pečnik had earned with his profit-oriented excavations of burial grounds could not also be com­pletely applied to his numerous topographic settlement researches: his scarce field data were to a great extent accurate, but still demanded lengthy verifications and field experience. His extensive topographic work with generally lapidary published findings thus enables the recognition of numerous settlements from the earliest periods in the great part of Slovenia. Since I was thoroughly familiar with Pečnik’s article about hill forts in the Kranjska region (J. Pečnik, Pogled na kranjska gradišča. – Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 4, 1894, 6-12), I could not have missed an important place which was in this, frequently unfairly missed overview, devoted to the site of Korinjski hrib. Judging from the description and primarily considering its position high in the hills, I assumed that it was a late antique settlement, which was – similarly to Gradec near Prapretno – completely overlooked, actually quite ignored, for the sake of the ominous Pečnik’s reputa­tion. The suspicion of the late antique age of the site was also strengthened by the patronage of the abandoned church of St George situated just below the fort, where an interesting Roman tombstone was found. The examination of the site in 1975 confirmed my assumptions and I realised that the site was comparable to other late antique settlements known at the time and that even Pečnik before had recognised Roman remains at the prehistoric hill fort. He was right on the money with the identification of other late antique sites in the Dolenjska region as well, which was confirmed by the recognition of the sites Sv. Peter near Gorenji Mokronog, Zidani gaber above Mihovo, Jaršč above Hom, Kincelj vrstični topografski podatki so generacijam arheologov za njim omogočili prepoznavo najdišč, ki bi bila sicer spregledana ali pa bila v sodobnem svetu, ki hlastno in večkrat brez potrebe uničuje številna najdišča, prepozno prepoznana. Pri izkopavanjih in kabinetnem delu so nam ponu­dili dragoceno pomoč številni sodelavci. Naj se najprej spomnim štirih pokojnih sodelavcev: geometra BogaŽontarja, ki je z velikim entuziazmom sodeloval pri več naših izkopavanjih, ter Pavla Kavška in Branka Defarja ­Strička, ki sta nosila levji delež pri izkopu in organizaciji fizičnega dela ter ustvarjanju znosnih pogojev bivanja v takrat težko dostopnem kraju. Dragoceno tehnično pomoč in vzdrževanje našega terenskega vozila je ves čas zagotavljal moj nekdanji študijski kolega Damjan Vahen. Breme risarske dokumentacije je nosila Andreja Dolenc Vičič, veliko fotografij na terenu je poleg mene napravila Carmen Narobe, fotografinja SAZU. Sondo za razumevanje stratigrafije prazgodovinskih plasti in prvo vrednotenje starejšega gradiva je opravil Janez Dular s svojo ekipo, ki je poleg tega kot takratni predstojnik Inštituta za arheologijo v mnogočem pripomogel, da smo zahtevno delo lahko uspešno končali. Pri delu sta se s pridnostjo in predanostjo izkazali takratni študentki arheologije Jana Horvat in Eva Kocuvan. Na koncu mo-ram omeniti še pokojnega Jožeta Borštnika, gostilničarja s Krke, ki je na različne načine pomagal pri organiziranju bivanja in dela, in pa seveda domačine iz Malega in Velikega Korinja, ki so pridno izkopavali. Vsem naštetim ter tudi drugim, ki so na različne načine omogočili uspeh prve raziskovalne akcije na Korinjskem hribu, gre moja zahvala pri izvedbi tega v kratkem času opravljenega napornega dela! Objava izkopavanj zamuja iz več razlogov. Kot prvo je mogoče navesti dejstvo, da so nova odkritja poznoan­tičnih višinskih naselbin doživela velik razmah prav v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja in so zato sprotne raziskave številnih prej neprepoznanih naselbin upočasnile delo ob objavi (tu mislim predvsem na obsežna raziskovanja Tonovcovega gradu pri Kobari­du). Drugi in pomembnejši razlog je dejstvo, da so bile v času po izkopavanjih na Korinjskem hribu odkrite mnoge podobne postojanke v širšem območju Ilirika in še posebej ob vzhodni jadranski obali. Če sem hotel zanesljiveje interpretirati specifično postojanko Korinj-ski hrib, ki je v vzhodnoalpskem območju tipološko odstopala od do takrat poznanih naselbin, je bilo treba bolje spoznati ali pa vsaj pregledati vse na novo odkrite ali prepoznane postojanke, kar je zahtevalo veliko časa in napora. Boljše razumevanje značaja in umeščenosti utrdb, ki so v veliki meri odvisne od lokalnih terenskih danosti, je mogoče dobiti le z avtopsijo, kar je pomenilo številne obhode mnogokrat težko dostopnih tovrstnih postojank v velikem delu Ilirika. Dodatni impulz je priprava monografije o najdišču dobila z združitvijo moči z Zvezdano Modrijan in Tino above Trbinc, and Grac near Lisca, which I inspected in detail shortly after. Thus, research at Korinjski hrib at least partly revealed this aspect of Pečnik’s work which was, in comparison to his notorious excavation of various burial grounds, overlooked for a long time. His short descriptions of settlements and occasionally only two-line topographic data enabled generations of archaeologists coming after him to recognise sites that would otherwise be missed or would be, in the modern world that greedily and often lacking any real need de­stroys numerous sites, recognised too late. During excavations and office work we were hon-oured with the valuable help of many colleagues. Allow me to first remember the four departed colleagues: the surveyor Bogo Žontar, who participated at several of our excavations with great enthusiasm, Pavel Kavšek and Branko Defar-Striček, who carried the lion’s share in the excavation and organisation of manual labour as well as the creation of tolerable living conditions at the location that was at the time very hard to access. Throughout the years valuable technical help and maintenance of our vehicle was offered by my former university colleague Damjan Vahen. The burden of drawing documentation fell upon the shoulders of Andreja Dolenc Vičič, in addition to mine many photographs in the field were taken by Car­men Narobe, the photographer from SAZU. The trench for understanding the stratigraphy of the prehistoric lay­ers and the first evaluation of earlier material was done by Janez Dular with his team, who as the then head of the Institute of Archaeology contributed in many ways that we were able to successfully finish the demanding work. The then students of archaeology Jana Horvat and Eva Kocuvan distinguished themselves in their work through diligence and commitment. Finally, I have to mention the late Jože Borštnik, an inn-keeper from Krka, who in various ways helped the organisation of our dwelling and work, as well as the locals from Mali and Veliki Korinj, who diligently did the digging. To all the above and others who in various ways enabled the success of the first research project at Ko­rinjski hrib my sincere thanks for the execution of this hard work done in such a short time! The publication of the excavations is late for several reasons. First, new discoveries of late antique hilltop settlements boomed in the 1980s and 1990s and thus regular research of numerous, previously unrecognised settlements slowed down the work on publication (hereby I have in mind primarily the extensive research at Tonovcov grad near Kobarid). The second and more important reason is the fact that in the time after the excavations at Korinjski hrib numerous similar posts were discovered in the wider area of Illyricum, especially at the eastern Adriatic coast. If I wanted to interpret in detail the specific outpost of Korinjski hrib, which typologically deviates from settlements known until Milavec, skupaj smo objavili že kompleksno sistema-tično izkopavanje na Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu. Sodelavki sta se s poglobljenim znanjem in stalnim izpopolnjevanjem lotili podrobnejše obdelave drobnega gradiva, kar daje delu dodatno vrednost in je pripomoglo k razrešitvi številnih vprašanj. Poznoantično drobno gra­divo se je prav zaradi razmaha poznoantičnih raziskav v zadnjih desetletjih izredno pomnožilo, zato njegovo obvladovanje zahteva odličen pregled starih ter tudi številnih novih najdišč in dokaj specifična znanja. Hkrati je Zvezdana Modrijan skupaj z Dragutinom Valohom in Matejo Belak prevzela nase breme priprave tehnične dokumentacije, kar je omogočilo kvalitetno predstavi­tev najdišča. Risanje gradiva so opravile Dragica Knific Lunder, Larisa Skalerič in Tamara Korošec. Tako je lahko monografija, sicer s precejšnjim zamikom, ki pa je razumevanju in interpretaciji utrdbe na Korinjskem hribu zelo koristil, vendarle predstavljena strokovni javnosti in bo – tako upam – pomenila izhodišče za boljše poznavanje specifičnega tipa višinskih postojank v zadnjem obdobju antične civilizacije. Ljubljana, spomladi 2019 Slavko Ciglenečki then in the eastern-Alpine region, it was necessary to acquaint myself better or at least to review all the newly discovered or recognised posts which demanded a lot of time and effort. A better understanding of the character and placement of forts, which are greatly dependent on the local field conditions, can be acquired solely through autopsy, which meant numerous rounds of frequently difficult-to-access posts in the great part of Illyricum. An additional impulse was given to the preparation of the monograph when we joined forces with Zvezdana Modrijan and Tina Milavec, with whom we had already published complex systematic excavations of Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. The two colleagues, armed with in-depth knowledge and continuous training, ventured to discuss in detail the small finds, which provides the work with added value and has contributed to the resolving of numerous problems. Due to the boom in late antique research in recent decades, late antique small finds have multiplied severely and thus its mastering demands an excellent overview of old and numerous new sites as well as quite specific knowledge. Together with Dragutin Valoh and Mateja Belak, Zvezdana Modrijan took over the burden of preparing technical documentation which enabled a quality presentation of the site. The drawing was done by Dragica Knific Lunder, Larisa Skalerič and Tamara Korošec. Hence, the monograph, albeit with considerable delay but which brought several benefits for the under­standing and interpretation of the fort at Korinjski hrib, is now presented to the expert public and will – I hope – present a starting point for the better understanding of the specific type of hilltop posts in the last period of Roman civilisation. Ljubljana, spring 2019 Slavko Ciglenečki 1.UVOD 1.INTRODUCTION GEOGRAFSKI ORIS / GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE Tina MILAVEC Vzpetina Korinjski hrib (728 metrov n. m.) leži severno od vasi Mali in Veliki Korinj v občini Ivančna Gorica v zahodnem delu Suhe krajine (sl. 1.1). To je močno kraška pokrajina na obeh straneh doline zgornje Krke z malo površinskimi vodami. Izraziti kraški svet se razteza na zahodu do Dobrepolja in Male gore, na severu do izvira Krke ter na vzhodu do Temeniške doline. Na jugu se zaključi pri Soteski oziroma pri vznožju Kočev­skega roga. Podnebje je zmerno celinsko, podlaga pa je sestavljena večinoma iz apnencev in nekaj dolomita. Glavno rastje v Suhi krajini so gabrovi, brezovi in bukovi gozdovi. Dolina reke Krke predstavlja glavno prometno povezavo tega prostora (Gabrovec 1998; Dular et al. 1995, 91). Reka Krka na mestih mešanja s pritoki ali izviri iz dolomitnih predelov tvori lehnjakove pragove. Ob zgornji Krki najdemo lehnjak na štirih predelih med Marinčo vasjo in Zagradcem (Gabrovec 1998, 476). The hill of Korinjski hrib (728m asl) is situated north of the villages Mali and Veliki Korinj, in the municipality of Ivančna Gorica, in the western part of Suha Krajina (Fig. 1.1). This region has a strong karst character on both sides of the Upper Krka Valley with little surface water. The distinctly karstic world stretches to Dobrepolje and Mala gora in the west, to the spring of the Krka in the north, and to the Temenica Valley in the east. In the south, it ends at Soteska or at the foot of Kočevski Rog. The climate is moderate continental, while the ground is mostly composed of limestones and some dolomite. The main vegetation in Suha krajina is represented by hornbeam, birch, and beech forests. The valley of the Krka River is the main traffic connection of this area (Gabrovec 1998; Dular et al. 1995, 91). In places where it mixes with its affluents or springs from dolomite parts, the Krka River forms tufa thresh­olds. Along the upper Krka tufa is found in four areas, Ivan~na Gorica Krka Marin~a vas Zagradec Korinjski Mali Korinj hrib Veliki Korinj Velike Laš~e Soteska Žlebi~ Mala gora 0 5 km Sl. 1.1: Karta obravnavanega območja. Fig. 1.1: Map of the area under consideration. Od tod lahko izvirajo kosi lehnjaka, najdeni v cerkvi in grobnici na Korinjskem hribu (glej pogl. 2). Nahajališča peščenjaka najdemo 10 km jugo­zahodno od Korinjskega hriba med Velikimi Laščami in Žlebičem. Na njem nastajajo tudi površinski vodotoki (Topole 1998, 462; Osnovna geološka karta). Ti skladi bi lahko bili izvor peščenjaka za izdelavo brusov na Korinjskem hribu (glej pogl. 3). Korinjski hrib nima bližnjega izvira ali površinske vode, naselbina je bila verjetno odvisna od vodnih zbi­ralnikov. Reka Krka teče približno 9 km zračne razdalje proti vzhodu, potok Višnjica pa 8 km proti severovzho­du. Proti zahodu sta Rašica in Bistrica oddaljeni več kot 10 km. between Marinča vas and Zagradec (Gabrovec 1998, 476). Pieces of tufa, found in the church and tomb at Ko­rinjski hrib, could originate from here (see Chapter 2). Deposits of sandstone can be found 10km south­west of Korinjski hrib, from Velike Lašče to Žlebič, on which surface watercourses also appear (Topole 1998, 462; Osnovna geološka karta). These layers could be the origin of sandstone for the manufacturing of whetstones at Korinjski hrib (see Chapter 3). Korinjski hrib does not have a nearby spring or surface water, thus the settlement had to be dependent on water reservoirs. The River Krka runs approximately 9km of air distance towards the east, and the Višnjica 8km towards the north­east. Towards the west are the Rašica and Bistrica more than 10km away. ZGODOVINA RAZISKAV / HISTORY OF RESEARCH Slavko CIGLENEČKI Najdišča z območja okoli Velikega Korinja so se v arheološki literaturi pojavila dokaj zgodaj. Srečno na­ključje je naneslo, da je bil v gozdu pod vrhom hriba že okoli leta 1871 najden depo bronastih predmetov (Šašel 1975, 235). Kmalu zatem je bil v ruševinah cerkvice sv. Jurija odkrit vzidan rimski nagrobnik veterana Blanda (Blandus) (AIJ 227 = CIL III 10791; Šašel 1975; Lovenjak 1998, 139–141; glej pogl. 14). Utrjeno višinsko naselbino, ki je predmet te mo­nografije, je leta 1886 izsledil sloviti starinokop Jernej Pečnik. Prvič jo omenja že leta 1890, ko ugotavlja, da je bilo pri Velikem Korenu zelo imenitno gradišče (Pečnik 1890, 381). Nekaj kasneje, leta 1894, jo je podrobneje in slikovito predstavil in ji med vsemi najdišči na Kranj­skem, ki jih je dobro poznal, odmeril najpomembnejše mesto (Pečnik 1894, 11). Med drugim pravi: “Sicer ne veliko, toda velezanimivo je gradišče na Velikem Korenu v krški fari v Suhi krajini. Nasipa ni nobenega; pa ga tudi zaradi strmega sveta ni bilo treba. Na vrhu je še precej velik prostor in na njem so v zemlji izkopane luknje, ki so bile na okroglo obzidane najbrž v rimskem času, a ne od Rimljanov. To so bila bivališča ljudstev, katera so Rimljani podjarmili.” (Pečnik 1894, 11) Neugnani starinoslovec je na hribu pravilno zaslutil staroselce, kar je podkrepil z omembo v rokopisu, da so “Kelti prebivali v jamah, ki so jih izkopali. Ko so Rimljani Kelte podjarmili, so ti jame zazidali. Take zazidane jame so še sedaj vidne”. (Pečnik 1894, 11 in 14) V rokopisnem pregledu arheoloških najdišč Višnje Gore in Loža je ponovno poudaril, da je bila na nekem griču poleg vasi Veliki Koren močna utrjena keltska naselbina. Kelti naj bi prebivali v jamah, ki so jih potem, ko so jih podjarmili Rimljani, pozidali (Pečnik 1889, 41). Čez deset let je Pečnik ponovno nekoliko obširneje pisal o najdišču. To pot govori le o “prirodno utrjenem prazgodovinskem stanovanju”. Ponovno omenja rimski nagrobnik, ki ga je leta 1885 poslal Deželnemu muzeju, in prav tako depo bronastih predmetov, ki so ga odkrili kmetje v bližnjem gozdu. Pri najdišču na hribu sedaj omenja več okroglih trdnjavic, zidov pa naj ne bi bilo več (Pečnik 1904, 140). Najdišče omenja tudi Josip Ciperle, vendar povze­ma na kratko zgolj Pečnikov tekst, kjer poudarja, da na najdišču ni opaziti nasipov (Ciperle 1899, 76). Simon Rutar omenja najdišče kot Mačkovi vrh nad Korenom (710 metrov n. m.), kjer naj bi stalo močno utrjeno gradišče (Rutar 1899, 47). Ugotavlja številne črepinje in okrogle zidove in sprašuje, ali ne gre pri tem Sites from the area around Veliki Korinj appear fairly early in archaeological sources. It was a lucky coincidence that a hoard of bronze objects was found in the forest un­der the hilltop around 1871 (Šašel 1975, 235). Soon after, an immured Roman tombstone of the veteran Blandus was discovered in the ruins of the church of St George (Sv. Jurij) (AIJ 227 = CIL III 10791; Šašel 1975; Lovenjak 1998, 139–141; see Chapter 14). In 1886, the fortified hilltop settlement discussed by this monograph was located by the famous self­learned excavator Jernej Pečnik. He first mentions it in 1890, when he finds that there was a very prominent hill fort near Veliki Koren (Pečnik 1890, 381). Somewhat later, in 1894, he presents it in detail and very colourfully and declares it the most important place among all the sites in the Kranjska region which he knew very well (Pečnik 1894, 11). He states: “Although not big, but highly interest­ing is the fort at Veliki Koren, in the parish of Krka in Suha krajina. There is no rampart; there was no need for one due to the steep terrain. At the top, there is a fairly large space and holes are dug into it which were circularly walled in probably in Roman times, but not by the Romans. These were the dwellings of people the Romans subdued” (Pečnik 1894, 11). The irrepressible explorer correctly suspected autochthonous people at the hill which he supported with a note in his manuscript saying that “the Celts dwelt in pits they dug out. When the Romans subdued the Celts, the latter walled down their pits. Such pits can be seen even today” (Pečnik 1894, 11 and 14). In a manuscript overview of the archaeological sites of Višnja gora and Lož he again emphasised that at a hill near the village of Veliki Koren there was a strongly forti­fied Celtic settlement. The Celts supposedly lived in pits which, after being subdued by the Romans, they walled in (Pečnik 1889, 41). Ten years later, Pečnik again wrote about this site somewhat more extensively. This time he only spoke about “the naturally fortified prehistoric dwelling”. Once more he mentioned the Roman tombstone, which in 1885 he sent to the Regional museum (Deželni muzej), and the hoard of bronze items which was discovered by peasants in a nearby forest. For the site on the hill, he wrote at this point about several circular small fortresses, while the walls were supposedly gone (Pečnik 1904, 140). The site is also mentioned by Josip Ciperle, al­though he only briefly summarises Pečnik’s text where he emphasises that the site has no ramparts (Ciperle 1899, 76). morda za hišne temelje. Nedvomno si najdišča sam ni ogledal, sicer ne bi lociral gradišča na sosednji hrib, prav tako bi kot izkušen arheolog v okroglih zidovih zlahka prepoznal obrambne stolpe. Zdi se, da se mu je hrib z arheološko zanimivim toponimom zdel prava lokacija, saj je že prej ugotavljal, da kraji, kjer raste rastlina mačkovec,1 kažejo na potencialna arheološka najdišča. Naš ogled Mačkovega vrha v času izkopavanj na Korinjskem hribu je nedvomno potrdil, da na hribu ni sledov arheološkega najdišča, vsi pri Pečniku nave­deni podatki se v celoti nanašajo zgolj na Korinjski hrib. Rutarjevo lociranje najdišča je zmotno in ga je mogoče razložiti le z njegovim (pre)velikim nezaupanjem do Pečnikovih podatkov. Najdišče v svojem pregledu arheoloških najdišč znova skopo omenja Fran Orožen (Orožen 1902). Kljub Pečnikovemu navdušujočemu zapisu in večkratnim omembam v strokovni literaturi je najdi­šče kmalu padlo v pozabo in ni zbujalo več nikakršne pozornosti. Tako je Jaro Šašel, ki je zbral podatke za to najdišče pri urejanju temeljne topografske knjige slo­venske arheologije Arheološka najdišča Slovenije, očitno bolj zaupal Rutarjevemu kot Pečnikovemu lociranju in so podatki, ki se nanašajo na Korinjski hrib, uvrščeni pod Mačkov vrh (Šašel 1975). Pečnikova navedba pa je napeljala k ogledu najdi­šča mene – prve izkušnje o poznoantični poselitvi sem nabiral v času prvih slovenskih sistematičnih izkopavanj poznoantičnih najdišč Rifnik (Bolta 1981) in Ajdovski gradec nad Vranjem (Petru, Ulbert 1975), hkrati pa že prepoznal tudi pomembno poznoantično naselbino Gradec pri Prapretnem (Ciglenečki 1976). Ob obisku Korinjskega hriba 10. aprila 1975 sem nabral na povr­šini številne črepinje, v katerih sem ob prazgodovinskih prepoznal takrat še zelo slabo poznano grobo kuhinjsko poznoantično keramiko (Ciglenečki 1977). Ob robu naselbine sem opazil tudi pri Pečniku omenjene “na okroglo obzidane jame” oziroma “utrdbice” (sl. 1.2), v katerih je bilo mogoče prepoznati obrambne stolpe, grajene v podobni zidarski tehniki, ki sem jo poznal že s prej omenjenih poznoantičnih najdišč. Prvega maja istega leta sem napravil prvo skico na površini dobro vidnih ostankov stolpov in velike osrednje stavbe, v kateri pa sem v začetku domneval zgradbo poveljnika utrdbe. Kmalu zatem (14.–16. oktobra 1977) sem or­ganiziral ob finančni podpori Inštituta za arheologijo SAZU izdelavo prvega geodetskega posnetka utrdbe (hrani ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo), kjer smo 1 Ni povsem jasno, za katero rastlino gre. Po Freyerjevem Seznamu slovanskih rastlinskih imen (Freyer 1836; Praprotnik 2007) se to ime uporablja za vrsto Ononis spinosa (navadni gladež), ki pogosto raste na sončnih, suhih mestih, pa tudi za vrsto vrbe iva (Salix caprea), ki raste v svetlih gozdovih, med grmovjem in na posekah in je tudi pogosta. Za pomoč pri identifikaciji se zahvaljujem Igorju Dakskoblerju (ZRC SAZU, Biološki inštitut Jovana Hadžija) in Nadi Praprotnik. Simon Rutar discusses the site under the name of Mačkovi vrh above Koren (710m asl), where there was supposed to be a strongly fortified fort (Rutar 1899, 47). He determines numerous shards and circular walls and wonders whether these could be foundations of houses. Undoubtedly, he never actually visited the site himself, since otherwise he would not have located the fort to the neighbouring hill; furthermore, as an experienced archaeologist he would have recognised defence towers in circular walls. It seems that for him the hill with archaeo­logically interesting toponym (Mačkov vrh from the plant “mačkovec”), was the right location since he discussed in his prior writings that places which are overgrown with the plant called “mačkovec” indicate potential archaeo­logical sites1. Our examination of Mačkovi vrh in the time of excavations at Korinjski hrib confirmed without a doubt that there are no traces of an archaeological site at the hill, and that at the very least data written by Pečnik completely refer solely to Korinjski hrib. Rutar’s location of the site is erroneous and can be explained only by his (too) big distrust of Pečnik’s data. The site is briefly mentioned again in Fran Orožen’s overview of archaeological sites (Orožen 1902). Despite Pečnik’s enthusiastic records and several mentions in expert literature, the site soon sank into oblivion and no longer raised any attention at all. Thus,Jaro Šašel, who collected data for this site while editing the fundamental topographic book of Slovenian archae­ology Arheološka najdišča Slovenije, obviously trusted Rutar’s more than Pečnik’s location and therefore data pertaining to Korinjski hrib are assigned under Mačkovvrh (Šašel 1975). On the other hand, Pečnik’s record led me to inspect the site. I was getting my first experience regarding the late antique settlement at the time of the first Slovenian systematic excavations of late antique sites of Rifnik (Bolta 1981) and Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (Petru, Ulbert 1975), and at the same time managed to recognise the im­portant late antique settlement of Gradec near Prapretno, too (Ciglenečki 1976). Upon my visit to Korinjski hrib on 10 April 1975 I collected numerous sherds on the surface in which, along with the prehistoric ones, I also managed to discern the then very poorly known late antique coarse pottery (Ciglenečki 1977). At the edge of the settlement, I also noticed “circularly walled­in pits” or “small fortresses” mentioned by Pečnik (Fig. 1.2), in which defence towers 1 It is not completely clear which plant this is. According to Freyer’s Seznam slovanskih rastlinskih imen (Freyer 1836), this name is used for the species Ononis spinosa (spiny restharrow), which frequently grows in sunny, dry places, but also the species of goat willow (Salix caprea), which grows in bright forests, among the bushes, and in clearings and is also very common. For the help with the identification I would like to thank Igor Dakskobler (ZRC SAZU, Biološki inštitut Jovana Hadžija / Jovan Hadži Institute of Biology) and Nada Praprotnik. za izvedbo meritev morali temeljito očistiti podrastje, hkrati pa opravil sistematične površinske oglede najdišča in najbližje okolice.2 V prvem poskusu tipološke razčlenitve poznoantič­nih utrdb v Sloveniji sem Korinjski hrib zgolj na osnovi površinskih opažanj in pridobljene keramike uvrstil med večje poznoantične vojaške postojanke, predvsem zara­di enostavne, zgolj na obrambo osredotočene tlorisne zasnove, strateške lege in bližine poznorimskih zapor pri Robu (Ciglenečki 1979, 460). Pomembno mesto, ki sem ga postojanki pripisal, je razvidno tudi iz dejstva, da sem zanj lahko priložil že prvi geodetski posnetek najdišča z vrisanimi ostanki na površini vidnih pozno­antičnih ruševin. Najdišče sem vključil v srednjeročni načrt raziskovanj pri Arheološkem društvu Slovenije, v okviru katerega so se takrat delila sredstva za znanstveno raziskovanje, kar je omogočilo prva sondiranja v letu 1982. Raziskave v obliki sond in izkop najvišje ležečega in delno z izkopi že poškodovanega stolpa (Pečnikov izkop?; danes stolp 1) so bili opravljeni v času od 20. do 22. junija in od 18. oktobra do 7. novembra 1982. Ob sondiranjih leta 1982 je najdišče obiskala ko­misija Slovenskega arheološkega društva (predsednik Peter Petru, pristojni konservator Marijan Slabe in 2 Čiščenje zelo poraščene notranjosti najdišča in meritve sva opravila z geodetom Igorjem Habjanom. could be recognised constructed in a building technique similar to that I had seen in other above­mentioned late antique sites. On 1 May of the same year, I drew the first sketch of tower remains, well visible on the surface, and of a big central building, which I initially assumed to be the building of a fort commander. Soon after (14–16/10/1977) I organised, with the financial support of the Institute of Archaeology, the production of the first land survey plan of the fort (kept by ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo / Institute of Archaeology). For the needs of the measure­ment, we had to thoroughly clear away the shrubs and I carried out systematic surface examinations of the site and its nearest surroundings at the same time.2 In the first attempt to typologically analyse late an­tique settlements in Slovenia, I assigned Korinjski hrib solely on the basis of surface observations and pottery collected among the bigger late antique military posts, primarily due to the simple—only on the defence—fo­cused ground plan, strategic position, and the vicinity of late antique barrier at Rob (Ciglenečki 1979, 460). The important place I ascribed to the post is also clear from the fact that I was able to append the first ground plan of the site with the drawn remains of late antique ruins visible 2 I carried out the cleaning of the very overgrown interior of the site and measurements together with the surveyor Igor Habjan. Ljudmila Plesničar Gec), ki so se jim zdeli s sondami pridobljeni rezultati tako spodbudni, da so predlagali nadaljevanje akcije v letu 1983, s katero naj bi raz­iskali vso na površini vidno zidano arhitekturo (torej štiri stolpe in osrednji objekt, v katerem smo takrat še domnevali poveljniško zgradbo). Izkopavanja v letu 1983 so bila zato usmerjena v izkop na površini dobro vidnih ostankov stolpov, pri katerih so bili ponekod zidovi izpostavljeni vremenskim neprilikam. Raziskave so bile vključene v raziskovalni projekt Poznoantične zapore Slovenije, ki ga je vodil Narodni muzej Slovenije. Delo je bilo treba opraviti v eni sezoni, saj so bila na voljo le sredstva, ki so bila sicer namenjena raziskavam Ajdovskega gradca nad Vranjem, kjer pa v tistem letu ni bilo mogoče izkopavati. Glavnina izkopavanj na Korinjskem hribu je bila zato opravljena med 25. ma­jem in 28. junijem 1983 (sl. 1.3; 1.4), septembra istega leta pa dokončana dokumentacija večine izkopanih objektov – risanje tlorisov izkopanih struktur in foto­grafiranje objektov (Ciglenečki 1984; 1985). V sklopu izkopavanj je sondo na terasi med stol­poma 1 in 2 opravil Janez Dular (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo), da bi pridobil podatke o prazgodovinski poselitvi hriba (Dular et al. 1995, 91–96; pregledno Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 278, št. 112). on the surface. I included the site in the medium­term research plan at the Archaeological Society of Slovenia (Slovensko arheološko društvo), within which funds for scientific research were being distributed at the time, and which enabled the first trenching in 1982. Research in the form of trenches and the excavation of the highest positioned tower partly damaged by excavations (Pečnik’s excavation?; present Tower 1) were carried out between the 20 and 22 June and again between the 18 October and 7  November 1982. Upon trenching in 1982, the site was visited by the commission of the Slovenian Archaeological Society (president Peter Petru, conservator in charge Marijan Slabe, and Ljudmila Plesničar Gec) which considered the results acquired through trenching so encouraging that they suggested the continuation in 1983, which would research the entire built architecture visible on the surface (meaning 4 towers and the central building which at the time we still assumed to be the commanding headquar­ters). Excavations in 1983 were thus focused on the exca­vation of the remains of towers well visible on the surface, the walls of which were in places exposed to the weather. The research was included into the Late antique barriers in Slovenia (Poznoantične zapore Slovenije) research project, headed by the National Museum of Slovenia (Narodni muzej Slovenije). The work had to be done within one Manjša sondiranja previsa na južni strani hriba kmalu pod vrhom je opravil Mitja Brodar (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo). Odkril je nekaj prazgodovin­skih črepinj, želenih ostankov paleolitskega obdobja pa ne. Po opravljenem izkopavanju smo se ob popolnem pomanjkanju sredstev za konservacijo izkopanih zidanih objektov skupaj z odgovornim konservatorjem M. Slabe­tom iz Zavoda za varstvo naravne in kulturne dediščine Ljubljana odločili, da najdišče zavarujemo tako, da dobro ohranjene zidove prekrijemo z izolacijskim materialom in zasujemo z zemljo. Strinjali smo se, da je najdišče preveč oddaljeno od turističnih poti, slabo dostopno in bi bilo zato vzdrževanje izkopanih arhitekturnih ostan­kov močno oteženo, prav tako pa ni bilo mogoče najti skrbnika eventualno prezentiranih arheoloških ostalin. Zaščita izkopanih objektov je bila opravljena v času med 20. aprilom in 1. majem 1984. Po izkopavanjih so se občasno pojavile posamezne kovinske najdbe, ki so jih izkopali nekateri nepoobla­ščeni iskalci z detektorji kovin in najdbe prinesli na Inštitut za arheologijo, precej pa jih je uspelo pridobiti tudi Narodnemu muzeju Slovenije. Te najdbe dopolnju­jejo podobo materialne kulture na najdišču, čeprav so nekatere brez natančnejših najdiščnih podatkov (prim. pri Ciglenečki 1994, t. 9: 5,23; Pflaum 2002, 272). season, since the only available funds were those intended for research at Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, but where it was not possible to excavate that year. Thus, the major­ity of the excavations at Korinjski hrib was carried out between 25 May and 28 June, 1983 (Figs. 1.3; 1.4), and in September of the same year the documentation of most of the excavated buildings was completed (the drawing of ground plans of excavated structures and photographing the objects) (Ciglenečki 1984; 1985). Within the excavations, the trench on the terrace between towers 1 and 2 was done by Janez Dular (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo / Institute of Archaeology) with the intention to acquire data about the prehistoric settlement on the hill (Dular et al. 1995, 91–96; an over­view in Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 278, No. 112). Smaller trenching of an overhang cave at the south side of the hill, just below the top, was performed by Mitja Brodar (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo / Institute of Archaeology). He found a few prehistoric sherds but not the wanted Palaeolithic period remains. After the excavation was done and we had absolutely no funds for the conservation of the dug­out built struc­tures, we decided with the conservator in charge M. Slabe from the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Herit­age of Slovenia to protect the site by covering the well­preserved walls with the insulation material and burying Leta 2014 so študentje Oddelka za arheologijo Filo­zofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani pod vodstvom Tine Milavec in Darje Grosman dokumentirali ruševinske ostanke cerkve sv. Jurija tik pod utrdbo (glej pogl. 14). Najdišče se je po preliminarni objavi (Ciglenečki 1977; Ciglenečki 1984) v literaturi hitro uveljavilo, saj je predstavljalo drugačen koncept poznoantične postojanke, kot smo ga spoznali do takrat pri izkopa­vanjih Rifnika, Ajdovskega gradca nad Vranjem, Ajdne in Kučarja. V temeljnem pregledu višinskih utrjenih postojank v vzhodnoalpskem prostoru sem ga datiral v 6. st. in tipološko opredelil kot značilno vojaško utrdbo (Ciglenečki 1987, 112; Ciglenečki 1999, 306; Ciglenečki 2008, 500­501; Ciglenečki 2009, 217). Najdišče je prite­gnilo veliko pozornost tako v tuji kot domači literaturi (prim. pri Bierbrauer 1987, 216, op. 16; Knific 1991, 25–27; Glaser 1997, 81–82; Curta 2001, 168; Pflaum 2002, 273; Bratož 2015, 46; idr.). them under soil. We agreed that the site was located too far away from the tourist paths, was poorly accessible, and thus the maintenance of excavated architectural remains would be very difficult. It was also not possible to find a keeper of potentially presented archaeological remains. The protection of the excavated structures was done between 20 April and 1 May 1984. After the excavations, occasionally individual metal finds would appear dug out by unauthorised seekers with metal detectors who brought them to the Institute of Archaeology, while many such finds were also acquired by the National Museum of Slovenia. These finds supple­ment the image of material culture at the site, even though some lack precise findspot data (cf. Ciglenečki 1994, Pl. 9: 5, 23; Pflaum 2002, 272). In 2014, students of the University of Ljubljana, De­partment of Archaeology (Univerza v Ljubljani, Oddelek za arheologijo), led by Tina Milavec and Darja Grosman documented the ruins of the church of St George (Sv. Jurij) just below the fort (see Chapter 14). After its preliminary publication (Ciglenečki 1977; 1984) the site was soon well established in archaeological publications since it presented a different concept of late antique posts than was known until then from the excava­tions of Rifnik, Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, Ajdna, and Kučar. In the fundamental overview of hilltop fortified set­tlements in the eastern­Alpine territory I dated it to the 6th century and typologically defined it as a characteristic fort of military character (Ciglenečki 1987, 112; Ciglenečki 1999, 293; Ciglenečki 2008, 500–501; Ciglenečki 2009, 217). The site attracted much attention both in Slovenian and foreign archaeological literature (cf. Bierbrauer 1987, 216, footnote 16; Knific 1991, 25–27; Glaser 1997, 81–82; Curta 2001, 168; Pflaum 2002, 273; Bratož 2015, 46; etc.). AIJ 1938 = V. Hoffiller, B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugosla­vien. Heft I: Noricum und Pannonia Superior. – Zagreb. BIERBRAUER, V. 1987, Invillino-Ibligo in Friaul 1, Die römische Siedlung und das spätantik-frühmittelalter­liche Castrum. – Münchner Beiträge zur vor­ und Frühgeschichte 33. BOLTA, L. 1981, Rifnik pri Šentjurju. Poznoantična naselbina in grobišče. – Katalogi in monografije 19. BRATOŽ, R. 2015, Die Forschungen zum frühen Christentum in Slowenien (1991­2011). – V / In: R. Pillinger (ur. / ed.), Neue Forschungen zum frühen Christentum in den Balkanländern, Denkschriften, Bd. 484 / Archäologische Forschungen, Bd. 26.  CIGLENEČKI, S. 1976, Kasnoantično utrjeno naselje Gradec pri Prapretnem (Eine spätantike befestigte Siedlung am Hügel Gradec beim Ort Prapretno). – Arheološki vestnik 26, 259–267. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1977, Veliki Korinj. – Varstvo spomenikov 21, 277. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1979, Kastel, utrjeno naselje ali refugij? (Kas­tell, befestigte Siedlung oder Refugium?). – Arheološki vestnik 30, 459–472. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1984, Utrdba Korinjski hrib v arheoloških obdobjih. – Zbornik občine Grosuplje 13, 145–160. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1985, Potek alternativne ceste Siscija­Akvileja na prostoru zahodne Dolenjske in Notranjske v času 4. do 6. stoletja. Preliminarno poročilo o raziskovanjih Korinj­skega hriba in rekognosciranjih zahodne Dolenjske (Der Verlauf der Alternativstrasse Siscia–Aquileia im Raum von Westdolenjsko und Notranjsko in der Zeitspanne vom 4. bis zum 6. jh.). – Arheološki vestnik 36, 255–284. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1987, Höhenbefestigungen aus der Zeit vom 3. bis 6.Jh. im Ostalpenraum. – Dela 1. razreda SAZU 31. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1994, Höhenbefestigungen als Siedlungs­grundeinheit der Spätantike in Slowenien. – Arheološki vestnik 45, 239–266. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1999, Results and problems in the archaeolo­gy of the late antiquity in Slovenia / Izsledki in problemi poznoantične arheologije v Sloveniji. – Arheološki vestnik 50, 287–309. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2008, Castra und Höhensiedlungen vom 3. bis 6. Jahrhundert in Slowenien – V / In: H. Steuer, V. Bierbrauer, M. Hoeper (ur. / eds.), Höhensiedlungen zwischen Antike und Mittelalter von den Ardennen bis zur Adria, Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germani­schen Altertumskunde 58, 481–532, Berlin, New York. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2009, Justinijanovo utvrđivanje Ilirika. – Archaeologia Adriatica 3 (2011), 205-222. CIPERLE, J. 1899, Kranjska dežela. – Ljubljana. CURTA, F. 2001, The Making of the Slavs, History and Ar­ chaeology of the Lower Danube Region c. 500–700. – Cambridge. DULAR, J., S. TECCO HVALA 2007, South-Eastern Slo­venia in the Early Iron Age / Jugovzhodna Slovenija v starejši železni dobi. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 12. DULAR, J., B. KRIŽ, D. SVOLJŠAK, S. TECCO HVALA 1995, Prazgodovinska višinska naselja v Suhi krajini (Vorge­schichtliche Höhensiedlungen in der Suha krajina). – Arheološki vestnik 46, 89–168. FREYER, H. 1836, Verzeichniß Slavischen Pflanzen-Namen. - Ljubljana. GABROVEC, M. 1998, Suha krajina in Dobrepolje. – V / In: D. Perko et al. (ur. / eds.), Slovenija, pokrajine in ljudje, 472–483, Ljubljana. GLASER, F. 1997, Frühes Christentum im Alpenraum: Eine archäologische Entdeckungsreise. – Graz, Wien, Köln. KNIFIC, T. 1991, Arheologija o prvih stoletjih krščanstva na Slovenskem. – V / In: T. Knific, M. Sagadin (ur. / eds.), Pismo brez pisave. Arheologija o prvih stoletjih krščanstva na Slovenskem, 11–13. LOVENJAK, M. 1998, Inscriptiones Latinae Sloveniae I. Ne- viodunum. – Situla 25.  OROŽEN, F. 1902, Vojvodina Kranjska. – Ljubljana. Osnovna geološka karta SFRJ. List Ribnica 1987. 1:100.000. – Beograd, Zvezni geološki zavod. PEČNIK, J. 1889, Beschreibung der Karte Weichselburg und Laas aus prähistorischer Zeit (rokopis hrani Arhiv RS, fond Jernej Pečnik, Priv. A. XXXIX). PEČNIK, J. 1894, Pogled na kranjska gradišča. – Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 4, 6-12. PEČNIK, J. 1904, Prazgodovinska najdišča na Kranjskem. – Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 14, 125–142. PETRU, P., T. ULBERT 1975, Vranje pri Sevnici. Starokrščan­ske cerkve na Ajdovskem gradcu / Vranje bei Sevnica. Frühchristliche Kirchenanlagen auf dem Ajdovski gra­dec. – Katalogi in monografije 12. PFLAUM, V. 2002, Spätrömische kerbschnittverzierte Gürtel­beschläge im Gebiet des heutigen Slowenien. – Antichita Altoadriatiche 51, 259–287. PRAPROTNIK, N. 2007, Henrik Freyer in njegov seznam slovanskih rastlinskih imen (Verzeichniß .lavischen Pflanzen­Namen) iz leta 1836. / Henrik Freyer and his List of Slavic Plant Names (Verzeichniß slavischen Pflan­zen­Namen) from 1836. – Scopolia 61, 1–99. RUTAR, S. 1899, Rimska cesta »Aquileia ­ Siscia«. – Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 9, 41–50. S.A. 1890, Pečnikovo predavanje. - Ljubljanski zvon 10/6, 381. ŠAŠEL, J. 1975, Veliki Korinj. – V / In: Arheološka najdišča Slovenije, 235–236, Ljubljana. TOPOLE, M. 1998, Dolenjsko podolje. – V / In: D. Perko et al. (ur. / eds.), Slovenija, pokrajine in ljudje, 460–471, Ljubljana. 2.TERENSKI IZVID 2.FIELD REPORT Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Slavko CIGLENEČKI Korinjski hrib (na zemljevidih označen tudi kot Ciganski hrib) se dviga severno nad vasjo Veliki Korinj (sl. 2.1). Hrib s skalno ravnico na vrhu je visok 728 m, nad današnjo vasjo se dviga pribl. 120 m. Na vzhodni in severovzhodni strani ga omejujejo prepadne skalne stene. Lažje prehodna so pobočja na severni, zahodni in južni strani in tu je bilo v poznoantičnem obdobju postavljenih pet obrambnih stolpov. S stolpi in stenami zavarovano območje je veliko pribl. 180 × 100 m, v njegovem osrednjem delu pa so ležali ostanki zgodnje­krščanske cerkve. Za vhod v naselje je bil uporabljen naravni prehod na severovzhodnem delu, ki poteka med nekaj metrov visoko naravno skalno steno na severni in strmino na južni strani (sl. 2.2). Korinjski hrib (also marked on maps as Ciganski hrib) slopes north above the village of Veliki Korinj (Fig. 2.1). The hill with the rocky plateau at the top is 728m high, reaching a height of approximately 120m above the present­day village. On the eastern and north­eastern sides, it is bounded by precipitous rock walls. Slopes on the northern, western, and southern sides are more easily passable and this is where 5 defence towers were built in the late antique period. The area protected by towers and walls measures 180 × 100m, with the remains of an Early Christian church in its central part. A natural passage in the north­eastern part was used for the entrance to the settlement, running between a natural rock wall of a few Raziskave v letih 1982 in 1983 so obsegale izko­metres in height on the northern and a steep slope on the pavanja petih obrambnih stolpov in zgodnjekrščanske southern side (Fig. 2.2). cerkve ter sondiranja na različnih mestih v naselbini in Research in 1982 and 1983 included the excavation zunaj nje (glej pogl. 1). of five defence towers, the Early Christian church, and Površje na vrhu Korinjskega hriba je kraško in izra­trial trenching in various places within and outside the zito neravno, polno škrapelj in vrtač. Poleg skal geološko settlement (see Chapter 1). osnovo sestavlja še ilovnata plast, ki zapolnjuje prostore The surface at the top of Korinjski hrib is karstic med skalami. Območje prerašča gozd. Humusna plast je and extremely uneven, full of limestone pavements and izredno tanka, tako da so bili ostanki večine raziskanih objektov vidni že pred izkopavanji. Najbolje viden je bil že prej delno izkopan stolp 1 (izkopavanja Jerneja Pečnika, glej pogl. 1). Izkopavanja so bila po navodilih komisije (glej pogl. 1) zato najprej usmerjena v izkop že na površini vidne arhitekture, to je stolpov 1–4 in osrednjega objekta na ravnici pod vrhom, ki se je kasneje izkazal za ostanek zgodnjekrščanske cerkve (sl. 2.2). Izkopavanja so potekala na nestratigrafski način z odstranjevanjem režnjev arbitrarno določene debeline, dokumentirana so bila fotografsko in grafično. Od najdb so se zbirali vsi makroostanki (keramika, drobne najdbe, živalske kosti …), sejanje ali spiranje se ni izvajalo. Pri izkopavanjih se je nadzorovano uporabljal tudi detektor kovin. Okolica objektov je bila raziskana v širini pribl. 1 m (odvisno od konfiguracije terena) okrog zidov. Stolpi in cerkev so bili v notranjosti raziskani do nivoja hodne površine, če ta ni bila ohranjena, pa do geološke osnove. Nekateri zidovi stolpov zaradi lege na robu str­mine in posledično nevarnosti, da se zrušijo, niso bili popolnoma očiščeni. Poleg izkopavanj že prej na površju vidnih stolpov (stolpi 1–4) in cerkve so potekala tudi sondiranja, ka­terih namen je bil ugotoviti lokacije morebitnih drugih obrambnih stolpov, obrambnega obzidja in naselbinskih struktur med stolpi. S sondiranji je bil odkrit in nato raziskan še en stolp (stolp 5), sonde pa so pokazale tudi, da med stolpi ni bilo obzidja niti zidanih stavb. Prav tako niti topografski pregled niti sonde niso odkrili obrambnih struktur na jugovzhodni strani naselbine. Na najdišču je bilo izkopanih 10 sond (sl. 2.2). Tiste (sonda 4 in sonda 5), s katerimi so bili locirani obrambni stolpi, so prešle v izkopavanje stolpov. Več sond je bilo izkopanih tudi zunaj območja na­selja, da bi ugotovili lokacijo grobišča. To je bilo odkrito na strmem pobočju na severovzhodni strani hriba (sl. 2.2; pogl. 11). Dokumentacijo izkopavanj hrani ZRC SAZU, In­štitut za arheologijo, najdbe pa Narodni muzej Slovenije. STOLPI Odkritih in raziskanih je bilo pet stolpov (sl. 2.2). Nanizani so bili na severnem, zahodnem in južnem pobočju hriba, v medsebojni razdalji od pribl. 25 (med stolpoma 4 in 5) do 60 m (med stolpoma 1 in 2). Stolpa 1 in 2 sta bila postavljena na rob strme (do 10 m visoke) skalne police, stolpi 3 do 5 pa na sicer strmo, vendar manj nagnjeno pobočje. Sonde med stolpi so pokazale, da med njimi ni bilo obzidja, za obrambo je verjetno zadoščal že strm teren. sinkholes. In addition to rocks, a natural deposit of loam fills the space between the rocks. The area is overgrown by forest. The humus layer is extremely thin, which made the remains of the majority of researched structures vis­ible even prior to the excavations. The most clearly seen was tower 1 that was partly excavated on a prior occasion (excavations done by Pečnik and the trenching in 1982). Thus, according to the instructions from the Commis­sion (see Chapter 1), excavations were first directed into the architecture seen on the surface, i.e. towers 1–4 and the central structure on the plain below the top, which later turned out to be the remains of an Early Christian church (Fig. 2.2). Excavations were done in a non­stratigraphic man­ner, with the removal of layers of arbitrarily assigned thickness, they were documented by photos and draw­ings. For the finds, all macro remains were collected (pottery, small finds, animal bones, etc.), while sieving or wet­sieving was not done. During excavations, the metal detector was used in a controlled manner. The surroundings of the structures were researched in a width of approximately 1m (depending on the terrain configuration) around the walls. The interior of the towers and the church were researched to the level of the walk­ing surface, and if it was not preserved, to the geological foundation. Some of the tower walls were not completely cleaned due to their position at the edge of the slope and consequently the danger of them falling in. In addition to excavations of towers visible on the surface (towers 1–4) and the church, trial trenching was also carried out, the purpose of which was to determine locations of potential other defence towers, defence walls, and settlement structures among the towers. Trenching revealed another tower (tower 5) which was later also researched, while trial trenches also revealed that there was no defence wall or built structures between towers. Furthermore, neither the topographic inspection or trial trenches discovered any defence structures at the south­eastern side of the settlement. A total of 10 trial trenches were excavated at the site (Fig. 2.2). Those (trenches 4 and 5) which located the defence towers were transferred to tower excavations. Several trial trenches were also dug outside the area of the settlement, in order to find the location of the cemetery. Finally, it was discovered at the steep hillside at the north­eastern side of the hill (Fig. 2.2; Chapter 11). The excavation documentation is kept by the ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo / Institute of Archaeology, while the finds are in the National Museum of Slovenia. TOWERS 5 towers were discovered and researched (Fig. 2.2). They are strung over the northern, western and southern slopes of the hill, approximately 25m (between towers 4 STOLP 1 Stolp 1 je ležal na skalni terasi tako, da je bila ena njegova stranica (zid 2) postavljena na njen rob, nasproti ležeča (zid 4) pa naslonjena na pobočje (sl. 2.3; 2.4). Ob zidu 4 je bil že pred izkopavanji narejen vkop, tako da je bil zid dokaj dobro viden.1 Stolp je zgrajen iz dveh vencev zidov – notranjega in nanj prizidanega zunanjega (sl. 2.4; 2.5). Venca sta večinoma tesno naslonjena drug na drugega, na neka­terih mestih pa je (verjetno zaradi posedanja terena) med njima večja reža. Oba venca sta bila grajena z malto, Verjetno gre za ostanek Pečnikovega kopanja, glej pogl. 1. and 5) to 60m apart (between towers 1 and 2). Towers 1 and 2 were built on the edge of a steep (up to 10m high) rock shelf, while towers 3 to 5 were erected on a steep but less inclined slope. Trial trenches between the towers revealed that there were no walls between them; the nature of the terrain was probably enough to defend the settlement. TOWER 1 Tower 1 was built on a rocky terrace in such a way that one of its sides (wall 2) was set on its edge, while the opposite one (wall 4) leaned on the slope (Figs. 2.3; 2.4). Fig. 2.3: Stolp 1, pogled proti severovzhodu. Fig. 2.3: Tower 1, view towards the north­east. vendar je količina malte pri notranjem vencu bistveno večja kot pri zunanjem. Malta na več mestih povezuje venca med sabo. Notranje mere stolpa so pribl. 3,5 × 2,5 m. V višino so bili zidovi najbolje ohranjeni na stiku zidov 3 in 4, kjer so segali do 1,6 m visoko (sl. 2.3; 2.6). Vsi zidovi notranjega venca prehajajo neposredno drug v drugega in so bili grajeni hkrati. Stiki zidov zu­nanjega venca so sicer slabše ohranjeni, vendar lahko glede na ohranjen stik zidov 1 in 4 sklepamo, da velja enako za vse zidove zunanjega venca. Raziskana sta bila notranjost stolpa in do 1,5 m ši­rok pas ob njegovih zunanjih stenah. Vhod ni bil odkrit. Along wall 4, a cut was made prior to our excavations making the wall well visible.1 The tower is built from two adjoining walls – the inner one and the outer one built on to it (Figs. 2.4; 2.5). Both mostly lean closely one to the other, while in places (probably due to sinking of the terrain) there is a larger gap between them. Both adjoining walls were constructed using mortar, but the amount of mortar used for the inner one is significantly higher than for the outer one. In several places, the mortar connects both walls. The tower’s inner measurements are approximately 3.5 × 2.5m. Looking vertically, the walls were best pre­served at the contact of walls 3 and 4, where they reached to 1.6m high (Figs. 2.3; 2.6). 1 Could be the remains of Pečnik’s excavations, see Chap­ter 1. Sl. 2.4: Stolp 1, tloris. M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.4: Tower 1, ground plan. Scale = 1:50. 27 Zid 1 Notranji zid zidu 1 je bil precej poškodovan z drevesnimi koreninami. Kljub temu je vidna gradnja v dveh vrstah, povezanih z malto (sl. 2.4; 2.5). Njegova povprečna širina je 0,5 m. Relativna ohranjena višina zidu glede na hodno površino v stolpu je pribl. 0,4 m. Zunanji zid je bil zgrajen s precej manj malte kot notranji. Temeljen je na skalni osnovi. Tudi ta je bil – podobno kot notranji zid – zgrajen v dveh vrstah. Kamni zunanje vrste so bili nekoliko večji kot kamni notranje. Povprečna širina zidu 1 je 0,45 m. Na vogalu, kjer se stika z zidom 2, je popolnoma uničen (sl. 2.4). Zid 2 Zid 2 leži na najbolj izpostavljenem mestu, tik nad več kot 10 m visokim skalnim robom. Notranji zid zidu 2 je bil tako kot notranji zid zidu1 zgrajen v dveh vrstah, povezanih z malto, širok je bil pribl. 0,5 m (sl. 2.4). Njegova ohranjena relativna višina nad tlakom je pribl. 0,7 m. Zunanji zid je postavljen skoraj v celoti na skalni os­novi, razpoke v njej je zapolnjevala plast ilovice (plast 5; sl. 2.4). Zgrajen je bil iz dveh vrst velikih lomljencev, vmes so zemlja, malta in drobno kamenje. V vogalu z zidom 3 skalna osnova, na kateri je zid temeljen, sega vse do notranjega zidu (sl. 2.7; 2.8). All walls of the inner wall traverse directly one into the other and were built simultaneously. The contacts of walls of the outer wall are generally more poorly pre­served, but considering the preserved contact between walls 1 and 4 we can assume that it is the same with all walls of the outer wall. The interior of the tower and up to 1.5m wide part along its outer walls was researched. The entrance was not discovered. Wall 1 The inner wall of the wall 1 was fairly damaged by tree roots. Nevertheless, the two­row construction bound by mortar is discernible (Figs. 2.4; 2.5). Its average width is 0.5m. The relative preserved height of the wall considering the walking surface in the tower is approximately 0.4m. The outer wall was built with significantly less mortar than inner wall. Its foundations are on the bedrock. It was also – just as the inner wall – built in two rows. The stones of the outer row were slightly bigger than the stones of the inner one. The average width of wall 1 is 0.45m. In the corner, where it meets wall 2, it is completely destroyed (Fig. 2.4). Wall 2 Wall 2 is located at the most exposed place, right above the more than 10m high rocky edge. Zid 3 Notranji zid zidu 3 je bil tako kot notranja zidova 1 in 2 zgrajen v dveh vrstah, povezanih z malto (sl. 2.4). Širok je do 0,5 m in na najbolje ohranjenem delu sega do 1,6 m nad tlak. Zunanji zid 3 je bil zgrajen dokaj ne­pravilno – v južnem delu iz dveh vrst manjših kamnov, v severnem pa le iz ene vrste. Temelji na skalni osnovi in sega v višino največ 0,4 m nad skalo. Na nekaj mestih so bili na zunanji strani zunanjega zidu ohranjeni deli ometa bele barve. Zid 4 Notranji zid je bil tako kot vsi ostali zgrajen v dveh vrstah, povezanih z malto, širok pribl. 0,5 m (sl. 2.4). Na najbolje ohranjenem delu je ohranjen še pribl. 1,3 m nad hodno površino v notranjosti stolpa. Zunanji zid je bil zgrajen iz zelo velikih kamnov, med katerimi je nekaj manjših. Širok je bil pribl. 0,4 m. V višino je bil ohranjen le v eno vrsto. Notranjost stolpa V notranjosti stolpa je skalno osnovo prekrivala do 20 cm debela plast oranžne ilovice naravnega nastanka, plast 5 (sl. 2.9). Nad njo je bila položena do 10 cm debela plast manjših kamnov in malte (plast 4), ki je bila pod­laga za estrih (sl. 2.4; 2.9). Čez to podlago je bil položen še rdečkast estrih iz malte, mešane z veliko količino Just like the inner wall of the wall 1 the inner wall of the wall 2 was built in two rows connected with mortar and it was approximately 0.5m wide (Fig. 2.4). Its pre­served relative height above the pavement is about 0.7m. The outer wall is built almost entirely on the bedrock, while the cracks in it were filled with a layer of loam (layer 5; Fig. 2.4). It was built from two rows of large quarry stones, mixed with soil, mortar, and pebbles. At the cor­ner with wall 3, the bedrock, on which the foundation of the wall was made, reaches all the way to the inner wall (Figs. 2.7; 2.8). Wall 3 Just like inner walls of the walls 1 and 2 the inner wall was built in two rows connected with mortar (Fig 2.4). It is up to 0.5m wide and reaches up to 1.6m above the pavement at the best­preserved part. Outer wall 3 was built fairly irregularly – in the southern part from two rows of smaller stones and in the northern part from only one row. It is founded on the bedrock and reached 0.4m high at the most above the rock. In places, parts of white plaster were preserved on the outer side of the outer wall. Wall 4 The inner wall was, just as all others, built in two rows connected with mortar and was approximately 0.5m zdrobljene opeke – plast 3 (sl. 2.4; 2.9; 2.10). Ponekod, kjer je bila skalna osnova višja, je bil estrih premazan neposredno čez skalo. V vogalu zidov 2 in 3 je estrih prehajal v stenski omet enake barve in sestave (sl. 2.11). Na estrihu je v osrednjem delu ležalo nekaj velikih kamnov (sl. 2.5; 2.6). Ob zidu 2 (sl. 2.9) in 3 je ležala plast s stene odpadlega ometa. wide (Fig. 2.4). At the best­preserved part, it still remains about 1.3m above the level of the walking surface inside the tower. The outer wall was built from very large stones and a few smaller ones between them. It was approximately 0.4m wide. In height, it was preserved only one row high. Tower Interior Inside the tower, the bedrock was covered by natu­ral deposit of orange loam (layer 5) up to 20cm thick (Fig. 2.9). A layer of smaller stones and mortar up to 10cm thick was placed over it (layer 4), which presented the foundation for the floor (Figs. 2.4; 2.9). A reddish mortar floor made of mortar mixed with a great amount of crushed brick was then laid over this foundation– layer 3 (Figs. 2.4; 2.9; 2.10). In places, where the bedrock reached higher, the mortar floor was applied directly over the rock. In the corner of walls 2 and 3, the mortar floor passed over to wall plaster of the same colour and composition (Fig. 2.11). In the central part, a few large stones were lying on the mortar floor (Figs. 2.5; 2.6). A layer of plaster fallen from the wall was located along walls 2 (Fig. 2.9) and 3. Sl. 2.10: Stolp 1, pogled proti severovzhodu. Fig. 2.10: Tower 1, view towards the north­east. Prostor okoli stolpa Space around the Tower Nad skalno oziroma ilovnato geološko osnovo (plast 5) je ležala le tanka plast humusa. STOLP 2 Teren na območju stolpa 2 močno pada od vzhoda proti zahodu. Ruševina stolpa je bila pred izkopavanji dobro vidna (sl. 2.12). Izkopavanja so zajela stolp in pas okrog njega v širini 1–1,5 m, razen ob zidu 3. Ta je stal neposredno na skalnem robu, zato ni bil očiščen do konca, saj bi se v tem primeru lahko zrušil čez rob. Na njem je raslo tudi veliko drevo z razvejenimi koreninami. Stolp je bil zgrajen v naravni skalni kotanji. Na ne­katerih mestih je skala segala pod temelje zidu, v večjem delu pa so bili postavljeni na ilovnato osnovo (plast 5). Tudi stolp 2 je, podobno kot stolp 1, zgrajen iz dveh, tesno drug na drugega naslonjenih vencev zidov – notranjega in zunanjega, ki ju je povezovala malta (sl. 2.13-2.15). Ohranjena višina notranjega venca je bila od 0,3 do 1 m manjša od ohranjene višine zunanjega. Zidovi obeh vencev so bili grajeni z veliko količino malte. Vhod ni bil odkrit. Notranje mere stolpa so 3,5 × 3,5 m. Only a thin layer of humus was found above the bedrock or natural deposit of loam (layer 5). TOWER 2 The terrain in the area of tower 2 is strongly in­clined downwards from east to west. The tower’s ruins were clearly visible prior to the excavations (Fig. 2.12). The excavations encompassed the tower and the 1–1.5m wide strip of land around it, except along wall 3. Namely, this part was constructed directly on the rocky edge and was thus not cleared to the end, since it could have fallen over the edge. A large tree with branched­out roots was growing on it. The tower was built in a natural surface depression. In places, the rock reached beneath the wall’s foundations, while mostly the foundations were built on the layer of loam (layer 5). Similarly to tower 1, tower 2 is also built in two ad­joining walls closely leaning one to the other – the inner and the outer, which were connected by mortar (Figs. 2.13-2.15). The preserved height of the inner one was 0.3–1m, smaller than the preserved height of the outer. Sl. 2.14: Stolp 2, tloris. M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.14: Tower 2, ground plan. Scale = 1:50. 34 Zid 1 Notranji zid zidu 1 je bil širok 0,8 m in grajen iz kamnitih lomljencev, vezanih z malto. Notranja vrsta je grajena precej pravilno, iz dokaj enakomerno velikih kamnov, medtem ko so kamni zunanje bolj neenako­merni in položeni bolj brez reda. Rdeč estrih (plast 3), ki je v notranjosti stolpa prehajal s tal na zid 1, je bil na najvišjem mestu ohranjen do višine 1,5 m. Zunanji zid zidu 1 je bil ohranjen precej bolje od notranjega, v višino je segal skoraj 1 m nad nivo notra­njega zidu. Širok je bil pribl. 0,7 m, grajen pa iz dveh vrst kamnitih lomljencev. Med vrstama so bili drobni kamni in obilo malte (sl. 2.14). Zid 2 Notranji zid zidu 2 je bil širok pribl. 0,7 m in grajen podobno kot zid 1 (sl. 2.14). V višino je bil na notranji strani ohranjen do pribl. 0,9 m nad hodno površino. V vogalih, na stikih z zidovoma 1 in 3, je bil ohranjen omet, ki je prehajal s tlaka v notranjosti navzgor na zid. Zunanji zid zidu 2 je širok 0,7 m in grajen podobno kot notranji zid. Zid 3 Zaradi nevarnosti, da se zruši, ni bil očiščen. Zid 4 Notranji zid zidu 4 je bil širok 0,9 m, v višino je bil ohranjen pribl. 1,4 m nad hodno površino. Njegovo zunanje lice, ki je obrnjeno proti notranjosti stolpa, je bilo izdelano iz lepo zloženih kamnov, medtem ko je notranjega sestavljala mešanica nepravilno postavljenih kamnov in malte (sl. 2.14). Na nekaterih mestih je bil na notranjem licu še ohranjen rdeč omet, ki je prehajal s tal v notranjosti stolpa navzgor po zidu. Zunanji zid je bil širok 0,7 m in zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnitih lomljencev. Tudi tu je prostor med vrstama zapolnjen s kamnitim drobirjem in malto (sl. 2.14). Notranjost Notranjost stolpa je v celoti prekrival rdeč estrih – malta, mešana z veliko količino zdrobljene opeke – plast 3 (sl. 2.14; 2.15). Na nekaterih mestih je bil ožgan (plast 9). Estrih je kot omet prehajal tudi navzgor po notranjih stenah zidov. Na estrihu je ležalo nekaj večjih kamnov, prekrivala pa ga je plast rumenkaste zemlje. Nad njo je ležala ruševinska plast v obliki nasipnega stožca ob vseh stenah, ki so jo sestavljali ruševinski kamni in ostanki ometa, pomešani s humusom in temno rjavo zemljo. Prostor okoli stolpa Izkopano območje ob zunanji strani zidu 1 je za­vzemala živa skala, vmes so bili manjši žepi, zapolnjeni z oranžno ilovico (plast 5). Nad skalo oziroma ilovico sta The walls of both adjoining walls were constructed using a great amount of mortar. The entrance was not discovered. The internal measurements of the tower are 3.5 × 3.5m. Wall 1 The inner wall of the wall 1 was 0.8m wide and built from quarry stones connected with mortar. The inner row is built fairly regularly and from stones of relatively equal size, while the stones of the outer are more irregular and placed in a non­orderly fashion. The red mortar floor (layer 3), which passed over from the floor to wall 1 inside the tower, was preserved up to 1.5m in the highest place. The outer wall of the wall 1 was much better pre­served than the inner one, its height reached almost 1m above the level of the inner wall. It was approximately 0.7m wide and built from two rows of quarry stones. Small stones and a lot of mortar were found among both rows (Fig. 2.14). Wall 2 The inner wall of the wall 2 was approximately 0.7m wide and built in a similar manner as wall 1 (Fig. 2.14). On the interior side, it was preserved approximately 0.9m high above the level of the walking surface. In the corners, at contacts with walls 1 and 3, plaster was preserved which passed over from the inside pavement up to the wall. The outer wall of the wall 2 is 0.7m wide and built similarly as the inner wall. Wall 3 Due to the danger of it collapsing, it was not ex­cavated. Wall 4 The inner wall was 0.9m wide and preserved ap­proximately 1.4m high above the level of the walking surface. Its external face that is turned towards the interior of the tower, was made of neatly stacked stones, while the internal face was composed of a mixture of irregularly set stones and mortar (Fig. 2.14). In places, the red plaster which traversed from the floor in the interior of the tower upwards to the wall was preserved on the internal face. Outer wall was 0.7m wide and built from two rows of quarry stones. Here also the space between the rows is filled with stone debris and mortar (Fig. 2.14). Tower Interior The interior of the tower was completely covered by red mortar floor – mortar mixed with a great amount of crushed bricks – layer 3 (Figs. 2.14; 2.15). In some places it was charred (layer 9). The mortar floor traversed upwards over the internal walls. A few larger stones were found lying on the mortar floor and it was covered by a layer of yellowish soil. Over it was a destruction layer along bila le še tanka plast ruševine in humus. Skalna osnova je bila na nekaterih mestih skoraj tik pod površino. Podoben je bil položaj ob zidu 2. Nad skalno osno­vo je ležala temno rjava zemlja, pomešana z ruševino zidu. Ob zidu 4 in njegovem stiku z zidom 1 je bila nad ilovnato osnovo (plast 5) še ena plast zbite rumene ilovice – plast 8. Na njej je ležala tanka intenzivno žganinska, ostro omejena plast približno pravokotne oblike – plast 7, ki je potekala pod zid 4 in njegov vogal z zidom 1 (sl. 2.14). STOLP 3 Njegova ruševina pred izkopavanji ni bila vidna tako dobro kot ruševina stolpov 1, 2 in 4. Leži na mestu, kjer se linija skalnega platoja močno zalomi (sl. 2.2), tako da je bilo z njega mogoče dobro nadzorovati ta sicer nekoliko lažje dostopni del do naselja. Tudi ta stolp je bil zgrajen v skalni kotanji, katere pobočja so se na nekaterih mestih povsem približala zidovom stolpa. Na pobočju pod stolpom je manjša kotanja, od koder so verjetno pridobivali kamenje za gradnjo tega objekta. all walls. It was composed of stones and plaster remains, mixed with humus and dark brown soil. Space around the Tower The excavated area along the exterior side of wall 1 was occupied by bedrock, with smaller pockets filled with orange loam in between (layer 5). Over the bedrock or loam was only a thin layer of ruins and humus. In places the bedrock was almost immediately beneath the surface. The situation along wall 2 was similar. Above the bedrock was dark brown soil mixed with ruins of the wall. Along wall 4 and its contact with wall 1, there was another layer of compacted yellow loam, layer 8, over the natural loamy deposit (layer 5). On layer 8, a thin, intensely charcoal, strictly limited layer of roughly rec­tangular form was found – layer 7, which ran under wall 4 and its corner with wall 1 (Fig. 2.14). TOWER 3 Prior to the excavations this tower’s ruins were not as clearly visible as the ruins of towers 1, 2, and 4. It is positioned in a place where the line of the rocky plateau strongly breaks (Fig. 2.2), making it possible to control from there this slightly easier­to­access part of the settle­ Obodni zid stolpa je enojen. Zidovi 1, 2 in 4 so še dobro ohranjeni, zid 3 pa je bil skoraj v celoti uničen za­radi izpostavljene lege na robu terase. Njegovi ostanki so bili vidni le kot nametane velike skale na skalni osnovi, ki so nedvomno služile kot temelj zidu (sl. 2.16; 2.17; 2.19). Notranje mere stolpa so pribl. 3,2 × 4,2 m. Zid 1 Širok je okrog 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen z malto in kamnitim drobirjem. Ob stiku z zidom 2 je bil ohranjen še do višine pribl. 1,2 m nad hodno površino (sl.2.17; 2.18). V večjem delu je postavljen na plast oranžne ilovice – plast 5 (sl. 2.19). ment well. This tower was also built in a rocky basin, the slopes of which near the tower walls completely in places. On the slope under the tower is a smaller sinkhole, from where the stones were probably acquired for the construction of this structure. The perimeter wall of the tower is one­rowed. Walls 1, 2, and 4 are still well preserved, while wall 3 was almost completely destroyed due to its exposed position at the edge of the terrace. Its remains were visible only as piled­up big rocks on the bedrock which undoubtedly served as wall foundations (Figs. 2.16; 2.17; 2.19). The internal measurements of the tower are ap­proximately 3.2 × 4.2m. Wall 1 Sl. 2.17: Stolp 3, tloris. Planum 1. M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.17: Tower 3, ground plan. Planum 1. Scale = 1:50. Zid 2 Širok je pribl. 0,7 m. V njem je še ohranjen lepo izdelan vhod s pragom, širokim 1,1 metra (sl. 2.17; 2.19, 2.20). Prag je bil na zunanji in notranji strani izdelan iz 0,2–0,4 m velikih kamnitih lomljencev, vmes je bil kamnit drobir, zamazan z malto. Zid temelji na skalni osnovi, njegov stik z zidom 3 je skoraj povsem uničen. Zid 3 Zid je skoraj povsem uničen. Ohranjenih je le še nekaj kamnov zunanje fronte na stiku z zidom 2 in ve­liki skalni bloki, ki so predstavljali temelj zidu (sl. 2.16; 2.17; 2.19). It is about 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones, while the space between them was filled with mortar and stone debris. At the contact with wall 2, it was preserved up to about 1.2m high above the walking surface (Figs. 2.17; 2.18). In most part, it is erected on the layer of orange loam – layer 5 (Fig. 2.19). Wall 2 It is approx. 0.7m wide. Within it, a nicely made entrance with a threshold, 1.1m wide, is preserved (Figs. 2.17; 2.19; 2.20). On the inside and outside the threshold was made of approx. 0.20–0.40m big quarry stones with gravel covered with mortar in between. The 38 wall has foundations on the bedrock, its contact with wall 3 is almost completely destroyed. Wall 3 The wall is almost completely destroyed. Only a few stones of the external face at the contact with wall 2 and large rock blocks that used to be the foundation of the wall remain (Figs. 2.16; 2.17; 2.19). Sl. 2.18: Stolp 3, notranji vogal zidov 1 in 2 z ohranjenim ometom. Pogled proti vzhodu. Fig. 2.18: Tower 3, the inner corner of walls 1 and 2 with pre­served plaster. View towards the east. Sl. 2.19: Stolp 3, tloris. Planum 2. M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.19: Tower 3, ground plan. Planum 2. Scale = 1:50. 39 Zid 4 Wall 4 Širok je okrog 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen z malto in kamnitim drobirjem (sl. 2.19). Kamni, iz katerih je bil zgrajen, so nekoliko manjši kot pri zidovih 1 in 2, med zunanjo in notranjo linijo je tudi več kamnitega drobirja. Notranjost stolpa Naravno podlago zidov 2, 3 in 4 sestavljajo velike skale, prostor med njimi je bil pred gradnjo zapolnjen s kamnitim drobirjem – plast 6, zid 1 pa je postavljen na plast oranžne ilovice – plast 5 (sl. 2.19). V zahodni polovici stolpa je plast 5 prekrivala rdečkasto­rjava zemlja z drobci prežgane gline – plast 10 (sl. 2.17), ki morda predstavlja ostanek glinenega tlaka. Nekoliko bolje ohranjena zaplata prežganega glinenega tlaka (plast 9) je bila še ohranjena pod humusno­ruše­vinsko plastjo 2 ob južnem delu zidu 1 (sl. 2.19). V seve­rovzhodnem delu stolpa je sterilno podlago prekrivala črna zemlja, mešana z ogljem – plast 3, ob robovih vseh treh ohranjenih stranic je ležala humusno­ruševinska plast 2 (sl. 2.17). Prostor okoli stolpa Tudi stolp 3 je bil zgrajen v naravni kotanji med skalami, tako da so se zidovi stolpa na nekaterih mestih povsem približali skalnim stenam (npr. ob stiku zidov 1 in 2). Raziskan je bil pas pribl. 1 m okrog zidov. Največja globina plasti (pribl. 0,3–0,6 m) je bila ob zidu 4, na južni strani stolpa. Tu je skalno osnovo prekrivala plast temno rjave zemlje z ostanki ruševine – plast 2. Nad njo je ležala še humusna plast – plast 1. It is about 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones, the space between which was filled with mortar and stone debris (Fig. 2.19). The stones it was built from are slightly smaller than those used for walls 1 and 2, there is more stone debris between the outer and the inner lines. Tower Interior The natural foundation of walls 2, 3, and 4 is com­posed of large rocks and prior to construction the space between them was filled with gravel – layer 6, while wall 1 is built on a layer of orange loam (layer 5) (Fig. 2.19). In the western half of the tower, layer 5 was covered by reddish­brown soil with fragments of charred loam – layer 10 (Fig. 2.17), which could represent the remains of loamy pavement. A somewhat better­preserved patch of charred loamy pavement (layer 9) was preserved also under humus­destruction layer 2, along the southern half of wall 1 (Fig. 2.19). In the north­eastern part of the tower, the natural foundation was covered by black soil mixed with charcoal (layer 3), and along the edges of all three preserved sides there was destruction layer 2 (Fig. 2.17). Space around the Tower Tower 3 was also built in a natural basin among the rocks, and in places the tower walls completely neared the rock walls (e.g. along the contact of walls 1 and 2). The approx. 1m wide strip of land around the walls was researched. The greatest layer depth (approx. 0.3–0.6m) was along wall 4, at the southern side of the tower. Here the bedrock was covered by a layer of dark brown soil with ruin remains – layer 2. Above it was a humus layer – layer 1. STOLP 4 Ruševina stolpa 4 je bila pred izkopavanji močno zaraščena, tako da velikost stolpa ni bila dobro razvidna, zato je bila leta 1982 ob stolpu najprej narejena sonda (sonda 4), ki se je kasneje razširila v izkop celega stolpa (sl. 2.2). Prostor okrog zidov je bil raziskan pribl. v širini enega metra, ob zidu št. 1 je bila narejena še razširitev, s katero so skušali ugotoviti sledove poselitve na ravnem prostoru ob stolpu. Obodni zid stolpa je enojen (sl. 2.21; 2.22). Zidovi so razmeroma dobro ohranjeni, na stiku zidov 1 in 2 so v notranjosti dosegli višino 1,8 m nad hodno površino. TOWER 4 Prior to the excavations the ruins of tower 4 were heavily overgrown, making the size of the tower poorly discernible. Hence, in 1982 a trial trench was first dug along the tower (trial trench 4), which was later expanded into the excavation of the entire tower (Fig. 2.2). The space around the tower was researched in a width of approximately one metre, while a widening was made along wall 1 which tried to determine traces of the settlement at the flat space along the tower. The perimeter wall of the tower is single­rowed (Figs. 2.21; 2.22). The walls are relatively well­preserved, at the contact of walls 1 and 2 they reached a height of 1.8m Sl. 2.22: Stolp 4, tloris. M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.22: Tower 4, ground plan. Scale = 1:50. 42 V zidu 2 je ohranjen vhod (sl. 2.22-2.24). Nekoliko poškodovan je le stik zidov 3 in 4 na jugozahodnem vogalu (sl. 2.21). Notranje mere stolpa so 2,9 × 4,8 m. Zid 1 Širok je pribl. 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen z malto in kamnitim drobirjem (sl. 2.22). V višino je bil ohranjen do pribl. 0,8 m nad hodno površino v notranjosti stolpa. Zid 2 Širok je pribl. 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen z malto in kamni­tim drobirjem. V zidu je ohranjen 0,9 m širok vhod (sl. 2.22-2.24). Prag v njem je bil na zunanji in notranji strani izdelan iz do 0,3 × 0,2 m velikih kamnitih lomljen­cev, vmes je bil kamnit drobir, zamazan z malto (sl. 2.22). Zid 3 Širok je okrog 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen z malto in kamnitim drobirjem. Ohranjen je bil do višine pribl. 0,4 m nad hodno površino v notranjosti stolpa. Nekoliko je po­škodovan na stiku z zidom 4 (sl. 2.22). above the walking surface in the interior. In wall 2, the entrance is preserved (Figs. 2.22-2.24). Only the contact of walls 3 and 4 at the south­western corner is slightly damaged (Fig. 2.21). The internal measurements of the tower are 2.9 × 4.8m. Wall 1 It is approx. 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones the space between which was filled with mortar and stone debris (Fig. 2.22). It was preserved up to approx. 0.8m high above the walking surface in the interior of the tower. Wall 2 It is approx. 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones, the space between them was filled with mortar and stone debris. A 0.9m wide entrance is preserved in the wall (Figs. 2.22-2.24). The inside and outside of the threshold were made from up to 0.3 × 0.2m big quarry stones, with stone debris covered with mortar in between (Fig. 2.22). Wall 3 It is about 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones, the space between them was filled with mortar and stone debris. It was preserved up to a height of approx. 0.4m above the walking surface in the interior of the tower. It is slightly damaged at the contact with wall 4 (Fig. 2.22). Zid 4 Wall 4 Tudi zid 4 je širok okrog 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnitih lomljencev, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen z malto in kamnitim drobirjem (sl. 2.22). Ohranjen je bil do višine pribl. 0,4 m nad hodno površino v notranjosti stolpa. Notranjost stolpa Za hodno površino je bila uporabljena zbita ilovica (plast 12), na kateri so ležale zaplate malte (sl. 2.22). Plast je ležala pribl. 0,3 m pod nivojem praga vhodnih vrat. Ohranjena je bila ob vseh štirih zidovih. Osrednji del stolpa 4 je zavzemala plast črne zemlje, v kateri so bili manjši kamniti lomljenci in veliko oglja – plast 11 (sl. 2.22). Ni jasno, ali gre za ostanke uničenega ognjišča ali le za močneje ožgano hodno površino. Celotno not­ranjost nad plastema 11 in 12 je prekrivala ruševinska plast rjave zemlje, mešane s kamnitimi lomljenci in kosi ometa. Nad njo je ležala še plast humusa, močno prepletena z drevesnimi koreninami. Prostor okoli stolpa Največ ravnega prostora je bilo ob zidu 1, vendar niti v 1 m širokem izkopu ob zidu niti v njegovi razširitvi ni bilo naselbinskih plasti ali sledov morebitne arhitek­ture. Skalna osnova je bila ponekod tik pod humusom, ponekod pa se je nekoliko znižala (do pribl. 0,5 m) in na tem mestu je bila še plast grušča in zemlje s skromnimi najdbami, vse skupaj je prekrival humus. Wall 4 is also about 0.7m wide, built from two rows of quarry stones, and the space between them was filled with mortar and stone debris (Fig. 2.22). It was preserved to a height of approx. 0.4m above the walking surface in the interior of the tower. Tower Interior The walking surface, represented by compact loam (layer 12) with patches of mortar lying on top of it, was located approx. 0.3m under the level of the entrance threshold. It was preserved along all four walls; (Fig. 2.22). The central part of tower 4 was occupied by a layer of black soil, in which smaller quarry stones and a lot of charcoal were found – layer 11 (Fig. 2.22). It is not clear whether these are remains of a destroyed hearth or just a more strongly burnt walking surface. The entire interior was covered with the destruction layer of brown soil mixed with quarry stones, and pieces of plaster. Above it was a layer of humus, strongly intertwined with tree roots. Space around the Tower The flattest space was along wall 1; nevertheless, in neither the 1m wide excavated strip along the wall nor in its widening were there any settlement layers or traces of any architecture. In places the bedrock was immediately beneath the humus and in other spots it slightly lowered (up to approx. 0.5m) allowing in these parts for a layer of gravel and soil with modest finds, all covered by humus. STOLP 5 TOWER 5 Ta stolp edini pred izkopavanji ni bil razpoznaven v reliefu terena, ki so ga prekrivali trava in grmovje ter en večji hrast. Lokacija stolpa je bila določena na podlagi oddaljenosti med že prej poznanimi stolpi in strateškega položaja. Stolp je bil potrjen s sondo leta 1982 (sonda 5), s katero je bil ugotovljen zid 1 (sl. 2.25). Zaradi velikega hrasta, ki je rasel na vzhodnem delu stolpa, tik ob zidu 4, je ta del ostal neprekopan (sl. 2.26; 2.27). Notranje mere stolpa so 3,10 × 4 m. Zid 1 Ohranjen je do štiri vrste v višino in je najbolje ohranjeni zid stolpa 5. Temeljen je na ilovnati osnovi – plast 5 (sl. 2.27). Širok je okrog 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen s kamnitim drobirjem in skromnimi ostanki malte (sl. 2.27). Zid 2 Od njega je ohranjenih le nekaj kamnov na stiku z zidom 1 in nekaj velikih temeljnih kamnov na stiku z zidom 3 (sl. 2.27). Zid 3 Od zidu 3 so ohranjeni le temelji ter nekaj kamnov na stiku z zidom 4 (sl. 2.27). Prior to the excavations, this tower was the only one which was not discernible in the relief of the terrain cov­ered by grass and shrubs as well as a larger oak tree. The tower’s location was determined considering the distance between the previously known towers and the strategic position. The tower was confirmed with the trial trench in 1982 (trial trench 5), which determined wall 1 (Fig. 2.25). Due to a large oak tree growing in the eastern part of the tower, immediately along wall 4, this part remained unexcavated (Figs. 2.26; 2.27). The internal measurements of the tower are 3.10 × 4m. Wall 1 It is preserved four row high and is the best­preserved wall of tower 5. Its foundations are on natural deposit of loam – layer 5 (Fig. 2.27). It is about 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones, the space between which was filled with modest remains of mortar and stone debris (Fig. 2.27). Wall 2 Only a few stones are preserved from this wall, at the contact with wall 1, and a few large foundation stones at the contact with wall 3 (Fig. 2.27). Zid 4 Bolje je ohranjen na stiku z zidovoma 1 in 3, v sredini pa je močno poškodovan zaradi drevesnih ko­renin. Širok je okrog 0,7 m, zgrajen iz dveh vrst kamnov, prostor med njimi je bil zapolnjen s kamnitim drobirjem in skromnimi ostanki malte (sl. 2.27). Notranjost stolpa Notranjost je zavzemala živa skala in v razpokah, zapolnjenih z ilovico (plast 12), so bili najdeni prazgodo­vinski ostanki. V vogalu zidov 1 in 4 je bila na tej plasti odkrita lisa žgane ilovice in prežganih kamnov z drobci oglja – plast 13 (sl. 2.27), ki verjetno predstavlja ostanek ognjišča. Nad njim je ležala 0,9 m debela ruševinska plast (plast 2), ki jo je prekrival še humus (plast 1). Wall 3 Only foundations and a few stones at the contact with wall 4 are preserved from wall 3 (Fig. 2.27). Wall 4 It is best preserved at the contact with walls 1 and 3, while in the middle it is strongly damaged by tree roots. It is about 0.7m wide, built from two rows of stones, the space between them was filled with stone debris and modest remains of mortar (Fig. 2.27). Tower Interior The interior was occupied by bedrock and in the cracks, filled with loam (layer 12), prehistoric remains were found. In the corner of walls 1 and 4, on this layer a patch of burnt loam and burnt stones with charcoal fragments was found – layer 13 (Fig. 2.27), which is prob­ably the remains of a hearth. A 0.9m thick destruction layer (layer 2) was found above it which was covered by humus (layer 1). Sl. 2.27: Stolp 5, tloris. M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.27: Tower 5, ground plan. Scale = 1:50. Prostor okoli stolpa Ob zidu 1 je bila v humusni plasti (plast 1) najdena plast prežgane ilovice s kamni (plast 14; sl. 2.27) – ver­jetno gre tudi tu (podobno kot v notranjosti stolpa) za ostanek ognjišča. Ruševinska plast je bila debela le do 30 cm in je ležala na ilovnati osnovi oziroma na živi skali. Space around the Tower In the humus layer (layer 1) along wall 1, a layer of burnt loam with stones was found (layer 14; Fig. 2.27) – this is also probably (similarly as in the tower’s interior) the remains of a hearth. The destruction layer was only up to 30cm thick and was located on the natural deposit of loam or on the bedrock. 47 CERKEV CHURCH Zgodnjekrščanska cerkev je bila postavljena na manjšo teraso južno pod najvišjo skalno ravnico. Usmer­jena je bila v smeri vzhod–zahod, z rahlim odklonom proti jugu (sl. 2.2). Sestavljajo jo ladja z apsidalnim zaključkom, narteks na zahodni in stranski prostor z baptisterijem na severni strani (pril. 1; 2.28; 2.29). Zunanje mere cerkve (skupaj z narteksom in strans­kim prostorom) znašajo 17,6 m × 9,5 m. Zidovi cerkve so bili grajeni iz belih apnenčevih lomljencev, zidovi stranskega prostora pa iz sivih kam­nov. The Early Christian church was built on a smaller terrace, south below the highest rock plateau (Fig. 2.2). It was oriented towards the east, with a slight deviation towards the south. It is composed of the nave with the apsidal ending, the narthex on the western, and annex with the baptistery on the northern side (App. 1; Figs. 2.28; 2.29). The external measurements of the church (together with the narthex and the annex) are 17.6 × 9.5m. The walls of the church were built from white lime­stone quarry stones, while the walls of the annex were made of grey stones. Vsi zidovi ladje so bili grajeni z malto, medtem ko sledov malte v zidovih stranskega prostora in narteksa ni bilo. Pri severnem delu zidu stranskega prostora (zid 7)je to lahko tudi posledica slabe ohranjenosti, za ostale zidove brez malte domnevamo, da so bili tako že grajeni. LADJA Cerkvena ladja z apsidalnim zaključkom je dolga 13,5 m in široka 6,5 m. Na vzhodnem delu ladje apsida zavzema skoraj celotno notranjo širino ladje. Ob stiku s severnim zidom (stik zidov 1 in 2) je apsida od ladje ožja samo za širino zidu, stik južnega zidu ladje z apsido (stik zidov 3 in 2) pa je skoraj popolnoma uničen. Zunanja širina apside je 5 m, dolžina pa 3 m (pril. 1). Zid 1 (severni zid) Njegova notranja dolžina je 10 m, širina ob apsi­di in narteksu 0,6 m, v delu, kjer je na zid na zunanji strani prizidan baptisterij, pa 0,45–0,50 m (pril. 1). Zid je bil postavljen na rob skalne police, teče v ravni liniji, v smeri vzhod–zahod. Zgrajen je bil iz dveh linij velikih apnenčevih lomljencev, povezanih z malto. Na vzhodnem zaključku iz zidu 1 izhaja zid 2 (zid apside), na zahodnem pa zid 4. Vsi trije zidovi so bili zgrajeni sočasno, saj prehajajo drug v drugega. Na vzhodnem vogalu je bil na zunanji severni strani prizidan zid 8 (vzhodni zid stranskega prostora). Manjši polkrožen zid (zid 5) je bil na notranjo stran zidu 1 prizidan pred zahodnim vogalom na zahodnem delu. Na severni zunanji strani je bil na zid 1 prizidan krstilni bazenček (glej opis Severni stranski prostor). V vzhodnem delu ladje je bil v zidu 1 meter širok vhod, ki je vodil v severni stranski prostor. Tla v vhodu (prag) so bila premazana z zglajeno malto, katere nivo je bil pribl. 20 cm nad nivojem estriha v ladji. Pred vhodom je v ladji na tlaku ležala velika ravna kamnita plošča, ki je služila kot stopnica (sl. 2.30). Vrhnja ploskev stopnice je pribl. v nivoju praga. Zid 1 je bil v notranjosti ladje ometan, kar dokazuje močna peščena plast ob njem (plast 7; sl. 2.31). V kotu med zidovoma 1 in 2 je bil omet temno sive barve še ohranjen na notranjem zidu, v zasutju (plast 2; sl. 2.31) pa je ležalo nekaj večjih kosov belega ometa, debelega do 7 cm. Nekaj kosov ometa je imelo oranžne lise na beli osnovi (sl. 2.33), eden pa črno črto na beli osnovi. Močno ometana je bila tudi zunanja stena, saj je debela plast odpadlega ometa ležala tudi ob severni strani zidu 1 (sl. 2.31; 2.32). Zid 2 (apsida) Polkrožni zid (2) apside, širok 0,55 m, je bil zgra­jen hkrati s severnim zidom (1) ladje, njegov odnos do južnega zidu 3 pa ni jasen, saj sta na stiku oba močno uničena (sl. 2.28; 2.34). Postavljen je bil večinoma na All walls of the nave were built with mortar, while there were no traces of mortar found in the walls of the annex and narthex. For the northern part of the annex (wall 7), this could be the consequence of poor preserva­tion, for the other walls lacking mortar we assume that they were built in this manner. THE NAVE The church nave with the apsidal ending is 13.5m long and 6.5m wide. At the eastern part of the nave, the apse occupies almost the entire inner width of the nave. Along the contact with the northern wall (contact of walls 1 and 2), the apse is narrower than the nave only by the width of the wall, while the contact of the southern nave wall with the apse (contact of walls 3 and 2) is almost completely destroyed. The external width of the apse is 5m and its length 3m (App. 1). Wall 1 (northern wall) Its internal length is 10m, its width along the apse and narthex is 0.6m, and in the part where the baptistery is added to the wall on the outside it is approx. 0.45–0.50m long (App. 1). The wall was built on the edge of a rock shelf, it runs in a straight line in the direction E–W. It was made of two rows of big limestone quarry stones connected by mortar. At the eastern ending, wall 2 (the apse wall) comes out of wall 1, and at the western wall 4 comes out of wall 1. All three walls were built simultaneously since they pass one into another. At the eastern corner, wall 8 (the eastern wall of the annex) was built onto the outer northern wall. A smaller semi­circular wall (wall 5) was added in front of the western corner at the western part to the inner side of wall 1. At the northern outer side, a baptismal font was added to wall 1 (see the description of the northern annex). There was a 1 metre wide entrance leading to the northern annex in the wall of the eastern part of the nave. The floor in the entrance (the threshold) was coated with polished mortar, the level of which was approx. 20cm above the level of the mortar floor in the nave. In front of the entrance in the nave, a large flat stone slab was found in the pavement which served as a step (Fig. 2.30). The top surface of the step was about on the level of the threshold. Wall 1 was plastered in the nave’s interior which is proven by a strong sandy layer alongside it (layer 7; Fig. 2.31). In the corner between walls 1 and 2, dark grey plaster was still preserved on the interior wall and in the debris (layer 2; Fig. 2.31), there were a few larger pieces of white plaster up to 7cm thick. Some of the pieces had orange blotches on the white foundation (Fig. 2.33), and one has a black line on the white foundation. The outer wall was also heavily plastered since a thick layer of fallen­off plaster was also found along the northern side of wall 1 (Figs. 2.31; 2.32). Sl. 2.29: Shema cerkve z oštevilčenimi zidovi, mrežo kvadrantov in lokacijami presekov. M. = 1:100. Fig. 2.29: Outline of the church with numbered walls, a square grid, and section locations. Scale = 1:100. 50 skalno osnovo oziroma na plast trde rjave zemlje – plast 16 (pril. 1; sl. 2.28). Zgrajen je iz dveh linij kamnov, povezanih z malto. Kamni zunanje linije so manjši od kamnov notranje. Na notranji strani severnega dela apside se je ohranil omet, čez katerega je bila kasneje prislonjena duhovniška klop (sl. 2.35). Južni krak apside, kjer je nivo skalne osnove višji, je slabše ohranjen, na nekaterih mestih skoraj popolnoma uničen (sl. 2.34; 2.35). Na dveh mestih na skali so vidni sledovi malte, v katero so bili postavljeni kamni. Duhovniška klop je bila ohranjena samo ob se­vernem kraku apside (pril. 1; sl. 2.34). Široka je od 0,6 do 0,7 m. Njeno lice, ki je obrnjeno proti prezbiteriju, je izdelano iz večjih pravilnih kamnov, v notranjosti pa Wall 2 (the apse) The semi­circular wall (2) of the apse, 0.55m wide, was built simultaneously with the northern wall (1) of the nave, its relationship with southern wall 3 is not clear since they are both heavily damaged at their contact (Figs. 2.28; 2.34). It was mostly built on a bedrock or a layer of hard brown soil – layer 16 (App. 1; Fig. 2.28). It is com­posed of two rows of stones bound together by mortar. The stones of the outer row are smaller than the stones of the inner. On the interior side of the northern part of the apse plaster is preserved, over which a priest’s bench was later placed (Fig. 2.35). The southern section of the apse, where the level of the bedrock is higher, is poorly preserved, in places almost completely destroyed (Figs. Sl. 2.31: Cerkev, presek 4 (G­H; prim. sl. 2.29). M. = 1:50.Fig. 2.31:Th e church, section 4 (G­H; cf. Fig. 2.29). Scale = 1:50. je dokaj nepravilno nametano kamenje in malta – plast 15. Iz klopi izhaja podstavek za noge, ki je bil 0,4–0,5 m nižji od ohranjene višine klopi. Podstavek je bil na vo­doravni in navpični stranici premazan s pribl. 2–3 cm debelim ometom. Pred podstavkom je ohranjena še zaplata estriha – plast 5, ki predstavlja hodno površino. Njena višina je enaka višini estriha, ohranjenega v ladji ob severnem zidu (pril. 1). 2.34; 2.35). In two places on the rock, traces of mortar can be seen into which stones were set. The priest’s bench was preserved only along the northern section of the apse (App. 1; Fig. 2.34). It is be­tween 0.6 and 0.7m wide. The site facing the presbytery, is made of larger stones of regular shape, but the interior consists of fairly irregularly dispersed stones and mortar – layer 15. A footstool comes out of the bench which was 0.4–0.5m lower than the preserved height of the bench. Over its horizontal and vertical sides, the footstool was coated with approx. 2–3cm­thick plaster. In front of the footstool, a patch of the mortar floor is also preserved – layer 5, which represents the walking surface. Its height is the same as the height of the mortar floor that is preserved in the nave along the northern wall (App. 1). Sl. 2.35: Cerkev, prezbiterij, presek 1 (A­B, prim. sl. 2.29). M. = 1:50.Fig. 2.35:Th e church, presbytery, intersection 1 (A­B, cf. Fig. 2.29). Scale = 1:50. Zid 3 (južni zid) Južni zid cerkve je bil ohranjen najslabše od vseh cerkvenih zidov (pril. 1; sl. 2.28). Njegova notranja dolžina je 9 m, originalna širina pa ni določljiva. Na nekaterih mestih je ohranjena samo zunanja linija kam­nov, na nekaterih je bil popolnoma uničen. Tudi stik z južnim krakom apside je skoraj popolnoma uničen, zato ni jasno, kakšen je bil jugovzhodni vogal ladje. Zid je bil delno postavljen na skalno osnovo, delno pa na temno rjavo zemljo – plast 16. Estrih v notranjosti je bil ohranjen samo v zahodnem delu v dolžini pribl. 3 m (pril. 1). Zunaj stavbe, ob zunanji strani zidu 3, v bližini njegovega stika z apsido, je bila prav tako ohranjena za­plata estriha – plast 22, na kateri sta ležala večja ploščata kamna – stopnici. Nivo višje je enak nivoju estriha ob severnem zidu ladje. Vhod v zidu ni ohranjen, vendar ga glede na stopnici lahko domnevamo na tem mestu, nasproti ohranjenemu severnemu vhodu v ladjo (pril. 1). Zid 4 (zahodni zid) Zahodni zid ladje je sestavljen iz severnega in južnega dela, ki predstavljata neposredno nadaljevanje zidov 1 (severni del) in 3 (južni del). Med severnim in južnim delom zidu 4 je vhod v ladjo (pril. 1; sl. 2.36; 2.37). V vhodu je kakovostno izdelan prag, ki je bil Wall 3 (southern wall) The southern wall of the church was preserved the poorest of all church walls (App. 1; Fig. 2.28). Its internal length is 9m, while its original length cannot be deter­mined. In places, only the exterior row of the stones is preserved, and the wall is completely destroyed in others. The contact with the southern section of the apse is also almost completely ruined, making it unclear what the south­eastern corner of the nave looked like. The wall was partly built on the bedrock and partly on the dark brown soil – layer 16. The mortar floor in the interior was pre­served only in the western part in a length of approx. 3m (App. 1). Outside of the building, along the external side of wall 3, near its contact with the apse, one more patch of the mortar floor is preserved – layer 22, on which two larger flat stones were found – the stairs. The level of the higher stair is the same as the level of the mortar floor along the northern wall of the nave. The entrance in the wall is not preserved, but, based on the two stairs, can be assumed in this spot, opposite the northern entrance to the nave (App. 1). Wall 4 (western wall) The western wall of the nave is composed of a north­ern and a southern part which are the direct continuation proti severnemu delu zidu 4 jasno omejen, stik praga z zidom na južnem delu je bolj nejasen, saj je bil zid tu zelo uničen. Prag je dolg 1,5 m. Vzdolž njegovega vzhodnega roba (proti notranjosti ladje) je bila v širini ene tretjine vhoda iz manjših kamnov izdelana stopnica (ohranjena v dolž. 0,9 m). Vzdolž zahodnega roba vhoda (proti nar­teksu) je bil prag 10 cm pod nivojem stopnice do dveh tretjin širine premazan z ometom, prav tako notranji rob stopnice. Verjetno je na ometu ležala lesena deska, ki je morala s stopnico predstavljati zgornjo ploskev praga. Omet je s praga potegnjen še po steni vhoda v severnem delu zidu 4 (sl. 2.36). Pred pragom sta v notranjosti na estrihu, malo pod nivojem stopnice, ležala velika ploš­čata kamna (pril. 1; sl. 2.36; 2.37). Na zaključek južnega dela zidu 4 je bil na zunanji strani pod ostrim kotom prizidan južni zid narteksa (zid 11). of walls 1 (the northern part) and 3 (the southern part). Between the northern and southern part of wall 4 is the entrance to the nave (App. 1; Figs. 2.36; 2.37). In the en­trance, there is a threshold of quality construction, which was clearly limited towards the northern part of wall 4; the contact of the threshold with the wall on the southern part is less clear since the wall was here badly damaged. The threshold is 1.5m long. Along its eastern edge (towards the interior of the nave), there was a stair (pre­served in the length of 0.9m) made of smaller stones in the width of one third of the entrance. Along the western edge of the entrance (towards the narthex), the threshold was 10cm below the level of the stair up to two thirds of the width coated with plaster, the same as the inner edge of the stair. On the plaster there was probably a wooden plank which together with the stair had to represent the upper plane of the threshold. Plaster runs from the threshold on to the entrance wall in the northern part of wall 4 (Fig. 2.36). In front of the threshold in the interior on the mortar floor, just below the level of the stair, there were two more big flat stones (App. 1; Figs. 2.36; 2.37). The southern wall of the narthex was added to the ending of the southern part of wall 4 on the exterior side under acute angle (wall 11). Notranjost Notranjost cerkvene ladje (brez apsidalnega za­ključka) meri 10 × 5 m. Apsida je široka 3,6 m, dolga pa 2,3 m. Zid 1 temelji na robu skalne police (pril. 1; sl. 2.28), ki v notranjosti ladje pade za pribl. 60 cm. Skalna osnova se proti jugu še spušča in je ob zidu 3 pribl. meter pod ohranjenim nivojem tlaka. Razpoke v skali zapolnjuje siva ilovica – plast 20. Notranjost ladje nad skalno os­novo je izravnana z močno (20–50 cm debelo) plastjo temno rjave zemlje, mešane z manjšimi apnenčevimi kamni – plast 4, nad njimi pa je 10–20 cm debela plast apnenčevih lomljencev – plast 3, ki so sestavljali osnovo za estrih – plast 5 (sl. 2.38). Estrih je bil ohranjen v do 1,6 m širokem pasu ob severnem zidu (zid 1) in v pribl. 2 m širokem pasu ob zahodnem zidu 4 (sl. 2.38; 2.40). Ob prehodu iz ladje v stranski prostor je na estrihu ležal pribl. 20 cm visok ploščat kamen, verjetno je šlo za stopnico (sl. 2.30). Prezbiterialni del je bil s pribl. 10 cm visoko stop­nico ločen od ostale ladje. Stopnica je še ohranjena v estrihu v severnem delu ladje (sl. 2.39). V sredini vzdolžne osi ladje, pribl. 0,5 m pred prezbiterijem, je ležal ploščat kamen, velik pribl. 80 × 50 × 10 cm (pril. 1; sl. 2.28). Ruševinska plast pod njim kaže, da je v sekundarni legi (sl. 2.40). Verjetno gre za ostanek osnove za prižnico – ambon, ki je stala v bližini. V severozahodnem vogalu ladje (v kotu med zidovoma 1 in 4) je bil ločen manjši polkrožni prostor (pril. 1; sl. 2.36; 2.37; 2.41; 2.45). Polkrožni zidec (zid 5), ki ga loči od ladje, je bil širok pribl. 45 cm in grajen iz dveh vrst manjših kamnov. V njem je le malo sledov malte. V višino je ohranjen do največ 30 cm nad hodno površino, verjetno tudi originalno ni bil višji. Vhod v prostor ni bil najden. Notranjost polkrožnega prostora je bila premazana z debelim estrihom – plast 12, ki kot omet prehaja na oba cerkvena zidova (zid 1 in zid 4; sl. 2.36), ne pa tudi na polkrožni zidec. Površina tlaka je na podobni višini kot površina tlaka v ladji. V vogalu polkrožnega prostora, tik ob zidu 4, je bila v tlaku luknja premera 30 × 30 cm (sl. 2.37). Tlak je prekrivala tanka plast žganine – plast 11, to pa ostanek s sten odpadlega ometa – plast 7 in ruševinska plast – plast 2 (sl. 2.31). Hodno površino je v večini ladje prekrivala tanka (nekaj mm debela), vendar jasno ločljiva plast črne zemlje, ki je bila posebej izrazita v kotu med zidovoma 1 in 2. Nad njo je ob zidovih ležala plast ruševinskih kamnov in sipke zemlje, močno mešane z zdrobljeno malto (plast 2; sl. 2.31), nad njo pa še humus in veliki ruševinski kamni (plast 1). The Interior The interior of the church nave (without the apsidal ending) measures 10 × 5m. The apse is 3.6m wide and 2.3m long. Wall 1 has foundations on the edge of a rock shelf (App. 1; Fig. 2.28), which descends for about 60 cm within the nave. The bedrock then continues to descend towards the south and is approx. 1m below the preserved level of pavement along wall 3. Cracks in the rock are filled with grey loam (layer 20). The interior of the nave above the bedrock is levelled with a strong (20–50cm thick) layer of dark brown soil, mixed with smaller limestone pebbles – layer 4, over them is a 10–20cm thick layer of limestone quarry stones (layer 3), which formed the foundation for the mortar floor (layer 5) (Fig. 2.38). The mortar floor was preserved in the up to 1.6m wide strip along the northern wall (wall 1) and in the ap­prox. 2m wide strip along western wall 4 (Figs. 2.38; 2.40). At the transition from the nave into the annex, a flat stone about 20 cm in height was found lying on the mortar floor which was probably a step (Fig. 2.30). The presbyterial part was separated from the rest of the nave by an approx. 10cm high step. The step is still preserved in the mortar floor in the northern part of the nave (Fig. 2.39). A large flat stone in the size of approx. 80 x 50 x 10cm was found lying in the middle of the longitudinal axis of the nave, about 0.5m in front of the presbytery (App. 1; Fig. 2.28). The destruction layer beneath it indicates that the stone is in the secondary position (Fig. 2.40). It is probably the remains of the foundation for the pulpit – ambon located nearby. In the north­western corner of the nave (in the cor­ner between walls 1 and 4), there was a separate smaller semi­circular area (App. 1; Figs. 2.3; 2.37; 2.41; 2.45). The semi­circular wall (wall 5), which separates it from the nave, was approx. 45cm wide and built from two rows of smaller stones. It includes only scarce traces of mortar. It is preserved 30cm high at the most above the walking surface; it is probable that it was not higher, even origi­nally. The entrance to the area was not found. The interior of the semi­circular area was laid with a thick mortar floor – layer 12, which as plaster spills onto both church walls (walls 1 and 4; Fig. 2.36), but not also onto the semi­circular wall. The pavement surface is at a similar height as the pavement surface in the nave. In the corner of the semi­circular area, immediately by wall 4, there was a hole with the diameter of 30 × 30cm in the pavement (Fig. 2.37). The pavement was covered by a dark layer of charcoal – layer 11, which was covered by the remains of plaster fallen off the walls – layer 7, and a destruction layer – layer 2 (Fig. 2.31). In the greater part of the nave the walking surface was covered by a thin (a few mm thick), yet clearly dis­cernible layer of black soil, which was especially empha­sised in the corner between walls 1 and 2. Above it, along Sl. 2.38: Cerkev, presek 3 (E­F; prim. sl. 2.29). M. = 1:50.Fig. 2.38: Th e church, section 3 (E­F; cf. Fig. 2.29). Scale = 1:50. Sl. 2.39: Cerkev, presek 2 (C­D; prim. sl. 2.29). M. = 1:50.Fig. 2.39:Th e church, section 2 (C­D; cf. Fig. 2.29). Scale = 1:50. NARTEKS Narteks je prizidan na ladjo in severni stranski prostor. Je nekoliko nepravilne (trapezaste) oblike, verjetno zaradi prilagajanja terenu. Njegova zahodna stranica (zid 10) ne teče vzporedno z zahodnim zidom ladje (zid 4). Je daljša od njega, zato je narteks nekoliko širši, kar omogoča prehod v stranski prostor severno od cerkve (pril. 1; sl. 2.41). Zid 9: Severni zid narteksa je dolg 3,7 m in širok 0,5 m. V topem kotu prehaja neposredno iz zidu 10 (pril. 1) in je z veliko količino malte prizidan na zid 6 (zahodni zid stranskega prostora; sl. 2.42). Temelji na skalni os­novi in trdi zemljeni plasti – plast 16. Ob zidu 9 je 1,6 m širok prehod med narteksom in severnim prizidkom (sl. 2.45). Tlak ni ohranjen, višina skalne osnove pa ustreza višini tlaka v ladji. Zid 10: Je zahodni zid narteksa. Njegova dolžina je 6,5 m in širina 0,5 m. Prehaja neposredno v zidova 9 in 11. Temelji na skalni osnovi oziroma na trdi zemljeni plasti – plast 16; 1,3 m od severozahodnega vogala je prekinjen s pribl. 1,2 m široko odprtino (pril. 1; sl. 2.40; 2.41). Skalna osnova v odprtini je zravnana. Na tem mestu je bil verjetno vhod v narteks, ki pa ni ohranjen. Zid 11: Južni zid narteksa je bil dolg 4 m, širok 0,5 m in prizidan na jugovzhodni vogal zahodnega zidu cerkve (zid 4). Pribl. 0,5 m pred stikom z zidom 4 nekoliko zavije proti severu in v tem delu služi tudi kot del zidu grobnice (pril. 1; sl. 2.41; 2.43; 2.44) v narteksu. Notranjost: Narteks je bil v večjem delu postav­ljen na skalno osnovo, na južni strani pa je temeljil na zemljeni plasti 16. Tlak (plast 14) je bil ohranjen samo ob severnem delu zidu 4. Površina estriha je na podobni višini kot površina estriha v ladji pri vhodu. Južni in zahodni del narteksa je zavzemala zbita ilovnata plast z drobci ometa in keramike – plast 17 (pril. 1; sl. 2.39). the walls was a layer of debris and fine soil, strongly mixed with crushed mortar (layer 2: Fig. 2.31), with humus and big stones above it (layer 1). NARTHEX The narthex is added to the nave and the northern annex. It is of a slightly irregular (trapeze) shape, probably for the adjustment to the terrain. Its western side (wall 10) does not run parallel to the western wall of the nave. It is longer than the western side of the nave (wall 4), making the narthex slightly longer than the nave’s width, which enables the passage to the annex north of the church (App. 1; Fig. 2.41). Wall 9: The northern wall of the narthex is 3.7m long and 0.5m wide. It traverses directly from wall 10 at an obtuse angle (App. 1) and is added to wall 6 with a great amount of mortar (the western wall of the annex; Fig. 2. 42). It has foundations on the bedrock and compact soil layer – layer 16. A 1.6m wide passage between the narthex and the northern annex ran along wall 9 (Fig. 2.45). The pavement is not preserved and the height of the bedrock corresponds to the height of the pavement in the narthex. Wall 10: is the western wall of the narthex. Its length is 6.5m and its width 0.5m. It traverses directly into walls 9 and 11. It has foundations on the bedrock or on the hard soil layer (layer 16). It is interrupted with an approx. 1.2m wide opening 1.3m from the north­western corner (App. 1; Fig. 2.41). The bedrock in the opening is flattened. The entrance to the narthex was probably here but is not preserved. Wall 11: The southern wall of the narthex was 4m long, 0.5m wide, and added to the south­eastern corner of the western wall of the church (wall 4). Approx. 0.5m prior to its contact with wall 4 it slightly turns towards Nad skalno osnovo in plastjo 17 je, tako kot v cerkveni ladji, ležala plast ruševinskih kamnov in sipke zemlje, močno mešane z zdrobljeno malto – plast 2, nad njo pa plast večjih ruševinskih kamnov in humusa – plast 1. V jugovzhodni kot med zidova 4 in 11 je bila postavljena kamnita grobnica notranjih dimenzij 0,6 × 2,1 m in globoka 1,15 m. Južna stranica grobnice je bila v zahodnem in osrednjem delu prislonjena ob zid 11, v vzhodni tretjini pa je steno grobnice predstavljal zamaknjeni vzhodni del zidu 11 (pril. 1), kar kaže, da sta bila grobnica in zid zgrajena sočasno. the north and in this part also serves as a part of the wall of the tomb (App. 1; Figs. 2.41; 2.43; 2.44) in the narthex. The interior: The narthex was mostly built on the bedrock and had foundations on soil layer 16 in the southern part. The pavement (layer 14) was preserved only along the northern part of wall 4. The mortar floor surface is on a similar height as the mortar floor surface in the nave near the entrance. The southern and western parts of the narthex were composed of a compact loamy layer with fragments of plaster and pottery – layer 17 (App. 1; Fig. 2.39). Above the bedrock and layer 17, there was, just as in the church nave, a layer of ruin stones and soil, mixed with crushed mortar – layer 2, and above it a layer of larger ruin stones and humus – layer 1. A tomb made of stone with internal dimensions 0.6 × 2.10m and depth of 1.15 m was placed in the south­eastern corner, between walls 4 and 11. The southern side of the tomb in its western and central part leaned on wall 11, while in the eastern third the wall of the tomb was represented by a displaced eastern part of wall 11 (App. 1), which indicates that the tomb and wall were built simultaneously. The tomb walls were built from a row of smaller (up to 20cm big) stones that were, especially on the northern and western sides, on top thickly coated with mortar. Zidovi grobnice so bili zgrajeni iz vrste manjših (do 20 cm velikih) kamnov, ki so bili posebej na severni in zahodni strani po vrhu obilno premazani z malto. Dno je bilo premazano z estrihom (plast 21; pril. 1). V grobnici so ležali ostanki dveh skeletov v anatomski legi z glavami na zahodni strani grobnice. V severovzhodnem vogalu je ležala množica kosti, ki niso bile v anatomski legi, ob zahodni steni grobnice še ena in ob južni še dve lobanji (sl. 2.43). Kosti so bile prekrite z mešanico zemlje, manjših in večjih kamnov in prežgane ilovice – plast 19. Še višje so v črni zemlji (plast 18) ležale velike kamnite plošče – ostanki pokrova grobnice (sl. 2.44). The bottom was coated with mortar floor (layer 21; App. 1). In the tomb, there were remains of two skeletons in the anatomical position with heads on the western side of the tomb. A multitude of bones that were not in an anatomical position was found in the north­eastern corner, along the western tomb wall another skull and along the southern wall two more (Fig. 2.43). The bones were covered with a mixture of soil, smaller and larger stones, and burnt loam (layer 19). Higher up in the black soil (layer 18) there were large stone slabs – remains of the tomb lid (Fig. 4.44). SEVERNI STRANSKI PROSTOR Na severni strani cerkve je bil na zid 1 prizidan ozek stranski prostor notranjih dimenzij pribl. 10,5 × 2,5 m (pril. 1; sl. 2.28; 2.41). Dostopa v prostor sta bila dva – iz narteksa skozi prehod med zidovoma 1 in 9 (sl. 2.41; 2.45) in iz cerkvene ladje skozi vhod v zidu 1. Zid 1: Severni zid cerkve je hkrati južni zid strans­kega prostora (glej zgoraj). Zid 6: Je kratek, le pribl. 1,6 m dolg zidec, postav­ljen na plast trde rjave zemlje. Zgrajen je pravokotno na ometani severni zid narteksa (zid 9; sl. 2.45). NORTHERN ANNEX At the northern side of the church, a narrow annex with interior dimensions approx. 10.5 × 2.5m was added to wall 1 (App. 1; Figs 2.28; 2.41). Access to the room was from two sides – from the narthex through the passage between walls 1 and 9 (Figs. 2.41; 2.45) and from the church nave through the entrance in wall 1. Wall 1: The northern church wall is simultaneously the southern wall of the annex (see above). Wall 6: is a short, only approx. 1.6m long wall built on a layer of hard brown soil. It was constructed perpen­dicularly to the plastered northern wall of the narthex – wall 9 (Fig. 2.45). Zid 7: Je severni zid prostora in cerkve, teče popol­noma vzporedno s severnim zidom ladje (zid 1). Dolg je 10 m, širok 0,5 m in postavljen na skalno osnovo na izpostavljenem robu skalne police. Je precej slabo ohranjen, v osrednjem delu tudi popolnoma uničen. Na bolje ohranjenem vzhodnem delu je vidno, da je bil grajen na notranji strani iz večjih lomljencev, na zunanji pa iz manjših (pril. 1; sl. 2.28). Zid 8: Njegova notranja dolžina je 2,2 m, širok je 0,5 m. Temeljen je bil na skalni osnovi. V osrednjem delu je uničen, stika z zidovoma 1 in 7 pa sta vidna in sta izdelana pod pravim kotom. Zid 8 je prizidan na zid 1, stik je bil nato prevlečen z malto (pril. 1). Notranjost: Ves stranski prostor zavzema živa skala, razpoke v njej so zapolnjene z ilovico – plast 20. Razpo­ka v osrednjem delu prostora ima obliko križa, vendar ni jasno, ali je bila tako oblikovana namerno ali gre za naključje (pril. 1; sl. 2.28). Sledovi tlaka v notranjosti prostora niso bili ohra­njeni, na skalni osnovi je ležala temna ruševinska plast 13, ob zidu 1 pa nad njo plast padlega ometa – plast 7. Nad njima sta ležali še ruševinski plasti 2 in 1 (sl. 2.32). Krstilnica: Ob zunanje lice severne stene ladje (zid 1) je bila pribl. 3,2 m od severozahodnega vogala prizidana v temelju polkrožna kamnita konstrukcija (2,6 x 4,4 m), znotraj katere je bil izdelan obzidan ba­zenček kvadratnega tlorisa (pril. 1; sl. 2.45). Zahodni del konstrukcije temelji na sivi ilovici (plast 20), vzhodni vsaj deloma na živi skali. Lok polkrožnega temelja je na vzhodnem delu lepo viden (zidova 14 in 13; pril. 1; 2.29), na zahodnem slabše, ker stik zidov (12 in 13) ni ohranjen. Za gradnjo bazenčka so verjetno izkoristili naravno skalno kotanjo, zapolnjeno s sivo ilovico (plast 20). Od višje lege zidov so ohranjeni južni zid (zid 15) in stranska (12 in 14), severni (13) le deloma. Ožji južni Wall 7: is the northern wall of the annex and the church and runs completely parallel to the northern wall of the nave (wall 1). It is 10m long, 0.5m wide, and built on a bedrock at an exposed edge of the rock shelf. It is fairly poorly preserved and totally destroyed in the central part. On a better­preserved eastern part, it can be seen that it was made of bigger quarry stones on the inner side and from smaller ones on the outer (App. 1; Fig. 2.28). Wall 8: Its interior length is 2.2m and it is 0.5m wide. It had foundations on a bedrock. It is demolished in the central part, but contacts with walls 1 and 7 are visible and made at a right angle. Wall 8 was added to wall 1 and their contact was then coated in mortar (App. 1). The interior: The entire annex is occupied by bedrock and the cracks in it are filled with loam – layer 20. The crack in the central part of the room is shaped like a cross; however, it is not clear whether it was intentionally shaped like that or it is just a coincidence (App. 1; Fig. 2.28). Traces of pavement in the interior of the room were not preserved, dark destruction layer 13 was lying on the bedrock, and a layer of fallen off plaster – layer 7 was on top of it along wall 1. On top of them were two more destruction layers, 2 and 1 (Fig. 2.32). The baptistery: A semi­circular stone construction (2.60 × 4.40m) – a baptismal font – was added to the ex­terior face of the northern nave wall (wall 1) approx. 3.2m from the north­western corner, within which a walled­in pool of square ground plan was made (App. 1; Fig 2.45). The western part of the construction has foundations on grey loam (layer 20), while the eastern is at least partly on the bedrock. The arch of the semi­circular foundation is clearly visible on the eastern part (walls 14 and 13; App. 1; Fig. 2.29) and less clearly on the western due to the fact that the contact of walls (12 and 13) is not preserved. The natural rock basin filled with grey loam (layer 20) was zid je v celoti naslonjen na ometano steno ladje (zid 1), torej prizidan naknadno (sl. 2.45; 2.46). Stranska zidova – zahodna in vzhodna stranica bazenčka – sta širša, ohranjena kraka sta pod pravim kotom prav tako prizidana na ometano steno ladje. Stik zahodnega s severnim delom oboda bazenčka (stik zidov 12 in 13) je uničen (sl. 2.47; 2.48). Južna stranica (zid 15), s katero je bila konstruk­cija dozidana na steno ladje, je bila grajena iz ene vrste manjših kamnov in široka le pribl. 0,2 m (sl. 2.46). Ohranjeni del zahodne stranice bazenčka (zid 12; šir. 0,55 m) je grajen iz dveh vrst kamnov. Vzhodna stranica (zid 14; šir. zgoraj 0,33 m [s stopnico pribl. 0,5 m]) je bila grajena iz dveh vrst kamnov. Med seboj so bili vezani z obilico malte. Njena spodnja vrsta na notranji strani je bila pomaknjena nekoliko naprej, tako da je tvorila ozko stopnico (široko pribl. 0,15 m; sl. 2.47; 2.48). Bolj izra­zita stopnica (široka 0,25 m) je bila s temeljnimi kamni oblikovana na zunanji strani vzhodne stranice (sl. 2.49). Stene bazenčka so bile prevlečene z rdečim ome­tom, dno pa s plastjo rdečkastega vodoodpornega estriha (plast 10), ki je bil potegnjen tudi nekoliko navzgor, tako da je delno prekrival rdeč omet, s katerim so bile premazane navpične stranice (sl. 2.46; 2.49). V sredini je v estrihu izoblikovan pribl. 12 × 8 cm širok lijakast odtok (sl. 2.49). Na najvišje ohranjenem mestu je globina bazenčka pribl. 0,5 m. Bazenček je prekrivala tanka plast črne zemlje s koščki oglja (plast 9), nad njo je ležala ruševinska plast 2. probably used for the construction of the font. From the higher level of walls, only the southern wall (wall 15) and the two side walls (12 and 14) are preserved, the northern one (13) only partly. The narrower southern wall com­pletely leans on the plastered nave wall (wall 1), which indicates that it was added later (Figs. 2.45; 2.46). The two side walls – the western and eastern side of the font – are wider and the preserved segments are also added to the plastered nave wall under the right angle. The contact of the western with the northern part of the font (the contact of walls 12 and 13) is destroyed (Figs. 2.47; 2.48). The southern side (wall 15), with which the con­struction was added to the nave wall, was built from one row of smaller stones and only approx. 0.2m wide (Fig. 2.46). The preserved part of the western side of the font (wall 12; width 0.55m) was built from two rows of stones. The eastern side (wall 14; width at the top 0.33m [with the approx. 0.50m step]) was built from two rows of stones. They were bound together by a multitude of mortar. Its lower row in the inner side was moved slightly forward, as to form a narrow step (approx. 0.15m wide; Figs. 2.47; 2.48). A more emphasised step (width 0.25m) was formed from foundation stones on the outer side of the eastern side (Fig. 2.49). The font walls were coated with red plaster and the bottom with a layer of reddish waterproof mortar floor (layer 10), which continued slightly upwards so as to partly cover the red plaster with which the verti­cal sides were coated (Figs. 2.46; 2.49). In the centre, an approx. 12 × 8cm wide funnel­shaped drain was formed (Fig. 2.49). At the highest preserved spot, the font depth is about 0.5m. The font was covered with a thin layer of black soil including pieces of charcoal (layer 9), under it was destruction layer 2. OKOLICA CERKVE Ker je bila okolica cerkve izkopana le pribl. meter okrog zidov, o hodni površini v neposredni bližini ni­mamo dovolj podatkov. Na severni strani, severno od krstilnice, je hodno površino verjetno predstavljala kar nekoliko zravnana skalna osnova, katere nivo je tu precej višji kot na južni strani (razlika je ponekod blizu 3 m). Tam lahko kot ostanek hodnega nivoja interpretiramo plast malte (plast 22; pril. 1), ki je ohranjena na južni strani južnega zidu ob domnevnem vhodu v prezbiterij in je pribl. 25 cm nižja od domnevne kamnite stopnice pred vhodom. Pred domnevnim vhodom v narteks (v zahodnem zidu 10) je višina skalne osnove podobna višini ohranjenega estriha v narteksu (glej tam) ali višini tlaka v ladji. SONDE Na naselbinskem platoju je bilo izkopanih tudi 10 sond (sl. 2.2). Z njimi se je poskušalo ugotoviti morebitne objekte, ki na površini niso bili vidni (glej pogl. 1). Sonda 1 je bila locirana na vrhu hriba (sl. 2.2), v pribl. 2 × 1 m veliki kotanji, ki je bila deloma narav­na, deloma pa umetno izoblikovana. V kotanji je bila odkrita le tanka humusna plast, ki je ležala takoj nad skalno osnovo. S sondama 2 in 3 na robu skalnatega platoja se je skušalo ugotoviti obstoj morebitnega obrambnega obzidja in naselbinskih struktur med stolpi, pa tudi na­tančneje kronološko določiti prazgodovinsko poselitev Korinjskega hriba (glej pogl. 1). Sonda 2 je bila izkopana na manjši ravnici med stolpoma 1 in 2, dolga je bila 6 in široka 2,5 m (sl. 2.2; 2.50). Nad skalno osnovo je ležala plast svetlo rjave ilo­vice, mešane s kamni (plast 3). Nad njo je bila plast rjave zemlje (plast 2), mešane s kamni. V delu proti notranjosti naselbine je plast 2 prekrivala še plast 1 – zemlja, močno mešana z žganino, ki predstavlja ostanek recentne oglar­ske kope. Sonda 2 je presekala rob naselbine, v njej pa ni bilo ugotovljenih objektov iz poznoantičnega obdobja. Sonda 3 je ležala na pobočju, pribl. 10 m južno od stolpa 3, dolga je bila 6 in široka 1,5 m (sl. 2.2; 2.51) in je prav tako segala čez rob naselbine, da bi pokazala morebitne ostanke obrambnega obzidja, vendar je bila ugotovljena le nekoliko nasuta terasa (plast 1). Sonda 4 je ležala v podaljšku stolpa 4, v pobočju nad njim, z njo pa naj bi ugotovili morebitno poselitev okoli­ce stolpa. Dolga je bila 8 in široka 1,5 m. Kulturna plast v sondi je bila izredno plitva, saj je bila skalna osnova odkrita že na globini 0,4 m. Nad njo je ležala plast temne ilovice in kamnov, nad to pa tanka plast humusa. Sonda je kasneje prešla v sistematsko izkopavanje stolpa 4. S sondo 5 je bil odkrit stolp 5, zato je kasneje prerasla v sistematsko izkopavanje stolpa 5 (glej tam). THE CHURCH SURROUNDINGS Since the surroundings of the church were excavated only approx. 1m around the walls, we do not have suf­ficient data about the walking surface in the immediate vicinity. On the northern side, north of the baptistery, the walking surface was probably represented by the roughly levelled bedrock, the level of which is much higher here than on the south side (in places the difference amounts to close to 3m). There a layer of mortar (layer 22; App. 1) preserved on the south side of the southern wall, along the supposed entrance to the presbytery, can be interpreted as the remains of the walking level, which is approx. 25cm lower than the supposed stone stair in front of the entrance. In front of the supposed entrance to the narthex (in western wall 10), the height of the bedrock is similar to the height of the preserved mortar floor in the narthex (see there) or the height of the pavement in the nave. TRIAL TRENCHES A total of 10 trial trenches were excavated at the settlement plateau (Fig. 2.2). They were made to try to establish potential structures that were not visible on the surface (see Chapter 1). Trial trench 1 was located at the top of the hill (Fig. 2.2), in an approx. 2 × 1m big hollow which was partly natural and partly artificially made. Only a thin humus layer situated immediately above the bedrock was dis­covered in the hollow. With trial trenches 2 and 3 at the edge of the rocky plateau, the existence of potential defensive walls and settlement structures between the towers was aimed to be determined, as well as to define chronologically more precisely the prehistoric settlement of Korinjski hrib (see Chapter 1). Trial trench 2 was dug on a smaller plain between towers 1 and 2, it was 6m long and 2.5m wide (Figs. 2.2; 2.50). Above the bedrock was a layer of light brown loam mixed with stones (layer 3). Above it was a layer of brown soil (layer 2) mixed with stones. In the part towards the interior of the settlement, layer 2 was covered by layer 1 – soil heavily mixed with charcoal, which is the remains of a recent charcoal pile. Trial trench 2 cut through the edge of the settlement but no structures from late antique period were discovered in it. Trial trench 3 was dug on the slope, about 10m south of tower 3, it was 6m long and 1.5m wide (Figs. 2.2; 2.51) and also reached over the edge of the settlement to reveal potential remains of a defensive wall; however, only a slightly levelled terrace was discovered (layer 1). Trial trench 4 was situated in the extension of tower 4, in the slope above it, and was made to discover potential population of the tower’s surroundings. It was 8m long and 1.5m wide. The cultural layer in the trench Sonda 6 je bila postavljena na vzhodnem, nekoliko položnejšem pobočju, kjer bi bilo glede na konfiguracijo terena mogoče pričakovati še en stolp, vendar v njej ni bilo najdenih ostankov objektov. S sondami 7–10 se je preverjala morebitna poselitev najvišjega platoja Korinjskega hriba, vendar v njih ni bilo najdenih ostankov objektov. was extremely shallow, for the bedrock was discovered at a depth of no more than 0.4m. Above it was a layer of dark loam and stones and a thin layer of humus above that. The trench was later made part of systematic excava­tions of tower 4. Trial trench 5 discovered tower 5, hence it was later made part of systematic excavations of tower 5 (see there). Trial trench 6 was set at the eastern, slightly less steep slope where, considering the terrain configuration, another tower could be expected; however, no structural remains were found there. Trenches 7–10 examined the potential settlement of the highest plateau of Korinjski hrib, yet once again they did not reveal any remains of structures. Sl. 2.50: Sonda 2, presek v smeri severozahod–jugovzhod (prim. sl. 2.2). M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.50: Trial trench 2, the section north­west–south­east (cf. Fig. 2.2). Scale = 1:50. Sl. 2.51: Sonda 3, presek v smeri zahod–vzhod (prim. sl. 2.2). M. = 1:50. Fig. 2.51: Trial trench 3, the section west–east (cf. Fig. 2.2). Scale = 1:50. 69 GROBIŠČE S poskusnim sondiranjem je bilo odkrito grobišče na severovzhodnem pobočju hriba, zunaj naselbinskega platoja, približno 25 m vzhodno od ruševin stare cerkve Sv. Jurija (sl. 2.2). Sonda je bila postavljena na manjši neizraziti terasi, orientirana približno v smeri sever–jug, velika 7 × 1,4 m. S sondo sta bila odkrita del skeleta in zidana grobnica, zato je bila v dolžini 4 m razširjena na približno 3,5 m (glej pogl. 11). Zidana grobnica notranjih dimenzij 1 × 2,7 m je bila odkrita približno v sredini sonde. Usmerjena je bila približno vzhod–zahod. Severni in južni zid sta bila širo­ka od 0,4 do 0,5 m, zahodni pa zaradi strmega pobočja ni bil v celoti odkopan. Vzhodni zid je bil popolnoma uničen zaradi velikega drevesa na tem mestu. V notranjosti je bila ob južnem zidu iz kamnov gra­jena klop, široka od 0,5 do 0,7 m, premazana z ometom. Del med klopjo in severnim zidom je bil širok od 0,3 do 0,4 m in prav tako premazan z ometom. Grobnica je bila izropana, saj je bilo v njeni not­ranjosti najdeno le nekaj razmetanih kosti. Ob grobnici je ležalo precej obdelanih kosov leh­njaka, kar kaže, da je bila obokana. Severno in južno od grobnice sta bila odkrita ske­leta. V celoti je bil izkopan le južni (skelet 1). Ležal je vzporedno z grobnico, v razdalji pribl. 1 m, z glavo na zahodu. Bil je brez pridatkov, le pri nogah je bilo odkri­tih nekaj odlomkov poznoantične keramike. Ostanki drugega skeleta (skelet 2, severno od grobnice) niso bili raziskani. BURIAL GROUND Trial trenching revealed a burial ground at the north­eastern slope of the hill, outside the settlement plateau, approximately 25m east of the ruins of the old church of St George (Fig. 2.2). The trench (7 × 1.4m) was set at a smaller, hardly discernible terrace, oriented approximately in the direction north–south. The trench discovered a part of a skeleton and a masonry tomb and was therefore widened in the length of 4m to approxi­mately 3.5m (see Chapter 11). The masonry tomb with inner dimensions 1 × 2.7m was discovered approximately in the middle of the trial trench. It was oriented roughly east–west. The northern and southern walls were between 0.4 and 0.5m wide, while the western wall was not completely excavated due to the steepness of the slope. The eastern wall was completely destroyed due to the big tree growing here. Inside, a bench made of stones, between 0.5 and 0.7m wide and coated with mortar was found along the southern wall. The part between the bench and the northern wall was between 0.3 and 0.4m wide and also covered with mortar. The tomb had been plundered since only a few scat­tered bones were discovered inside. A number of worked pieces of tufa were discovered lying around the tomb indicating that it was vaulted. North and south of the tomb, two skeletons were dis­covered. Only the southern one was (Skeleton 1)excavated completely. It was lying parallel to the tomb, at a distance of approx. 1m, with the head at the west. It lacked any grave goods, a few fragments of late antique pottery were discovered by the legs. The remains of the second skeleton (Skeleton 2, north of the tomb) were not researched. 3.NEKERAMIČNE NAJDBE 3.NON-POTTERY FINDS Tina MILAVEC KOVINSKE IN ROŽENE NAJDBE FIBULE V naselbini je bilo najdenih 33 celih fibul in njihovih odlomkov, od tega 13 zgodnjecesarskih, 10 poznorimskih, 7 poznoantičnih ter 3 neopredeljivi odlomki peresovin. Med fibulami iz obdobja od 1. do začetka 3. stoletja je odkrit primerek tipa Almgren 70/73 (t. 3: 3) in dva primerka tipa Almgren 84 (t. 31: 10,16). Ena fibula (t. 31: 9) je lahko nedokončan polizdelek ali preoblikovan kos tipa Almgren 84. Ena fibula (t. 13: 9) spada v tip Okorag, ki je datiran v čas med drugo polovico 1. in prvo polovico 2. st. (Jobst 1975, 29). Pet odlomkov fibul je podrobneje neopredeljenih (t. 31: 13–15,17–18). Srebrna panonska trobentasta fibula (Almgren 85) (t. 31: 12) se pojavlja v Panoniji in Noriku ter je datira­na v čas od sredine 2. do sredine oziroma konca 3. st. (Riha 1994, 74, t. 8: 1996). Ta tip fibul se na višinskih naselbinah ob sicer zelo pogostih močno profiliranih fibulah 1. in 2. st. ne pojavlja, znan je še bronast primerek s Krvavice pri Vranskem (Krempuš 2000, 217, kat. 24). Sidrasta fibula (t. 31: 11) je opredeljena v 2. st. in prvo polovico 3. st., ta tip se pojavlja na Balkanu in v Panoniji (Petković 2010, 112). Fibula v obliki črke S (t. 32: 1) je datirana v 2. in začetek 3. st. (Petković 2010, 219). Kolenčasta fibula (t. 31: 19) je datirana v 3. stoletje (Coci. 2004, 97), pogoste so v Meziji. Najdeni sta bili dve obročasti fibuli. Prva (t. 32: 2) je poškodovana obročasta fibula z nastavkom (igla ni ohranjena) tipa Sellye 1 oz. Jobst 36B (Jobst 1975, 125–126, t. 49–53). I. Sellye jih datira v drugo polovico 4.st., pripadale naj bi večinoma vojaški moški noši (Sel-lye 1990, 53–58; Istenič 2015a, 369, t. 1: 5,6). Podobne fibule so bile najdene tudi na višinskih naselbinah na Brinjevi gori, Zbelovski gori in na Tinju nad Loko pri Žusmu (Ciglenečki 1994, t. 2: 3; 3: 3; 5: 1) ter na Malem Njivču nad Novaki (Istenič 2015a, t. 1: 5,6). Druga (t. 32: 3) je poškodovana bronasta obročasta fibula z nazaj zavitimi konci rombičnega preseka tipa Jobst 36A, igla ni ohranjena (Jobst 1975, 217). Datirane so večinoma v METAL AND ANTLER FINDS FIBULAE In the settlement, 33 complete fibulae and their fragments were found, of which 13 are Early Roman, 10 Late Roman, 7 late antique, and 3 undefinable fragments of springs. Among fibulae from the period from the 1st to the beginning of the 3rd century, an example of type Almgren 70/73 (Pl. 3: 3) and two examples of type Almgren 84 (Pl. 31: 10,16) were discovered. One fibula (Pl. 13: 9) could be an unfinished intermediate product or a transformed piece of type Almgren 84. One fibula (Pl. 13: 8) belongs to type Okorag, which is dated to the time between the second half of the 1st and the first half of the 2nd century (Jobst 1975, 29). Five fibulae fragments are not possible to define precisely (Pl. 31: 13–15,17–18). The silver Pannonian trumpet-shaped fibula (Almgren 85) (Pl. 31: 12) appears in Pannonia and No-ricum and is dated to the time from the mid-2nd to the middle or the end of the 3rd century (Riha 1994, 74, Pl. 8: 1996). This type of fibulae generally does not appear at hilltop settlements in contrast with the very frequent strongly profiled fibulae of the 1st and 2nd centuries. A bronze example from Krvavica near Vransko is also known (Krempuš 2000, 217, cat. 24). An anchor-shaped fibula (Pl. 31: 11) is assigned to the 2nd century and the first half of the 3rd century, this type appears in the Balkans and Pannonia (Petković 2010, 112). The S-shaped fibula (Pl. 32: 1) is dated to the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century (Petković 2010, 219). A knee-shaped fibula (Pl. 31: 19) dates to the 3rd century (Coci. 2004, 97), such fibulae are frequent in Moesia. Two penannular fibulae were discovered. The first one (Pl. 32: 2) is a damaged penannular fibula (the pin is not preserved) of type Sellye 1 or Jobst 36B (Jobst 1975, 125–126, Pls. 49–53). I. Sellye dates them to the second half of the 4th century, and were supposedly part of mostly male military costume (Sellye 1990, 53–58; Istenič 2015a, 369, Pl. 1: 5,6). Similar fibulae were discovered at hilltop settlements at Brinjeva gora, Zbelovska gora, and Tinje 4. st. (Istenič 2015a, 369, t. 1: 4). Zelo podobne so bile najdene na Malem Njivču nad Novaki (Istenič 2015a, t. 1: 4), na Rifniku (Ciglenečki 1994, t. 4: 3) in Tonov­covem gradu (Milavec 2011a, t. 2: 1). Tudi za ta tip se predvideva, da pripada vojaški noši (Petković 2010, 225). Najdenih je bilo nekaj odlomkov fibul s čebuličasti-mi glavicami. Primerek tipa Keller 1 (t. 23: 8) je datiran med letoma 280 in 320 (Pröttel 1988, 349–353). Noga (t. 32: 4) spada k tipu Keller 3/4C. Odlomek noge in dela loka spada verjetno k tipu Keller 3/4D (t. 32: 5). Odlo­mek krakov in loka (t. 1: 3), kraka in čebulice (t. 32: 8) ter čebulici (t. 32: 6–7) pripadajo najverjetneje tipu Keller 3 ali 4. Fibule s čebuličastimi glavicami tipov Keller 3 in 4 so zelo pogosta najdba na višinskih naselbinah in drugod v poznorimskem obdobju, datirane so v drugo polovico 4. in še v začetek 5. st. (Keller 1971, 35; Pröttel 1988, 363, 372). Bronasta pločevinasta okrogla fibula (t. 13: 7) je precej uničena, okras na površini ni viden. Ohranjena sta nosilec za iglo in del peresovine (očitno bronaste), oboje je bilo pritrjeno na okroglo ploščico z zakovica-ma, podobno kot pri ploščatih fibulah v obliki križa ali ptic (Bitenc, Knific 2012, sl. 4). Podobne fibule so bile najdene v grobu 14 na Rifniku (Bolta 1981, t. 3: 9) ter v grobovih 177 (Šmid 1905/177) in 297 (Žmavc 1903/81) na Lajhu v Kranju (Stare 1980, t. 59: 7; 89: 15), datirane so večinoma v 6. st. Zaradi slabe ohranjenosti ne moremo sklepati, ali je bila morda okrašena s celicami in kamni ali stekli kot na primer fibule z Gradca pri Veliki Strmici (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, t. 1: 3), tako imenovanega zla­tega groba z Lajha v Kranju (Stare 1980, t. 114: 6) ali iz groba 33 v Dravljah pri Ljubljani (Slabe 1975, t. 10: 3). Odkriti sta bili dve uliti polnoplastični bronasti živalski fibuli v obliki goloba (t. 32: 9–10) (Bitenc, Knific 2012, sl. 1: 4,6; 5: 12,13).1 V nasprotju z nekaterimi fibu­lami v obliki ptic tip polnoplastičnih golobov ni omejen na jugovzhodnoalpski prostor ter staroselske kontekste in se lahko pojavlja tudi v domnevno barbarskih kon­tekstih. Z nekaj zaključenimi celotami je datiran v čas med sredino 5. in sredino 7. stoletja (Ibler 1991, 21–23, Liste 1c). Polnoplastične fibule v obliki goloba najdemo na zelo širokem prostoru bivšega imperija. Zanimivo je to, da so si med seboj oblikovno dokaj blizu. Vse imajo ozko in razpotegnjeno telo, razdeljeno s plastičnimi rebri na glavo, trup in rep ter kratek vrat. Trup je trikotnega preseka, okrašene pa so s poševnimi linijami in krožci s piko na repu (Knapič 2005, 10). Ta oblikovna enotnost postavlja zanimivo iztočnico za razmišljanje o njihovi distribuciji. Kot rečeno, jih najdemo tudi v barbarskih kontekstih, večkrat so izdelane iz srebra, kar je sicer redkost med romanskimi fibulami. Bronasta fibula z nazaj zavito nogo (t. 32: 12) sodi med zahodnobalkanske oz. dalmatinske fibule po Syni Uenze (Milavec 2009, 244–245, t. 2: 13). Znana je še ena Avtorja navajata, da podatki o najdišču niso povsem zanesljivi. above Loka pri Žusmu (Ciglenečki 1994, Pls. 2: 3; 3: 3; 5: 1), and at Mali Njivč above Novaki (Istenič 2015a, Pl. 1: 5,6). The second one (Pl. 32: 3) is a damaged bronze pen-annular fibula with rolled ends of rhombic cross section of type Jobst 36A, the pin is not preserved (Jobst 1975, 217). They are mostly dated to the 4th century (Istenič 2015a, 369, Pl. 1: 4). Very similar examples were found at Mali Njivč above Novaki (Istenič 2015a, Pl. 1: 4), Rifnik (Ciglenečki 1994, Pl. 4: 3), and Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, Pl. 2: 1). This type is also assumed to belong to military costume (Petković 2010, 225). A few fragments of crossbow fibulae were found. The example of type Keller 1 (Pl. 23: 8) is dated between 280 and 320 (Pröttel 1988, 349–353). The foot (Pl. 32: 4) belongs to type Keller 3/4C. The fragment of the foot and part of the bow probably belongs to type Keller 3/4D (Pl. 32: 5). The fragment of arms and bow (Pl. 1: 3), an arm and an onion-shaped knob (Pl. 32: 8), and two onion-shaped knobs (Pl. 32: 6–7) most probably belong to type Keller 3 or 4. Crossbow fibulae of types Keller 3 and 4 are a very frequent find in hilltop settlements and elsewhere in the Late Roman period and are dated to the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century (Keller 1971, 35; Pröttel 1988, 363, 372). A bronze sheet round fibula (Pl. 13: 7) is very damaged and the decoration on its surface cannot be discerned. A catch plate and a piece of the spring (ob­viously bronze) are preserved; both were attached to a round platelet with two rivets, similarly to flat cross or bird-shaped fibulae (Bitenc, Knific 2012, Fig. 4). Similar fibulae were discovered in grave 14 at Rifnik (Bolta 1981,Pl. 3: 9) and in graves 177 (Šmid 1905/177) and 297(Žmavc 1903/81) at Lajh in Kranj (Stare 1980, Pls. 59: 7; 89: 15), they are mostly dated to the 6th century. Due to its poor preservation we cannot assume whether it was decorated with cells and gems or glass, such as e.g. fibulae from Gradec near Velika Strmica (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, Pl. 1: 3), the so-called golden grave at Lajh in Kranj (Stare 1980, Pl. 114: 6) or grave 33 in Dravlje near Ljubljana (Slabe 1975, Pl. 10: 3). Two full-figure bronze pigeon-shaped animal fibulae were discovered (Pl. 32: 9–10) (Bitenc, Knific 2012, Figs. 1: 4,6; 5: 12,13).1 Unlike some other bird-shaped fibulae, the type of full-figure pigeons is not limited to the area of the south-eastern Alps and autochthonous contexts and can also appear in supposedly barbarian contexts. With a few closed contexts it is dated to the time between the mid-5th and the mid-7th century (Ibler 1991, 21–23, Liste 1c). Full-figure pigeon-shaped fibulae are found in a wide area of the Roman Empire. It is interesting that they are very similar in form. They all have a narrow and elongated body divided by ribs into the head, body, tail, and short neck. The body is of a triangular cross section, while fibulae are decorated with oblique lines and ring-and-dots 1 Authors state that the findspot data are not completely reliable. bronasta fibula z nazaj zavito nogo (t. 32: 13).2 Spada med majhne bronaste fibule z dvojno zanko po S. Uenze (Milavec 2009, 244, t. 2: 11; Bitenc, Knific 2001, kat. 169). Obe spadata med predmete, ki so bili v največji meri v uporabi v obdonavskih kastelih v 6. st. Sorodna fibula s tako imenovano navidezno nazaj zavito nogo je bila najdena na Gradišču v Cerknem (Istenič 2015b, sl. 8; Knific, Nabergoj 2016, sl. 8). Ptičja fibula v obliki ujede je okrašena s klinastim vrezom in za oko vstavljenim kamnom ali stekelcem (t. 1: 4; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 1; Bitenc, Knific 2012, sl. 3: 23). Spada med male živalske fibule v obliki ptic, ki so jih običajno nosili v parih in so bile priljubljen del ženske noše v drugi polovici 5. in prvi polovici 6. st. v zahodni in srednji Evropi, predvsem na alamanskem in bavarskem prostoru. Po obliki ni tipična predstavnica te vrste fibul, zato so dobre primerjave redke. Še najbolj podobna ji je fibula iz Akvileje (Vinski 1980, sl. 10). Kljub pomanjkanju analogij jo lahko morda razvojno postavimo med zgodnje in pozne različice tovrstnih fibul, kot sta jih razdelila Losert in Pleterski. Oblikovala sta štiri skupine, osnovane na prvih razdelitvah ptičjih fibul po Gertrud Thiry in Ute Haimerl (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 154–155). Variante druge polovice 5. st. so okraše­ne s klinastim vrezom in niellom in imajo na hrbtnem delu prikazana krila ter se s tem močno razlikujejo od korinjske. S ploskovnim celičenjem okrašeni kosi, ki so datirani v prvo polovico 6. st., nimajo več nakazanih kril, niti krempljev, ki pa so na korinjski fibuli še prisotni. Srebrna masivna fibula jezdeca (sl. 3.1 levo; t. 32: 11) prikazuje verjetno s čelado opremljenega konjenika, z drobnimi pikami je nakazano oblačilo ali oklep. Prav tako s pikami in vrezi je nakazana tudi oprava konja. Tudi ta fibula spada med male fibule ženske noše, ki so se nosile v parih. Material in okras jo ločujeta od lokal-no izdelanih jugovzhodnoalpskih živalskih fibul, ki so najpogosteje bronaste in okrašene s krožci s piko, cikcak vrezi ipd., zato je zelo verjetno, da prihaja obravnavana srebrna fibula (predmet ali nosilka) od drugod. Najbolj podobne srebrne fibule jezdecev na konju z razširjenimi rokami in okrasom drobnih pik najdemo na alaman­skem območju v Nemčiji, Franciji in Švici. Ursula Koch jih je razdelila na dve skupini, tiste z jezdeci, obrnjenimi naprej v smer gibanja, in tiste z jezdeci z razširjenimi rokami in obrnjenimi proti gledalcu. Korinjski fibuli zelo podobna po natančnem prikazu jezdeca in obleke ali opreme, vendar s konjem, ki ima dvignjeno sprednjo nogo, je bila najdena v Widdigu ob Renu v Nemčiji, ostali primerki druge skupine so zgoščeni severno od zgornje Donave (Marti 1990, 57–58, sl. 31, 32; Koch 1993, 34). Fibule obeh skupin imajo precej skupnih lastnosti okrasa in oblikovnih podrobnosti, videti je, da so izdelki istih delavnic. Vendar tudi te primerjave s korinjsko fibulo niso povsem ustrezne, saj so fibule večinoma manjše od korinjske. Po velikosti, ne pa po izvedbi in okrasu, je 2 Njen izvor s tega najdišča ni zanesljiv. on the tail (Knapič 2005, 10). This unity of form is an interesting cue for deliberation about their distribution. As mentioned, they are also found in barbarian contexts and they are often made of silver, which is generally rare among fibulae of the Romanised population. A bronze fibula with an inverted foot (Pl. 32: 12) belongs among western Balkan or Dalmatian fibulae ac­cording to Syna Uenze (Milavec 2009, 244–245, Pl. 2: 13). Another bronze fibula with an inverted foot is known (Pl. 32: 13),2 which belongs among small bronze fibulae with a double loop according to S. Uenze (Milavec 2009, 244, Pl. 2: 11; Bitenc, Knific 2001, cat. 169).Both belong among artefacts which were mostly used in the Danubian forts in the 6th century. A similar fibula with the so-called fake inverted foot was found at Gradišče in Cerkno (Istenič 2015b, Fig. 8; Knific, Nabergoj 2016, Fig. 8). A bird-of-prey-shaped fibula is decorated with chip carving and a gem or piece of glass inserted for the eye (Pl. 1: 4; Ciglenečki 1985, Pl. 1: 1; Bitenc, Knific 2012, Fig. 3: 23). It belongs among small bird-shaped fibulae which were usually worn in pairs and were a popular part of female costume in the second half of the 5th and the first half of the 6th century in western and central Europe, especially in the territory of Alemannia and Bavaria. In shape, it is not a typical representative of this type of fibu­lae, thus good comparisons are rare. It is most similar to a fibula from Aquileia (Vinski 1980, Fig. 10). Despite the lack of analogies, its development could be set between the early and late variants of such fibulae, as were divided by Hans Losert and Andrej Pleterski. They formed four groups, based on the first divisions of bird-shaped fibulae according to Gertrud Thiry and Ute Haimerl (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 154–155). Variants of the second half of the 5th century are decorated with chip carving and niello and have wings drawn on the back part making them very different from the Korinjski hrib variant. Pieces decorated with cloisonné, which are dated to the first half of the 6th century, no longer have wings or claws indicated, but these are still present on the fibula from Korinjski hrib. The silver massive horse-rider fibula (Fig. 3.1 left; Pl. 32: 11) depicts a horseman probably wearing a helmet, his clothing or armour is indicated by tiny dots. The horse’s apparel is also indicated by dots and incisions. This fibula, too, belongs among small fibulae of female costume that were worn in pairs. The material and decoration distin­guish it from locally made south-eastern Alpine animal fibulae, which are most frequently bronze and decorated with ring-and-dots, zigzag incisions, etc., therefore it is highly probable that the discussed silver fibula (the object or its wearer) comes from elsewhere. The most similar silver fibulae of horse-riders with open arms and the decoration of tiny dots are found in the Alemanni terri­tory in Germany, France, and Switzerland. Ursula Koch divided them into two groups: the ones with horse-riders facing the direction of the movement, and those with 2 Its origin in this site is not reliable. korinjskemu jezdecu primerljiva fibula iz Xantna (Marti 1990, sl. 31: B). Deloma primerljivi fibuli jezdecev, sicer bronasti in drugače okrašeni, sta bili najdeni na Sv. Lam-bertu pri Pristavi nad Stično (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 73, kat. 231) in na Rifniku. Fibula z Lamberta spada v prvo skupino, kaže jezdeca v profilu z obema rokama proti konjevemu vratu, konj ima nakazane le tri noge in grivo, obleka ali oprema obeh ni nakazana. Rifniška fibula je korinjski oblikovno v osnovnih potezah zelo podobna, le da je močno stilizirana in okrašena s krožci s piko (sl. 3.1 desno),3 deluje kot preprostejša varianta korinjskega konjenika. Časovno so fibule jezdecev opredeljene v drugo polovico 5. in 6. st. (Marti 1990, 57–58). Najdeni so bili tudi dva kosa bronaste (t. 13: 6; 32: 14) in en kos železne (t. 3: 2) peresovine. NAKIT Najden je bil srebrn obesek v obliki lunule (t. 32: 15). Podoben je bil odkrit na srebrni ogrlici iz sarkofaga pri Stanežičah (Gaspari 2014, 216), tovrstne ogrliceso večinoma datirane v 3. st. (Horvat, Žbona Trkman Za fotografijo in dovoljenje za objavo se zahvaljujem Maji Bausovac iz Pokrajinskega muzeja Celje. horse-riders with open arms and facing the observer. A fibula very similar to the one from Korinjski hrib in its very precise depiction of the horse-rider and his clothes and gear but with a horse with a lifted front leg, was found in Widdig along the Rhine in Germany; other examples of the second group are concentrated north of the upper Danube (Marti 1990, 57–58, Figs. 31, 32; Koch 1993, 34). Fibulae of both groups have quite a lot of common characteristics in decoration and figural details and seem to be products of the same workshops. However, these comparisons with the fibula from Korinjski hrib are not completely appropriate since those fibulae are mostly smaller than the one from Korinjski hrib. In size but not in shape and decoration, the fibula from Xanten is similar to the Korinjski hrib horse-rider (Marti 1990, Fig. 31: B). Two partly comparable fibulae of horse-riders, although bronze and differently decorated, were found at Sv. Lam­bert near Pristava nad Stično (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 73, cat. 231) and at Rifnik. The fibula from Sv. Lambert belongs to the first group: it portrays a horse-rider in the profile with both hands outstretched towards the horse’s neck, the horse has only three legs indicated and a mane, and the garment or gear of both is not indicated. The fibula from Rifnik is very similar to the one from Korinjski hrib in basic lines but is strongly stylised and decorated with 2016, 113–114). K podobnemu nakitu bi lahko spadal tudi bronast tulec (t. 32: 16) ali srebrn kavelj (t. 32: 17). Najdena je bila kvalitetno izdelana okrašena bro-nasta igla vrste stilus s šestkotnim presekom vratu (t. 1: 1). Saša Čaval jo je uvrstila v svoj tip 5, različico b, to so igle vrste stilus z izrazito večkotno razširitvijo vratu, našla pa ji je razmeroma dobro primerjavo na Sv. Hemi na avstrijskem Koroškem (Čaval 2013, 214–215, sl. 18, tam zavedena kot detektorska najdba). Igle tipa 5 z izra­zito razširjenim vratom se pojavljajo široko v srednji in jugovzhodni Evropi med koncem 5. in začetkom 7. st., za večino pa avtorica predlaga ožjo datacijo v sredino in drugo polovico 6. in morda še začetek 7. st. (Čaval 2013, 212–213). Preprosta neokrašena železna igla (t. 32: 18) po Čavalovi spada v tip 1, to so neokrašene igle vrste stilus z vratom okroglega preseka, ki se pojavljajo med drugo polovico 4. in 7. st. Povsem neokrašene železne izvedbe igel tipa stilus niso pogoste, najdene so bile na grobišču Lajh v Kranju, na Limberku nad Veliko Račno (Čaval 2013, 203–204, sl. 7) in na Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu (Milavec 2011a, t. 45: 9). Tudi okrašene različice, kot so bile najdene na Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2011a, t. 6: 5–9), so zelo redke (Čaval 2013, 212). Čavalova predlaga, da so bile morda uporabljane kot orodje, ne nakit. Vendar je v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru uporaba železa za nakit pogosta, iz železa so bili na primer izdelani prstani (Milavec 2011a, 35–36) in zapestnice (glej spodaj), zato bi lahko sklepali, da so občasno iz tega materiala izdelovali tudi okrasne igle. V stolpu 4 je bil najden obroček uhana iz bronaste žice z zanko, na kateri je bil verjetno pritrjen obesek ali košarica (t. 13: 4). Brez obeska je uhan težko datirati, najverjetneje pa spada med 5. in 7. st. Bronasta kocka uhana, v katero so bila vstavljena stekelca ali poldragi kamni (t. 32: 25), spada k uhanom tipa 3.2 po Christophu Egerju, ki je datiran v čas od poznega 5. st. in traja še v drugo polovico 6. st. na zahodnogotskih nekropolah v Španiji. Sicer je ta tip kock pogost na Krimu, v zahodni in jugozahodni Nemčiji, v Italiji pa je redek (Eger 2005, 447–448). Več najdenih obročkov bi lahko opredelili kot prstane. To so preprost bronast obroček s ploskim polkrožnim presekom (t. 32: 20), železen prstan z narebrenim obročem in majhno razširitvijo (t. 32: 21) ter dva obročka iz bronaste pločevine (t. 19: 3; 32: 19). Okrašen pločevinast prstan z rombično razširitvijo in vrezanim cikcak okrasom je zgodnjesrednjeveška najdba (t. 32: 22). Zadnja je tovrstne prstane obravnavala Elisabeth Nowotny pri analizi najdb z grobišča Thunau am Kampf. Razširjeni so v avstrijskem Podonavju (razenŠtajerske), na Moravskem, Slovaškem in v vzhodnih Alpah, ozke različice pa tudi na Madžarskem in v Dal-maciji. Datirani so v pozno 8. in 9. st., redki tudi še v začetek 10. st. (Nowotny 2018, 65–67). ring-and-dots (Fig. 3.1 right),3 and appears as a simpler variant of the horse-rider from Korinjski hrib. Horse-rider fibulae are assigned to the second half of the 5th and the 6th century (Marti 1990, 57–58). Two fragments of a bronze (Pls. 13: 6; 32: 14) and one fragment of an iron (Pl. 3: 2) spring were found. JEWELLERY A silver lunular pendant (Pl. 32: 15) was found. A similar one was discovered on a silver necklace from the sarcophagus near Stanežiče (Gaspari 2014, 216), while such necklaces are mostly dated to the 3rd century(Horvat, Žbona Trkman 2016, 113–114). A bronze sheet (Pl. 32: 16) or a silver hook (Pl. 32: 17) could belong to similar jewellery. A quality-made decorated bronze pin of stylus type with hexagonal neck cross section was also found (Pl. 1: 1). Saša Čaval assigned it to her type 5, variant b, which includes pins of the stylus type with emphasised polygonal widening of the neck, for which she found a relatively good comparison at Hemmaberg in Austrian Carinthia (Čaval 2013, 214–215, Fig. 18), recorded there as a metal detector find). Pins of type 5 with expressly widened neck appear widely in central and south-eastern Europe between the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 7th century, while for the majority the author suggests the narrow dating into the middle and second half of the 6th and possibly the beginning of the 7th century (Čaval 2013, 212–213). A simple undecorated iron pin (Pl. 32: 18) belongs to type 1 according to S. Čaval, which are undecorated pins of the stylus type with the neck of a round cross section, which appear between the second half of the 4th and the 7th century. Completely undecorated iron pins of the stylus type are not frequent; they were found at the cemetery of Lajh in Kranj, at Limberk above Velika Račna (Čaval 2013, 203–204, Fig. 7), and at Tonovcov grad near Kobarid (Milavec 2011a, Pl. 45: 9). The decorated variants, such as were found at Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, Pl. 6: 5–9), are also rare (Čaval 2013, 212). S. Čaval suggests that they could have been used as tools, not jewellery. However, in the area of the south-eastern Alps the use of iron for jewellery is frequent, e.g. both rings (Milavec 2011a, 35–36) and bracelets (see below) were made of iron, thus we could conclude that decorative pins were also occasionally made from this material. A loop of an earring made of bronze wire with a loop, on which a pendant or a basket was probably attached, was found in tower 4 (Pl. 13: 4). Without the pendant the earring is difficult to date: it probably belongs to the time between the 5th and the 7th century. A bronze earring polyhedron, into which pieces of glass or semi-precious 3 I would like to thank Maja Bausovac from the Regional Museum Celje for the photo and permission for publication. Odkrita je bila majhna železna zapestnica z okrog­lim presekom (t. 13: 5). Noša železnih zapestnic je bila zelo razširjena med staroselskim prebivalstvom konca 5. in 6. st. v jugovzhodnih Alpah (Riemer 2000, 92; Knific 2004, 96–97, sl. 8: 10). Kos bronaste zapestnice je lečastega preseka in okrašen z vrezi (t. 32: 23). Še en kos bronaste trakaste zapestnice je okrašen s križem (t. 22: 8). Odkrite so bili štiri steklene jagode (sl. 3.2): podol­govata modra jagoda (t. 13: 3), majhna okrogla jagoda (t. 32: 24; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 19) in polovica skoraj prosojne turkizne jagode v obliki melone (t. 6: 7) lahko po obliki in barvi spadajo v celotno rimsko obdobje. Polovica modre jagode z nataljenimi barvnimi drobci stekla (t. 13: 2) je bila obravnavana že dvakrat. Ugo-tovili smo, da se zelo pogosto pojavljajo v kontekstih med koncem 5. in prvo polovico 6. st., seveda pa so jih lahko nosili tudi kasneje (Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 20, op. 41; Milavec 2011a, 33–34). PASNE GARNITURE Dva okova (t. 32: 26–27) spadata k zgodnjerimski konjski opremi ali pasnim garnituram. Za okov (t. 32: 27) lahko primerjavo najdemo med predmeti faze lese-stones were inserted (Pl. 32: 25), belongs among earrings of type 3.2 according to Christoph Eger, which is dated to the time from the late 5th century and continues to the second half of the 6th century at Visigoth necropoleis in Spain. Generally, this type of polyhedrons is frequent in the Crimea and in western and south-western Germany, but is rare in Italy (Eger 2005, 447–448). Several found bands could be defined as rings. These are a simple bronze band with a flat semi-circular cross section (Pl. 32: 20), an iron ring with a ribbed band and a small widening (Pl. 32: 21), and two bands made of bronze sheet (Pls. 19: 3; 32: 19). A decorated metal sheet ring with a rhombic widen­ing and incised zigzag decoration is an Early Medieval find (Pl. 32: 22). Last to discuss such rings was Elisabeth Nowotny in her analysis of finds from the cemetery of Thunau am Kampf. They are widespread in the Austrian Danubian area (except Styria), in Moravia, Slovakia, and in the eastern Alps, and their narrow variants also in Hungary and Dalmatia. They are dated to the late 8th and the 9th century, while rare examples still appear in the beginning of the 10th century (Nowotny 2018, 65–67). A small iron bracelet with round cross section was found (Pl. 13: 5). The wearing of iron bracelets was very popular among autochthonous population at the end of the 5th and the 6th century in the south-eastern Alps (Riemer 2000, 92; Knific 2004, 96–97, Fig. 8: 10). A frag­ment of a bronze bracelet has a lentil-shaped cross sec­tion and is decorated with incisions (Pl. 32: 23). Another fragment of a bronze band bracelet is decorated with a cross (Pl. 22: 8). Four glass beads were discovered (Fig. 3.2): an oblong blue bead (Pl. 13: 3), a small round bead (Pl. 32: 24; Ciglenečki 1985, Pl. 1: 19), and a half of an almost transparent turquoise melon-shaped bead (Pl. 6: 7) could, based on form and colour, belong to the entire Roman period. A half of a blue bead with coloured glass shards (Pl. 13: 2) has been discussed twice. It was determined that they very often appear in contexts between the end of the 5th and the first half of the 6th century, but could, naturally, have been worn later, too (Ciglenečki 1985, Pl. 1: 20, footnote 41; Milavec 2011a, 33–34). BELT SETS Two fittings (Pl. 32: 26–27) belong to Early Roman horse equipment or belt sets. For fitting (t. 32: 27) the comparison can be found among artefacts of the phase of wooden structures in the 1st century in Celeia (Bausovac 2014, 47, Pl. 6: 10). Fitting (t. 32: 26) has comparisons at the cemetery of Intercisa (Teichner 2011, 120, Pls. 18: B 13: 2; 19: B 94: 3). The author assigns it to the pieces of the Flavian period which were found in grave contexts of the second half of the 4th century. nih objektov 1. st. v Celeji (Bausovac 2014, 47, t. 6: 10). Okov (t. 32: 26) ima primerjave na grobišču Intercisa (Teichner 2011, 120, t. 18: B 13: 2; 19: B 94: 3). Avtor ga postavlja med flavijskodobne kose, ki pa so najdeni v grobnih celotah druge polovice 4. st. Trije bronasti kosi pasne opreme spadajo okvirno v 3. st., predvsem pasni okov (t. 33: 3) in dvojni gumb (t. 33: 2) (Laharnar 2015, t. 4: 9–11). Tudi okrasni bronasti gumb (t. 33: 1) je lahko del pasne opreme. Najdeni so bili dva kosa poznorimskih pasnih garnitur (t. 33: 4–5), bronast suličast jermenski zaklju-ček, okrašen s klinastim vrezom, in bronast podolgovat okov. Suličasti jermenski zaključek (t. 33: 5) je Veronika Pflaum opredelila v tip 1 po Waltherju Böhmeju, nosili so se z garniturami s klinastim vrezom tipov A, B, Vieuxville in Chécy, datirani pa so v čas med letoma 380 in 420 (Pflaum 2002, 274, t. 3: 27). Podolgovati okov (t. 33: 4) je lahko spadal k mlajšim tipom pasnih garnitur, npr. enostavnim garnituram, ki so se nosile v začetku 5. st. (Pflaum 2000, 87). Najdenih je bilo pet železnih obročev pasnih spon (t. 3: 1; 13: 1; 19: 1; 23: 9; 33: 16) in en bronast obroč z železnim trnom (t. 33: 15). Železno tavširano pasno spono z ovalnim obročem (t. 23: 9) lahko datiramo med 5. in 7. st. (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 200–202), ostale pa še širše med 4. in 7. st. (Milavec 2011a, 40). Poškodovan bronast obroč pasne spone (t. 8: 7) ima primerjavo na Frauenbergu (Steinklauber 2013, t. 16: F 170). Najdeni so bili trije bronasti trni pasnih spon. Prvi je kijast presegajoč trn trikotnega preseka z narebreno bazo (t. 33: 7). Kijasti presegajoči trni so pogosti pred­vsem med drugo polovico 5. in prvo četrtino 6. st. na alamanskem, bavarskem, frankovskem in tirinškem prostoru (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 309), pa tudi na medi­teranskih pasnih sponah istega obdobja (Kazanski 1994), kamor spada tudi drugi korinjski trn polkrožnega pre­seka z okvirčkom za kamen ali stekelce na bazi (t. 33: 8). Manjši trn trapezastega preseka (t. 33: 9) ima podobno, a preprostejšo kvadratno bazo, datiramo ga lahko v 6. st. Bronasta pločevinasta okova pasne spone (t. 33: 13–14) najverjetneje pripadata poznorimskim pasnim sponam druge polovice 4. in začetka 5. st. (Sommer 1984, 19; Pröttel 1988, 357–369). Majhen bronast pravokoten okvirček pasne spone s trnom (t. 33: 12) je bil lahko uporabljen za spenjanje obutve, torbice ali drugih manjših jermenov in ima pogoste primerjave na grobiščih druge polovice 6. st. (Maurina 2016, 506, sl. 636: 19). Železen ledvičast okov pasne spone (t. 33: 6) po obliki spominja na bronaste (pogosto pozlačene) okove pasnih spon (tipov B 7 ali B 10), ki jih M. Schülze-Dörrlammova šteje med bizantinske, saj so predvsem okrašene variante najpogosteje pojavljajo v Mali Aziji. Datira jih v sredino in drugo polovico 5. st. (Schülze-Dörrlamm 2009, 54–59). Korinjski okov je izdelan iz železa in nima lukenj za zakovice, zato moramo biti pri Three bronze fragments of belt sets belong roughly to the 3rd century, especially the belt fitting (Pl. 33: 3) and the double button (Pl. 33: 2) (Laharnar 2015, Pl. 4: 9–11). The decorative bronze button (Pl. 33: 1) could also be part of a belt set. Two fragments of Late Roman belt sets (Pl. 33: 4–5), a bronze spear-shaped strap end with chip carving, and a bronze oblong fitting were found. The spear-shaped strap end (Pl. 33: 5) was assigned by Veronika Pflaum into type 1 according to Walther Böhme; such strap ends were worn with belt sets with chip carving of types A, B, Vieuxville, and Chécy, and are dated to the time between 380 and 420 (Pflaum 2002, 274, Pl. 3: 27). The rectangular fitting (Pl. 33: 4) could have belonged to the smaller types of belt sets, e.g. simple sets which were worn in the beginning of the 5th century (Pflaum 2000, 87). Five iron bands of belt buckles (Pl. 3: 1; 13: 1; 19: 1; 23: 9; 33: 16) and one bronze band with an iron prong (Pl. 33: 15) were discovered. The iron damascened belt buckle with an oval band (Pl. 23: 9) can be dated be­tween the 5th and the 7th century (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 200–202), while others somewhat broader between the 4th and the 7th century (Milavec 2011a, 40). The damaged bronze band of a belt buckle (Pl. 8: 7) has a comparison at Frauenberg (Steinklauber 2013, Pl. 16: F 170). Three bronze prongs of belt buckles were found. The first is a club-shaped overreaching prong of triangular cross section with a ribbed base (Pl. 33: 7). Club-shaped overreaching prongs are frequent especially between the second half of the 5th and the first quarter of the 6th century in the Alemannian, Bavarian, Frankish and Thuringian territory (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 309), as well as on Mediterranean belt buckles of the same period (Ka­zanski 1994), to which the second prong of semi-circular cross section with a frame for a gem or glass on a base from Korinjski hrib also belongs (Pl. 33: 8). A smaller prong of a trapeze cross section (Pl. 33: 9) has a similar, yet simpler square base and can be dated to the 6th century. Two bronze sheet belt buckle fittings (Pl. 33: 13–14) most probably belong to Late Roman belt buckles of the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century (Sommer 1984, 19; Pröttel 1988, 357–369). A small bronze rectangular frame of a belt buckle with a prong (Pl. 33: 12) could have been used for binding shoes, a purse or other smaller straps and has frequent comparisons at cemeteries of the second half of the 6th century (Maurina 2016, 506, Fig. 636: 19). In form the iron kidney-shaped belt buckle fitting (Pl. 33: 6) resembles bronze (frequently gilded) belt buckle fittings (of types B 7 or B 10), which are assigned by M. Schülze-Dörrlamm among the Byzantine, since especially decorated variants most frequently appear in Asia Minor. They are dated to the middle and the second half of the 5th century (Schülze-Dörrlamm 2009, 54–59). The fitting from Korinjski hrib is made of iron and has no rivet holes, thus caution needs to be taken with its classification. M. opredeljevanju previdni. Schülze-Dörlammova omenja bronaste in srebrne primerke, železnih ne, zato je spona glede na oblikovno podobnost sicer lahko sorodna in časovno podobno opredeljena, ni pa nujno. Tipološko ustrezen medeninast kos, okrašen z luskami, je bil najden na Zidanem gabru nad Mihovim (Lux 2006, 37, predmet št. 9). Dva zelo majhna okvirja okovov pasnih spon, iz­delana s celičenjem (t. 33: 10–11), spadata okvirno med zgodnjebizantinske mediteranske spone s konca 5. in začetka 6. st., ki se pojavljajo v različicah s polkrožnimi, ledvičastimi in pravokotnimi okovi ter z več oblikami obročev, skupen pa jim je okras vloženih poldragih kamnov ali steklenih ploščic v okovu. Pogoste so v me-rovinški Evropi ter celotnem Sredozemlju, uporabljala naj bi jih različna barbarska ljudstva (Vzhodni in Za­hodni Goti, Vandali itd.) in Romani, pripisujejo pa jim večinoma vzhodnorimski izvor (Böhme 1994; Kazanski 1994; Schülze-Dörrlamm 2009, 145). V Sloveniji so bile najdene spone tega tipa v Emoni (Slabe 1978, sl. 5), na Zidanem gabru nad Mihovim in Gradcu pri Veliki Strmici (Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 13: 12; 14: 9). Korinjskemu okovu oblikovno najbližji je najden na Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2011a, t. 8: 1). Dve majhni bronasti in pozlačeni sponi z okovom brez vmesnih prekatov in ohranjenim obročem sta bili najdeni v grobovih 12 in 238 na kranjskem Lajhu (Stare 1980, t. 11: 1; 73: 13), še en bronast okov pa v grobu 21 na Rifniku (Bolta 1981, t. 4: 11). V teh grobovih in v grobu 8 v Klistićih pri Tinjanu(Šonje 1980–1981, t. II) so bile tovrstne spone podobnih dimenzij (dolžina 2–3 cm) najdene skupaj z okovi, ki smo jih interpretirali kot okove torbic (Milavec 2011a, 44–45). Precejšnja verjetnost je, da gre tudi pri korinjskem okovu za del torbice ali morda garniture za obuvala. Polovica majhnega bronastega jermenskega za­ključka (t. 33: 17) je okrašena z znakom X in vtolčeni-mi pikami. Na jermen je bil jeziček pritrjen z dvema ohranjenima zakovicama. Tovrstni majhni jermenski zaključki so v ženskih grobovih večinoma najdeni v parih in ob nogah ter interpretirani kot deli garnitur za pripenjanje obuval. Glede na velikost so lahko tudi deli torbic. Najpogosteje se pojavljajo v germanskem prostoru v drugi polovici 5. in v 6. st. (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 289). V Sloveniji so razmeroma redki, najdeni so v nekaj grobovih v Kranju in v Dravljah v Ljubljani (Stare 1980, t. 27: 64: 5–6; 97: 332: 8; 106: 351: 12; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 65, kat. 202). Železen okov spone, okrašen s krožci s piko in križem in obrobljen z nasproti si stoječimi trikotniki (t. 1: 2), je bil najden na tlaku stolpa 1. Preprosta trikotna oblika, ki je bila na jermen pritrjena s tremi zakovicami, je prav tako majhnih dimenzij in je bila lahko uporabl­jena za torbico ali obuvala. Okov glede na obliko lahko postavimo med tako imenovane mediteranske pasne spone, datirane v drugo polovico 6. st. (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 62, kat. 188). Schülze-Dörlamm mentions bronze and silver examples but not iron ones; therefore, considering the similarity in form, the fitting could be similar and similarly classified in time, but not necessarily. A typologically matching example decorated with scales was found at Zidani gaber above Mihovo (Lux 2006, 37, artefact no. 9). Two very small frames of buckle belt fittings made made in cloisonne technique (Pl. 33: 10–11) belong roughly among the Early Byzantine Mediterranean buckles from the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century, which appear in variants with semi-circular, kidney-shaped, and rectangular fittings and with several forms of bands. What they have in common is the decora­tion of inserted semi-precious stones or glass platelets in the fitting. They are frequent in Merovingian Europe and all through the Mediterranean, and were supposedly used by various barbaric peoples (Ostrogoths and Visigoths, the Vandals, etc.) and the Romanised population, and are mostly attributed eastern Roman origin (Böhme 1994; Kazanski 1994; Schülze-Dörrlamm 2009, 145). In Slovenia, belt buckles of this type were found in Emona (Slabe 1978, Fig. 5), at Zidani gaber above Mihovo, and Gradec near Velika Strmica (Ciglenečki 2008, Figs. 13: 12; 14: 9). The closest in form to the fitting from Korinjski hrib was found at Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, Pl. 8: 1). Two small bronze and gilded buckles with a fitting without inner partitions and a preserved band were found in graves 12 and 238 at Lajh in Kranj (Stare 1980, Pls. 11: 1; 73: 13), and another bronze fitting in grave 21 at Rifnik (Bolta 1981, Pl. 4: 11). In these graves and in grave8 in Klistići near Tinjan (Šonje 1980–1981, Pl. II) such buckles of similar dimensions (length 2–3cm) were found together with fittings, which were interpreted as fittings of purses (Milavec 2011a, 44–45). It is highly likely that the fitting from Korinjski hrib is also part of a purses or possibly of a shoe set. A half of a small bronze strap end (Pl. 33: 17) is decorated with an X and punched dots. The strap end was attached to the strap with two preserved rivets. Such small strap ends are mostly found in female graves in pairs, lying by the feet and are interpreted as parts of sets for the fastening of shoes. Based on the size, they could also be parts of bags. Most frequently they appear in Germanian territory in the second half of the 5th and the 6th century (Losert, Pleterski 2003, 289). In Slovenia, they are relatively rare; they were found in a few graves in Kranj and Dravlje in Ljubljana (Stare 1980, Pls. 27: 64: 5–6; 97: 332: 8; 106: 351: 12; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 65, cat. 202). An iron fitting of a buckle decorated with ring-and-dots and a cross and surrounded with oppositely positioned triangles (Pl. 1: 2) was found in the pavement of tower 1. The simple triangular shape attached to the strap with three rivets is also of small dimensions and could have been used for a bag or shoes. Based on the form, the fitting can be classified among the so-called Razdelilnik za jermenje konjske oprave (t. 33: 18) ima najboljše primerjave med zgodnjesrednjeveškimi razdelilniki 9. in 10. stoletja na Moravskem in Slovaškem (Robak 2017, sl. 34: spodnja vrsta, tretji z leve). OROŽJE Odkrita je bila železna lamela oklepa (t. 13: 19). Kose lamel oklepov poznamo tudi z višinskih najdišč To-novcov grad, Gradišče nad Bašljem, Gora nad PolhovimGradcem, Rifnik pri Šentjurju, Sv. Lambert nad Pristavo pri Stični in Zidani gaber nad Mihovim, datirane so v drugo polovico 6. st. Dva skoraj cela ohranjena poznoan­tična oklepa pa sta bila najdena v Kranju (Sagadin 2016). Odkritih je bilo 21 puščičnih osti, od tega so tri s tulom in ostale s trnom. Osti s tulom imajo vse tri plošča-to konico, ena je deltoidne oblike (t. 1: 6), dve sta listasti (t. 19: 5; 33: 23). Od osti s trnom je ena poškodovana, s ploščato, verjetno trikotno dvokrilno konico (t. 6: 8). Druga ima deltoiden (t. 3: 6), tretja in četrta romboiden (t. 13: 16; 33: 21) in peta približno ovalen list (t. 13: 17). Časovno niso ožje opredeljive. Tri osti imajo trolistno konico (t. 3: 7; 19: 4; 33: 24). Železne trolistne puščične osti se pojavljajo skozi celotno zgodnje- in poznorimsko obdobje, obenem pa je zanje značilno povezovanje z vzhodnimi konjeniškimi nomadskimi ljudstvi od Skitov do Hunov in Avarov. Tipologijo rimskih trolistnih osti 1.-4. stoletja je naredil Werner Zanier. Ugotovil je, da so zgodnje trokrilne osti v glavnem manjše od poznoantičnih in imajo trikotno obliko krilc pri vratu pogosto podaljšano v zalusti. Po­znoantičnim podobna sta šele njegova tipa 3 in 4, tip 3 z rombično obliko krilc se pojavlja od republikanskega obdobja do 4. stoletja, tip 4 z ovalno oblikovanimi krilci pa spada v 4. stoletje (Zanier 1988). Vitke trolistne osti so bile široko v uporabi v 6. in 7. st., izpričana je tudi njihova izdelava v delavnici Crypta Balbi v Rimu v 7. st. (Maurina 2016, 524–525). Poznoantične trokrilne osti so avtorji pogosto pripisovali Hunom in Avarom ali vsaj njihovemu vplivu, Uta von Freeden pa je poskusila ločiti avarske osti od sredozemsko-bizantinskih v poznorimski tradiciji (Von Freeden 1991). Ugotovila je, da lahko ve-čino trokrilnih osti izven avarskega območja postavimo v vzhodnorimski krog, avarske osti naj bi se pojavljale omejeno in šele v 7. oz. v drugi tretjini 7. stoletja. Ost (t. 1: 10) ima trolistno konico s piramidalnim vrhom, takšne so bile odkrite tudi na Zidanem gabru (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 73, kat. 235), Rifniku (Bolta 1981, t. 24: 91; Knific 1995, sl. 11: 2), grobišču Lajh v Kranju (Knific 1995, sl. 11: 1; Odar 2006), Gradcu nad Strmico (Odar 2003, kat. 5) in na Gradcu nad Prapretnim (Bau­sovac 2003, t. 2: 1). Dve osti (t. 33: 19–20) imata ploščato konico z vr­hom pravokotnega preseka. Takšne so bile odkrite tudi na Gradišču nad Bašljem (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 71–72, Mediterranean belt buckles, dated to the second half of the 6th century (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 62, cat. 188). A divider for straps of horse equipment (Pl. 33: 18) has the best comparisons among Early Medieval divid­ers of the 9th and 10th centuries in Moravia and Slovakia (Robak 2017, Fig. 34: bottom row, the third from the left). WEAPONRY An iron armour lamella was discovered (Pl. 13: 19). Pieces of armour lamellas are known from the hilltop sites of Tonovcov grad, Gradišče above Bašelj, Gora abovePolhov Gradec, Rifnik near Šentjur, Sv. Lambert above Pristava pri Stični, and Zidani gaber above Mihovo; they are dated to the second half of the 6th century. Two almost completely whole preserved late antique armours were found in Kranj (Sagadin 2016). A total of 21 arrowheads were found, three of which are socketed and the rest are tanged. All three socketed arrowheads have a flat head, one is of a deltoid shape (Pl. 1: 6), two are leaf-shaped (Pls. 19: 5; 33: 23). One of the tanged arrowheads is damaged and with a flat, probably triangular bilobate head (Pl. 6: 8). The second one has a deltoid (Pl. 3: 6), the third and fourth a rhomboid (Pls. 13: 16; 33: 21), and the fifth a roughly oval head (Pl. 13: 17). They cannot be narrowly defined in time. Three arrowheads have a trefoil head (Pls. 3: 7; 19: 4; 33: 24). Iron trefoil arrowheads appear throughout the en­tire Early and Late Roman periods, while simultaneously they are typically connected to the eastern horse-riding nomadic peoples from the Scythians to the Huns and Avars. The typology of Roman trefoil arrowheads of the 1st–4th century was done by Werner Zanier. He discovered that early trefoil arrowheads are mostly smaller than the late antique ones and the triangular shape of wings by the neck is often prolonged in the barb. Similar to the late an­tique ones are their types 3 and 4; type 3 with the rhombic shape of wings appears from the republican period to the 4th century, while type 4 with oval wings belongs to the 4th century (Zanier 1988). Narrow trefoil arrowheads were widely used in the 6th and 7th centuries, their making in the Crypta Balbi workshop in Rome in the 7th century is also attested (Maurina 2016, 524–525). Late antique trefoil arrowheads have been frequently attributed by various authors to the Huns and Avars or at least to their influence, while Uta von Freeden tried to distinguish Avarian ar­rowheads from the Mediterranean-Byzantine in the Late Roman tradition (Von Freeden 1991). She discovered that the majority of trefoil arrows outside the Avars territory can be set in the eastern Roman circle, while the Avarian arrowheads were supposed to appear limitedly and only in the 7th or the second third of the 7th century. An arrowhead (Pl. 1: 10) has a trefoil head with a pyramidal tip, such as were also discovered at Zidani gaber (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 73, cat. 235), Rifnik (Bolta kat. 226), Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2011a, t. 10: 16,17) in na Rifniku (Bolta 1981, t. 21: 9). Osti s piramidalnim in kvadratnim presekom vrha so v Sloveniji najdene na najdiščih, ki jim pripisujemo tudi ali predvsem vojaško vlogo, pogosto so bile na istih točkah najdene tudi lamele oklepov (Kranj, Gradišče nad Bašljem, Zidani gaber, Tonovcov grad, Rifnik). Le v redkih primerih so bile na slovenskih najdiščih najdene v dobro datiranih kontekstih, pogosto so detektorske najdbe. Datirane so osti iz groba druge polovice 6. st. z grobišča Kranj-Lajh (Knific 1995, sl. 11: 1) ali tista iz poznoantične plasti PA 2 na Tonovcovem gradu (Mi-lavec 2011a, t. 10: 16). U. von Freeden je oba tipa osti povezala s prebijanjem oklepov in ju datirala v konec ali zadnjo tretjino 6. st. (Von Freeden 1991, 602–604). Na ploščatih konicah z vrhom pravokotnega prese­ka z Bašlja, Tonovcovega gradu, Rifnika in na eni korinj-ski puščični osti (t. 33: 20) je prehod med ploskim delom lista v piramidalno konico oster. Pri drugi korinjski osti (t. 33: 19) pa ploski list zlagoma prehaja v piramidalno konico. Podobni osti sta bili najdeni na primer na na­selbini Sant‘Andrea di Loppio (Maurina 2016, 525, sl. 643: 30) in v zgodnjesrednjeveških kontekstih utrdbe Vrsenice v Srbiji (Popović, Bikić 2009, 116, sl. 97: 5). Ost z Vrsenic je daljša in vitkejša od ostalih. Na Loppiu je bila ost najdena v kontekstih zadnje uporabe naselbine, po letu 650, na Vrsenicah pa ta tip glede na številne druge primerjave na Balkanu, v Rusiji in vzhodni Evropi dati­rajo v čas od 8. st. in ga interpretirajo kot eno osnovnih oblik puščičnih osti na prostoru pod vplivom Bizanca. Šest osti ima konico pravokotnega preseka (t. 13: 15; 27: 1–4; 33: 22). Osti s kvadratnim presekom von Freednova postavlja v sredozemsko-vzhodnorimski krog 6. in 7. st. (Von Freeden 1991, 605–609), v jugo­vzhodnoalpskem prostoru pa so datirane drugače. Osti s kvadratnim presekom s trnom so najdene na Tinju nad Loko pri Žusmu (Ciglenečki 2000, t. 1: 21–26), Ančnikovem gradišču (Strmčnik 1997, t. 3: 9; 5: 8,14), Brinjevi gori (Pahič 1981, t. 4: 6), Rifniku (Bolta 1981, t. 25: 99), v zakladni najdbi s Puštala nad Trnjem (Štukl 2004, t. 2: 6–7), na Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2011a, 49–50, t. 10: 1–7) ter na Kuzelinu na Hrvaškem (Sokol 1994, t. 2: 1–6; Sokol 1998, 23–25). S. Ciglenečki glede na ta najdišča in še nekaj drugih, ki jih omenja (Rodik, Ludbreg, Varaždinske Toplice, Ljubljana: Ciglenečki 2000, 55–56), sklepa, da so tovrstne puščične konice značilne prav za konec 4. in prvo polovico 5. st. To da­tacijo potrjujejo tudi najdbe s Frauenberga nad Lipnico (Steinklauber 2002, grob 229, t. 63: 7–24; 64: 25–43). 1981, Pl. 24: 91; Knific 1995, Fig. 11: 2), Lajh cemetery in Kranj (Knific 1995, Fig. 11: 1; Odar 2006), Gradec above Strmica (Odar 2003, cat. 5), and Gradec above Prapretno (Bausovac 2003, Pl. 2: 1). Two arrowheads (Pl. 33: 19–20) have a flat head with the tip of a rectangular cross section. Such arrowheads were also discovered at Gradišče above Bašelj (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 71–72, cat. 226), Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, Pl. 10: 16,17), and Rifnik (Bolta 1981, Pl. 21: 9). Arrowheads with pyramidal and square tip cross section were found in Slovenia at sites which are also attributed a primarily military role; frequently armour la-mellas were also found at the same spots (Kranj, Gradišče above Bašelj, Zidani gaber, Tonovcov grad, Rifnik). Only rarely were they found at the Slovenian sites in well-dated contexts; they are often metal detector finds. Arrowheads from the grave from the second half of the 6th century from the cemetery of Kranj-Lajh (Knific 1995, Fig. 11: 1) or the one from late antique layer LA 2 at Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, Pl. 10: 16) are dated. U. von Freeden connected both types of arrowheads with lamellar armour piercing and dated them to the end or the last third of the 6th century (Von Freeden 1991, 602–604). On flat heads with a tip with a rectangular cross section from Bašelj, Tonovcov grad, Rifnik, and on one arrowhead from Korinjski hrib (Pl. 33: 20) the transition from the flat part of the head into the pyramidal tip is sharp. In the second arrowhead from Korinjski hrib (Pl. 33: 19) the flat head gradually transforms into the pyrami­dal tip. Two similar arrowheads were found, for example, at the settlement of Sant’Andrea di Loppio (Maurina 2016, 525, Fig. 643: 30) and in Early Medieval contexts of the Vrsenice fort in Serbia (Popović, Bikić 2009, 116, Fig. 97: 5). The arrowhead from Vrsenice is longer and nar­rower than others. At Loppio, the arrowhead was found in contexts of the last use of the settlement, after 650, while at Vrsenice this type is, considering its numerous comparisons in the Balkans, Russia, and eastern Europe, dated to the time from the 8th century and is interpreted as one of the basic forms of arrowheads in the territory influenced by Byzantium. Six arrowheads have a tip with a rectangular cross section (Pls. 13: 15; 27: 1–4; 33: 22). Arrowheads with square cross section are set by U. von Freeden into the Mediterranean-Eastern Roman circle of the 6th and 7th centuries (Von Freeden 1991, 605–609), while in the area of the south-eastern Alps they are dated differently. Ar­rowheads with a square cross section and a prong were found at Tinje above Loka pri Žusmu (Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 1: 21–26), Ančnikovo gradišče (Strmčnik 1997, Pls. 3: 9; 5: 8,14), Brinjeva gora (Pahič 1981, Pl. 4: 6), Rifnik (Bolta 1981, Pl. 25: 99), in the hoard from Puštal above Trnje (Štukl 2004, Pl. 2: 6–7), at Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, 49–50, Pl. 10: 1–7), and Kuzelin in Croatia (Sokol 1994, Pl. 2: 1–6; Sokol 1998, 23–25). Considering these sites and some others he mentions (Rodik, Ludbreg, ORODJE Poljedelstvo V stolpu 3 je bil v plasti 4 najden lemež rala (t. 9: 1). Lemež je bil popravljen, ojačana sta hrbet in rezilo, kar verjetno kaže na njegovo dolgo in intenzivno uporabo. Plast 4 predstavlja ostanek glinenega tlaka stolpa 3, zato lahko predvidevamo, da je bilo ralo (ali vsaj en njegov del) spravljeno na tleh v stolpu. Črtalo rala (t. 39: 1) je brez konteksta. Deli rala so pogosto najdeni na pozno­antičnih višinskih naselbinah in v zakladnih najdbah (Božič 2005, 342–346). Podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu sta bila na primer tudi na Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu lemež in črtalo rala spravljena v kotu bivalne hiše 1 (Milavec 2011a, 51, sl. 2.7). Živinoreja Delno zakrivljen kos železa predstavlja ostanek kose (t. 6: 10). Najdena sta bila še en kos kose (t. 34: 2) in kosir (t. 34: 5). Odkriti so bili trije kraki železnih škarij različnih velikosti (t. 7: 5; 27: 18; 34: 3), ki pa jim natančnejše oblike zaradi slabe ohranjenosti ne moremo določiti. Uporabljale so se lahko za striženje ovac ali tekstila in usnja. Obdelava lesa Najdeno je bilo majhno polkrožno rezilo (t. 34: 6), vendar ker je predmet trenutno izgubljen, detajli rezila in njegova dejanska uporaba niso jasni. Najdenih je bilo šest žličastih svedrov. Dva sta cela (t. 16: 1–2), eden je skoraj cel (t. 35: 1), od treh so ohranjene samo žličke (t. 16: 4–5; 34: 7). Vsi razen (t. 34: 7; 35: 1), ki sta brez podatkov o legi, so bili najdeni v stolpu 4 ali pri njem. Na hodni površini stolpa 4 sta ležala sveder (t. 16: 2) in žlička (t. 16: 4), ostala dva sta bila najdena v okolici. Sekira s podaljšanim čelom (t. 34: 1) spada v tip, ki se pojavlja na prostoru Panonije, Norika in severnega dela Ilirika s severovzhodno Italijo predvsem med 3. st. in poznorimskim obdobjem. Uporabljale naj bi se tudi kasneje, še v pozni antiki, a se jih oblikovno ne da dobro ločiti od starejših. Na prostoru današnje Slovenije so pogoste v naselbinah in zakladnih najdbah (Pflaum 2007, 323). Najdena so bila tri trikotna rezila z luknjami za zakovice (t. 1: 15; 14: 7; 27: 19). Primerljiva rezila so bila najdena na Tinju nad Loko pri Žusmu in na Aj­dovskem gradcu nad Vranjem pri Sevnici (Ciglenečki 2000, 57). Ciglenečki sklepa, da gre za orodje, verjetno manjšo žago. Varaždinske Toplice, Ljubljana: Ciglenečki 2000, 55–56), S. Ciglenečki concludes that such arrowheads are typical for the end of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century. This dating is also supported by finds from Frauenberg (Steinklauber 2002, grave 229, Pls. 63: 7–24; 64: 25–43). TOOLS Agriculture In tower 3, a ploughshare was found in layer 4 (Pl. 9: 1). The share was repaired and its back and blade are strenghtened, which probably indicates its long and in­tensive use. Layer 4 is the remains of a clay pavement of tower 3, thus we can assume that the plough (or at least one of its parts) was stored on the floor in the tower. The plough coulter (Pl. 39: 1) lacks context. Parts of ploughs are frequently found at late antique hilltop settlements and in hoards (Božič 2005, 342–346). In a similar way as at Korinjski hrib, the ploughshare and coulter were also stored in the corner of house 1 e.g. at Tonovcov grad near Kobarid (Milavec 2011a, 51, Fig. 2.7). Animal husbandry A partly curved piece of iron is the remains of a scythe (Pl. 6: 10). Another piece of a scythe (Pl. 34: 2) and a collar ferrule (Pl. 34: 5) were also found. Three arms of iron scissors of various sizes were discovered (Pls. 7: 5; 27: 18; 34: 3), the precise form of which cannot be determined due to poor preservation. They could have been used for shearing sheep or cutting fabric or leather. Wood processing A small semi-circular blade was found (Pl. 34: 6); however, since the artefact is currently lost, the details of the blade and its actual use are not clear. Six spoon augers were found. Two are whole (Pl. 16: 1–2), one is almost whole (Pl. 35: 1), and only the spoons are preserved in three examples (Pls. 16: 4–5; 34: 7). All except two (Pl. 34: 7; 35: 1), which lack the position data, were found in tower 4 or in the immediate vicinity. On the walking surface of tower 4, an auger (Pl. 16: 2) and a spoon (Pl. 16: 4) were found while the other two were found in the vicinity. An axe with extensions (Pl. 34: 1) belongs to the type appearing in the area of Pannonia, Noricum, and the northern part of Illyricum with north-eastern Italy especially between the 3rd century and the Late Roman period. They were supposedly also used later, in the late antiquity, but cannot be well distinguished in form Dva podolgovata železna predmeta spominjata na dleti (t. 7: 6–7). Obe sta bili najdeni pri stolpu 3. Gospodinjstvo Vretenca/predilne uteži so iz različnih materialov. Nekaj svinčenih primerkov je obravnavanih med svin-čenimi najdbami, saj so lahko predstavljali tudi druge vrste uteži (za tehtanje, ribiške mreže ipd.). Poleg teh je bilo v spodnji ruševinski plasti stolpa 4 najdeno še koščeno ali roženo vretence (t. 13: 20). Različni mate-riali pri podobnih velikostih skrbijo za različno maso in obtežitev vretena. Ciglenečki piše, da so rožena vretenca na slovenskih poznoantičnih najdiščih redka, polegkorinjskega omenja najdbe s Tinja nad Loko pri Žus-mu, Svetih gor, iz Predjame in Kopra (Ciglenečki 2000, 55). Najdena so bila tudi v Črnomlju (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 39, kat. 107) in na ohranjenem lesenem vretenu z Ajdovskega gradca nad Vranjem (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 51, kat. 145: 7). Najdeno je bilo dolgo železno šilo okroglega pre­seka (t. 3: 11). Še eno podobno je ležalo v grobnici v cerkvi (t. 27: 21). Podobni zašiljeni železni predmeti okroglega preseka so bili najdeni tudi v bivalnih stavbah na Tonovcovem gradu, Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjemin na Rifniku. Že pri obravnavi tonovških predmetov smo omenili, da so primerljive najdbe iz grobov na Ma-džarskem interpretirane kot preslice, korinjska najdba iz grobnice to teorijo morda potrjuje (Milavec 2011a, 53). Tri železne konice spadajo k železnemu glavniku za razčesavanje in čiščenje volne ali rastlinskih vlaken (t. 14: 14) (Bitenc 2002; Krasnik 2009). Odkrita je bila tudi šivanka (t. 27: 6). Železen ročaj (t. 15: 1) in železen okov z bunčicami (t. 35: 20) sta dela vedra. Trije koničasti železni predmeti z zanko (t. 14: 9; 35: 9–10) so največkrat opredeljeni kot šila, morda tudi kot kresila (Maurina 2016, 547) ali klini (Popović, Bikić 2009, 90–91, sl. 68). Dokončno njihova funkcija ni pojasnjena, gotovo pa je šlo za vsakdanje uporabno orodje, ki ga pogosto najdemo v grobnih in naselbinskih kontekstih (Pflaum 2007, 327). V grobovih se posebno pogosto pojavlja v zgodnjem srednjem veku v Furlaniji in zahodni Sloveniji (Svoljšak 1985, sl. 7, 8). Pogosti so tudi noži s podobnim zaključkom v obliki zanke (noži tipa Farra: Giovannini 2004). Drugo Odkriti so bili dva poškodovana bronasta zvonca (t. 35: 7–8) in bronast kembelj zvonca (t. 35: 11). Boljše ohranjeni zvonec (t. 35: 8) je piramidalne oblike z iz­rabljeno zanko za obešanje. Primerljivi so bili v Sloveniji najdeni na primer v zakladni najdbi z Grdavovega hriba from the earlier ones. On the territory of present-day Slovenia, they are frequent in settlements and hoards (Pflaum 2007, 323). Three triangular blades with rivet holes were discov­ered (Pls. 1: 15; 14: 7; 27: 19). Similar blades were found atTinje above Loka pri Žusmu and Ajdovski gradec above Vranje near Sevnica (Ciglenečki 2000, 57). S. Ciglenečki assumes that it was a tool, probably a small saw. Two oblong iron objects are reminiscent of chisels (Pl. 7: 6–7). Both were found near tower 3. Household Spindle whorls are made of different materials. A few lead examples are discussed among lead finds, since they could have been used as different types of weights (for weighing, fishing nets, etc.). In addition to these, an osseous or antler whorl (Pl. 13: 20) was found in the bot­tom destruction layer of tower 4. Different materials in similar sizes ensure different mass and load of the spindle. S. Ciglenečki writes that antler spindle whorls are rare at Slovenian late antique sites; in addition to the ones from Korinjski hrib, he mentions finds from Tinje above Lokapri Žusmu, Svete gore, Predjama, and Koper (Ciglenečki 2000, 55). They were also found in Črnomelj (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 39, cat. 107) and on the preserved wooden spindle from Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 51, cat. 145: 7). A long iron awl of round cross section was found (Pl. 3: 11). Another similar one was lying on the tomb in the church (Pl. 27: 21). Similar pointed iron objects of round cross section were found in houses at Tonovcov grad, Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, and Rifnik. When discussing objects from Tonovcov grad, we mentioned that comparable finds from graves in Hungary are inter­preted as distaffs, and the find from the tomb at Korinjski hrib could confirm this theory (Milavec 2011a, 53). Three iron points belong to an iron comb for the combing and cleaning of wool or plant fibres (Pl. 14: 14) (Bitenc 2002; Krasnik 2009). A needle was also found (Pl. 27: 6). An iron handle (Pl. 15: 1) and an iron fitting with punched decoration (Pl. 35: 20) are parts of a bucket. Three pointy iron objects with a loop (Pls. 14: 9; 35: 9–10) are most often defined as awls, possibly as fire strikers (Maurina 2016, 547) or spikes (Popović, Bikić 2009, 90–91, Fig. 68). Their function is not completely defined; however, it must have been an everyday, useful tool which is frequently found in grave and settlement contexts (Pflaum 2007, 327). In graves it especially fre­quently appears in the Early Middle Ages in Friuli and western Slovenia (Svoljšak 1985, Figs. 7, 8). Knives with a similar ending in the form of a loop are also frequent (knives of the Farra type: Giovannini 2004). (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 15, kat. 15: 17) in dveh zakladnih najdbah s Polhograjske gore (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 42, kat. 116, 117). Dragan Božič je obravnaval zvonce s Polhograjske gore, iz zakladnih najdb in z višinskih naselbin ter jih uvrstil v tip B 3 po W. Nowakovskem. Datiral jih je v poznorimsko obdobje. Sledeč W. Nowa­kovskemu meni, da ne gre za zvonce za pašno živino, za kar naj bi uporabljali le železne. Bronasti zvonci naj bi se v rimskem obdobju uporabljali v različne druge namene (od kultnih do opozorilnih) ter na jezdnih in vlečnih živalih (Božič 2005, 315–319). V kontekstu naselbine na Korinjskem hribu pride za bronaste zvonce v poštev predvsem uporaba za opozarjanje pred nevarnostjo ali za jezdne in vlečne živali. Najdeno je bilo kladivo (t. 8: 11). Železen člen verige (t. 3: 8) je lahko spadal k tehtnici ali drugemu orodju. Uporaba orodja (t. 34: 4) ni jasna. Interpretacije podobnih predmetov segajo od kovaškega orodja (scal-pello) (La Salvia 2017, sl. 9: 7,8) do sekača (Ciglenečki 2000, t. 4: 6) ali zagozde (Maurina 2016, 558–559). Ker so na topem delu predmeta vidni sledovi tolčenja, se zdi interpretacija kot orodje za odsekavanje precej verjetna. Vprašanje je, ali gre za predelavo kovin ali kakšno drugo funkcijo. Korinjski predmet je precej čokat, zato tudi interpretacija kot nakovalo ni povsem izključena. Med ostanke predelave kovin ali ingote lahko spa-dajo koščki brona in srebra (t. 35: 12–15). Za pet usločenih okovov z luknjicami nam še vedno ni uspelo določiti uporabe (t. 1: 9; 8: 1; 16: 6–7; 19: 13), čeprav smo že pri obravnavi najdb s Tonovcovega gradu dvomili o tem, da spadajo k ralu (Milavec 2011a, 52). Na Korinjskem hribu so bili najdeni po eden v sondi 4 (t. 16: 7), zunaj stolpa 1 (t. 1: 9), znotraj stolpa 3 (t. 8: 1), zunaj stolpa 4 (t. 16: 6) in zunaj stolpa 5 (t. 19: 13). Tovrstni okovi so na poznoantičnih naselbinah zelo po­gosti (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 262). Na Korinjskem hribu je opazno, da so razporejeni po eden na stolp, posebno zanimiva pa je kombinacija iz notranjosti stolpa 3, kjer je usločen okov ležal skupaj s ključem (t. 7: 3) in dvokrakim kosom železa (t. 7: 1), ki bi zlahka predstavljal del okova vrat ali ključavnice. Izpovedna se zdi tudi situacija iz vojaških barak na Duelu, kjer so najdeni večinoma po eden na stavbo, skupaj z okovjem vrat in oken, ključi, ključavnicami in včasih orodjem (Steinklauber 2013, t. 117: D 205; 132: D 316; 165: D 601, D 602; 173: D 683). Predmet s tordiranim ročajem, lopatastim enim in preluknjanim drugim zaključkom (t. 16: 3) je bil najden pri stolpu 4, močno pa spominja na lončarsko orodje, tako imenovano lončarsko spatulo (Busuladžić 2014, 119, t. 102, pr. 42). Miscellanea Two damaged bronze bells (Pl. 35: 7–8) and a bronze bell clapper were found (Pl. 35: 11). The better-preserved bell (Pl. 35: 8) is of pyramidal form with a worn handle for hanging. In Slovenia comparable bells were found e.g. in the hoard from Grdavov hrib (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 15, cat. 15: 17) and two hoards from Polhograjska gora (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 42, cat. 116, 117). Dragan Božič discussed bells from Polhograjska gora, the hoards, and from hilltop settlements and assigned them to type B 3 according to W. Nowakovski. He dated them to the Late Roman period. Following W. Nowakovski, he believes that these are not bells for grazing stock, for which only iron ones were supposedly used. In the Roman period bronze bells were supposedly used for various other purposes (from cult to warning) and on riding and draught animals (Božič 2005, 315–319). In the context of the settlement at Korinjski hrib, bronze bells could have been used primarily for warning against danger or for riding and draught animals. A hammer (Pl. 8: 11) was discovered. An iron chain link (Pl. 3: 8) could have belonged to scales or some other tool. The use of tool (Pl. 34: 4) is not clear. Interpretations of similar artefacts include many things from black­smithing tools (scalpello) (La Salvia 2017, Fig. 9: 7,8) to a cleaver (Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 4: 6) or a wedge (Maurina 2016, 558–559). Since traces of pounding are visible on the blunt part of the object, the interpretation of its use as a tool for cutting seems quite probable. The question remains whether we are dealing with metal processing or some other function. The artefact from Korinjski hrib is fairly stout, therefore its interpretation as an anvil cannot be completely excluded. Pieces of bronze and silver (Pl. 35: 12–15) could also belong among remains of metal processing or ingots. We have still been unable to determine the use for five curved fittings with holes (Pls. 1: 9; 8: 1; 16: 6–7; 19: 13), even though we have doubted their belonging to a plough even while discussing finds from Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, 52). At Korinjski hrib, one was found in trial trench 4 (Pl. 16: 7), one outside tower 1 (Pl. 1: 9), one within tower 3 (Pl. 8: 1), one outside tower 4 (Pl. 16: 6), and one outside tower 5 (Pl. 19: 13). Such fittings are very frequent at late antique settlements (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 262). At Korinjski hrib it can be noticed that they are distributed one per tower, while the combination from the inside of tower 3 is especially interesting since there the curved fitting was found together with a key (Pl. 7: 3) and a two-armed piece of iron (Pl. 7: 1), which would easily be a part of a door or lock fittings. The situation from the military barracks at Duel also seems telling since there such fittings were found mostly one per structure, together with door and window fittings, keys, locks, and occasionally tools (Steinklauber 2013, Pl. 117: D 205; 132: D 316; 165: D 601, D 602; 173: D 683). NOŽI Ohranjenih je 14 nožev (t. 1: 14; 3: 12,13; 7: 4; 14: 1–6; 26: 8; 27: 5; 35: 16,18), večina je bila odkritih pri stolpu 4. Med seboj so si zelo podobni, primerljive velikosti in oblike, verjetno gre za običajna rezila za vsakdanjo uporabo. PREDMETI IZ SVINCA Svinčeni pečat (t. 33: 25) je detektorska najdba brez konteksta. Na eni strani je upodobljen jezdec na konju ali morda kvadriga, na drugem sedeča figura, obe sta obrobljeni z (lovorovim?) vencem. Spada v poznorimsko obdobje, z njimi so pečatili uradne pošiljke. Pečata sta bila najdena tudi na Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2011, t. 22: 3) in na Kozjaku (Ciglenečki 2016, sl. 17: 10). Na pečatu s Kozjaka je na eni strani upodobljen kristogram z alfo in omego in na drugi strani črke MIVR, na tonovš­kem pa na eni strani potreta cesarjev z napisom AVGG (duorum avgustorum) in obrobljena z bisernim nizom ter na drugi strani krilata Viktorija z vencem v desni roki. V obeh primerih gre za poznorimsko obdobje, tonovški pečat je očitno cesarski. Sedem svinčenih predmetov bi lahko opredelili kot uteži, ena je majhna pravokotna z vrezanim križem (t. 37: 9), ena je kroglasta z železno zanko za obešanje (t. 38: 16), šest jih je v obliki koluta (t. 4: 10; 8: 15; 24: 15; 27: 12; 37: 7,10). Najdenih je bilo 16 svinčenih zvitkov (t. 8: 16–17; 14: 10–11; 27: 11; 37: 12–17; 38: 1–3,5–6) predmetov še vedno ne znamo dobro opredeliti, ponekod so označeni kot uteži za ribiške mreže, vendar so najdeni tudi na najdiščih, ki niso blizu vode (kot tudi Korinjski hrib). Namen uporabe dvojnega gumba (t. 37: 3) in okroglega predmeta z narebrenim robom (t. 37: 5) ni jasen. Kos svinca izgleda kot ostanek ulivanja (t. 37: 4). Kos keramike med dvema kosoma svinca (t. 22: 7) je neznanega namena. Trije večji kosi svinca so verjetno neke vrste ingoti oz. material, pripravljen za nadaljnjo predelavo (t. 37: 2,18; 38: 7). Ker niso iz dobro določenih kontekstov, je povsem mogoče, da spadajo v prazgodovinsko obdobje. Poleg naštetega je bilo najdenih še osem kosov svin-čene pločevine (t. 1: 18–19; 4: 13–15; 15: 3; 37: 11; 38: 4). Svinčena krogla za puško (t. 37: 8) spada v mlajša obdobja. PREDMETI IZ KAMNA Odkrit je bil odlomek posode iz lojevca (t. 6: 18). Na poznoantičnih najdiščih v Sloveniji so tovrstni kosi redki, edini objavljen je z Ančnikovega gradišča pri Juriš­ni vasi (Ravnik 2006, t. 51: 528). Nahajališča lojevca so v The artefact with twisted handle, one shovel-like and one perforated ending (Pl. 16: 3) was found alongside tower 4, and strongly resembles a potter’s tool, the so-called potter’s spatula (Busuladžić 2014, 119, Pl. 102, ann. 42). KNIVES A total of 14 knives is preserved (Pls. 1: 14; 3: 12,13; 7: 4; 14: 1–6; 26: 8; 27: 5; 35: 16,18), most of which were found around tower 4. They resemble each other closely, are of comparable size and shape, and are most probably normal blades for everyday use. LEAD OBJECTS A lead seal (Pl. 33: 25) is a metal detector find with­out a context. A rider on a horse or possibly a quadriga is depicted on one side, while a sitting figure is on the other, both are encircled with a (laurel?) wreath. It belongs to the Late Roman period and was used to seal official parcels. Two seals were also found at Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011, Pl. 22: 3) and Kozjak (Ciglenečki 2016, Fig. 17: 10). On the seal from Kozjak, a Christogram with an alpha and omega is depicted on one side and the letters MIVR are written on the other. On the seal from Tonovcov grad, one side displays portraits of two emperors with the in­scription AVGG (duorum avgustorum) and is encircled with a pearl border, while on the other side is a winged Victoria with a wreath in her right hand. Both originate from the Late Roman period, the one from Tonovcov grad is apperently imperial. Seven lead objects could be defined as weights; one is small rectangular with a cross incised (Pl. 37: 9), one is globular with an iron hanging loop (Pl. 38: 16), while six are reel-shaped (Pls. 4: 10; 8: 15; 24: 15; 27: 12; 37: 7,10). A total of 16 lead rolls was found (Pls. 8: 16–17; 14: 10–11; 27: 11; 37: 12–17; 38: 1–3,5–6) we are still un­able to define these objects, in places they are marked as weights for fishing nets, although they were also found at sites located nowhere near water (e.g. Korinjski hrib). The purpose of the double button (Pl. 37: 3) and circular object with the ribbed edge (Pl. 37: 5) is not clear. A piece of lead seems like the remains of casting (Pl. 37: 4). A piece of pottery between two pieces of lead (Pl. 22: 7) is of unknown purpose. Three larger pieces of lead are probably some sort of ingots or material ready for further processing (Pls. 37: 2,18; 38: 7). Since they do not come from well-defined contexts they might belong to the prehistoric period. In addition to the above, eight pieces of lead sheet were found (Pls. 1: 18–19; 4: 13–15; 15: 3; 37: 11; 38: 4). The lead rifle bullet (Pl. 37: 8) belongs to later periods. Alpah: v Švici, Italiji in Avstriji. Mehki kamen, preprost za obdelavo, je bil vse od prazgodovine priljubljen za iz­delavo različnih predmetov, tudi posodja, saj je odporen proti ognju in dobro zadržuje temperaturo (Cortelazzo 2007; 2019). Korinjski košček je zelo majhen, zato oblike ni mogoče rekonstruirati. Najdeni sta bili kamniti krogli (t. 10: 5; 20: 2), ki ju morda lahko interpretiramo kot izstrelka ali pa kot kroglasta brusa (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 52, kat. 146: 23). Najdenih je bilo 14 brusnih kamnov (t. 1: 16; 8: 12; 10: 3–4; 16: 10; 19: 15–17; 20: 3; 25: 2–3; 29: 13,15; 36: 16). Brusi so izdelani iz rdečega in sivega peščenca, katerega najbližja nahajališča so oddaljena do 10 km od najdišča (glej pogl. 1), zato smemo predvidevati, da so se z materialom oskrbovali od tam. STAVBNA OPREMA Od stavbne opreme so bili najdeni le štirje ključi in nekaj kosov okovja vrat in oken. Sidrast ključ (t. 3: 5) je bil najden zunaj stolpa 2, drugi ključ (t. 7: 3) v stolpu 3, dva pa sta brez konteksta (t. 36: 20–21). Razen ključa iz stolpa 3, ki je večji in enostranski, so si med seboj praktično enaki in razmeroma majhni. Med stavbno opremo spada tudi del okovja za zapiranje vrat ali okna (t. 36: 8) (Špehar 2010, 85, t. XII: 306). Najdene so bile tri skobe (t. 6: 15–17; 23: 11), ena objemka (t. 6: 11) in dva manjša železna okova (t. 13: 21–22). En v obliki črke omega uvit kos železa je ležal v sondi 8 (t. 24: 13) in drugi, manjši, v sondi 10 (t. 26: 9). Nekaj delov vratnega okovja (t. 28: 2–17) in v obliki omege uvit kos železa (t. 28: 1) je bilo najdenega tudi v cerkvi. V obliki črke omega zaviti deli železa (t. 24: 13; 26: 10; 28: 1) se pojavljajo skupaj z deli okovja vrat in oken ter zapiralnih sistemov. Na Kučarju je eden najden skupaj s tovrstnimi ostanki stavbne opreme v spodnji cerkvi (Ciglenečki 2000, t. 78: 8). Na Duelu sta najdena dva, prvi ima ohranjen tudi še del železne ploščice med zavitima krakoma, najden je bil v baraki skupaj z vratnim okovjem, interpretiran pa je kot del voza (Steinklauber 2013, t. 110: D 149; 199: D 898). Žeblji Število žebljev, ohranjenih z izkopavanj, je prese­netljivo majhno. Najdenih je bilo pet velikih žebljev v cerkvi (t. 28: 18–21; 29: 4), poleg teh pa še devet žebljev srednje velikosti (t. 6: 9; 19: 8; 26: 5–6; 29: 25; 35: 3–5) in dva čisto majhna žebljička (t. 35: 21–22). En žebelj je glede na izgled kovine recenten (t. 35: 5). STONE ARTEFACTS A fragment of a vessel made of soapstone was found (Pl. 6: 18). Such pieces are rare at late antique sites in Slovenia, the only published one being from Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas (Ravnik 2006, Pl. 51: 528). De­posits of soapstone in the Alps are found in Switzerland, Italy, and Austria. The soft rock that is simple to work has been popular ever since prehistory for the manufacturing of various objects, including vessels, since it is resistant to fire and retains temperature well (Cortelazzo 2007; 2019). The fragment from Korinjski hrib is very small and therefore its shape cannot be reconstructed. Two stone orbs were found (Pls. 10: 5; 20: 2), which could be interpreted as projectiles or as globular whet­stones (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 52, cat. 146: 23). Also discovered were 14 whetstones (Pls. 1: 16; 8: 12; 10: 3–4; 16: 10; 19: 15–17; 20: 3; 25: 2–3; 29: 13,15; 36: 16), which are made of red and grey sandstone, the nearest deposits of which are up to 10km away from the site (see Chapter 1); thus, we can assume that the material came from there. ARCHITECTURAL FITTINGS Only four keys and a few pieces of door and window fittings were found. An anchor-shaped key (Pl. 3: 5) was found outside tower 2, the second key (Pl. 7: 3) in tower 3, while two are without context (Pl. 36: 20–21). With the exception of the key from tower 3, which is bigger and unilateral, others are practically the same and relatively small. A piece of fittings for the closing of a door or win­dow also belongs among architectural fittings (Pl. 36: 8) (Špehar 2010, 85, Pl. XII: 306). Three staples (Pls. 6: 15–17; 23: 11), one clasp (Pl. 6: 11), and two smaller iron fittings (Pl. 13: 21,22) were found. One piece of iron rolled in the shape of an omega was found lying in trial trench 8 (Pl. 24: 13), and the sec­ond one, smaller, in trial trench 10 (Pl. 26: 9). A few pieces of door fittings (Pl. 28: 2–17) and a piece of iron rolled in the shape of an omega (Pl. 28: 1) were found in the church, too. Pieces of iron rolled in the shape of the letter omega (Pls. 24: 13; 26: 10; 28: 1) appear together with parts of door and window fittings and closing systems. At Kučar, one was found together with such remains of architectural fittings in the lower church (Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 78: 8). At Duel, two were found; the first one has a part of the iron platelet between rolled arms still preserved and was found in the barracks together with door fittings and is interpreted as part of a cart (Steinklauber 2013, Pls. 110: D 149; 199: D 898). TOALETNA OPREMA Odlomek tako imenovanega nomadskega ogle-dala (t. 36: 17) je premajhen, da bi ga lahko tipološko opredelili, spada pa v poznorimsko obdobje. V. Pflaum je sklepala, da bi lahko šlo za kos najpogostejšega tipa Čmi-Brigetio ali bogatejše okrašene in zelo široko razprostranjene različice tipa II. po B. Anke (Pflaum 2000, 131). V plasti, ki je predstavljala hodno površino stolpa 4, je bil najden železen okov torbice (t. 13: 9), kakršni so bili v 6. st. široko razprostranjeni na prostoru imperija in zunaj njega (Vinski 1980, 26). Od predmetov, ki jih uvrščamo med toaletno opremo, so bili najdeni predvsem glavniki in ostanki procesa izdelave le-teh. Ob južni steni stolpa 2 je bil v črni žganinski plasti, ki pripada fazi pred gradnjo stolpa, najden kos plošče in prečke glavnika, okrašenega z vrezi (t. 3: 4). V stolpu 3 je bil najden del osnovne plošče roženega glavnika, okrašenega s krožci s piko (t. 6: 13). V okolici stolpa 3 so bili v ruševini najdeni dva skoraj cela neokrašena rožena glavnika (t. 6: 13–14) ter majhen košček prečke glavni­ka, okrašen s krožci s piko (t. 6: 12). Ob pragu stolpa 4 so bili najdeni drobni koščki razdrobljenega glavnika, morda istega (t. 13: 10–14). Dva koščka sta okrašena z vrezi. Roženi glavniki so časovno neobčutljivi, v skoraj enakih oblikah in z nekaj različicami okrasov (vrezi, krožci s piko) se pojavljajo med 4. in 7. st. na prostoru rimskega imperija in širše (Riemer 2000, 203). Na različnih lokacijah znotraj naselbine so bili najdeni ostanki delov rogov in obdelanih rogov jelena in srnjaka, ki očitno kažejo na izdelavo predmetov (t. 1: 17,20; 3: 17,19,20,22; 4: 1; 8: 13–14; 19: 7; 36: 18–19). Nekateri kosi so verjetno polizdelki prečk glavnikov in drugih predmetov (t. 38: 19). Glede na analize živalskih kosti s Korinjskega hriba so za izdelavo uporabljali pred­vsem rogove jelena in srnjaka (glej poglavje 7). Ostanki predelave roženih predmetov so ohranjeni tudi iz stavb z Ajdovskega gradca nad Vranjem (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 50, kat. 143), Tonovcovega gradu (Milavec 2011a, 63) in drugih višinskih naselbin (npr. Kainrath 2011, 127–130; Pezzato 2016, 650–651). Očitno je šlo za eno od razmeroma nezahtevnih domačih obrti, ki so jih opravljali v vsaki naselbini za lastno oskrbo. BRONASTE POSODE IN PLOČEVINA Odkritih je bilo nekaj delov rimskodobnih bronastih predmetov, skrinjice in posodja: bronast ročaj z rombič­nim presekom (t. 38: 9) (Riha 2001, 32, t. 9: 120), del po­krovčka (t. 38: 8), del ustja bronaste posode, obrobljenega z bisernim nizom (t. 38: 10), in del ustja bronaste posode Nails The number of nails preserved from the excavations is surprisingly small. In the church, five big nails were found (Pls. 28: 18–21; 29: 4), while nine medium-sized nails (Pls. 6: 9; 19: 8; 26: 5–6; 29: 25; 35: 3–5), and two tiny nails (Pl. 35: 21–22) were found elsewhere. Based on the appearance of the metal, one nail is recent (Pl. 35: 5). TOILET INSTRUMENTS A fragment of the so-called nomadic mirror (Pl. 36: 17) is too small for typological classification but belongs to the Late Roman period. V. Pflaum assumed that it could be a piece of the most common type of Čmi-Brigetio or the more richly decorated and very widely distributed variant of type II according to B. Anke (Pflaum 2000, 131). An iron fitting of a purse (Pl. 13: 9) was found in the layer that represented the walking surface of tower 4, as were widely distributed on the territory of the Empire and outside it in the 6th century (Vinski 1980, 26). From objects ascribed to toilet instruments, mostly combs and the remains of the process of making them were found. Along the south wall of tower 2, in the black charcoal layer which belongs to the phase prior to the construction of the tower, a piece of a tooth plate and a connecting plate of a comb decorated with incisions were found (Pl. 3: 4). In tower 3, a piece of the tooth plate of an antler comb decorated with ring-and-dots was found (Pl. 6: 13). In the vicinity of tower 3, in the destruction layer, two almost complete undecorated antler combs (Pl. 6: 13–14) and a small piece of the connecting plate decorated with ring-and-dots (Pl. 6: 12) were found. By the threshold of tower 4, tiny pieces of a crumbled comb, possibly the same (Pl. 13: 10–14) were found. Two pieces are decorated with incisions. Antler combs are insensitive to time and appear in the same forms and with a few variants of decoration (incisions, ring-and-dots) between the 4th and the 7th century in the area of the Roman Empire and wider (Riemer 2000, 203). Remains of antler parts and processed antlers of red and roe deer, which obviously indicate the manufacturing of objects, were found on various locations within the settlement (Pls. 1: 17,20; 3: 17,19,20,22; 4: 1; 8: 13–14; 19: 7; 36: 18–19). Some of the pieces are probably intermedi­ate products of comb connecting plates and other objects (Pl. 38: 19). Considering the animal bone analyses from Korinjski hrib, mostly antlers of roe and red deer were used for the manufacturing (see Chapter 7). Remains of antler object processing are also pre­served from structures at Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 50, cat. 143), Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011a, 63), and other hilltop settlements (e.g. Kainrath 2011, 127–130; Pezzato 2016, 650–651). Obviously, it was (t. 22: 6). Dva kosa lahko pripadata posodju ali drugim manjšim bronastim predmetom (t. 14: 12; 24: 9). Poleg teh predmetov je bilo najdenih 18 koščkov bronaste pločevine, nekateri z železnimi ali bronastimi zakovicami (t. 3: 18,23; 8: 6; 14: 15,17; 19: 2,11; 24: 16–18; 38: 11–15,17–19). STEKLENE NAJDBE Steklenih najdb s Korinjskega hriba je relativno ma­lo.4 Glede na selektivno naravo ohranjenih keramičnih odlomkov5 je mogoče, da so podobno ravnali tudi pri steklu, čeprav je med ohranjenimi nekaj zelo majhnih koščkov ustij, tako da je mogoče tudi, da so zbirali in ohranili vse najdene kose. OBLIKE IZ OBDOBJA OD 1. DO 3. STOLETJA Kobaltno modro izvihano ustje čaše ali kozarca (t. 39: 4) predvsem zaradi barve lahko datiramo v 1 st. (Rüt-ti 1991, 111, t. 73: 1609; 74: 1643). Odlomek vijoličastega narebrenega ročaja (t. 30: 14) najverjetneje pripada vrču 1. st. (Rütti 1991, t. 141: 3644; 165; 166), verjetno sta k isti posodi spadala tudi odlomka vijoličastega ostenja (t. 30: 15; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 60) in ustja (t. 30: 11). Ti trije kosi vrča so bili najdeni v ruševinski plasti v cerkvi, še en kos ročaja vrča vijoličaste barve je bil najden pri stolpu 2. Dejansko ga je mogoče sestaviti z odlomkom ročaja iz cerkve, torej pripadata isti posodi. To verjetno kaže, da gre pri zgodnjem vrču le za odlomke v preme­šanih ruševinskih plasteh, ne pa tega, da so celo posodo uporabljali v poznoantičnem obdobju v cerkvi. Tudi pokrovček (t. 39: 10) spada v zgodnjecesarsko obdobje (Rütti 1991, sl. 118). Sploščeno ustje steklenice ali vrča (t. 4: 20; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 56) je ležalo v žganinski plasti, ki predvidoma predstavlja ostanke faze pred postavitvijo stolpa 2. POZNORIMSKO IN POZNOANTIČNO STEKLO Tri odrezana ustja čaš z vbočenim dnom (t. 30: 1; 39: 2–3) spadajo v poznorimsko obdobje (Isings 1957, 126–138; Lazar 2003, 116–121). Pripišemo jih lahko razli-čicama kozarcev Isings 106 ali 109 (Isings 1957, 126–138). Dve dni kozarcev brez noge (t. 30: 10,12; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 57), sta ležali v severnem stranskem prostoru cerkve. Kozarci brez noge se pojavljajo v celotnem imperiju in so večinoma postavljeni v čas od 4. do najmanj sredine 5. Enaintrideset ohranjenih odlomkov posod in 3 neo­hranjeni, 5 risanih in 51 nerisanih kosov okenskega stekla, od risanih 2 neohranjena, nekaj kosov nerisanih ostenij. 5 Izločeni in inventarizirani so le diagnostični kosi, ostali so bili po izkopavanju zavrženi, glej poglavje 4. one of the relatively undemanding crafts which was done in every settlement for their own use. BRONZE VESSELS AND SHEET A few parts of Roman period bronze objects, boxes, and vessels were found: a bronze handle with rhombic cross section (Pl. 38: 9) (Riha 2001, 32, Pl. 9: 120), a part of a lid (Pl. 38: 8), a part of a bronze vessel rim encircled with a pearl border (Pl. 38: 10), and a part of a bronze vessel rim (Pl. 22: 6). Two pieces could belong to vessels or other smaller bronze objects (Pls. 14: 12; 24: 9). In addition to these objects, 18 pieces of bronze sheet were found, some with iron or bronze rivets (Pls. 3: 18,23; 8: 6; 14: 15,17; 19: 2,11; 24: 16–18; 38: 11–15,17–19). GLASS FINDS There are relatively few glass finds from Korinjski hrib.4 Considering the selective nature of preserved pot­tery fragments5 it is possible that the procedure was similar with glass, even though a few very tiny pieces of rims are among those preserved making it possible that all the found pieces were collected and kept. FORMS OF THE PERIOD OF THE 1st TO 3rd CENTURY A cobalt blue everted rim of a beaker or goblet (Pl. 39: 4) can be dated to the 1st century primarily due to its colour (Rütti 1991, 111, Pls. 73: 1609; 74: 1643). A fragment of a purple ribbed handle (Pl. 30: 14) most probably belongs to a jug of the 1st century (Rütti 1991, Pls. 141: 3644; 165; 166), two fragments of a purple wall (Pl. 30: 15; Ciglenečki 1985, Pl. 5: 60) and rim (Pl. 30: 11) probably belonged to the same vessel. These three jug pieces were found in the destruction layer in the church, and one more fragment of a jug handle of purple colour was found near tower 2. The latter can actually be joined with the handle fragment from the church; thus, they belong to the same vessel. This probably indicates that the early jug fragments are mixed in the destruction lay­ers, and not that the whole vessel was used in the church in the late antique period. The lid (Pl. 39: 10) belongs to the Early Roman period (Rütti 1991, Fig. 118). The flattened rim of a bottle or a jug (Pl. 4: 20; Ciglenečki 1985, Pl. 5: 56) was lying in the charcoal layer which 4 Thirty-one preserved vessel fragments and 3 unpre­served, 5 drawn, and 51 undrawn pieces of window glass, from the drawn ones two are unpreserved, a few pieces of undrawn walls. 5 Only diagnostic pieces are excluded and inventoried, others were discarded after the excavation, see Chapter 4. st. Ker so pogosta najdba na najdiščih 5. in tudi 6. st., se je njihova izdelava in uporaba očitno nadaljevala še po sredini 5. st. (Milavec 2011b, 105–106). Kozarci na visoki nogi (tip Isings 111: Isings 1957, 139–140) so izredno priljubljena in daleč najpogostejša oblika steklenega posodja v Sredozemlju med koncem 5. in 8. st. (Sagui 1993, 129; Foy 1995, 207–209; Sternini 1995, 259; Lafli, Gürler 2010, 434). Na Korinjskem hribu so se ohranile le štiri noge kozarcev na visoki votli nogi (t. 20: 4; 22: 4–5; 39: 7; Milavec 2011b, 100).Šestnajst odlomkov zataljenih ustij (t. 2: 1–2; 16: 11; 22: 1–3; 30: 2–9; 39: 5–6) spada h kozarcem z vbočenim dnom ali na visoki nogi (glej spodaj). Po obliki so bili recipienti glede na ohranjene ostanke ustij in ostenj rahlo konični ali cilindrični. En del ostenja verjetno pripada steklenici ali ste­klenički, ki je tipološko in časovno ni mogoče natančno opredeliti, najdena pa je bila v apsidi cerkve (t. 30: 3). Dva odlomka stekla sta zelo majhna in nista ohran­jena, tako da po risbi ni mogoče zanesljivo določiti, ali sta pripadala posodi ali okenskemu steklu (t. 30: 8–9). V cerkvi je bil najden steklen predmet, ki bi bil lah­ko uporabljen kot igralni žeton ali okrasni kamen. Videti je, kot da je gorel v ognju, ker je površina mehurčkasta, barva zato ni določljiva (t. 27: 10). Stekleni posnetki dragih kamnov so krasili arhitekturo in manjše pred-mete v cerkvenih in zasebnih zgradbah na zahodnem in vzhodnem delu imperija, najpogosteje v rdeči, modri in zeleni barvi (Antonaras 2018). Ker je notranja oprema cerkva na prostoru današnje Slovenije zelo preprosta (prim. Ciglenečki 2003), se zdi verjetneje, da je okrasni kamen krasil manjši predmet, morda platnico knjige. Okrogli predmet bi lahko predstavljal tudi igralni žeton, a ti so največkrat nekoliko večji (Cool 2016). OKENSKO STEKLO Okna cerkve (sl. 3.3; 3.5) in vsaj stolpov 1 in 3 (sl. 3.4) so bila zastekljena.6 V cerkvi so se deli okenskega stekla ohranili v prezbiteriju, ladji ter severnem stranskem prostoru in kažejo močno preoblikovanost od ognja. Upo­rabljena sta bila dva na videz različna tipa stekla, zeleno z veliko mehurčki ter čistejše rumenorjavo steklo. Pri objavi okenskega stekla s Tonovcovega gradu smo predvidevali, da bi šlo lahko za dve različni stekleni masi (Milavec 2015, 96–97), analize korinjskega okenskega stekla pa kažejo, da se barva in vsebnost mehurčkov ne povezujeta z delitvijona dve primarni masi, Foy 3.2 in 2.1 (Milavec, Šmit 2020). Očitno sta vsebnost mehurčkov in različen odtenek barve posledica kasnejših procesov pred izdelavo oken ali med njo, ne kažejo pa na primer zelenkasti kosi z mehurčki 6 Ohranjeni odlomki okenskega stekla so: dva iz stolpa 1 (ob vzhodni steni stolpa, t. 1: 21-22), eden iz stolpa 3 (neri­san, ID 78, zunaj ob vzhodnem zidu) in 51 (velika večina) iz cerkve, ki tudi niso risani (Milavec 2015, 91). presumably presents the remains of the phase prior to the construction of tower 2. LATE ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE GLASS Three cut rims of beakers with a concave base (Pl. 30: 1; 39: 2–3) belong to the Late Roman period (Isings 1957, 126–138; Lazar 2003, 116–121). They can be assigned to the variants of beakers Isings 106 or 109 (Isings 1957, 126–138). Two beaker bases (Pl. 30: 10,12; Ciglenečki 1985, Pl. 5: 57) were found lying in the northern annex of the church. Beakers appear through the entire Empire and are mostly set to the time from the 4th to at least the mid-5th century. Since they are a frequent find at sites of the 5th and 6th centuries, their production and use must have continued after the mid-5th century (Milavec 2011b, 105–106). Stemmed goblets (type Isings 111: Isings 1957, 139– 140) are extremely popular and by far the most frequent form of glassware in the Mediterranean between the end of the 5th and the 8th century (Sagui 1993, 129; Foy 1995, 207–209; Sternini 1995, 259; Lafli, Gürler 2010, 434). At Korinjski hrib, only four hollow stems of goblets are preserved (Pls. 20: 4; 22: 4–5; 39: 7; Milavec 2011b, 100). Sixteen fragments of fire-rounded rims (Pls. 2: 1–2; 16: 11; 22: 1–3; 30: 2–9; 39: 5–6) belong to goblets with a concave base or stemmed goblets (see below). Based on the preserved rim and wall remains, the recipients were slightly conical or cylindrical in form. One part of a wall probably belongs to a bottle or small bottle which is typologically and chronologically impossible to define precisely and which was found in the church apse (Pl. 30: 3). Two glass fragments are very small and are not preserved; it is impossible to reliably determine from the drawing whether they belonged to a vessel or window glass (Pl. 30: 8–9). In the church, a glass object was found which could have been used as a token for games or as a decorative gem. It seems as if it was burnt in fire, since its surface is bubbly and the colour is therefore undeterminable (Pl. 27: 10). Glass imitations of precious stones decorated the ar­chitecture and smaller objects in ecclesiastical and private buildings in the western and eastern part of the Empire, most frequently in red, blue, or green (Antonaras 2018). Since the interior furnishings of churches in the territory of present-day Slovenia is very simple (cf. Ciglenečki 2003), it seems more probable that this decorative gem embellished a smaller object, possibly the cover of a book. The round object could also be a token for games but they are most frequently bigger (Cool 2016). WINDOW GLASS The windows of the church (Figs. 3.3; 3.5) and at least of towers 1 and 3 (Fig. 3.4) were glazed.6 In the church, parts of window glass were preserved in the presbytery, the nave, and the northern annex and in­dicate strong transformation from fire. Two seemingly different types of glass were used, green with lots of air bubbles and clearer yellow-brown glass. When publish­ing window glass from Tonovcov grad we assumed that these could be two different glass masses (Milavec 2015, 81–82), while analyses of window glass from Korinjski hrib indicate that the colour and amount of air bubbles is not connected to the division into two primary masses,Foy 3.2 and 2.1 (Milavec, Šmit 2020). Obviously, the amount of air bubbles and different shades of colours are the consequence of later processes prior to or dur­ing the making of windows, while e.g. greenish pieces of glass with air bubbles do not show traces of recycling 6 Preserved fragments of window glass include two from tower 1 (along the eastern tower wall, Pl. 1: 21-22) and one from tower 3 (not drawn, ID 78, outside the eastern wall), and 51 fragments (the majority) from the church, also not drawn (Milavec 2015, 91). sledov reciklaže (povišanih vrednosti antimona). Nekaj kosov ima oddrobljene robove (sl. 3.5), odlomki pa so premajhni, da bi lahko sklepali, ali so bili kateri oblikovani v določene geometrijske oblike. Prostorski podatki ne omogočajo zelo natančnega sklepanja o tem, kje v stenah so bila okna nameščena. KOVINSKE, ROŽENE IN STEKLENENAJDBE – SKLEP Na poznoantičnih najdiščih se pogosto pojavljajo zgodnje- in srednjecesarski predmeti, poleg na primer močno profiliranih fibul 1. in 2. st. (t. 3: 3; 13: 8; 31: 9–10,13–18) tudi kosi steklenih posod, pogosto pisanih barv (t. 30: 14–15; 39: 4). Podobno situacijo najdemo na primer na Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2011b, 84, sl. 3.1), kjer gre kot na Korinjskem hribu prav tako za modro in vijoličasto steklo. V bližini Korinjskega hriba so znane najdbe antičnih grobov (Gabrovčec, Znojile ob Krki, Zagradec, Malo Globoko, Velike Rebrce, Breg pri Zagradcu, Rivčja jama: ANSl, 185, 235–236), fibule in stekleni predmeti ali njihovi deli so lahko prišli od tam in so jih hranili zaradi njihovih živih barv ali kakšne druge vrednosti. Da so bili ostanki iz rimskega (elevated values of antimony). A few pieces have grozed edges (Fig. 3.5), while the fragments are too small to conclude whether some were shaped into certain geo­metrical forms. Data about the spatial distribution do not allow for the precise deduction of where in the walls windows were positioned. METAL, ANTLER, AND GLASS FINDS –CONCLUSION Late antique sites frequently reveal Early and Mid-Roman artefacts, in addition to e.g. strongly profiled fibulae of the 1st and 2nd centuries (Pls. 3: 3; 13: 8; 31: 9–10,13–18) there are also pieces of glass vessels which are often very colourful (Pls. 30: 14–15; 39: 4). A similar situation is encountered at Tonovcov grad (Milavec 2011b, 84, Fig. 3.1), where, as at Korinjski hrib, glass is of blue and purple colours. Near Korinjski hrib, discovery of antique graves is known (Gabrovčec, Znojile pri Krki, Zagradec, Malo Globoko, Velike Rebrce, Breg pri Zagradcu, Rivčja jama: ANSl, 185, 235–236); fibulae and glass objects or their parts could have come from there and were kept due to their lively colours or some other value. The tombstone of L.M. Blandus, immured into the gothic church of St obdobja prebivalcem hriba znani in dostopni, kaže tudi nagrobnik L. M. Blanda, vzidan v gotsko cerkev sv. Jurija pod skalnim vrhom Korinjskega hriba (glej pogl. 14). Zgodnjeantični predmeti so bili torej skozi čas dovolj dosegljivi, namen njihove uporabe v poznoantičnem obdobju pa še ni povsem pojasnjen, predvsem kadar gre za selektivno naravo najdb (predvsem fibule in kosi steklenih posod). Na Korinjskem hribu ni bilo odkritih plasti ali stavbnih ostankov, ki bi kazali na poselitev pred 4. st., zato sklepamo, da gre za prinesene in ne rezidualne kose. Nekaj fibul (t. 31: 11–12) s Korinjskega hriba lahko postavimo v 2. in 3. st., kar kaže na krajšo fazo uporabe v zadnji tretjini 3. st., ki jo nakazujejo tudi novčne in druge najdbe (npr. kosi pasnega okovja (t. 33: 1–3), deli srebrnega nakita (t. 32: 15,17). Poznorimska faza druge polovice 4. in začetka 5. st. je zastopana z obročastimi fibulami (t. 32: 2–3) in fibulami s čebulastimi glavicami (t. 1: 3; 23: 8; 32: 4–8), kar je značilno za višinske postojanke. Skupaj z ostanki pasnih garnitur vojaške ali vsaj uradniške noše (t. 33: 4–5), značilnimi poznorimskimi ostmi s kvadratnim presekom s konca 4. in prve polovice 5. st. (t. 13: 15; 27: 1–4; 33: 22) in novci kažejo na verjetno vojaško vlogo Korinjskega hriba v tem času. Svinčeni pečat (t. 33: 25) je odsev uradnih pošiljk. Iz glavne poselitvene faze konca 5. in 6. st. je zasto­pana okrogla fibula (t. 13: 7), ki bi jo pripisali domačim delavnicam, in pa nekaj kosov kvalitetnejše izdelave, ki imajo najboljše primerjave iz oddaljenih območij. Polnoplastični fibuli v obliki ptic (t. 32: 9–10) spadata med zelo široko razširjeno skupino predmetov, ki jih predvsem v 6. st. poznamo iz prostora rimskega imperija in prek njegovih meja. Srebrni fibuli ptice roparice (t. 1: 4) in konjenika (t. 32: 11) imata najboljše primerjave v ženski noši na alamanskem in bavarskem prostoru predvsem konec 5. in v začetku 6. st. ter lahko kažeta na prisotnost tuje posadke z družinami na hribu. Dve fibuli (t. 32: 12–13) spadata v krog predmetov, ki jih najpogosteje najdemo v bizantinskih utrdbah ob Donavi v 6. st. in kažejo na prisotnost uradne vojske po času Justinijanove rekonkviste. Kljub temu, da Korinjski hrib interpretiramo kot pretežno vojaško naselbino, je bilo odkritih kar nekaj kosov nakita, ki verjetno kaže na to, da so vojaki v stolpih prebivali z družinami. Razen bronaste igle v obliki stilusa (t. 1: 1) in kocke uhana (t. 32: 25) gre pri nakitu v vseh primerih za zelo preproste ali celo cenene kose, ki jih lahko postavimo široko v poznoantični čas. Kocka uhana in jagoda z nataljenimi drobci stekla (t. 13: 2) sta bili verjetno izdelani okoli leta 500, nosili pa sta se seveda lahko tudi kasneje. Ostali poznoantični kosi nakita niso natančneje časovno opredeljivi. Precej je ožje neopredeljivih obročev spon, nekaj kosov pa lahko tudi ožje datiramo. Železni ledvičasti okov spone lahko spada v drugo polovico 5. st. (t. 33: George under the rocky top of Korinjski hrib (see Chap­ter 14), reveals that remains of the Roman period were known and accessible to inhabitants of the hill. Thus, early antique objects were available enough through time, while the purpose of their use in the late antique period is still not completely explained, especially when we are dealing with the selective nature of finds (primarily fibulae and fragments of glass vessels). At Korinjski hrib, there were no layers or architectural remains discovered that would indicate settlement prior to the 4th century, therefore we assume that these pieces were brought here and were not residual. A few fibulae (Pl. 31: 11–12) from Korinjski hrib can be set into the 2nd and 3rd centuries, which indicates a shorter phase of use in the last third of the 3rd century, which is also indicated by coin and other finds (e.g. frag­ments of belt fittings (Pl. 33: 1–3) and silver jewellery (Pl. 33: 15,17). The Late Roman phase of the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century is represented by penannular (Pl. 32: 2–3) and crossbow fibulae (Pls. 1: 3; 23: 8; 32: 4–8), which is typical for hilltop settlements. Together with remains of belt sets of military or at least an official’s costume (Pl. 33: 4–5), typical Late Roman arrowheads with a square cross section from the end of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century (Pls. 13: 15; 27: 1–4; 33: 22), and coins indicate the probable military role of Korinjski hrib in this time. A lead seal (Pl. 33: 25) is a reflection of official shipments. A circular fibula (Pl. 13: 7) that could be attributed to local workshops, and a few pieces made of higher quality that have the best comparisons from faraway places are represented from the main settlement phase of the end of the 5th and the 6th century. Two figural bird-shaped fibulae (Pl. 32: 9–10) belong among the very widely spread group of objects which are known primarily in the 6th century from the territory of the Roman Empire and across its borders. A silver bird-of-prey-shaped fibula (Pl. 1: 4) and a horse-rider-shaped fibula (Pl. 32: 11) have the best comparisons in female costume in the territory of Alemannia and Bavaria especially at the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century and could indicate the presence of a foreign crew with their families at the hill. Two fibulae (Pl. 32: 12–13) belong to the circle of objects most frequently found in Byzantine forts along the Danube in the 6th century and indicate the presence of official army after the time of Justinian’s reconquista. Even though Korinjski hrib is interpreted as a mostly military settlement, quite a lot of pieces of jewellery were discovered which probably indicate that soldiers lived in the towers together with their families. Except for the bronze stylus-shaped pin (Pl. 1: 1) and an earring cube (Pl. 32: 25) all other jewellery are simple or even cheap pieces that can be set broadly in the late antique period. The earring polyhedron and a bead with glass shards (Pl. 13: 2) were probably made around 500, but could, 6). Dva trna pasnih spon, kijasti in z okvirčkom na bazi (t. 33: 7–8), ter majhni celičeni sponi za obuvala ali torbico (t. 33: 10–11) lahko postavimo v čas okrog leta 500. En trn pasne spone s kvadratno bazo (t. 33: 8) in jermenski zaključek, okrašen s črko X (t. 33: 17), lahko postavimo širše v 6. st., okvirček pasne spone s trnom (t. 33: 12) in železen okov mediteranske spone (t. 1: 2) pa v drugo polovico 6. st. Ledvičasti železni okov morda nakazuje bizantinske, pasni jeziček s črko X pa germanske povezave. Večina ostalih bolje opredeljivih kosov kaže razprostranjenost široko v poznoantičnem Sredozemlju in zaledju. Raznoliki zbir puščičnih osti je značilen za višinske naselbine, prav tako lamele oklepov (t. 13: 19), res pa je, da je puščičnih konic na Korinjskem hribu glede na raziskano površino razmeroma veliko. Od bolj opre­deljivih kosov lahko omenimo tiste z ojačano konico za prebijanje lamelnih oklepov, ki so datirane na sam konec 6. st. (t. 1: 10; 33: 19–20). Zbir orožja močno nakazuje uporabo v drugi polovici 6. st., nekoliko pa preseneča ost, ki kaže zgodnjesrednjeveške značilnosti (t. 33: 19). Na Korinjskem hribu je orodje razmeroma močno zastopano, predvsem za obdelavo lesa, kar pri naselbini sredi gozdov ter z morebitno leseno arhitekturo ne pre­seneča. Koncentraciji orodja se nakazujeta v stolpih 3 in 4. Na način preživljanja prebivalcev kaže poljedelsko ralo (t.9: 1) in z živinorejo povezani kosi. Vretenca, šivanka, šila in ostanki glavnikov kažejo na predelavo rastlinskih in živalskih vlaken, predmeti vsakodnevne uporabe pa na uporabo v gospodinjstvu. Ostanki rogov in roženih polizdelkov potrjujejo izdelavo glavnikov in drugih uporabnih predmetov v naselbini, niso pa zgoščeni le v enem stolpu. Polizdelek fibule (t. 31: 9), bronasta žlindra, kosi brona in srebra ter svinca nakazujejo tudi izdelavo ali vsaj predelavo manjših kovinskih predmetov. Pri najdbah žlindre je zaradi premešanih plasti potrebna previdnost, lahko so tudi ostanek prazgodovinske po­selitve. Poleg uteži in svitkov je na Korinjskem hribu po pričakovanjih najti ostanke predelave svinca, ki je spadala med domače obrti, sledove teh najdemo v večini primerljivih poznoantičnih naselbin. V naselbinah naj-demo podobne kose, ostanke pločevine, uteži in svitke, kar kaže na podoben način predelave ali uporabe svinca, vendar interpretacija teh kosov še ni zadovoljivo pojas­njena. V zgodnjesrednjeveških kontekstih na Češkem in Poljskem na primer so podobni okrogli preluknjani predmeti včasih interpretirani kot nemonetarno menjal-no sredstvo oz. sled trgovine (Macháček, Mechura 2013). Stekleni zbir s Korinjskega hriba je zelo preprost, sestavljen le iz ustij kozarcev z vbočenim dnom ali na visoki nogi, ki se v Sredozemlju in širše pojavljajo v veli­kem številu med 6. in 8. st. Zastopanih je malo odrezanih ustij (t. 30: 1; 39: 2–3), ki bi posebej kazala na produkcijo 4. in začetka 5. st. Poleg enega kosa vratu posode, ki bi lahko pripadal steklenički (t. 30: 3), drugih poznoantič­nih oblik na najdišču ni. Presenetljivo ni bil najden niti naturally, be worn later, too. Other late antique jewellery pieces cannot be precisely defined in time. There is a fair amount of undefinable buckle rings, a few pieces can be narrowly dated. An iron kidney-shaped belt fitting could belong to the second half of the 5th cen­tury (Pl. 33: 6). Two prongs of belt buckles, club-shaped and with a frame on the base (Pl. 33: 7–8), and two small cloisonné buckles for shoes or a purse (Pl. 33: 10–11) can be set into the time around 500. One belt buckle prong with a square base (Pl. 33: 8) and a strap end decorated with the letter X (Pl. 33: 17) can widely be set into the 6th century, while the frame of a belt buckle with a prong (Pl. 33: 12) and an iron fitting of a Mediterranean buckle (Pl. 1: 2) can be assigned to the second half of the 6th century. A kidney-shaped iron fitting could indicate Byzantine and the belt end with the letter X Germanic connections. The majority of other better definable pieces shows disper­sion widely along the late antique Mediterranean and its hinterland. A diverse assemblage of arrowheads is typical for hilltop settlements, as are armour lamellas (Pl. 13: 19); however, at Korinjski hrib, considering the researched area, arrowheads are relatively numerous. From the better definable pieces, those with a thickened point for piercing of lamellar armours can be mentioned, which are dated to the very end of the 6th century (Pls. 1: 10; 33: 19–20). The weaponry assemblage leans strongly towards use in the second half of the 6th century, while somewhat surprising is the arrowhead which reveals Early Medieval characteristics (Pl. 33: 19). At Korinjski hrib, tools are relatively strongly repre­sented, especially those for the processing of wood, which is not surprising for a settlement located amidst forests and with possible wooden architecture. Concentrations of tools are indicated in towers 3 and 4. The manner of how inhabitants made their living is indicated by a farmer’s plough (Pl. 9: 1) and pieces connected to animal husbandry. Spindle whorls, a needle, awls, and remains of combs point to the processing of plant and animal fibres, and objects of everyday use to their use in households. Remains of antlers and antler intermediate products con­firm the manufacturing of combs and other useful objects in the settlement, but are not concentrated only in one tower. An unfinished fibula (Pl. 31: 9), bronze slag, pieces of bronze, silver and lead indicate the manufacturing or at least processing of smaller metal objects. Caution is required for the finds of slag due to mixed layers, these could be the remains of a prehistorical settlement. In ad­dition to weights and rolls, as expected, remains of lead processing are found at Korinjski hrib; it was one of the crafts the traces of which are found in most of the com­parable late antique settlements. Similar pieces, remains of sheet tin, weights, and rolls are found in settlements which indicates a similar manner of processing or use of lead, yet the interpretation of these pieces has not been satisfactorily explained. In the Early Medieval contexts en ročaj steklene svetilke, lahko pa predvidevamo, da je kateri od kozarcev v cerkvi bil uporabljen kot svetilka. Večina odlomkov (razen zgodnjecesarskih) je rumenozelene barve z majhnimi razlikami v odtenkih proti zeleni ali rjavi. Pri ohranjenih večjih kosih je vid-no, da barva lahko prehaja med temi odtenki na enem kosu (npr. večji kosi okenskega stekla). Le nekaj kosov okenskega stekla je bolj izrazito zelenkastih, na videz slabše kvalitete in z veliko zračnimi mehurčki v masi (cerkev, eden v stolpu 1, stolp 3). Večina steklenih odlomkov je bila najdena v cerkvi, v bližini ostalih stavb je ležalo le po nekaj posameznih kosov kozarcev. V apsidi in severnem stranskem prosto­ru cerkve so bili poleg okenskega stekla najdeni ostanki steklenih kozarcev z vbočenim dnom (t. 30: 10,12), del vratu manjše stekleničke (t. 30: 3) in nekaj fragmentov zgodnjerimskega vijoličastega vrča (t. 30: 11,14–15). Posodje je bilo lahko uporabljeno pri liturgiji, mogoče je tudi, da so nekateri od kozarcev bili uporabljani kot prostostoječe svetilke. Zastekljena okna v ladji in prez­biteriju je imela cerkev, pa tudi vsaj stolpa 1 in 3. Zelo zanimive rezultate so dale arheometrične ra­ziskave stekla s Korinjskega hriba, ki bodo podrobneje objavljene posebej (Milavec, Šmit 2020). Pokazalo se je, da so na tem najdišču zastopane povsem druge steklene mase kot na primer na Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu v zahodni Sloveniji. Najdišča s primerljivim naborom mas (skupini Foy 3.2 in predvsem 2.1), ki prihajata iz Egipta, je najti predvsem na Balkanu: v Srbiji, Bolgariji in Albaniji. Ob številnih drugih indicih za poudarjeno vojaško vlogo Korinjskega hriba in za povezovanje z bi-zantinskim cesarstvom lahko tudi izvor surovega stekla morda vidimo v bizantinski oskrbi vojaške posadke oz. vsaj v močni navezanosti najdišča na vzhod, ne pa na severnoitalijanske centre, kot sta bili Akvileja ali Ravena. Prstan z rombično razširitvijo (t. 32: 22), razdelilnik za konjske jermene (t. 33: 18) in verjetno puščica (t. 33: 19) spadajo v zgodnji srednji vek in kažejo na obiske hriba po opustitvi naselbine. in the Czech Republic and Poland, for example, similar circular pierced objects are occasionally interpreted as non-monetary means of exchange or traces of trade (Macháček, Mechura 2013). The glass assemblage from Korinjski hrib is very simple, assembled only of rims of beakers with concave base or stemmed beakers, which in the Mediterranean and wider appear in great numbers between the 6th and the 8th century. Few cut off rims are represented (Pls. 30: 1; 39: 2–3), which would especially point to the production of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century. Besides one piece of a vessel neck which could belong to a small bottle (Pl. 30: 3), there are no other late antique forms at the site. Surprisingly, not one single handle of a glass lamp was found, but we can assume that some of the goblets in the church were used as a lamp. The majority of fragments (except Early Roman) is of yellow-green colour with small differences in shades towards green or brown. The preserved bigger pieces re­veal that the colour can spill from one shade into another in one single piece (e.g. bigger pieces of window glass). Only a few pieces of window glass are more distinctly greenish, seemingly of poorer quality, and with many air bubbles in the mass (the church, one in tower 1, tower 3). The majority of glass fragments were found in the church; only a few individual pieces of beakers were lying in the vicinity of other buildings. In addition to window glass, remains of goblets with concave base (Pl. 30: 10,12), a part of the neck of a smaller bottle (Pl. 30: 3), and a few fragments of an Early Roman purple jug (Pl. 30: 11,14–15) were found in the apse and northern annex of the church. These vessels could have been used in liturgy; it is also possible that some of the goblets were used as free-standing lamps. The church had glazed windows in the nave and presbytery, while windows were also glazed at least in towers 1 and 3. Very interesting results were yielded by the archaeo-metric research of glass from Korinjski hrib, which willbe published separately in detail (Milavec, Šmit 2020). It was discovered that at this site completely different glass masses are represented than at e.g. Tonovcov grad near Kobarid in western Slovenia. Sites with a comparable selection of masses (groups Foy 3.2 and especially 2.1), which come from Egypt, can be found primarily in the Balkans: Serbia, Bulgaria, and Albania. 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ŠTUKL, J. 2004, Poznoantični depo s Puštala nad Trnjem (A hoard dating to late Antiquity from Puštal above Trnje). – Arheološki vestnik 55, 415–427. TEICHNER, F. 2011, Die Gräberfelder von Intercisa II: die Altfunde der Museumssammlungen in Berlin, Mainz und Wien. Volume 11 of Bestandskatalog. - Berlin. VINSKI, Z. 1980, Ovrednotenje grobnih pridatkov / Betracht­ungen zur Auswertung des Grabbeigabenfundstoffes der Völkerwanderungszeitlichen Nekropole in Kranj. – V / In: V. Stare, Kranj. Nekropola iz časa preseljevanja ljudstev ljudstev / [Kranj. Nekropole aus der Völkerwanderungszeit], Katalogi in monografije 18, 17-32, 91-104. ZANIER, W. 1988, Römische dreiflügelige Pfeilspitzen. – Saalburg Jahrbuch 44, 5–27. 4.KERAMIKA 4.POTTERY Zvezdana Modrijan Podobno kot na ostalih poznoantičnih višinskih naselbinah (Modrijan 2011, 121–123) tudi na Korinj­skem hribu keramika pomeni najštevilčnejši sklop najdb. Podatka o količini najdene keramike na Korinjskem hribu sicer nimamo – po izkopavanju so bili izbrani in inventarizirani le značilni kosi, preostali so bili zavrženi. Kasneje je bila izločena še večina prazgodovinske kera-mike, katere del je bil že objavljen (Dular et al. 1995), še neobjavljeno pa prinašamo v poglavju 13. Preostanek obsega okrog 750 kosov ustij, dnov, ročajev in ornamentiranih ostenij poznoantične keramike v skupni teži okrog 20 kg. Od tega jih je zrisanih in predstavljenih v katalogu 206.1 Močno prevladuje groba hišna keramika, saj pomeni kar 94 % ohranjenega keramičnega gradiva. Preostalih 6 % obsega uvožena keramika, med katero so zastopane afriška sigilata, glazirana keramika, navadna namizna keramika in amfore. Keramika je v katalogu in na tablah predstavljena po najdiščnih sklopih (posamezni stolpi, sonde, cer­kev). Gradivo znotraj najdiščnih sklopov je razvrščeno tipološko. Večina keramičnih najdb izvira iz ruševine zidanih objektov. UVOŽENA KERAMIKA AFRIŠKA SIGILATA Na Korinjskem hribu je bil najden en sam tipološko določljiv kos afriške sigilate (sl. 4.1; t. 4: 21). Gre za krož­nik, ki ga je že Philipp Pröttel pripisal tipu Hayes 87B severnotunizijske proizvodnje (Pröttel 1996, 205, t. 6: 11). Krožniki Hayes 87 so dolgo veljali za naslednika oblike Hayes 61B (Hayes 1972, 135–136; Pröttel 1996, 57–58). Bonifay nasprotno meni, da ti krožniki ne iz­hajajo iz oblike Hayes 61B, ampak so severna varianta osrednjetunizijske oblike Hayes 82 (Bonifay 2004, 173–175). Reynolds meni, da izvira vsaj del proizvod­ 1 Izbor keramike s Korinjskega hriba je bil že objavljen (Ciglenečki 1984, sl. 8,9; 1985, t. 5–7; 2000, sl. 102–104; Mod-rijan 2009, 33–40). Similar to other late antique hilltop settlements (Modrijan 2011, 121–123), pottery represents the most numerous group of finds at Korinjski hrib too. However, data about the complete amount of found pottery at Korin­jski hrib does not exist; namely, after the excavations, only typical pieces were selected and inventoried, while others were discarded. Later, most of the prehistorical pottery was removed and a part of it published (Dular et al. 1995), while the unpublished part is discussed in Chapter 13. The rest is composed of about 750 fragments of rims, bottoms, handles, and ornamented walls of late antique pottery weighing about 20kg. A total of 206 of these have been drawn and presented in the catalogue.1 Coarse pot­tery strongly prevails, representing no less than 94% of all preserved pottery material. The other 6% is imported pottery, including African Red Slip Ware, glazed pottery, common tableware, and amphorae. Pottery is presented in the catalogue and Plates according to findspot groups (individual towers, trial trenches, the church). The material within the findspot groups is arranged typologically. Most of the pottery finds originate from the ruins of stone buildings. IMPORTED POTTERY AFRICAN RED SLIP WARE One single piece of typologically determinable Af­rican Red Slip Ware was found at Korinjski hrib (Fig. 4.1; Pl. 4: 21). It is a plate that has been assigned by Philipp Pröttel to the Hayes 87B type of north Tunisian produc­tion (Pröttel 1996, 205, Pl. 6: 11). Hayes 87 plates were long believed to be the suc­cessor of Hayes 61B form (Hayes 1972, 135–136; Pröttel 1996, 57–58). On the contrary, Michel Bonifay believes that these plates do not stem from the Hayes 61B form, but are the northern variant of central Tunisian form Hayes 82 (Bonifay 2004, 173–175). Paul Reynolds believes that 1 A selection of pottery from Korinjski hrib has already been published (Ciglenečki 1984, Figs. 8,9; 1985, Pls. 5–7; 2000, Figs. 102–104; Modrijan 2009, 33–40). Sl. 4.1: Odlomek afriške sigilate Hayes 87B (prim t. 4: 21). M. = 1:3. Fig. 4.1: Fragment of African Red Slip Ware of form Hayes 87B. (cf. Pl. 4: 21). Scale = 1:3. nje Hayes 87B in 87C iz alžirskih delavnic (Reynolds 1995, 11). Datirani so v zgodnje 6. st. (Hayes 1972, 135–136). Variante oblike Hayes 87 so precej pogosta oblika na poznoantičnih višinskih naselbinah v jugovzhodnih Alpah. Oblika Hayes 87B je bila odkrita na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem (Pröttel 1996, t. 6: 1,2), Križni gori (Pröttel 1996, t. 6: 15, tip 87B), Ajdni (Pröttel 1996, t. 7: 1–2), Gori nad Polhovim Gradcem (Pröttel 1996, t. 9: 14–15) in Sv. Pavlu nad Vrtovinom (Pröttel 1996, t. 25: 10). Oblika Hayes 87C je znana iz Kranja (Pröttel 1996, t. 6: 18), 87A pa iz obmorske naselbine Fizine (Gaspari et al. 2007, t. 8: 225). Poleg oblike Hayes 87B je bilo na Korinju najde­nih še nekaj tipološko ožje nedoločljivih kosov afriške sigilate proizvodnje D2, verjetno deli velikih krožnikov. GLAZIRANA KERAMIKA (sl. 4.2) V drugi polovici 4. st. je glazirana keramika sodila med tipičen inventar naselbin v jugovzhodnih Alpah – predvsem na območju Claustra Alpium Iuliarum(Hrušica: Giesler 1981, t. 41; Martinj hrib: Leben, Šubic 1990, t. 13–15; 16: 275; Ajdovščina: Vidrih Perko, Žbona Trkman 2005, 282), pa tudi na višinskih postojankah v zaledju (pregled pri Modrijan 2011, 133–136). Na Korinjskem hribu je bilo najdeno namizno in kuhinjsko glazirano posodje (sl. 4.2; t. 4: 22–23; 11: 1; 20: 5; 23: 15; 24: 10; 25: 5-8; 26: 15). Namiznega zasto­pajo sklede in vrči, kuhinjskega pa melnice. Melnica (sl. 4.2: 1; t. 20: 5) je izdelana iz oranžno žgane, v prelomu sive gline s primesmi sljude in redkimi delci zdrobljene opeke. Na površino je bil najprej nane-sen rjavo-rdeč premaz, čezenj pa na notranji strani oliv-no zelena glazura (sl. 4.3). Melnice s poševno izvihanim širokim robom, ki presega ustje (LRG 5 po Cvjetićanin 2006, 26–28), sodijo med najpogostejše v jugovzhodnih Alpah (Hrušica: Giesler 1981, t. 41: 6–11,19–24; Martinjhrib: Leben, Šubic 1990, t. 13: 234; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, t. 11: 4,6,10; Ajdovski gradec: Mirnik Prezelj 1984, t. 29: 272; Rifnik: Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, sl. 4: 1–6; Ančnikovo gradišče: Modrijan 2017, sl. 4: 7; Sv. Hema: Ladstätter 2000, t. 5: 11–13; 6; Frauenberg, Hoischhügel: Steinklauber 2013, 69). V podonavskih provincah se pojavljajo v kontekstih 4. in začetka 5. st. (Cvjetićanin 2006, 27–28). at least part of the production of Hayes 87B and 87C origi­nates in Algerian workshops (Reynolds 1995, 11). They are dated to the early 6th century (Hayes 1972, 135–136). Variants of the Hayes 87 form are a fairly frequent form at late antique hilltop settlements in the south-east­ern Alps. The Hayes 87B form was discovered at Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (Pröttel 1996, Pl. 6: 1,2), Križna gora (Pröttel 1996, Pl: 6: 15, type 87B), Ajdna (Pröttel 1996, Pl. 7: 1–2), Gora above Polhov Gradec (Pröttel 1996, Pl. 9: 14–15), and Sv. Pavel above Vrtovin (Pröttel 1996, Pl. 25: 10). The form of Hayes 87C is known from Kranj (Pröttel 1996, Pl. 6: 18), and 87A from the seaside settlement of Fizine (Gaspari et al. 2007, Pl. 8: 225). In addition to the form of Hayes 87B, a few typologi­cally precisely indeterminable fragments of African Red Slip Ware of D2 production were found, probably parts of big plates. GLAZED POTTERY (Fig. 4.2) In the second half of the 4th century, glazed pottery belonged among typical inventory of settlements in the area of the south-eastern Alps—especially in the area of Claustra Alpium Iuliarum (Hrušica: Giesler 1981, Pl.41; Martinj hrib: Leben, Šubic 1990, Pls. 13–15; 16: 275; Ajdovščina: Vidrih Perko, Žbona Trkman 2005, 282), as well as in the hilltop settlements in the hinterland (over­view in Modrijan 2011, 133–137). At Korinjski hrib, glazed tableware and kitchenware were found (Fig. 4.2; Pls. 4: 22–23; 11: 1; 20: 5; 26: 12; 23: 15; 24: 10; 25: 5–9; 26: 15). Tableware is represented by bowls and jugs, while kitchenware is represented by mortaria. A mortarium (Fig. 4.2: 1; Pl. 20: 5) is made of orange fired, in the fracture grey clay with inclusions of mica and rare particles of crushed brick. First, the brown-red slip was applied to the surface, and olive-green glaze over it on the inner side (Fig. 4.3). Mortaria with obliquely everted wide edges that overreach the rim (LRG 5 according to Cvjetičanin 2006, 26–28) belong among the most fre­quent in the south-eastern Alps (Hrušica: Giesler 1981, Pl. 41: 6–11, 19–24; Martinj hrib: Leben, Šubic 1990, Pl. 13: 234; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 11: 4,6,10; Ajdovski gradec above Vranje: Mirnik Prezelj 1984, Pl. 29: 272; Rifnik: Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, Fig. 4: 1–6; Ančnikovo gradišče: Modrijan 2017, Fig. 4: 7; Hemmaberg: Ladstätter Skleda z visokim poševnim robom (sl. 4.2: 2; t. 24: 10) je izdelana iz oranžno žgane gline s primesmi sljude in redkimi delci zdrobljene opeke, na notranji strani je premazana z olivno zeleno glazuro. Podobna je znana z Martinj hriba (Leben, Šubic 1990, t. 13: 232). Oblika ustreza tipu LRG 16 (Cvjetićanin 2006, 31), datiranemu v sredino 4. st., vendar je njihova faktura drugačna (bolj groba, sivo žgana) od korinjske. Skledi oziroma krožnika (ločitev je pri le z ustji ohra­njenih primeri težka) s širokim, vodoravno oziroma rahlo poševno izvihanim ustjem (sl. 4.2: 3–4; t. 4: 22; 26: 15) pripadata enemu najbolj razširjenih tipov v podonavskem prostoru (tip LRG 71 po Cvjetićanin 2006, 53–55). Take 2000, Pls. 5: 11–13; 6; Frauenberg, Hoischügel: Stein-klauber 2013, 69). In Danubian provinces they appear in contexts of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th centuries (Cvjetičanin 2006, 27–28). A bowl with a high, oblique edge (Fig. 4.2: 2; Pl. 24: 10) is made of orange fired clay with inclusions of mica and rare particles of crushed brick, on the inner side it is coated with olive-green glaze. A similar one is knownfrom Martinj hrib (Leben, Šubic 1990, Pl. 13: 232). The form corresponds to the LRG 16 type (Cvjetičanin 2006, 31), dated to the mid-4th century, but their fabric is dif­ferent (coarser, grey fired) from the one at Korinjski hrib. sklede tudi v jugovzhodnih Alpah spadajo med najpogo­stejše oblike glaziranega posodja (Kučar: Ciglenečki 1995, t. 84: 15; Gradec pri Prapretnem: Ciglenečki 1984, sl. 1: 2; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, t. 10: 4–9; t. 11: 1–2; Vranje: Petru, Ulbert 1975, sl. 30: 69–70; Knific 1979, 203–204, 206–207; Mirnik Prezelj 1984, t. 28: 264–265; Ančnikovo gradišče: Strmčnik 1997, t. 6: 22; Rifnik: Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, sl. 3: 1–5; Frauenberg: Steinklauber 2013, 67–68). Obe sta bili izdelani iz svetlo oranžno žgane gline s primesjo zelo finih zrnc sljude ter redkih drobnih zrnc apnenca in zdrobljene opeke. Z glazuro je bila prevlečena samo notranja stran, pri krožniku na sl. 4.2: 4 je na zunanji viden ostanek rdečega premaza. Slabo ohranjeno ustje (sl. 4.2: 6; t. 25: 5) verjetno pripada skodeli ali čaši. Posoda je bila izdelana iz fino prečiščene sivo žgane gline, kompaktna zelena glazura je ohranjena na zunanji in notranji strani. Na jugovzho­dnoalpskih višinskih naselbinah so podobne oblike znane še z Rifnika (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, sl. 3: 7) in Sv. Heme (Ladstätter 2000, t. 7: 4). Najden je bil tudi fragment malega vrčka z izvihanim in rahlo odebeljenim, na notranji strani usločenim ustjem in dolgim vratom (sl. 4.2: 7; t. 25: 6). Ročaj ni ohranjen, po analogijah pa sklepamo, da je imel vrček en ročaj. Izdelan je iz dobro prečiščene svetlo sive gline. Na zunanji in no-tranji strani je temno siv premaz, čezenj pa temno zelena glazura samo na zunanji strani. Podobni vrčki so pogosti predvsem na območju donavskega limesa (Bónis 1991, sl. 8: 13; Cvjetićanin 2006, 63, LRG 86), kjer se pogosto poja­vljajo v grobovih kot del servisa (Ladstätter 2000, 122, op. 682, s citirano literaturo). Na naselbinah vzhodnoalpskega prostora so znani z Ančnikovega gradišča (Strmčnik 1997, t. 5: 3), Gradca pri Prapretnem (Ciglenečki 1984, sl. 1: 1), Rifnika (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, sl. 3: 11), Sv. Heme (Ladstätter 2000, t. 7: 8) in Frauenberga (Steinklauber 2013, t. 45: F 404). Različnim vrčem pripadajo tudi ostanki treh roča­jev (sl. 4.2: 9–11; t. 11: 1; 23: 15; 25: 8). The two bowls or plates (distinction is difficult when only examples of rims are preserved) with a wide, horizon­tally or slightly obliquely everted rim (Fig. 4.2: 3–4; Pls. 4: 22; 26: 12) belong to one of the most widespread types in the Danubian area (type LRG 71 according to Cvjetičanin 2006, 53–55). Such bowls also belong among the most frequent forms of glazed vessels in the south-eastern Alps (Kučar: Ciglenečki 1995, Pl. 84: 15; Gradec near Prapre­tno: Ciglenečki 1984, Fig. 1: 2; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 10: 4–9, Pl. 11: 1–2; Ajdovski gradec above Vranje: Petru, Ulbert 1975, Fig. 30: 69–70; Knific 1979, 203–204, 206–207; Mirnik Prezelj 1984, Pl. 28: 264–265; Sv. Gore: Korošec 1997, Pl. 1: 14–16; Ančnikovo gradišče: Strmčnik 1997, Pl. 6: 22; Rifnik: Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, Fig. 3: 1–5; Frauenberg: Steinklauber 2013, 67–68). Both were made from light orange fired clay with the inclusion of very fine grains of mica and rare tiny grains of limestone and crushed brick. Only the inner side was coated with glaze, the remains of red slip can be seen on the outside of the plate on Fig. 4.2: 4. A poorly preserved rim (Fig. 4.2: 6; Pl. 25: 5) prob­ably belongs to a bowl or a beaker. The vessel was made from a purified, grey fired clay, the compact green glaze is preserved on the inner and outer sides. At hilltop settlements of the south-eastern Alps, similar forms are known from Rifnik (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, Fig. 3: 7) and Hemmaberg (Ladstätter 2000, Pl. 7: 4). A fragment of a small jug with an everted and slightly thickened, on the inside curved rim and long neck was also found (Fig. 4.2: 7; Pl. 25: 6). The handle is not preserved yet we assume from the analogies that the jug was one-handled. It is made of well-purified light grey clay. On the inner and outer sides, it has a dark grey slip, and over it a dark green glaze on the outside only. Similar jugs are frequent especially in the area of the Danubian limes (Bónis 1991, Fig. 8: 13; Cvjetičanin 2006, 63, LRG 86), where they often appear in graves as part of the set (Ladstätter 2000, 122, footnote 682, with quoted sources). At settlements of the eastern-Alpine area, they are known from Ančnikovo gradišče (Strmčnik 1997, Pl. 5: 3), Gradec near Prapretno (Ciglenečki 1984, Fig. 1: 1), Rifnik (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, Fig. 3: 11), Hemmaberg (Ladstätter 2000, Pl. 7: 8), and Frauenberg (Steinklauber 2013, Pl. 45: F 404). Fragments of three handles also belong to various jugs (Fig. 4.2: 9–11; Pls. 11: 1; 23: 15; 25: 8). In addition to examples presented in plates, numer­ous other fragments were found at Korinjski hrib, the form of which was not possible to reconstruct. Despite that, it is visible that these are mostly bowls and mortaria. Considering the fabric, glazed pottery can be clas­sified into two groups. The majority are oxidised fired, light orange to beige, made of partly purified clay with a fair share of fine mica, mostly with particles of ground limestone and brick added. Certain pieces are orange fired on the outside and grey fired on the inside. The surface Poleg primerov, predstavljenih na tablah, je bilo na Korinjskem hribu najdenih precej odlomkov, kate­rih oblike ni bilo mogoče rekonstruirati. Kljub temu je vidno, da gre v večini primerov za sklede in melnice. Po fakturi lahko glazirano keramiko uvrstimo v dve skupini. Največ je oksidacijsko žganih, svetlo oranžno do bež kosov, izdelanih iz delno prečiščene gline s precej fine sljude, večinoma je dodan drobno zmlet apnenec in ope-ka. Nekateri kosi so zunaj oranžno, znotraj pa sivo žgani. Površina teh posod je mehka, na otip kredasta, glazura svetlo do olivno zelena, večinoma slabo ohranjena. V treh primerih (t. 25: 5,6,8) je zastopana sivo žgana glina z dodatkom drobno zmletega apnenca. Površina je precej bolj hrapava kot pri prej opisanih primerih. Glazura na zunanji strani je temno zelena in groba, s precej zračnimi mehurčki. V prvi fakturni skupini so izdelane vse melnice in sklede, v drugi pa dva vrča in čaša. Glazirano posodje so proizvajale številne panonske delavnice (prim. Grünewald 1979, 72–74; Bonis 1991, 87–149; Ottományi 1996, 71–133), iz severnoitalijan­skega prostora je za zdaj znana delavnica v Carlinu (Magrini, Sbarra 2005). V jugovzhodnih Alpah naj bi sicer delovalo več manjših, še nelociranih proizvodnih centrov (Capelli, Cabella, Piazza 2009, 74; Magrini, Sbarra 2009, 86), vendar razen tiste iz Carlina še nobe­na ni bila z gotovostjo potrjena. Delavnico na podlagi najdbe poskusnega kosa domnevajo na Frauenbergu, čeprav ostanki peči niso bili najdeni (Steinklauber 2013, 65, barvna t. 1). Tega, od kod izvirajo korinjski kosi, brez arheometričnih analiz ni mogoče določiti, saj so panonske in severnoitalijanske delavnice uporabljale podobno tehnologijo in so si fakture njihovih izdelkov zelo podobne (Capelli, Cabella, Piazza 2009, 74). Glazirano posodje s Korinjskega hriba lahko da­tiramo v drugo polovico 4. st. V njegovem spektru se pojavljajo nekatere starejše značilnosti (kombinacija premaza in glazure), ni pa z valovnicami okrašenih posod, ki se na drugih najdiščih pojavijo šele okrog leta 400 (Ladstätter 2000, 128). NAVADNA NAMIZNA KERAMIKA (sl. 4.4) Navadna namizna keramika je na Korinjskem hribu zastopana skromno, gre pa za posode, ki so po fakturi podobne glaziranim, zato domnevamo, da gre za izdelke istih delavnic. Med oblikami so zastopani samo vrči (sl. 4.4; t. 2: 3; 4: 24; 25: 10). AMFORE (sl. 4.5) Ostanki amfor na Korinjskem hribu niso številni. Tudi njihova relativna zastopanost v keramičnem gra­divu je skromna – obsega približno 5 % glede na težo of these vessels is soft and chalky to the touch; the glaze is light green to olive green, mostly poorly preserved. In three examples (Pl. 25: 5,6,8) grey fired clay with the inclusion of finely ground limestone is represented. The surface is much coarser than with the above-de­scribed examples. The glaze on the outside is dark green and coarse, with many air bubbles. All mortaria and bowls are made in the first fabric group, and two jugs and a beaker in the second (Pl. 25: 5,6,8). Glazed vessels were manufactured in numerous Pannonian workshops (cf. Grünewald 1979, 72–74; Bo-nis 1991, 87–149; Ottományi 1996, 71–133), for now the workshop in Carlino is known from the north-Italian area (Magrini, Sbarra 2005). However, several smaller, until now unlocated production centres supposedly existed in the south-eastern Alps (Capelli, Cabella, Piazza 2009, 74; Magrini, Sbarra 2009, 86), but none other than the one in Carlino has yet been certainly confirmed. Based on a find of an experimental piece for a glaze firing a workshop is supposed at Frauenberg, despite the fact that remains of furnaces were not found (Steinklauber 2013, 65, colour Pl. 1). Without archaeometric analyses it is impossible to determine where pieces from Korinjski hrib come from, since Pannonian and north-Italian workshops used simi­lar technologies and the fabrics of their products greatly resemble each other (Capelli, Cabella, Piazza 2009, 74). Glazed vessels from Korinjski hrib can be dated to the second half of the 4th century. Certain earlier char­acteristics appear in its spectrum (the combination of slip and glaze), yet there are no vessels decorated with wavy lines which appear at other sites only around 400 (Ladstätter 2000, 128). COMMON TABLEWARE (Fig. 4.4) At Korinjski hrib, common tableware is modestly represented; these are vessels similar to the glazed ones in fabric, which leads us to assume that they are products of the same workshops. Jugs are the only represented form (Fig. 4.4; Pls. 2: 3; 4: 24; 25: 10). AMPHORAE (Fig. 4.5) Remains of amphorae at Korinjski hrib are not nu­merous. Their relative representation in pottery material is also modest—it comprises approx. 5% of the weight of diagnostic pieces. African and Eastern Mediterranean amphorae are represented, as at the majority of hilltop set­tlements. In number, Eastern Mediterranean prevail, but African in weight. The disproportion is the consequence of more massive African amphorae. African amphorae are typologically mostly unde-terminable, since only parts of walls were found. Most of diagnostičnih kosov. Zastopane so – kot na večini višin­skih naselbin – afriške in vzhodnosredozemske amfore. Pri tem številčno prevladujejo vzhodnosredozemske, po teži pa afriške. Nesorazmerje je posledica masivnejših afriških amfor. them were classified as African on the basis of the typical coarse fabric and light slip (Fig. 4.7). The only African form that can be recognised with certainty at Korinjski hrib, is a late small spatheion. Two can be reliably identi­fied. The two fragments (Fig. 4.5: 1–2; Pl. 25: 11,13) defi­ Afriške amfore tipološko večinoma niso določljive, saj so bili najdeni samo deli ostenij. Kot afriške smo jih opredelili na podlagi značilne grobe fakture in svetlega premaza (sl. 4.7). Edina afriška oblika, ki jo je mogoče na Korinjskem hribu zanesljivo prepoznati, je pozni mali spatejon. Zanesljivo lahko identificiramo dva. Ustje in konica (sl. 4.5: 1–2; t. 25: 11,13) zanesljivo pripadata eni amforici, verjetno spada zraven tudi vrat (sl. 4.5: 4; t. 25: 12). Drugi amforici pripada druga konica (sl. 4.5: 3; t. 25: Sl. 4.7: Ostenje afriške amfore. Fig. 4.7: Fragment of the wall of African amphora. nitely belong to one small amphora, the neck probably also belongs to it (Fig. 4.5: 4; Pl. 25: 12). The second base belongs to the second small amphora (Fig. 4.5: 3; Pl. 25: 14). Both amphorae were made of a fairly rough, orange-grey patchy fired clay with the addition of mica (Fig. 4.6). Small spatheia are relatively frequent finds on late antique sites in the south-eastern Alps and have been discussed several times (Mackensen 1992, 239–254; Knific 1994, 219–220, 223–224; Modrijan 2011, 144–147, with collected analogies). The most recent dating sets their appearance to the end of the 6th or to the 7th century (Bonifay 2004, 127–129). In Slovenia, they appear mostly in layers immediately prior to the abandonment of hilltop settlements at the end of the 6th century (Knific 1994, 220; Bausovac 2010, 696). At Tonovcov grad, the burial of a small amphora with the silver coin of emperor Justinian is set to the mid-6th century (Modrijan 2011, 147). A better-preserved example from Korinjski hrib belongs to variant A, which appears at the end of the 6th and in the 7th century (Bonifay 2004, 127–129). Very similar to the one from Korinjski hrib are two spatheia from Ajdovski gradec (Knific 1994, Fig. 7: 1) and Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, Pl. 10: 5). Eastern Mediterranean amphorae are also modestly represented at Korinjski hrib and difficult to typologically define due to poor preservation. Amphorae walls (Fig. 4.5: 5–7; Pls. 11: 2; 23: 16; 30: 18) and a handle (Fig. 4.5: 8; Pl. 20: 6) probably belong to type LRA 1, which belongs among the most frequent late 14). Obe sta bili izdelani iz dokaj raskave, oranžno-sivo lisasto žgane gline z dodatkom sljude (sl. 4.6). Mali spatejoni so precej pogosta najdba na pozno­antičnih najdiščih v jugovzhodnih Alpah in so bili že večkrat obravnavani (Mackensen 1992, 239–254; Knific 1994, 219–220, 223–224; Modrijan 2011, 144–147, z zbranimi analogijami do leta 2011). Zadnje datacije postavljajo njihov pojav na konec 6. oziroma v 7. st. (Bo­nifay 2004, 127–129). V Sloveniji se pojavljajo večinoma v plasteh tik pred opustitvijo višinskih naselbin konec 6. st. (Knific 1994, 220; Bausovac 2010, 696). Na Tonov­covem gradu je zakop amforice s srebrnikom cesarja Justinijana postavljen v sredino 6. st. (Modrijan 2011, 147). Bolje ohranjeni korinjski primer sodi v varianto A, ki se pojavljajo konec 6. in v 7. st. (Bonifay 2004, 127–129). Zelo podobna korinjskemu sta še spatejona z Ajdovskega gradca (Knific 1994, sl. 7: 1) in Rifnika (Bausovac 2011, t. 10: 5). Tudi vzhodnosredozemske amfore so na Korinj­skem hribu skromno zastopane in zaradi slabe ohran­jenosti težko tipološko določljive. Ostenja amfor (sl. 4.5: 5–7; t. 11: 2; 23: 16; 30: 18) in ročaj (sl. 4.5: 8; t. 20: 6) verjetno pripadajo tipu LRA 1, ki spada med najpogostejše poznoantične amfore na obravnavanem območju (analogije zbrane pri Modrijan 2011, 149-150; za razprostranjenost glej Modrijan 2015, 21–32, sl. 9). Gre za dolgotrajno obliko, najpogostejša, klasična varianta se pojavlja v kontekstih druge polovi­ce 5. in v 6. st. (Arthur 1998, 164–165; Pieri 2005, 85). Razmah teh amfor po sredini 5. st. povezujejo tudi z vojaško anono. Njihova tipološka raznovrstnost in velika pogostost sicer izključuje zgolj vojaško rabo, mogoča pa je občasna stimulacija proizvodnje v povezavi z anono (Reynolds 2005, 577; Elton 2005, 693–694). Nekaj odlomkov bi lahko pripisali tipu LRA 2 (sl. 4.5: 10–12; t. 11: 3; 30: 17,19), izvorno iz egejsko-črnomorskega prostora (Arthur 1998, 168–169; Opaiţ 2004a, 295–296; Pieri 2005, 85–94). Te amfore so po­sebej pogoste v Podonavju, kjer naj bi bile povezane z organizirano oskrbo čet na utrdbah donavskega limesa (Karagiorgou 2001, 149; Opaiţ 2004a, 307; Swan 2004, 381–382). V zahodnem Sredozemlju naj bi bila njihova prisotnost bolj znak trgovskih povezav (Karagiorgou 2001, 149–151; Pieri 2005, 86-93). V obravnavanem prostoru so pogoste predvsem na obalnem območju, posamezni primeri se pojavljajo tudi v osrednji Slove­niji in na Koroškem (analogije do leta 2011 zbrane pri Modrijan 2011, 151; za razprostranjenost glej Modrijan 2015, 21–32, sl. 9). Nekaj odlomkov lahko opredelimo le okvirno med vzhodnomediteranske amfore. Amfore – čeprav skromne – potrjujejo poselitev Korinjskega hriba v dveh fazah. Afriške amfore (z izje-mo poznih spatejonov) se na obravnavanem območju pojavljajo do sredine 5. st., medtem ko so vzhodnosre­dozemske in pozni spatejoni značilni predvsem za 6. st. antique amphorae in the area discussed (analogies col­lected in Modrijan 2011, 148-150; for their distribution see Modrijan 2015, 21–32, Fig. 9). This is a long-lasting form, the most frequent, classical variant of which ap­pears in contexts of the second half of the 5th and in the 6th century (Arthur 1998, 164–165; Pieri 2005, 85). The spread of these amphorae after the mid-5th century is also connected with the military annona. Their typo­logical diversity and great frequency generally exclude solely military use; however, occasional stimulation of the production in connection with the annona is possible (Reynolds 2005, 577; Elton 2005, 693–694). A few fragments could be ascribed to type LRA 2 (Fig. 4.5: 10–12; Pls. 11: 3; 30: 17,19), originating from the Aegean-Black Sea area (Arthur 1998, 168–169; Opaiţ 2004a, 295–296; Pieri 2005, 85–94). These amphorae are especially frequent in the Danubian area, where they were supposedly connected with the organised supply of troops at the forts of the Danubian limes (Karagiorgou 2001, 149; Opaiţ 2004a, 307; Swan 2004, 381–382). In the western Mediterranean their presence was supposed to be more of a sign of trading connections (Karagiorgou 2001, 149–151; Pieri 2005, 170–177). In the discussed area, they are frequent especially in the coastal part, while individual examples also appear in central Slovenia and in Carinthia (analogies collected in Modrijan 2011, 151; for the distribution see Modrijan 2015, 21–32, Fig. 9). A few fragments can only roughly be ascribed to Eastern Mediterranean amphorae. Amphorae—albeit modest—confirm the population of Korinjski hrib in two phases. African amphorae (with the exception of late spatheia) appear in the discussed area until the mid-5th century, while Eastern Mediterranean and late spatheia are typical primarily for the 6th century. AEGEAN COOKING POTS (Fig. 4.8) Late Roman Aegean cooking pots include a pot with a fairly vertically set rim and a prominent edge in the inside of the rim. On the lower part, the rim sharply transforms into the body (Fig. 4.8; Pl. 22: 9). The pot is made of dark grey fired, on the inside brownish clay. Some quartz and a lot of mica can be noticed among inclusions. The pot differs from all vessels from Korinjski hrib in shape and fabric. The most similar to it in shape and fabric are the so-called Saraçhane type B cooking pots (Hayes 1992, 43: 108; Fig. 45: 130,132).2 In Istanbul, they are the most frequent form of cooking pots in the end of the 6th and in the 7th century (Hayes 1992, 100–101). In the Aegean area, the form is also known from Kythera (Johnston, Slane, Vroom 2014, Fig. 21: d–f; Warner Slane, Kiriatzi 2014, Fig. 7), Gortina (Martin 1997, 355–356, Pl. 128: 4–5), and from 2 I would like to thank Andrei Opaiţ for the help with the classification. EGEJSKA KUHINJSKA KERAMIKA (sl. 4.8) Med poznoantično egejsko kuhinjsko keramiko (Late Roman Aegean cooking pots) spada lonec z dokaj pokončno postavljenim ustjem in izrazitim robom na notranji strani ustja. Ustje na spodnjem delu ostro pre­haja v trup (sl. 4.8; t. 22: 9). Lonec je izdelan iz temno sivo žgane, v notranjosti rjavkaste gline. Med dodatki je opazno nekaj kremena in precej sljude. Lonec se po obliki in fakturi razlikuje od vseh posod s Korinjskega hriba. Najbolj podobni po obliki in fakturi so mu tako imenovani Saraçhane type B cooking pots (Hayes 1992, 43: 108; sl. 45: 130,132).2 V Istanbulu so najpogostejša oblika kuhinjskih loncev konec 6. in v 7. st. (Hayes 1992, 100–101). Na egejskem območju je oblika znana še s Kitere (Johnston, Slane, Vroom 2014, sl. 21: d–f; Warner Slane, Kiriatzi 2014, sl. 7), Gortine (Martin 1997, 355–356, t. 128: 4–5) ter iz brodoloma Yassi Ada (Bass, Van Doornick 1982). Oblika je zastopana na več najdiš-čih v Romuniji (Opaiţ 2004b, t. 38: 8–9,13), pogosta je tudi v Rimu – Crypta Balbi (Ricci 1998, 359, sl. 4: 12). V zahodnem Sredozemlju so bili odkriti v Bengaziju (Riley 1979, sl. 108: 579–580), Kartagini (Fulford, Pe­acock 1994, sl. 4.12: 4.1–4.3), Marseillu (Tréglia 2005, sl. 3: 3–10) in Taragoni (Macías Solé, Remolá Vallverdú 2005, sl. 4.6–4.7). Lonci so v pozno 6. in v 7. st. datirani tudi na Kiteri (Warner Slane, Kiriatzi 2014, 909). V Crypta Balbi so ena najpogostejših oblik v 7. st. (Ricci 1998, 359), v 7. in 8. st. so datirani v Marseillu (Tréglia 2005, 301). Produkcijski centri niso bili odkriti, domnevajo izvor bodisi na območju Istanbula oziroma Marmar­skega morja (Tréglia 2005, 301) bodisi jugozahodno od Istanbula oziroma v Troadi (Warner Slane, Kiriatzi 2014, 909–910). Lonec za zdaj na obravnavanem območju nima analogij, se pa podobni pojavljajo v kontekstih poznega 6. in v 7. st. v pristanišču Classe pri Raveni.3 Na Korinjskem hribu je lonec dokaz zadnjih stikov s Sredozemljem konec 6. oziroma v začetku 7. st. the shipwreck Yassi Ada (Bass, Van Dooornick 1982). The form is found in several sites in Romania (Opaiţ 2004b, Pl. 38: 8–9,13), and is also frequent in Rome – Crypta Balbi (Ricci 1998, 359, Fig. 4: 12). In the western Mediterranean they were discovered in Benghazi (Riley 1979, Fig. 108: 579–580), Carthage (Fulford, Peacock 1994, Fig. 4.12: 4.1–4.3), Marseille (Tréglia 2005, Fig. 3: 3–10), and Tarragona (Macías Solé, Remolá Vallverdú 2005, Figs. 4.6–4.7). Pots were also dated to the late 6th and to the 7th century at Kythera (Warner Slane, Kiriatzi 2014, 909). In Crypta Balbi they are one of the most frequent forms in the 7th century (Ricci 1998, 359), into the 7th and 8th centuries they are dated in Marseille (Tréglia 2005, 301). Production centres have not been discovered, but their origin is assumed either in the area of Istanbul or the Sea of Marmara (Tréglia 2005, 301) or south-west of Istan­bul or in Troada (Warner Slane, Kiriatzi 2014, 909–910). Currently, the pot has no analogies in the discussed area, while similar ones appear in the contexts of the late 6th and the 7th century in the port of Classe near Ravenna.3 At Korinjski hrib the pot represents proof of the last contacts with the Mediterranean at the end of the 6th or in the beginning of the 7th century. 2 Za pomoč pri opredelitvi se zahvaljujem Andreiu Opaiţu. Neobjavljeno, za informacijo se zahvaljujem Enricu Cirelliju. 3 Unpublished, I thank Enrico Cirelli for the information. GROBA KERAMIKA Pod tem imenom razumemo keramiko grobe izde-lave, neenotne fakture in barve, ki so jo uporabljali pri kuhi (na ognju) ali za shranjevanje živil, nekatere oblike pa tudi za strežbo. Ker je groba keramika na večini poznoantičnih najdišč najštevilčnejša skupina, je vse pogosteje pred-met analiz – tako tipoloških kot kronoloških. Zgodo­vina raziskav pred letom 2010 je podana pri obravnavi grobe keramike s Tonovcovega gradu (Modrijan 2011, 158–160). Kasneje je iz vzhodnoalpskega prostora treba omeniti še dela Ulle Steinklauber, ki prinaša gradivo s treh poznoantičnih naselbin v Avstriji – Frauenberga, Duela in Hoischhügla (Steinklauber 2013), Barbare Kainrath za najdišče Kirchbichl pri Lavantu (Kainrath 2011) in disertacijo Maje Bausovac o keramiki z Rifnikapri Šentjurju (Bausovac 2011). Groba keramika na Korinjskem hribu pomeni kar 94 % vsega ohranjenega keramičnega gradiva (izbor ustja/ročaji/dna/ornamentirana ostenja). TEHNOLOGIJA Keramika s Korinjskega hriba je bila glede na teh­nološke značilnosti razdeljena na osnovi vrste, velikosti in gostote dodatkov, načina žganja (določanje glede na barvo – redukcijsko, oksidacijsko ali nekontrolirano) in načina izdelave (prostoročno, na počasnem vretenu, na hitrem vretenu). Način opisovanja parametrov je predstavljen pri Modrijan 2011, 162–163. Tako se je izoblikovalo 9 tehnoloških skupin (v skupino 10 so bile uvrščene neopredeljene posode), pri čemer je treba poudariti, da meje med njimi niso vedno jasne. TS 1 Črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu. Dodan droben do fin apnenec, na površini večinoma izpadel, zato je luknjičava. Včasih vsebuje sljudo. Površina mehka. TS 2 Svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu. Dodan droben do fin apnenec, na površini večinoma izpadel, zato je luknjičava. Včasih dodana zdrobljena keramika. Včasih vsebuje sljudo. Površina mehka. TS 3 Črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu. Dodan droben do fin apnenec. Včasih vsebuje sljudo. Površina trda, rahlo hrapava. TS 4 Svetlo rjava do rumena zunaj, znotraj in v prelo-mu. Dodan droben do fin apnenec, viden večinoma že COARSE WARE Pottery of rough manufacturing, ununified fabric and colour that was used for cooking (on the fire) or for storing food, some forms also for serving, is considered under this name. Since coarse ware is the most numerous group at the majority of late antique sites, it is increasingly more frequently the subject of analyses—both typological and chronological. The history of research prior to 2010 is presented in the discussion of coarse ware from Tonovcov grad (Modrijan 2011, 158–160). After that, works of Ulla Steinklauber need to be mentioned for the area of the eastern Alps, which bring material from three late antique settlements in Austria: Frauenberg, Duel, and Hoischügl (Steinklauber 2013), works of Barbara Kainrath for the site of Kirchbichl near Lavant (Kainrath 2011), and the dissertation of Maja Bausovac about pottery from Rifniknear Šentjur (Bausovac 2011). At Korinjski hrib, coarse ware represents no less than 94% of all preserved pottery material (selection of rims/ handles/bottoms/ornamented walls). TECHNOLOGY Considering its technological characteristics, pottery from Korinjski hrib was classified on the basis of type, size and density of inclusions, firing method (determined on the basis of colour—reduced, oxidised or uncontrolled), and type of manufacture (handmade, made on the slow pottery wheel, made on the fast pottery wheel). The manner of describing these parameters is described in Modrijan 2011, 162–163. In this process 9 technological groups were formed (group 10 includes undefined), whereby we need to em-phasise that boundaries between them are not always clear. Nevertheless, some characteristics can be noticed. Group 1 Black on the outside, inside, and in the fracture. Small or fine limestone added, mostly fallen out of the surface which is now porous. Occasionally includes mica. Surface soft. Group 2 Light brown on the outside, inside, and in the frac­ture. Small to fine limestone added, mostly fallen out of the surface which is now porous. Occasionally, crushed pottery was added. Occasionally includes mica. Surface soft. Group 3 Black on the outside, inside, and in the fracture. Small or fine limestone added. Occasionally includes mica. Surface hard, slightly rough. na površini, včasih tudi kremen. Neluknjičava. Včasih vsebuje sljudo. Površina trda, rahlo hrapava. TS 5 Črno žgana zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu. Brez vidnih primesi. Vsebuje sljudo. Površina trda, gladka. TS 6 Svetlo rjava ali svetlo siva zunaj in znotraj, prelom črn. Dodane neopredeljene primesi. Površina včasih rahlo luknjičava. TS 7 Siva do črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu. Doda­ne neopredeljene primesi. Površina gladka, z ostanki premaza. TS 8 Siva do črna, brez vidnih primesi (izpadle). Na površini vidne velike, včasih nepravilno oblikovane luknjice. TS 9 Rjava ali svetlo siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu. Dodan kremen. Površina trda, zelo groba (zrna kremena izstopajo iz površine). Močno prevladujejo na počasnem vretenu izdelane posode, ki so jih najprej oblikovali z rokami in potem dodelali na vretenu (prim. pri Steinklauber 2013, 70–71). Za nekaj primerov predpostavljamo izdelavo na hitrem vretenu, popolnoma prostoročna izdelava pa ni bila zaznana. Odtis vretena je še ohranjen na dnu nekaterih posod (t. 6: 3,4). Več kot polovica vse keramike (53 %) je uvrščena v tehnološko skupino 3 (sl. 4.9), to je trda, črno do temno sivo (redukcijsko) žgana keramika z dokaj trdo, nelukn­jičavo, rahlo hrapavo površino. Kot pustilo je uporabljen apnenec, včasih je opazna sljuda (kot naravna vsebnost gline). Druga najštevilčnejša skupina TS 4 (zastopana s 15 %) je po sestavi podobna, razlikujeta pa se po načinu žganja, saj je TS 4 svetla (oranžna do svetlo rjava), torej oksidacijsko žgana. Tretja najštevilčnejša skupina je TS 1, redukcijsko žgana keramika, ki pa je nekoliko mehkejša od TS 3 in na površini porozna. Na Korinjskem hribu na splošno prevladuje temna, redukcijsko žgana keramika (skupno 68 % diagnostičnih kosov). Kot pustilo tako pri redukcijsko kot oksidacijsko žganih posodah prevladuje apnenec, v nekaj primerih (TS 8, 2 % diagnostičnih kosov) so bile kot pustilo ver­jetno uporabljene organske snovi in v nekaj primerih (TS 9, 1 % diagnostičnih kosov) kremen. Kremen je včasih zastopan tudi v TS 3, vendar le kot dodatek apnencu. Group 4 Light brown to yellow on the outside, inside, and in the fracture. Small to fine limestone added, mostly visible on the surface, occasionally also quartz. Non-porous. Occasionally includes mica. Surface hard, slightly rough. Group 5 Black fired on the outside, inside, and in the fracture. No visible additions. Includes mica. Surface hard, smooth. Group 6 Light brown or light grey on the outside and inside, fracture black. Undefined inclusions added. Surface oc­casionally slightly porous. Group 7 Grey to black on the outside, inside, and in the fracture. Undefined inclusions added. Surface smooth, with remains of slip. Group 8 Grey to black, no visible inclusions (fallen out). Big pores occasionally irregular in form seen on the surface. Group 9 Brown or light grey on the outside, inside, and in the fracture. Quartz added. Surface hard, very coarse (quartz grains stand out from the surface). Vessels made on the slow pottery wheel, which were first shaped by hand and then finished on the wheel, strongly prevail (cf. at Steinklauber 2013, 70–71). For a few examples, manufacturing on the fast pottery wheel is assumed, while completely handmade manufacture was not recorded. On some bottoms the imprint of the pottery wheel is still preserved (Pl. 6: 3,4). More than half of all pottery (53%) is assigned to technological Group 3 (Fig. 4.9), which is hard, black to dark grey (reduced) fired pottery with a fairly hard, non-porous, slightly rough surface. Limestone is used as a tempering agent, occasionally mica can be noticed (as a natural content of clay). The second most numerous Group 4 (represented by 15%) is similar in composition, but differs in the firing method; for Group 4 it is light (orange to light brown), therefore oxidised. The third most numerous group is Group 1, reduced fired pottery, which is somewhat softer than Group 3 and porous on the surface. In general, at Korinjski hrib dark, reduced fired pot­tery prevails (a total of 68% of diagnostic pieces). As the tempering agent, limestone prevails in both reduced and oxidised fired vessels, in a few examples (Group 8, 2% of diagnostic pieces) organic substances were probably used as tempering agents, and in some cases (Group 9, 1% of diagnostic pieces) quartz. Quartz is occasionally also rep­resented in Group 3, but only as an addition to limestone. TIPOLOGIJA Ker gre pri poznoantični keramiki za izredno raznoliko, povečini tudi slabo ohranjeno gradivo, je tipološka opredelitev težka in postavljajo se vprašanja o smiselnosti tega početja (Modrijan 2011, 169–170; Steinklauber 2013, 71–72; Kainrath 2011, 147–150; Auer 2014, 765–766). Kljub raznolikosti in posledično težkemu opredeljevanju gradiva v tipe je zaradi njegove številčnosti osnovna klasifikacija nujno potrebna. Njen smisel je predvsem v lažjem obvladovanju velikega šte­vila najdb in lažjih primerjavah med najdišči. Grobo keramiko s Korinjskega hriba smo v osno-vi razdelili na sklede, lonce, vrče in pokrove oziroma pekve. Znotraj teh skupin smo večino gradiva razvrstili v tipe glede na obliko ustja. Posode, ki so bile preslabo ohranjene za tipološko razvrstitev, smo uvrstili v sku­pino neopredeljeno. Za osnovo tipološke klasifikacije je služila klasifikacija, razvita na gradivu s Tonovcovega gradu (Modrijan 2011, 169–194). Ker pa vse skupine s Tonovcovega gradu niso zastopane na Korinjskem hribu, hkrati pa se tu pojavljajo oblike, ki jih na Tonovcovem gradu ni, številčenje tipoloških skupin s Korinjskega hriba ne ustreza tistemu s Tonovcovega gradu. LONCI (sl. 4.10) So najštevilčnejša skupina na Korinjskem hribu, saj obsegajo 81 % vse grobe keramike. TIP 1 (t. 2: 7; 5: 1; 11: 7; 22: 13; 23: 17; 24: 1; 30: 23) V tip 1 sodijo majhni lonci s premerom ustja do 11 cm. Ustje je kratko in prehaja v zmerno kroglast ali TYPOLOGY Since with late antique pottery we are dealing with extremely diverse, mostly poorly preserved material, typological classification is difficult and raises questions whether this action makes sense (Modrijan 2011, 169– 170; Steinklauber 2013, 71–72; Kainrath 2011, 147–150; Auer 2014, 765–766). However, despite the diversity and consequently difficult classification of the material into types, some basic classification is necessary due to its nu­merousness. The purpose of the classification is primarily in the easier handling of a great number of finds and easier comparisons between sites. Coarse ware from Korinjski hrib was basically di­vided into bowls, pots, jugs, and lids or fire covers. Within these groups, most of the material was assigned types on the basis of the rim shape. Vessels that were too poorly preserved to be typologically classified were ascribed to the Undefined group. The classification developed on the material from Tonovcov grad served as the basis of typo­logical classification (Modrijan 2011, 169–195). However, since not all groups from Tonovcov grad are represented at Korinjski hrib, while forms appear here that are not present at Tonovcov grad, the numbering of typological groups from Korinjski hrib does not correspond to the one from Tonovcov grad. POTS (Fig. 4.10) Pots are the most numerous group at Korinjski hrib, since they encompass 81% of all coarse ware. TYPE 1 (Pls. 2: 7; 5: 1; 11: 7; 22: 13; 23: 17; 24: 1; 30: 23) Type 1 includes small pots with rim diameter of up to 11cm. The rim is short and transforms into a moderately globular or baggier body. The rim is set almost vertically (Pl. 2: 7) or is diagonally everted (Pls. 5: 1; 11: 9). The diameter of the body in some examples (Pls. 5: 1; 30: 23) only slightly exceeds the diameter of the rim, sometimes pots are distinctly globed (Pl. 11: 7). The rim edge is not thickened, it mostly ends semi-circularly, or can be cut off in a straight line. A similar form of small pots occasionally appears as a single-handle jug which together with the short, slightly inclined rim and small volume enables the assumption that they belong among drinking vessels (e.g. Duel: Stein-klauber 2013, 75, D134, D350, D759). At Korinjski hrib, this type is represented with only a few examples; however, such pots are fairly frequent at all late antique sites in the south-eastern Alps. They match certain pots of type 1 from Tonovcov grad, where they ap­pear in all three phases: the late Roman, late antique, and early medieval (Modrijan 2011, 184–187, with analogies cited there). Similar is also found by Ulla Steinklauber for pots from Frauenberg, Duel, and Hoischhügl (Steinklau­bolj vrečast trup. Ustje je postavljeno skoraj pokončno (t. 2: 7) ali pa je poševno izvihano (t. 5: 1; 11: 9). Premer trebuha v nekaterih primerih (t. 5: 1; 30: 23) le malo presega premer ustja, včasih so lončki izrazito trebušasti (t. 11: 7). Rob ustja je neodebeljen, večinoma polkrožno zaključen, lahko pa tudi ravno odrezan. Podobna oblika malih loncev včasih nastopa kot enoročajni vrček, kar skupaj s kratkim, rahlo nagnjenim ustjem in majhno prostornino omogoča domnevo, da spadajo med pivsko posodje (npr. Duel: Steinklauber 2013, 75, D134, D350, D759). Na Korinjskem hribu je tip zastopan le z nekaj primeri, so pa taki lonci precej pogosti na vseh pozno­antičnih najdiščih v jugovzhodnih Alpah. Ustrezajo nekaterim loncem tipa 1 s Tonovcovega gradu, kjer se pojavljajo v vseh treh fazah – poznorimski, poznoantič­ni in zgodnjesrednjeveški (Modrijan 2011, 184–186, s citiranimi analogijami). Podobno ugotavlja Steinklau­berjeva za lonce s Frauenberga, Duela in Hoischhügla (Steinklauber 2013, 128, tip 1). Na Rifniku so lonci po­dobne oblike večinoma izdelani prostoročno (tip 1.1 in 1.2) in na podlagi analogij datirani v čas druge polovice 6. in v 7. st. (tip 1.1, Bausovac 2011, 82–83), tip 1.2 pa celo od sredine 8. st. (Bausovac 2011, 83). Lonci tipa 1 s Korinjskega hriba so izdelani na počasnem vretenu in jih lahko datiramo le široko v poznoantično obdobje Izjema je mali kroglast lonček (premer ustja 6 cm) z izvihanim ustjem, izdelan iz črno žgane gline, okrašen na ramenu z nizom kratkih vtisov in kaneluro pod njim (t. 23: 17). Podobni so znani s severnoitalijanskih in zahodnojadranskih najdišč (Cividini 2017, lonci tipa 2, 240–241, sl. 8, s citiranimi analogijami), pri katerih pa je ustje nekoliko pokončnejše in trup nižji. S korinjskim lončkom jih druži predvsem močno trebušasta oblika ter niz vrezov in kanelura pod kratkim ustjem. Datirani so široko v obdobje 1.–4. st. (Cividini 2017, 241). TIP 2 (5: 2–5; 11: 8–10; 17: 9-12; 21: 1-3; 22: 14,15; 25: 17,18; 26: 13; 30: 24; 31: 1) V ta tip sodijo lonci s srednje dolgim ali dolgim izvihanim ustjem, ki brez vratu ostro prehaja v trebuh. Lonci so podobni tipu 1, vendar so večji (premer ustja nad 12 cm), ustje pa je nekoliko daljše. Ustje je v večini primerov ravno odrezano, lahko pa – redko – polkrožno zaključeno. Rob ustja je lahko tudi žlebljen (t. 17: 15; 22: 15). Lonci tipa 2 so pogosto okrašeni – zastopano je žlebljenje, metličenje, enolinijske in večlinijske valov-nice, lahko v kombinaciji z metličenjem. Ti lonci so med najštevilnejšimi tipi na Korinjskem hribu, pogosti so tudi na ostalih naselbinah jugovzhod­noalpskega območja. Na Tonovcovem gradu imajo ana­logije v tipu 1, pojavljajo pa se v vseh kronoloških fazah (Modrijan 2011, 184–186, t. 87, 88) in so – podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu – pogosto bogato okrašeni. ber 2013, 128, type 1). At Rifnik, pots of a similar form were mostly hand made (types 1.1 and 1.2) and based on analogies dated to the time of the second half of the 6th and to the 7th century (type 1.1, Bausovac 2011, 82–83), and type 1.2 even from the mid-8th century onwards (Bausovac 2011, 83). The majority of pots of type 1 from Korinjski hrib were made on the slow wheel and can be broadly dated in the late antique period. The only exception is represented by a small globular pot (rim diameter 6cm) with an everted rim, made of black fired clay, decorated at the shoulder with a series of short impressions and a groove under it (Pl. 23: 17) stands out among pots of type 1 at Korinjski hrib. Similar are known from northern Italian and western Adriatic sites (Cividini 2017, type 2 pots, 240–241, Fig. 8, with analo­gies cited there), but their rims are slightly more vertical and their bodies lower. They are related to the pot from Korinjski hrib primarily through their strongly globular form and a series of incisions and the groove under the short rim. They are broadly dated to the 1st–4th centuries (Cividini 2017, 241). TYPE 2 (5: 2–5; 11: 8–10; 17: 9-12; 21: 1-3; 22: 14,15; 25: 17,18; 26: 13; 30: 24; 31: 1) This type includes pots with a medium long or long everted rim which without the neck sharply transforms into the body. The pots are similar to type 1, yet are bigger (rim diameter more than 12cm), and the rim is slightly longer. The rim is mostly cut off in a straight line, or— rarely—semi-circularly ended. The edge of the rim can also be grooved (Pls. 17: 15; 22: 15). Pots of type 2 are frequently decorated—with groov­ing, brushed ornamentation, single-line and multi-line wavy lines, possibly in combination with brushed strokes. These pots are one of the most numerous types at Korinjski hrib, and are also frequent at other settlements in the south-eastern Alps. At Tonovcov grad they have analogies in type 1, appear in all chronological phases (Modrijan 2011, 184–186, Pls. 87, 88), and are, in a simi­lar way as at Korinjski hrib, frequently richly decorated. At Rifnik, they are most similar in form to pots of type 2.2, but which are always undecorated (Bausovac 2011, 87, Pl. 19: 3–8). They are also frequent at Austrian sites. At Frauen-berg, Duel, and Hoischhugl, some examples of type 3, especially 3.2 (Steinklauber 2013, 82; F258, F177, F733, D160–161, D171, D209–211, D414–416, D548–550, D618–620, H1–2, H6, H59–63), which is dated to the time from the 4th to the 7th century (Steinklauber 2013, 128), are similar. At Frauenberg, they are mostly undecorated or decorated only with a single wavy line, while at Duel, they are often richly decorated—brushed ornamenta­tion, grooving and wavy lines appear. Similar is true for Kirchbichl near Lavant, where they are also very frequent (Kainrath 2011, 151, D188–196). Na Rifniku jim po obliki najbolj ustrezajo lonci tipa 2.2, ki pa so vedno neokrašeni (Bausovac 2011, 87, t. 19: 3–8). Pogosti so tudi na avstrijskih najdiščih. Na Frauen-bergu, Duelu in Hoischhüglu so jim podobni nekateri primeri tipa 3, predvsem 3.2 (Steinklauber 2013, 82; F258, F177, F733, D160–161, D171, D209–211, D414– 416, D548–550, D618–620, H1–2, H6, H59–63), ki je datiran v čas od 4. do 7. st. (Steinklauber 2013, 128). Na Frauenbergu so večinoma neokrašeni ali okrašeni le z enolinijsko valovnico, medtem ko so na Duelu večkrat bogato okrašeni – pojavljajo se kanelure, metličenje in valovnice. Podobno velja za Kirchbichl pri Lavantu, kjer so ravno tako zelo pogosti (Kainrath 2011, 151, D188–196). TIP 3 (t. 2: 8–11,13; 5: 6–9; 11: 11–14; 17: 13–17; 22: 17,18; 24: 3; 31: 2–5) Sem spadajo lonci s precej dolgim, poševno izvi­hanim ustjem, ki prehaja v dokaj izrazit, usločen vrat. Rob ustja je zaobljen ali – redkeje – ravno odrezan, v tem primeru včasih žlebljen. V primerih, ko je ohranjeno samo ustje brez vratu, ni mogoča ločitev od tipa 2. Tudi ti lonci so – podobno kot lonci tipa 2 – po­gosto okrašeni z valovnicami, metličenjem, lahko tudi s kombinacijo obojega. To je ena najpogostejših poznoantičnih oblik, zato je tip precej nehomogen. Analogije za podobne lonce najdemo na skoraj vseh poznoantičnih najdiščih. Na Tonovcovem gradu so podobni lonci uvrščeni v tip 6, ki se pojavlja v glavnem v zgodnjesrednjeveških kontekstih (Modrijan 2011, 191–193, s tam zbranimi analogijami), vendar imajo zgodnjesrednjeveški lonci drugačno fakturo, pa tudi ustje je še nekoliko daljše in vrat še izraziteje oblikovan. Na Rifniku so podobni lonci uvrščeni v tip 2.1 (Bausovac 2011, t. 16: 7–10; 17: 1–7). Varianta z zaobljenim robom ustja ustreza neka­terim primerom tipa 2 po Steinklauberjevi (F3, F178, F236, F298–301, F395, F413–415, F572, F777, F598–604, D159, D162–163, D273, D289, D413, D416, D434, D441–442, D613–614, D617, H5), varianta z ravno odrezanim robom ustja pa nekaterim primerom tipa 7 po Steinklauberjevi (z žlebljenim robom: D133, D418, F71, D136, D163, D211, D245, D297, D548). Posebno priljubljeni so na Duelu, kjer so včasih bogato okrašeni, pogosta je kanelura na prehodu iz vratu v trebuh. Oblika je dolgotrajna, zelo redka je v 4. in 5. st., bolj priljubljena pa v 6. st. Sega še v zgodnji srednji vek (Modrijan 2011, 193; Steinklauber 2013, 128 – za tip 2). Primere s Korinjskega hriba lahko datiramo v 6. st., saj se od zgodnjesrednjeveških razlikujejo po fakturi in okrasu. TYPE 3 (Pls. 2: 8–11,13, 5: 6–9; 11: 11–14; 17: 13–17; 22: 17,18; 24: 3; 31: 2–5) This type includes pots with a fairly long, diagonally everted rim that transforms into a quite distinct, curved neck. The edge of the rim is rounded or—rarely—cut off in a straight line, in this case occasionally grooved. When only the rim without the neck is preserved, they cannot be distinguished from type 2. These pots are also—in a similar way as for type 2 pots—frequently decorated with wavy lines, brushed strokes, and possibly with a combination of both. This is one of the most frequent late antique forms, therefore the type is fairly inhomogeneous. Analogies for similar pots are found practically at all late antique sites. At Tonovcov grad, similar pots are assigned to type 6, which appears mainly in early medieval contexts (Modrijan 2011, 191–193, with analogies collected there); however, early medieval pots have a different fabric and the rim is slightly longer and the neck more distinctly shaped. At Rifnik, similar pots are ascribed to type 2.1 (Bau­sovac 2011, Pls. 16: 7–10; 17: 1–7). The variant with the rounded edge of the rim matches certain examples of type 2 according to Ula Steinklauber (F3, F178, F236, F298–301, F395, F413–415, F572, F777, F598–604, D159, D162–163, D273, D289, D413, D416, D434, D441–442, D613–614, D617, H5), while the variant with the rim edge cut off in a straight line matches some of the examples of type 7 according to Steinklauber (with grooved edge: D133, D418, F71, D136, D163, D211, D245, D297, D548). They are espe­cially popular at Duel, where they are occasionally richly decorated, grooving at the transition from the neck to the body is frequent. The form is long-lasting, it is very rare in the 4th and the 5th centuries, and more popular in the 6th century. It reaches into the Early Middle Ages (Modrijan 2011, 193; Steinklauber 2013, 128 – for type 2). Examples from Ko­rinjski hrib can be dated to the 6th century, since they differ from the early medieval ones in fabric and decoration. TYPE 4 (Pls. 2: 12,14; 5: 10; 21: 4,5) This type includes pots which are similar to pots of type 2 in the form of the rim and the neck, but dif­fer in the form of the lower part. Namely, these are low small pots with a fairly short, diagonally everted rim, in which the diameter of the body does not outreach or just outreaches the rim diameter. The rim can be curved on the inside (Pls. 2: 13; 21: 4). Pots are very similar in size, since five have a diameter of 13cm, and only one (Pl. 21: 5) stands out with a diameter of 18cm and thus nears the dimensions of bowls. The example from Tonovcov grad (Modrijan 2011, Pl. 85: 5) is defined as an intermediate form between pots and bowls, while analogies can also be found in Piran (Vidrih Perko 1994, Fig. 5: 1), Koper (Cunja 1996, Pl. 33: 357 – as a bowl, diameter 18cm), Predloka (Boltin Tome TIP 4 (t. 2: 12,14; 5: 10; 21: 4,5) V ta tip so uvrščeni lonci, ki so po obliki ustja in vratu podobni loncem tipa 2, jih pa od njih loči oblika spodnjega dela. Gre namreč za nizke lončke z dokaj kratkim, poševno izvihanim ustjem, katerih premer trebušnega dela ne presega ali le malenkostno presega premer ustja. Ustje je lahko na notranji strani rahlo uslo-čeno (t. 2: 13; 21: 4). Lonci so po velikosti dokaj podobni, saj jih ima pet premer 13 cm, le eden (t. 21: 5) odstopa s premerom 18 cm in se tako že približuje skledam. Kot vmesna oblika med lonci in skledami je opre­deljen primer s Tonovcovega gradu (Modrijan 2011, t. 85: 5), analogije pa najdemo še v Piranu (Vidrih Perko 1994, sl. 5: 1), Kopru (Cunja 1996, t. 33: 357 – kot skleda, prem. 18 cm), Predloki (Boltin Tome 1993, sl. 3: 1,4) in Kranju (Sagadin 2008, t. 5: 6; 8: 4–5; 12: 16). Skoraj vsi lonci tega tipa s Korinjskega hriba so bogato okrašeni (valovnica, metličenje, vbodi …), po­dobno velja za naštete analogije. Popolnoma neokrašen je samo lonec t. 22: 16. Opazna je koncentracija na zahodnem delu obrav­navanega območja. Njihova odsotnost v naseljih, ki ne živijo čez sredino 5. st., omogoča datacijo v 6. st. TIP 5 (t. 21: 6,7; 22: 19; 31: 6) V ta tip sodijo lonci s kratkim, dokaj pokončno postavljenim ustjem, katerega rob je na zunanji strani potegnjen navzdol, da tvori tako imenovani ovratnik. Ustreza tipu 4 s Tonovcovega gradu, kjer sodi med naj­številčnejše (Modrijan 2011, 188–190, s tam citiranimi analogijami). Na Korinjskem hribu je precej bolj redek. Lonci so večinoma neokrašeni, le en primer je okrašen z enolinijsko valovnico (t. 21: 6). Ustrezajo nekaterim primerom tipa 10 (predvsem 10.2 in 10.3) po Steinklauberjevi (F68–69, F323, F324, D100, D178), vendar v ta tip sodijo tudi lonci, ki imajo utor na notranji strani ustja, ti pa na Korinjskem hribu niso zastopani. Na Rifniku jim po obliki ustja najbolj ustrezajo lonci tipa 3.1 (Bausovac 2011, 87–88, t. 19: 8–11), vendar so rifniški precej bolj trebušasti. Na Kirchbichlu so uvrščeni med lonce s trikotnim ustjem (Kainrath D376, D377), vendar ima večina teh loncev ustje veliko bolj izrazito trikotno oblikovano kot ko­rinjski primerki. Na Tonovcovem gradu so značilni predvsem za plasti 6. st. (Modrijan 2011, 190), prav tako na Rifniku (Bausovac 2011, 94), vendar lahko glede na njihovo za­stopanost na Frauenbergu njihov pojav postavimo vsaj v prvo polovico 5. st., v uporabi pa so do konca pozno­antičnega obdobja. Nekatere pozne variante se pojavljajo tudi v zgodnjesrednjeveških kontekstih (Modrijan 2011, s citiranimi analogijami). 1993, Fig. 3: 1,4), and Kranj (Sagadin 2008, Pls. 5: 6; 8: 4–5; 12: 16). Almost all pots of this type from Korinjski hrib are richly decorated (a wavy line, brushed strokes, stabs, etc.), similar is true for all enumerated analogies. Only pot Pl. 22: 16 is completely undecorated. The concentration in the western part of the dis­cussed area is noticeable. The lack of their presence in settlements that did not exist longer than the mid-5th century, enables their dating into the 6th century. TYPE 5 (Pls. 21: 6,7; 22: 19; 31: 6) This type consists of pots with a short, fairly verti­cally set rim, the edge of which is pulled downwards on the outside to create a so-called collar. It fits type 4 from Tonovcov grad, where it belongs among the most numerous (Modrijan 2011, 188–190, with analogies cited there). It is much rarer at Korinjski hrib. Pots are mostly undecorated, only one example is ornamented with a single wavy line (Pl. 21: 6). They match some of the examples of type 10 (es­pecially 10.2 and 10.3) according to Ula Steinklauber (F68–69, F323, F324, D100, D178), but this type also includes pots with a groove on the inside of the rim, which are not represented at Korinjski hrib. At Rifnik, pots of type 3.1 match them best in the form of the rim (Bausovac 2011, 87–88, Pl. 19: 8–11), but the ones from Rifnik are much more globular. At Kirchbichl, they are assigned among pots with a triangular rim (Kainrath D376, D377), but the majority of those pots have a more distinctly triangularly shaped rim than the examples from Korinjski hrib. At Tonovcov grad, they are primarily typical for lay­ers of the 6th century (Modrijan 2011, 191), as is the case at Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, 94); nevertheless, considering their presence at Frauenberg, their occurrence can be set at least to the first half of the 5th century, and they were in use until the end of the late antique period. Some late variants also appear in early medieval contexts (Modrijan 2011, with cited analogies). TYPE 6 (Pls. 2: 15, 5: 11–13, 11: 15, 22: 20–22, 23: 1, 24: 4–7, 25: 20) This type includes pots with a long, diagonally or al­most horizontally everted, possibly slightly thickened rim, which is curved on the inside. At Korinjski hrib, they are fairly numerous, yet none have the bottom part preserved. At Tonovcov grad, they were assigned to type 7 (Modrijan 2011, 193–194, with cited analogies), and ap­pear primarily in layers of the 6th century. They are very frequent at Rifnik (type 3.2, Bausovac 2011, 88–89, Pls. 21–24), but some from there have a more rectangularly shaped neck (Bausovac 2011, Pls. 21: 5–6; 22: 18–21) and are thus closer to type 6 at Korinjski hrib (see there). The author is inclined to date them to the 6th century (Bausovac 2011, 94–95). TIP 6 (t. 2: 15; 5: 11–13; 11: 15; 22: 20–22; 23: 1; 24: 4–7; 25: 20) V ta tip so uvrščeni lonci z dolgim, poševno ali skoraj vodoravno izvihanim, lahko rahlo odebeljenim ustjem, ki je na notranji strani usločeno. Na Korinjskem hribu so dokaj številčni, vendar pri nobenem ni ohranjen spodnji del. Na Tonovcovem gradu so uvrščeni v tip 7 (Modri­jan 2011, 193–194, s citiranimi analogijami), pojavljajo pa se predvsem v plasteh 6. st. Zelo pogosti so na Rifniku (tip 3.2, Bausovac 2011, 88–89, t. 21–24), vendar imajo nekateri rifniški bolj pravokotno oblikovan vrat (Bausovac 2011, t. 21: 5–6; 22: 18–21) in so bližje tipu 6 na Korinjskem hribu (glej tam). Avtorica se nagiba k dataciji v 6. st. (Bausovac 2011, 94–95). Steinklauberjeva jih datira v 5. st. (tip 4, predvsem 4.2; Steinklauber 2013, 82–83; 128). Pogosti so tudi na Kirchbichlu (Kainrath 2011, D404–421). TIP 7 (t. 5: 14; 11: 17–19) Ustje je dolgo, poševno izvihano, na robu rahlo odebeljeno, na notranji strani lahko rahlo usločeno. Vrat je dolg, pravokotno oblikovan in prehaja v kroglast trup. Tip je na Korinjskem hribu zastopan le z nekaj primeri. Eden (t. 5: 14) je okrašen z večlinijsko valovnico in metličenjem, preostali so neokrašeni. Na Tonovcovem gradu ustreza tipu 8, ki se pojavlja v plasteh prve poznoantične faze. Na Rifniku so jim po­dobni nekateri lonci, uvrščeni v tip 3.2 (Bausovac 2011, t. 21: 5–6; 22: 18–21), ki pa imajo utor na notranji strani ustja precej bolj izrazit kot korinjski primeri. SKLEDE (sl. 4.11) TIP 1 (t. 2: 4; 4: 25; 17: 2,4; 20: 7,8; 24: 12; 30: 20–22) Sklede tipa 1 imajo rahlo polkrožno oblikovano ostenje in neodebeljeno ustje. Rob ustja je najpogosteje polkrožen, lahko pa tudi ravno odrezan. Nekoliko od­stopa skleda na t. 30: 21 z rahlo stanjšanim robom ustja. Primer na t. 20: 7 je prehodna oblika k tipu 2. Včasih je težka ločitev med skledami tega tipa in pokrovi. Nekaj skled je neokrašenih, na ostalih se pojavlja okras valovnice, metličenja ali njuna kombinacija. Gre za enega najpogostejših tipov v jugovzhod­noalpskem prostoru. Sklede ustrezajo skledam tipa 2 na Tonovcovem gradu (Modrijan 2011, 173–174, s tam zbranimi analogijami) in nekaterim primerom tipa S1 na Frauenbergu, Duelu in Hoischhüglu (Steinklauber 2013, F78, F79, F448, F449, F553; F576, D112, D112, D148, D278, H22). Kot kaže njihova prisotnost v postojankah siste-ma Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, se take sklede pojavijo že v 4. st. (Martinj hrib: Leben, Šubic 1990, sl. 11: 182,183,187,190–192; Hrušica: Giesler 1981, 18–22). Ulla Steinklauber dates them into the 5th century (type 4, especially 4.2; Steinklauber 2013, 82–83; 128). They are also frequent at Kirchbichl (Kainrath 2011, D404–421). TYPE 7 (Pls. 5: 14; 11: 17–19) The rim is long, diagonally everted, slightly thick­ened at the edge, can be slightly curved on the inside. The neck is long, rectangular, and transforms into a globular body. At Korinjski hrib the type is represented with only a few examples. One (Pl. 5: 14) is decorated with a multi-line wavy line and brushed strokes, while others are undecorated. At Tonovcov grad, it matches type 8 which appears in layers of the first late antique phase. At Rifnik, some of the pots assigned to type 3.2 are similar to them (Bausovac 2011, Pls. 21: 5–6; 22: 18–21), but have a groove on the inside of the rim that is much more distinct than those in examples from Korinjski hrib. BOWLS (Fig. 4.11) TYPE 1 (Pls. 2: 4; 4: 25; 17: 2,4; 20: 7,8; 24: 12; 30: 20–22) Bowls of type 1 have slightly semi-circular walls and a rim that is not thickened. The edge of the rim is most frequently semi-circular and can also be cut off in a straight line. Somewhat different is bowl on Pl. 30: 21 with a slightly thinned edge. The example on Pl. 20: 7 is an interim form towards type 2. Occasionally, it is difficult to differentiate between bowls of this type and lids. Some of the bowls are not decorated, while on others the decoration appears in the form of a wavy line, brush strokes, or in a combination of both. This is one of the most common types in the area of the south-eastern Alps. Bowls correspond to the bowls of type 2 at Tonovcov grad (Modrijan 2011, 173–174, with analogies collected there) and individual examples of type S1 at Frauenberg, Duel, and Hoischügl (Steinklauber 2013, F78, F79, F448, F449, F553; F576, D112, D112, D148, D278, H22). As is indicated by their presence at the posts of the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum system, such bowls appear in the 4th century (Martinj hrib: Leben, Šubic 1990, Fig. 11: 182,183,187,190–192; Hrušica: Giesler 1981, 18–22). At Tonovcov grad they also appear in the first phase, and to­gether with variant 2b prevail in the 6th century (Modrijan 2011, 173–174). A similar dating is set at Hemmaberg, where bowls with the rim cut off in a straight line are also typical for the 6th century (Ladstätter 2000, 146), and at Frauenberg, Duel, and Hoischügl (Steinklauber 2013, 91). Based on their ornament, at Korinjski hrib, bowls of this type with the rim cut off in a straight line can be set in the 6th century. Tudi na Tonovcovem gradu se pojavijo že v prvi fazi, skupaj z varianto 2b pa prevladujejo v 6. st. (Modrijan 2011, 173–174). Podobna datacija je postavljena na Sv. Hemi, kjer so sklede z ravno odrezanim ustjem ravno tako značilne za 6. st. (Ladstätter 2000, 146) in na Frauenbergu, Duelu in Hoischhüglu (Steinklauber 2013, 91). Tudi na Korinjskem hribu sklede tega tipa z ravno odrezanim ustjem glede na njihov okras lahko postavimo v 6. st. TIP 2 (t. 17: 6,7; 22: 11) V tip 2 sodijo sklede, katerih ostenje poteka v spodnjem delu stožčasto, v zgornjem delu pa se zalomi in je postavljeno pokončno ali nagnjeno navznoter. Ustje je pri dveh primerih stanjšano (t. 17: 6,7). Tip je na Korinjskem hribu zastopan le s tremi primeri, v nasprot­ju z nekaterimi drugimi najdišči, kjer take sklede sodijo TYPE 2 (Pls. 17: 6,7; 22: 11) Type 2 includes bowls the walls of which are coni­cal in the lower part, break in the upper part, and are set vertically or tilted inwards. The rim is thinned in two examples (Pl. t. 17: 6,7). At Korinjski hrib the type is represented with only three examples, in contrast with some other sites where such bowls belong among the most common forms (analogies are collected in Modrijan 2011, 177–178). None of the bowls from Korinjski hrib is decorated. Bowls are supposedly successors of an old Roman form that appears in Pannonia from the 1st century on­wards, while the latest there reach to the mid-5th century (Ottományi 2015, 695; Horváth 2011, 615–617, Figs. 7.9–11; Gassner 2000, 223–225, Fig. 188). At Tonovcov grad they are not frequent and are as­signed to type 4 (Modrijan 2011, Pls. 82: 1–4; 105: 3–4). med najpogostejše oblike (analogije zbrane v Modrijan 2011, 177–178). Nobena od korinjskih skled ni okrašena. Sklede naj bi bile naslednice stare rimske oblike, ki se v Panoniji pojavlja od 1. st., najmlajše pa tam segajo do sredine 5. st. (Ottományi 2015, 695; Horváth 2011, 615–617, sl. 7.9–11; Gassner 2000, 223–225, sl. 188). Na Tonovcovem gradu niso pogoste, uvrščene pa so v tip 4 (Modrijan 2011, t. 82: 1–4; 105: 3–4). Analogije kažejo, da so bile priljubljene predvsem v noriškem pro-storu (Auer 2014, 767–768, sl. 8 – za primere z okrasom vrezov na kleku). Steinklauberjeva jih je razvrstila v tri variante glede na oblikovanost ustja (S 12.1–12.3), oblika s stanjšanim ostenjem pa je uvrščena v poseben tip S 13, ki naj bi bil naslednik tipa S 12. Vse oblike so posebej pogoste na Duelu, pojavljajo pa se tudi na Frauenbergu in Hoischhüglu (Steinklauber 2013, F99–100, F239, F331, D67, D68, D113, D185, D188, D240, D251–253, D305, D347, D354–355, D390, D424–425, D460–464, D500, D528–530, D565, D567–570, D626–627, D661, D669–670, D715–719, D805–822, H83, H88–91). Na Kirchbichlu so posebno pogoste variante s poševnimi vrezi na kleku (Kainrath 2011, 505–551), kakršne na Ko­rinjskem hribu niso zastopane. Na Rifniku so uvrščene v tip 1.2 (Bausovac 2011, t. 29: 2–5). Steinklauberjeva opozarja na podobnost z oblikami afriške sigilate Hayes 61A iz prve polovice 5. st. oziroma vzhodne sigilate Hayes 3F iz 6. st. (Steinklauber 2013, 99–100). TIP 3 (t. 11: 5; 22: 10; 25: 15) To so sklede s polkrožnim, navznoter nagnjenim ostenjem. Rob ustja je lahko zaobljen ali ravno odrezan. Tip je zastopan le s tremi primeri, dva od njih imata narebreno ostenje. Odlomek na t. 25: 15 ima na zunanji površini ohranjene sledi črnega premaza. Take sklede imajo izvor še v rimskodobnih oblikah 1. in 2. st. Na noriškem območju so večinoma izvedene kot trinožniki (Auer 2014, sl. 5, 6), vendar je oblika dolgotrajna, pojavlja se tudi še v poznorimskem obdo­bju (analogije zbrane v Modrijan 2011, 179–180). Zelo pogoste so na Kirchbichlu, kjer ima večina na različne načine odebeljeno ustje, veliko pa tudi okras enolinijske valovnice (Kainrath 2011, 157, 434–461). Neornamen­tirane se pojavljajo od srednjecesarskega obdobja, v 5. st. so okrašene z valovnico (Kainrath 2011, 157). Na Rifniku so opredeljene kot trinožniki in datirane v čas od 1. do 4. st. (Bausovac 2011, t. 33: 1–13, 105–109). Na Frauenbergu so uvrščene v skupino S 1.2 in datirane v čas od sredine 4. do konca 6. st. (Steinklauber 2013, 129, F82,83). Na Tonovcovem gradu se nenarebrene oblike pojavljajo tudi še v plasteh 6. st. in v zgodnjesrednjeve­ških plasteh (Modrijan 2011, 180). Fragmenta narebrenih skled tipa 3 s Korinjskega hriba lahko postavimo v kontekst poznorimske poselitve. Skleda z gladkim ostenjem je kronološko neopredeljiva. Analogies indicate that they were popular primarily in the area of Noricum (Auer 2014, 767–768, Fig. 8 – for examples with the decoration of incisions on the carina­tion). Ulla Steinklauber divides them into three variants according to the rim shape (S 12.1–12.3), while the form with thinned walls is assigned into special type S 13, which was supposedly the successor of type S 12. All these forms are especially common at Duel, but also appear at Frauen-berg and Hoischügl (Steinklauber 2013, F99–100, F239, F331, D67, D68, D113, D185, D188, D240, D251–253, D305, D347, D354–355, D390, D424–425, D460–464, D500, D528–530, D565, D567–570, D626–627, D661, D669–670, D715–719, D805–822, H83, H88–91). At Kirchbichl, variants with diagonal cuts on the carina­tion are especially frequent (Kainrath 2011, 505–551), which is not represented at Korinjski hrib. At Rifnik, they are assigned to type 1.2 (Bausovac 2011, Pl. 29: 2–5). Steinklauber emphasises their resemblance to forms of African Red Slip Ware of Hayes 61A from the 1st half of the 5th century or Eastern sigillata of Hayes 3F from the 6th century (Steinklauber 2013, 99–100). TYPE 3 (Pls. 11: 5, 22: 10, 25: 15) These are bowls with semi-circular walls tilted in­wards. The rim edge can be rounded or cut off in a straight line. The type is represented with only three examples, two of them have ribbed walls. The fragment on Pl. 25: 15 has traces of black slip preserved on the outer surface. Such bowls originate from Roman period forms of the 1st and 2nd centuries. In the area of Noricum, they are mostly made as tripods (Auer 2014, Figs. 5, 6), but the form is long-lasting and also appears in the late Roman period (analogies colected in Modrijan 2011, 179–180). They are very frequent at Kirchbichl, where the majority have rims thickened in various ways, and many are decorated by a single-line wavy line (Kainrath 2011, 157, 434–461). They appear unornamented from the Mid-Imperial period onwards; in the 5th century they are decorated with a wavy line (Kainrath 2011, 157). At Rifnik, they are defined as tripods and dated to the time from the 1st to the 4th century (Bausovac 2011, Pl. 33: 1–13, 105–109). At Frauenberg, they are assigned in group S 1.2 and dated from the mid-4th to the end of the 6th century (Steinklauber 2013, 129, F82,83). At Tonovcov grad, unribbed forms appear also in layers of the 6th century and in the early medieval layers (Modrijan 2011, 180). Two fragments of ribbed bowls of type 3 from Ko­rinjski hrib can be set into the late Roman context. The unribbed bowl is chronologically undeterminable. TYPE 4 (Pls. 2: 5,6; 11: 4; 17: 8; 20: 9–11; 22: 12; 25: 16; 26: 12) This type includes bowls with oblique or horizontal everted rim that can have semi-circular or more carinated (biconical) walls. TIP 4 (t. 2: 5,6; 11: 4; 17: 8; 20: 9–11; 22: 12; 25: 16; 26: 12) V ta tip so uvrščene sklede s poševno ali vodoravno navzven izvihanim ustjem, ki imajo lahko polkrožno ali bolj klekasto (bikonično) ostenje. Gre za najštevilčnejši tip skled na Korinjskem hribu. Prevladujejo sklede s polkrožnim ostenjem, bolj bikonični sta le skledi t. 25: 16 in t. 26: 12. Izrazito bi­koničnih oblik na Korinjskem hribu ni. V treh primerih so sklede okrašene z valovnico in vbodi na ustju. Bikonične sklede, ki imajo navadno horizontalno izvihano ustje, so v zadnji četrtini 4. in prvi polovici 5.st. pogoste v Panoniji (Ottományi2015, 698–700). Tudi v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru je to eden naj­pogostejših tipov (analogije zbrane v Modrijan 2011, 180–181). Zastopane so tako močno bikonične oblike (npr. Rifnik tipa 3.3 in 3.4: Bausovac 2011, t. 31: 10–15, t. 32: 1–4; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, t. 29: 5–11, 30: 1–5; Duel: Steinklauber 2013, D532, D632), ki so navadno neokrašene ali okrašene le z žlebljenjem, pogoste pa so tudi oblike z bolj zaobljenim ostenjem, ki imajo krajše, bolj poševno postavljeno ustje in ki so pogosto okrašene z valovnicami in vbodi (Steinklauber 2013, 101, tip 17, F86, F347, F673, D197, D436, D533–534, D847, H29, H97–98; Bausovac 2011, tip 3.1, t. 31: 1–6). Opazna je prevlada bikoničnih neokrašenih skled na vzhodu, medtem ko na zahodu prevladujejo bolj kroglaste oblike, pogosto okrašene z valovnico (Mo-drijan 2011, 181). Sklede tega tipa lahko na nekaterih slovenskih naj­diščih postavimo že v 4. st. (Modrijan 2011, 181), tako datacijo potrjuje tudi njihova zastopanost na Frauenber­gu (Steinklauber 2013, 101), pojavljajo pa se tudi še v plasteh 6. st. (Modrijan 2011, 181; Ladstätter 2000, 147). Datacija od sredine 5. do sredine 6. st. je postavljena za obliko 3.1 na Rifniku (Bausovac 2011, 385). KROŽNIKI (t. 11: 6; 23: 3,4) Krožnike je – podobno kot nekatere sklede – včasih težko ločiti od trinožnikov, saj gre za podobne oblike. Na Korinjskem hribu ostanki nog niso bili najdeni. Primera t. 11: 6 in 23: 3 sta cilindrične oblike z za­obljenim ustjem in klekastim prehodom v dno, primer na t. 23: 4 pa je bolj polkrožen. Vsi trije so neokrašeni. Analogije za prva dva primera najdemo na Rifniku (Bausovac 2011, t. 34: 4–9), kjer jih je večina izvedena kot trinožniki. Podobni so bili najdeni na Duelu (Stein­klauber 2013, D90, D182, D183 – s trikotno zaključenim ustjem), Sv. Hemi (Ladstätter 2000, t. 18: 4), Tinju (Ci­glenečki 2000, t. 26: 10), Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem (Knific 1979, sl. 132, 182) ter v Teurniji (Rodriguez 1990, t. 2: 15; Rodriguez 1997, t. 1: 9) in Kirchbichlu (Kainrath 2011, D619–D655). It is the most numerous type of bowls at Korinjski hrib. Bowls with semi-circular walls prevail, only bowls on Pls. 25: 16 and 26: 12 are more biconical. Distinctly biconical forms are not present at Korinjski hrib. Three bowls are decorated with a wavy line and stabs at the rim. Biconical bowls which have a horizontally everted rim are frequent in Pannonia in the last quarter of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century (Ottományi 2015, 698–700). This is also one of the most common types in the area of the south-eastern Alps (analogies collected in Modrijan 2011, 180–181). Both the strongly biconical forms (e.g. Rifnik types 3.3 and 3.4: Bausovac 2011, Pl. 31: 10–15, Pl. 32: 1–4; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, Pls. 29: 5–11, 30: 1–5; Duel: Steinklauber 2013, D532, D632), which are usually undecorated or decorated only with grooves, and forms with more rounded walls, which have shorter and more oblique set rim and are frequently decorated with wavy lines and stabs, are represented (Steinklauber 2013, 101, type 17, F86, F347, F673, D197, D436, D533–534, D847, H29, H97–98; Bausovac 2011, type 3.1, Pl. 31: 1–6). The prevalence of biconical undecorated bowls is noticeable in the east, while in the west more globular forms frequently decorated with a wavy line prevail (Modrijan 2011, 181). Bowls of this type at some of the Slovenian sites can be set in the 4th century (Modrijan 2011, 181); such dating is also confirmed by their representation at Frauenberg (Steinkleuber 2013, 101), and they still appear in layers of the 6th century (Modrijan 2011, 181; Ladstätter 2000, 147). Dating from the mid-5th to the mid-6th century is set for form 3.1 at Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, 385). PLATES (Pls. 11: 6; 23: 3,4) Just like some of the bowls, plates are sometimes dif­ficult to discern from tripods, since these are very similar forms. At Korinjski hrib, remains of feet were not found. Examples Pls. 11: 6 and 23: 3 are cylindrical in form with a rounded rim and carinated transition into the bot­tom, while examples Pl. 23: 4 is more semi-circular. All three are undecorated. Analogies for the first two examples can be found at Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, Pl. 34: 4–9), where the major­ity are made as tripods. Similar ones were found at Duel (Steinklauber 2013, D90, D182, D183 – with triangularly finished rim), Hemmaberg (Ladstätter 2000, Pl. 18: 4), Tinje (Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 26: 10), Ajdovski gradec above Vranje(Knific 1979, Figs. 132, 182), Teurnia (Rodriguez 1990, Pl. 2: 15; Rodriguez 1997, Pl. 1: 9), and Kirchbichl (Kainrath 2011, D619–D655). POKROVI IN PEKVE (t. 2: 16,17; 6: 6; 12: 4–11; 18: 9–14; 21: 11,12; 23: 5–7; 26: 1–3; 31: 7) Razlikovanje med pokrovi in pekvami je pri ne v celoti ohranjenih primerih težko. Odločilen pri oprede­litvi za pokrov oziroma pekvo je rob ustja, ki naj bi bil pri pekvah raven. Pekve naj bi bile tudi masivnejše in večjega premera, vendar to ni pravilo. Precej bolj zane­sljivo so med pekve lahko opredeljene posode, ki imajo na ostenju ohranjene jezičaste držaje in okrogle odprtine (Glaser 2015, 78–82). V primerih slabe ohranjenosti posod ta kriterij seveda ni uporaben. Glede na velikost bi lahko med pekve uvrstili pri­mera t. 12: 4,5, oba s premerom okrog 30 cm. V obeh primerih gre za posode z ravnim ali rahlo usločenim po­ševno potekajočim ostenjem in ravno odrezanim ustjem. Podobna oblika se ponovi tudi med pokrovi (t. 12: 6,8; 18: 12; 21: 11), ki so po obliki zelo podobni skledam tipa 1. V tip 1 smo uvrstili pokrove z ravnim ali rahlo usločenim ostenjem in ravno odrezanim ali zaobljenim robom ustja. Analogije zanje so znane z Rifnika (Bauso­vac 2011, 111, t. 35: 6,8,10; tip 1, kamor pa sodijo tudi primeri z bolj zvončasto oblikovanim ostenjem), Anč­nikovega gradišča (Ravnik 2006, t. 35: 330, 331; 36: 342, 346), Tinja (Ciglenečki 2000, t. 30: 10,11) in Frauenberga (nekateri primeri tipa 3: Steinklauber 2013, F267, F348). Pokrovi tipa 2 imajo nekoliko bolj kroglasto ostenje in navznoter odebeljeno oziroma profilirano ustje (t. 18: 9,11; 26: 3). Ustrezajo tipu 2 po Steinklauberjevi (2013, 105, F351–354, F492–495, F676), znani so tudi z Rifnika (Bausovac 2011, t. 37: 1–6), Tinja (Ciglenečki 2000, t. 31: 2) in Sv. Heme (Ladstätter 2000, t. 18: 6,8). Pokrovi tipa 3 pa imajo bolj ali manj zvončasto oblikovano ostenje (t. 18: 13,14; 21: 11). Poznamo jih s Frauenberga (Steinklauber 2013, F356, F357, F480–482, F496), Rifnika (Bausovac 2011, t. 35: 1–7) in Ančniko­vega gradišča (Ravnik 2006, t. 35: 337; 36: 348). Nekaj pokrovov ima ohranjene čepe (t. 2: 15,17; 23: 7; 26: 2). Vse pekve oziroma pokrovi s Korinjskega hriba so neokrašeni, v nasprotju z nekaterimi drugimi najdišči, kjer so predvsem pekve (ponekod interpretirane kot velike sklede) bogato okrašene (Duel: Steinklauber 2013, D142, D217, D831; Sv. Hema: Ladstätter 2000, t. 52: 6; Koper: Cunja 1996, t. 38: 398–401; Križna gora: Ciglenečki 2000, sl. 108: 12). Pokrovi in pekve so dolgotrajna oblika (slednje imajo še prazgodovinsko tradicijo), ki ima tudi strogo uporabno funkcijo, zato so tipološko-kronološko slabo opredeljivi. LIDS AND FIRE COVERS (Pls. 2: 16,17; 6: 6; 12: 4–11; 18: 9–14; 21: 11,12; 23: 5–7; 26: 1–3; 31: 7) The differentiation between lids and fire covers is difficult when pieces are not completely preserved. De­cisive in their definition is the edge of the rim, which is supposed to be flat straight in fire covers. Fire covers are also supposed to be more massive and of bigger diameter, although this is not a rule. Vessels can be much more reli­ably assigned among fire covers if they have tanged grips and round openings preserved on the walls (Glaser 2015, 78–82). In cases of poor preservation, understandably, this criterion is of no use. Based on the size, examples Pl. 12: 4,5 could be as­signed among fire covers. Both have a diameter of about 30 cm, their walls are flat or slightly curved, and a rim cut off in a straight line. A similar shape is also repeated among lids (Pls. 12: 6,8; 18: 12; 21: 11), which are in form very similar to bowls of type 1. Lids with straight or slightly curved walls and a rim edge that is cut off in a straight line or rounded were as­signed into type 1. Analogies for them are known from Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, 111, Pl. 35: 6,8,10; type 1, but to which examples with a more bell-shaped walls also be­long), Ančnikovo gradišče (Ravnik 2006, Pls. 35: 330, 331; 36: 342, 346), Tinje (Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 30: 10,11), and Frauenberg (some of the examples of type 3: Steinklauber 2013, F267, F348). Lids of type 2 have somewhat more globular walls and inward thickened or profiled rim (Pls. 18: 9,11; 26: 3). They match type 2 according to Steinklauber (2013, 105, F351–354, F492–495, F676), and are also known from Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, Pl. 37: 1–6), Tinje (Ciglenečki 2000, Pl. 31: 2), and Hemmaberg (Ladstätter 2000, Pl. 18: 6,8). Lids of type 3 have more or less bell-shaped walls (Pls. 18: 13,14; 21: 11). They are known from Frauenberg (Steinklauber 2013, F356, F357, F480–482, F496), Rifnik (Bausovac 2011, Pl. 35: 1–7), and Ančnikovo gradišče (Ravnik 2006, Pls. 35: 337; 36: 348). Some of the lids have holders preserved (Pls. 2: 15,17; 23: 7; 26: 2). All fire covers or lids from Korinjski hrib are undeco­rated, in contrast with some other sites where especially fire covers (sometimes interpreted as big bowls) are richly ornamented (Duel: Steinklauber 2013, D142, D217, D831; Hemmaberg: Ladstätter 2000, Pl. 52: 6; Koper: Cunja 1996, Pl. 38: 398–401; Križna gora: Ciglenečki 2000, Fig. 108: 12). Lids and fire covers are long-lasting forms (the latter have a prehistorical tradition), which also have strictly utilitarian function and are thus typologically and chronologically poorly definable. OKRAS Keramika s Korinjskega hriba je bogato okrašena, okras pa je dokaj enoten – pojavljajo se v glavnem raz­lične oblike metličenja oziroma glavničenja. Med vrezanim okrasom prevladuje valovnica, ki je lahko enolinijska ali večlinijska, izvedena z glavničastim orodjem. Nastopa lahko samostojno ali v kombinaciji z drugimi vrstami okrasa. Valovnica v kombinaciji z metličenjem prevladuje na loncih, na skledah je taka kombinacija izvedena le v enem primeru (t. 20: 7). Na skledah sicer prevladuje enolinijska valovnica, včasih več teh. Pojavljajo se tudi kratki vrezi oziroma vbodi, s katerimi je ponavadi okrašen rob ustja (t. 2: 6; 20: 10,11; 21: 4,16) ali dna (t. 6: 5; 18: 1). Horizontalno žlebljenje je zastopano redko, in sicer izključno na skledah (t. 25: 15,16; 26: 12). ZAKLJUČEK Na Korinjskem hribu je opazen majhen delež (6 %) uvožene v primerjavi z lokalno izdelano keramiko. Taka skromna zastopanost je presenetljiva, saj večina višinskih naselbin v tem času kaže pestrejši inventaruvoženega posodja. Že bližnja Križna gora kaže precej večji nabor tipov in večjo številčnost amfor (Modrijan 2015, sl. 6, 7), pri tem pa so oblike in okras grobe kera-mike zelo podobni korinjskim. Posebno v 6. st., ko naj bi bila na Korinjskem hribu nastanjena vojaška posadka, bi pričakovali več amfor. Ker je gradnja stolpov in cerkve uničila večino ostankov starejše poselitve, se prazgodovinske najdbe, najdbe 4. in začetka 5. ter 6. st. mešajo v ruševinskih plasteh stolpov in cerkve. Tako stratigrafski odnosi ne pomagajo k časovni opredelitvi keramike, ampak smo odvisni od tipološko-kronološke analize. Med gradivom je nekaj kosov, ki bi lahko sodili že v zgodnjerimsko obdobje. Najbolj izrazit je lonček t. 23: 17, vendar imajo taki lončki dolg časovni razpon in bi lahko sodil tudi še v 4. st. Podobno velja za nekaj kosov navadne namizne keramike (npr. t. 2: 3). Z gotovostjo pa lahko na podlagi keramike potrdi-mo poselitev v poznorimskem obdobju, v drugi polovici 4. in začetku 5. st. Med uvoženo keramiko v to skupino sodi predvsem glazirano posodje, nekaj ožje neopre­deljenih odlomkov afriških amfor in afriške sigilate proizvodnje D. Od grobe keramike bi sem lahko uvrstili sklede z narebrenim ostenjem t. 25: 15,16 in nekatere lonce tipa 1 (npr. t. 2: 7). Večina gradiva sodi v 6. st. V njegov začetek lahko od uvožene keramike uvrstimo odlomek afriške sigilate Hayes 87B (t. 4: 21), v nadaljevanje pa večino amfor. S precejšnjo gotovostjo sta prepoznani obliki LRA 1 in LRA 2. Obe se v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru pojavlja- DECORATION Pottery from Korinjski hrib is richly decorated, while the decoration is fairly uniform—mostly various forms of brushed or combed ornamentation appear. Among incised ornaments, the wavy line prevails which can be single-lined or multi-lined, made with combing tools. It appears independently or in combina­tion with other decoration types. The wavy line in combination with brushed strokes prevails on pots; this combination is present on bowls only once (Pl. 20: 7). Generally, the single wavy line prevails on bowls, occasionally several one-lined wavy lines. Short incisions or stabs also appear which usually decorate the edge of the rim (Pls. 2: 6; 20: 10,11; 21: 4,16) or bottom (Pls. 6: 5; 18: 1). Horizontal grooving is seldom represented and even that exclusively on bowls (Pls. 25: 15,16; 26: 12). CONCLUSION In comparison with the locally-made pottery, a low percentage (6%) of imported pottery can be noticed at Korinjski hrib. Such modest representation is surprising since the majority of hilltop settlements in this time reveal a more diverse inventory of imported vessels. Nearby Križna gora, for example, displays a much more varied collection of types and greater number of amphorae (Modrijan 2015, Figs. 6, 7), while forms and decoration of coarse ware are very similar to the inventory from Ko­rinjski hrib. Especially in the 6th century, when a military crew was supposedly stationed at Korinjski hrib, a greater number of amphorae would be expected. Since the construction of towers and the church destroyed the majority of remains of older settlement, prehistoric finds, finds of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th, and the 6th century mix in destruction layers of towers and the church. Thus, stratigraphic relations do not help in the dating of pottery, but we must rely on typo-chronological analyses. The material includes a few pieces which could belong to the early Roman period. The most distinct is small pot Pl. 23: 17; however, such small pots have a long time span and could thus also belong to the 4th century. Something similar applies for a few pieces of common tableware (e.g. Pl. 2: 3). Based on pottery, the population on the late Roman period, in the second half of the 4th and in the beginning of the 5th century, can certainly be confirmed. Among imported pottery, this group consists mostly of glazed pottery, a few narrowly undeterminable fragments of African amphorae, and African Red Slip Ware of produc­tion D. From coarse ware, e.g. bowls with ribbed walls Pl. 25: 15,16 and some pots of type 1 (e.g. Pl. 2: 7) could be assigned here. ta predvsem v 6. st. V to obdobje lahko uvrstimo tudi oba miniaturna spatejona (t. 25: 11–14). Tovrstne amforice se na obravnavanem območju pojavljajo predvsem v zadnjih plasteh naselbin, torej v drugi polovici in na koncu 6. st. Od grobe keramike bi v ta čas lahko opre­delili večino loncev, okrašenih z večlinijsko valovnico in metličenjem. Tudi večina skled verjetno pripada tej fazi, čeprav se nekatere oblike lahko pojavljajo že v prejšnji. Tudi razporeditev keramike po objektih ne kaže posebnih zakonitosti (glej pogl. 8). Glazirana keramika se pojavlja v ruševinskih plasteh stolpov ter tudi na območju cerkve in njene okolice. Izstopa sonda 8 na terasi pod vrhom, kjer sicer niso bili najdeni ostanki arhitekture, je bilo pa precej keramičnega gradiva, ki ga lahko postavimo v konec 4. in začetek 5. st. (glazirana keramika, sklede z narebrenim ostenjem), pa tudi oba miniaturna spatejona iz 6. st. Morda lahko na tem ob-močju domnevamo v obeh fazah lesen objekt. V cerkvi in njeni bližnji okolici je bilo najdenih tudi nekaj narebrenih odlomkov vzhodnosredozemskih amfor in nekaj glazirane keramike. Vse so bile najdene v ruševinski plasti. Od grobe keramike je bilo v ruše­vinah cerkve najdenih nekaj bogato okrašenih loncev tipov 2 in 3. ARTHUR, P. 1998, Eastern Mediterranean amphorae between 500 and 700: a view from Italy. – V / In: Ceramica in Italia: VI - VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes. Roma, 11-13 maggio 1995, 157– 184, Firenze. AUER, M. 2014, Pottery in western Noricum. Question of dis­tribution and group identity. – Acta Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum 43, 765–770. BASS, G., F. VAN DORNICK 1982, Yassi Ada: A seventh-cen­tury byzantine shipwreck. – College Station. BAUSOVAC, M. 2010, Late Roman amphorae from Rifnik near Celje (Slovenia). – V / In: S. Menchelli, S. Santoro, M. Pasquinucci, G. Guiducci (ur. / eds), LRCW3 (2). Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean, Archaeology and archaeometry. Comparison between western and eastern Mediterranean, BAR Interna­tional Series 2185 (II), 695–701. BAUSOVAC, M. 2011, Študija poznoantične lončenine izutrjene višinske naselbine Rifnik pri Šentjurju. – Doktorska disertacija / PhD thesis, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Oddelek za arheologijo (neobjavljeno / unpub­lished). BAUSOVAC, M., D. PIRKMAJER 2012, Late Roman glazed pottery from Rifnik near Celje. – Acta Rei Cretariae Roma-nae Favtorum 42, 33–39. The majority of pieces found belong to the 6th cen­tury. From imported pottery, a fragment of African Red Slip Ware Hayes 87B (Pl. 4: 21) can be classified to its beginning, and most of the amphorae in the continua­tion. Forms LRA 1 and LRA 2 were recognised with fair certainty. Both appear in the area of the south-eastern Alps mostly in the 6th century. Both miniature spatheia (Pl. 25: 11–14) can also be ascribed to this period. Such small amphorae appear in the discussed area mostly in the last layers of settlements, therefore in the second half and at the end of the 6th century. From coarse ware, the majority of pots decorated with multi-lined wavy line and brushed strokes could be assigned to this time. Most of the bowls probably also belong to this phase, although some of the forms can also appear in the previous one. The distribution of pottery along individual build­ings does not indicate any special rules either (see Chapter 8). Glazed pottery appears in destruction layers of towers and also in the area of the church and its sur­roundings. Trial trench 8 on the terrace under the top stands out, where no architectural remains were found, but there was a lot of pottery that can be dated to the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century (glazed pottery, bowls with ribbed walls), and both miniature spatheia from the 6th century. A wooden structure could possibly be assumed here in both phases. In the church and its immediate vicinity, a few ribbed fragments of eastern Mediterranean amphorae and some glazed pottery were found. All were found in the destruc­tion layer. From coarse ware, a few richly decorated pots of types 2 and 3 were found in the ruins of the church. BOLTIN-TOME, E. 1993, Poskus kronološke opredelitve antičnega naselja v Predloki. – Annales 3, 73–84. BONIFAY, M. 2004, Etudes sur le céramique romaine tardive d’Afrique. – BAR International Series 1301. BÓNIS, É. 1991, Glasierte Keramik der Spätrömerzeit aus Tokod. – Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hun-garicae 43, 87–149. CAPELLI, C., R. CABELLA, M. PIAZZA 2009, The Late Roman pottery production in Eastern Alpine area and Danubian provinces: archaeometric analyses on fabric and glazes. – V / In: C. Magrini, F. Sbarra (ur. / eds.), La ceramica invetriata tardoromana nell’arco Alpino orientale e nelle province Danubiane. Primi resulti di un progetto internazionale / Late Roman glazed pottery productions in eastern Alpine area and Danubian provinces. First results of an international project, Carlino, 14-15 December 2007, Carlino, 71–82. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1984, Die Keramik des 4.– 6. Jahrhunderts von Gradec, Tinje und Korinjski hrib, Slovenien. – Archaeo­logia Austriaca 68, 313–328. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1985, Potek alternativne ceste Siscia–Aquile­ia na prostoru zahodne Dolenjske in Notranjske v času 4. do 6. stol. Preliminarno poročilo o raziskovanjih Korinjskega hriba in rekognosciranjih zahodne Dolenjske. – Arheološki vestnik 36, 255–284. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1995, Izvrednotenje. – V / In: Dular, Cigle­nečki, Dular, Kučar. Železnodobno naselje in zgodnjekr-ščanski stavbni kompleks na Kučarju pri Podzemlju / Kučar. Eisenzeitliche Siedlung und frühchristlicher Gebäudekomplex auf dem Kučar bei Podzemelj. – Opera Instituti Archaeolo­gici Sloveniae 1, 134–190. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2000, Tinje nad Loko pri Žusmu / Tinjeoberhalb von Loka pri Žusmu. – Opera Instituti Archaeo­logici Sloveniae 4. CIVIDINI, T. 2017, Ceramica commune ad impasto grezzo. – V / In: P. Maggi, F. Maselli Scotti, S. Pasavento Mattioli, E. Zulin (ur. / eds), Materiali per Aquileia. Lo scavo di Canale Anfora (2004–2005), Scavi di Aquileia 4, 237–256. CUNJA, R. 1996, Poznorimski in zgodnjesrednjeveški Koper. Arheološko izkopavanje na bivšem Kapucinskem vrtu v luči drobnih najdb 5. do 9. stol. / Capodistria tardoantica e altomedievale. Lo scavo archeologico nell‘ex orto dei capu­ccini negli anni 1986–1987 alla lucce dei reperti dal V al IX secolo d.C. – Koper. CVJETIĆANIN, T. 2006, Late Roman glazed pottery. Glazed pottery from Moesia Prima, Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Medi­terranea and Dardania. – Archaeological Monographies 19. DULAR, J., B. KRIŽ, D. SVOLJŠAK, S. TECCO HVALA 1995, Prazgodovinska višinska naselja v Suhi krajini (Vor­geschichtliche Hohensiedlungen in der Suha krajina). – Arheološki vestnik 46, 89–167. ELTON, H. 2005, The economy of southern Asia Minor and LR 1 Amphorae. – V / In: J.M. 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Antiquitates Tyrolenses. – V / In: P. Gleischer, L. Ander­gassen (ur. / eds), Festschrift für Hans Notdurfer zum 75. Geburtstag, Insbruck, 77-82. GRÜNEWALD, M. 1979, Die Gefäßkeramik des Legionslagers von Carnuntum (Grabungen 1968–1974). – Der römische Limes in Österreich 29. HAYES, J. W. 1972, Late Roman Pottery. – London. HAYES, J. W. 1992, Excavations at Saraçane in Istanbul. Vol. 2, The Pottery. – Princeton, Washington D.C. HORVÁTH, F. 2011, Das spätantike Keramikspektrum in Keszthely–Fenékpuszta – erste Ergebnisse. – V / In: O. Heinrich-Tamáska (ur. / ed.), Keszthely-Fenékpuszta im Kontext spätantiker Kontinuitätsforschung zwischen No-ricum und Moesia, Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonenese 2, 597–652. JOHNSTON, A., K. SLANE, J. VROOM 2014, Kythera forty years on: the pottery from historical Kastri revisted. – The Annual of the British School at Athens 109 (1), 3–64. KAINRATH, B. 2011, Das Fundmaterial. – V / In: G. Grabherr, B. Kainrath (ur. / eds.), Die spätantike Höhensiedlung auf dem Kirchbichl von Lavant.Eine archäologisce und archiva­lishe Spurensuche, Ikarus 5, 91–184. KARAGIORGOU, O. 2001, LR2: A Container for the Military annona on the Danubian Border? – V / In: S. Kingsley, M. Decker (ur. / eds.), Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity, 129–166, Oxford. KNIFIC, T. 1979, Vranje pri Sevnici. Drobne najdbe z Ajdovskega gradca (leto 1974) / Kleinfunde aus Ajdovski Gradec (J. 1974). – Arheološki vestnik 30, 732–785. KNIFIC, T. 1994, Vranje near Sevnica: A late Roman Settle­ment in the right of Certain Pottery Finds. – Arheološki vestnik 45, 211–237. LADSTÄTTER, S. 2000, Die materielle Kultur der Spätantike in den Ostalpen. Eine Fallstudie am Beispiel der westlichen Doppelkirchenanlage auf Hemmaberg. – Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommission 35. LEBEN, F., Z. ŠUBIC 1990, Poznoantični kastel Vrh Brsta pri Martinj Hribu na Logaški planoti (Das spätantike Kastell Vrh Brsta bei Martinj Hrib auf dem Karstplateau von Lo-gatec). – Arheološki vestnik 41, 313–354. MACÍAS I SOLÉ, J. M., J. A. REMOLÁ i VALLVERDÚ 2005, La Cultura Material de Tarraco – Tarragona (Hispania Tarraconensis - Regnum Visigothorum): Cerámica comúny Ánforas. – V / In: J.M. Gurt i Esparraguerra, J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M.A. Cau Ontiveros (ur. / eds.), LRCW1. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean, BAR International Series 1340, 125–135. MACKENSEN, M. 1992, Amphoren und Spatheia von Go-lemanovo Kale. – V / In: S. Uenze, Die spätantike Befesti­gungen von Sadovec (Bulgarien), Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 43, 239–254. MAGRINI, C., F. SBARRA 2005, Le ceramiche invetriate di Carlino. Nuovo contributo allo studio di una produzione tardo antica. – Ricerche di archeologia altomedievale e medievale 30, Firenze. MARTIN., A. 1997, Ceramica comune: vasi da fuoco. – V / In: A. di Vita, A. Martin (ur. / eds.), Gortina II, Pretorio, Il materiale degli scavi Colini 1970-1977. Monographie della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle missioni Italiane in oriente VII, 346–365. MIRNIK PREZELJ, I. 1984, Ajdovski gradec nad Vranjem pri Sevnici. Arheološka izkopavanja 1980-1982. – Diplomska naloga / Diploma thesis, Oddelek za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete v Ljubljani (neobjavljeno / unpublished). MODRIJAN, Z. 2009, Glazed pottery from Korinjski hrib and Tonovcov grad (Slovenija). – V / In: C. Magrini, F. Sbarra (ur. / eds.), La ceramica invetriata tardoromana nell’arco Alpino orientale e nelle province Danubiane. Primi resulti di un progetto internazionale / Late Roman glazed pottery productions in eastern Alpine area and Danubian provin­ces. First results of an international project, Carlino, 14-15 December 2007, Carlino, 33–40. MODRIJAN, Z. 2011, Keramika. – V / In: Z. Modrijan, T. Milavec, Poznoantična utrjena naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu. Najdbe / Late Antique fortified settlement Tonov­cov grad near Kobarid. Finds.– Opera Instituti Archeologici Sloveniae 23, 121-219. MODRIJAN, Z. 2015, Amphorae from Late Antique Hilltop Settlements in Slovenia. – Fundberichte aus Österreich, Tagungsband 1, 21– 32. MODRIJAN, Z. 2017, New military finds from Ančnikovo gradišče. – V / In: I. Dörfler, P. Gleirscher, S. Ladstätter, I. Pucker (ur. / eds.), AD AMUSSIM Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Franz Glaser, Klagenfurt am Wörthersee, 159–174. OPAIŢ, A. 2004a, The Eastern Mediterranean Amphorae in the Province of Scythia: – V / In: J. Eiring, J. Lund, Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. Actes of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, September 26-29, 2002, Monographs of Danish Institute at Athens 5, 293–308. OPAIŢ, A. 2004b, Local and Imported Ceramics in the Roman Province of Scythia (4th – 6th centuries AD). – BAR Inter­national Series 1274. OTTOMÁNYI, K. 1996, Eine Töpferwerkstatt der spätrö­mische Keramik mit Glättverzierung von Pilismarót-Ma­lompatak. – Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 48, 71–134. OTTOMÁNYI, K. 2015, Veränderungen des Töpferhandwerks in der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jhs. anhand der Keramik der Be-festigung Visegrád-Gizellamajor. – V / In: Romania Gothica 2. The Frontier World. Romans, Barbarians and Military Culture, Proceedings of the International Conference at the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, 1–2 October 2010, Budapest, 691–740. PETRU, P., T. ULBERT 1975, Vranje pri Sevnici: starokrščanske cerkve na Ajdovskem gradcu / Vranje bei Sevnica: frühchrist­liche Kirchenanlagen auf dem Ajdovski gradec. – Katalogi in monografije 12. PIERI, D. 2005, Le Comerce du vin oriental a l’époque byzantyne (V-VII siecles). Le témoignage des amphores en Gaule. – Beyrouth. PRŐTTEL, P. M. 1996, Mediterrane Feinkeramikimporte des 2. bis 7. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im oberen Adriaraum und in Slowenien. – Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der römischen Provinzen 2. RAVNIK, M. 2006, Zaščitne raziskave Ančnikovega gradišča pri Jurišni vasi v letih od 1986 do 1994. – Diplomska naloga / Diploma thesis, Oddelek za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete v Ljubljani (neobjavljeno / unpublished). REYNOLDS, P. 1995, Trade in the Western Mediterranean, AD 400-700: The ceramic evidence. - BAR International Series 604. REYNOLDS, P. 2005, Levantine amphorae from Cilicia to Gaza: a typology and analysis of regional production trends from 1st to 6th centuries. – V / In: J.M. Gurt i Esparragu­erra, J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M.A. Cau Ontiveros (ur. / eds.), LRCW1. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean, BAR International Series 1340, 563–611. RICCI, M. 1998, La ceramica comune dal contesto di VII secolo della Crypta Balbi. – V / In: Ceramica in Italia: VI - VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes. Roma, 11-13 maggio 1995, Roma, 351–382. RILEY, J. 1979, Coarse pottery. – V / In: J. Lloyd (ur. / ed.), Excavations at Sidi Khrebish, Benghazi (Berenike), II, Libya Antiqua Supplement 5, 91–467. RODRIGUEZ, H. 1990, Keramikbeispiele aus der Grabungs­kampagne 1989 in Teurnia im Areal der Bischofskirche und ihrer Nebengebaude. – Carinthia I 180, 57–107. RODRIGUEZ, H. 1997, Die Zeit vor und nach der Schlacht am Fluvius Frigidus (394 n. Chr) im Spiegel der südostalpinen Gebrauchskeramik. – Arheološki vestnik 48, 153–177. SAGADIN, M. 2008, Od Karnija do Kranja. – Doktorska diser­tacija / PhD thesis, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Oddelek za arheologijo (neobjavljeno / unpublished). STEINKLAUBER, U. 2013, Fundmaterial spätantiker Höhen­siedlungen in Steiermark und Kärnten. Frauenberg im Vergleich mit Hoischügel und Duel. – Graz. STRMČNIK, M. 1997, Mariborsko - bistriško območje v poznorimski dobi (Der Raum Maribor und Bistrica in spätromischer Zeit). – Arheološki vestnik 48, 269–288. SWAN, V. 2004, Dichin (Bulgaria) and the Supply of Amphorae to the Lower Danube in the Late Roman – Early Byzantine Period. – V / In: J. Eiring, J. Lund (ur. / eds.), Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. Actes of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, September 26–29, 2002, Monographs of Danish Institute at Athens 5, 293–308, 371–382, Aarhus. TRÉGLIA, J.-C. 2005, Importations de céramiques communes de Mer Egée et de Constantinople en Gaule méridionale durant l‘antiquité tardive (IVe-VIIe s.) – V / In: J.M. Gurt i Esparraguerra, J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M.A. Cau Ontiveros (ur. / eds.), LRCW1. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean. BAR, Interna­tional Series 1340, 299–310. VIDRIH PERKO, V. 1994, Spätantike keramische Neufunde aus Piran. – Acta Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum 34 (Alba Regia 25), 241–248. VIDRIH PERKO, V., B. ŽBONA TRKMAN 2005, Ceramic finds from Ajdovščina - Fluvio Frigido, an early Roman road station and late Roman fortress Castra. – Acta Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum 39, 277–286. WARNER SLANE, K., E. KIRIATZI 2014, Kythera al fresco: Middle and late Roman cooking pots from the Aegean region. – V / In: N. Poulou-Papadimitriou, E. Nodarou, V. Kilikoglou (ur. / eds.), LRCW4 (2). Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean, The Mediterranean: a market without frontiers, BAR Inter­national Series 2616, 907–918. 5.NUMIZMATIČNE NAJDBE 5.NUMISMATIC FINDS Peter KOS Na Korinjskem hribu (Ciganov hrib) so bili odkriti štirje keltski srebrniki Tavriskov, 180 rimskih novcev, dve bizantinski četrtsilikvi Justinijana I. ter srebrna četrtsilikva in bronast novec vzhodnogotskega vladarja Atalarika. Na najdišču so odkrili tudi dva poznosred­njeveška ter šest novoveških novcev. KELTSKI NOVCI Dva velika srebrnika tipa prestasto uho A (kat. št. 1–2; sl. 5.1: 1-2), en veliki srebrnik nejasnega tipa (kat. št. 3; sl. 5.1: 3) ter mali srebrnik očesnega tipa (kat. št. 4; sl. 5.1: 4) uvrščamo v skupino novcev, katerih kovanje pripisujemo plemenu Tavriskov. Trije veliki srebrniki so bili najdeni na kupu kakih 10 m nad poznoantično cerkvijo na grebenu proti vrhu hriba in nedvomno gre za manjšo (oziroma njen del) zakladno najdbo. Mali srebrnik očesnega tipa je bil najden na zahodni strani na strmini pod nasipom.1 Glede na odkrite ostanke hiše z ognjiščem iz mlajše železne dobe v sondi na severoza­hodnem delu Korinjskega hriba najdbe keltskih novcev, katerih kovanje lahko uvrstimo v 2./1. stoletje pr. Kr., na najdišču ne presenečajo.2 At Korinjski hrib (Ciganov hrib), four Celtic silver coins of the Taurisci, 180 Roman coins, two Byzantine quarter­siliquae of Justinian I, a silver quarter­siliqua and a bronze coin of the Ostrogothic ruler Athalaric were found. Two Late Medieval and six modern age coins were also discovered at the site. CELTIC COINS Two big silver coins of “Brezelohr” Type B (cat. nos. 1–2; Fig. 5.1: 1-2), one big silver coin of unclear type (cat. no. 3; Fig. 5.1: 3), and a small silver coin of “Augen­Stamm” Type (cat. no. 4; Fig. 5.1: 4) are assigned to the group of coins the minting of which is ascribed to the tribe of Taurisci. Three big silver coins were found in a heap about 10m above the late antique church on the ridge towards the hilltop and undoubtedly present a smaller hoard (or part of it). A small silver coin of Augen­Stamm Type was found on the western side at the steep slope beneath the rampart.1 Considering the discovered remains of a house with a hearth from the Late Iron Age in the trial trench at the NW part of Korinjski hrib, finds of Celtic coins the minting of which can be assigned to the 2nd/1st century BC are not surprising at the site.2 Sl. 5.1: Novci. 1 kat. št. 1; 2 kat. št. 2; 3 kat. št. 3; 4 kat. št. 4. M. = 1:1. Fig. 5.1: Coins. 1 cat. no. 1; 2 cat. no. 2; 3 cat. no. 3; 4 cat. no. 4. Scale = 1:1. (Foto / Photo: Matija Pavlovec) 1 Laharnar et al. 2017, 132. 2 Dular et al. 1995, 92–96. RIMSKI NOVCI ROMAN COINS Korinjski hrib št. / no. % republika / Republic 1 0,66 27 pr. Kr. / BC–68 po Kr. / AD 1 0,66 14–37 1 0,66 81–96 1 0,66 98–117 3 2 117–138 2 1,33 138–161 2 1,33 161–180 1 0,66 180–193 2 1,33 222–235 2 1,33 235–244 1 0,66 260–268 3 2 268–270 3 2 270–276 6 4 Korinjski hrib št. / no. % 276–284 2 1,33 294–305 7 4,66 305–313 1 0,66 313–324 7 4,66 330–337 4 2,66 337–348 2 1,33 348–361 9 6 361–364 3 2 364–378 54 36 378–383 4 2,66 383–388 2 1,33 388–403 21 14 408–423 5 3,33 Skupaj / Total 150 99,9 Tab. 5.1: Določljivi rimski novci s Korinjskega hriba po obdobjih kovanja. Tab. 5.1: Determinable Roman coins from Korinjski hrib according to coinage periods. št. / no % Republika / Republic 1 0,55 1. polovica 1. st. / First half of the 1th cent. 2 1,11 2. polovica 1. st. / Second half of the 1th cent. 1 0,55 1. polovica 2. st. / First half of the 2nd cent. 7 3,88 2. polovica 2. st. / Second half of the 2nd cent. 3 1,66 2. st. / 2nd cent. 1 0,55 1.– 2. st. / 1st – 2nd cent. 11 6,11 1. polovica 3. st. / First half of the 3rd cent. 3 1,66 2. polovica 3. st. / Second half of the 3rd cent. 17 9,44 1. polovica 4. st. / First half of the 4th cent. 23 12,77 2. polovica 4. st. / Second half of the 4th cent. 104 57,77 1. polovica 5. st. / First half of the 5th cent. 5 2,77 2. polovica 4. st. – 1. polovica 5. st. / Second half of the 4th cent. – First half of the 5th cent. 2 1,11 Skupaj / Total 180 99,93 Tab. 5.2: Vsi dokumentirani rimski novci s Korinjskega hriba po obdobjih kovanja. Tab. 5.2: All documented Roman coins from Korinjski hrib, by minting periods. Iz obdobja od republike do sredine 3. stoletja je bilo dokumentiranih 29 novcev (16,11 % vseh rimskih novcev z najdišča). Zelo lepo je ohranjen le as Antonina Pija, dobro sta ohranjena še sesterca Severa Aleksandra za Julijo Mamejo (kat. št. 20) ter Maksimina (kat. št. 21). Slabo ohranjen as iz 1. oziroma 2. stoletja (št. 184) sodi v skupino ulitih imitacij, ki so jih izdelovali v posa­meznih večjih središčih (ki kljub poimenovanju novcev “Limesfalsa” nikakor niso povezana z limesom oziroma vojsko) predvsem v prvi polovici 3. stoletja.3 Od 17 antoninijanov druge polovice 3. stoletja (kat. št. 22–35, 166–168) jih je sedem dobro ohranjenih in kažejo le malo obrabe. Njihov delež med vsemi rimskimi novci z najdišča obsega 9,44 % oziroma nekaj manj od deleža, ki ga imajo novci tega obdobja na primerljivem najdišču Tonovcov grad.4 Ti novci bi lahko kazali na prvo vsaj občasno prisotnost prebivalcev na Korinjskem hribu ob koncu 3. stoletja. Delež novcev prve polovice 4. stoletja znaša 12,77 % vseh rimskih novcev na najdišču. Eden nummus je preluknjan (kat. št. 36), ostalih šest je zelo dobro ohranjenih in potrjujejo prisotnost na najdišču v prvi polovici 4. stoletja. Ostali novci prve polovice 4. stoletja sicer ne kažejo zastopanosti vseh kovnih obdobij, vendar so razmeroma malo izrabljeni. Delež novcev druge polovice 4. stoletja je izjemno velik (104 novcev) in znaša 57,77 % ter presega delež Nazadnje je o limes imitacijah izčrpno pisal Pfisterer 2007. 4 Kos 2011, 229. From the period of the Republic to the mid­3rd century, 29 coins were documented (16,11% of all Ro­man coins from the site). Only an as of Antoninus Pius is very well preserved, with two sestertii of Alexander Severus for Iulia Mamea (cat. no. 20) and of Maximinus also well preserved (cat. no. 21). A poorly preserved as from the 1st or 2nd century (no. 184) belongs to the group of cast imitations that were made in certain larger centres (which despite the coins’ name of “Limesfalsa” have absolutely no connec­tion with the limes or the army) especially in the first half of the 3rd century.3 Of 17 antoniniani of the second half of the 3rd century (cat. nos. 22–35, 166–168), seven are well pre­served and display only slight wear. Their share among all Roman coins from the site is 9.44% or slightly less than the share coins of this period at the comparable site of Tonovcov grad.4 These coins could indicate the first at least occasional presence of inhabitants at Korinjski hrib at the end of the 3rd century. The share of coins from the first half of the 4th century amount to 12,77% of all Roman coins at the site. One nummus is pierced (cat. no. 36), other six are very well preserved and reflect the presence at the site in the first half of the 4th century. Other coins of the first half of the 4th century do not display the representation of all minting periods, but are relatively little worn. 3 The last one to write extensively about limes imitations was Pfisterer 2007. 4 Kos 2011, 229. novcev istega obdobja na Tonovcovem gradu, kjer obsega 48 %. Med 87 opredeljivimi novci druge polovice 4. in prve polovice 5. stoletja prevladujejo s 53 primerki (60,91%) novci kovnega obdobja 364–378, med njimi pa je največ novcev tipa Securitas Reipublicae. Prevlada novcev tipa Securitas Reipublice je v tem obdobju v rimskem imperiju najpogosteje dokumentirana. Med izjeme sodi na primer Tonovcov grad.5 The share of coins of the second half of the 4th century is extremely high (104 coins) and amounts to 57.77% and it exceeds the share of coins from the same period at Tonovcov grad, where it is 48%. Among 87 definable coins of the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th centuries, coins of the minting period 364–378 prevail with 53 examples (60,91%), and among them the most numerous are coins of Securitas Reipublicae type. The prevalence of this type of coins in this period in the Roman Empire is documented the most frequently. Tonovcov grad, for example, belongs among exceptions.5 Securitas Reipublicae AE 3 Gloria Romanorum AE 3 Skupaj / Total Valentinianus I. 13 6 19 (35,84 %) Valens 17 7 24 (45,28 %) Gratianus 2 2 4 (7,54 %) Valentinianus I., Valens, Gratianus ali / or Valentinianus II. 5 1 6 (11,32 %) Skupaj / Total 37 (69,8 %) 16 (30,18 %) 53 Tab. 5.3: Delež novcev posameznih vladarjev po tipih v kovnem obdobju 364–378. Tab. 5.3: Shares of coins of individual rulers according to types in the minting period 364–378. Enaindvajset novcev (24,13 % vseh opredeljivih 21 coins (24.13% of all definable coins of the second novcev druge polovice 4. in prve polovice 5. stoletja) je half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th centuries) were bilo kovanih v obdobju 388–403. Od teh jih je večina (19 minted in the period 388–403. Of these, the majority primerkov) tipa Salus Reipublicae (kat. št. 129–132, 135– (19 examples) is of the Salus Reipublicae type (cat. nos. 149), v obtoku so bili še v prvih desetletjih 5. stoletja. 129–132, 135–149), which were still in circulation in the Izrabljen novec tega tipa (kat. št. 138) je bil ožgan. first decades of the 5th century. A worn coin of this type (cat. no. 138) was burnt. Tip / Type Victoria Auggg, Vikt. l. Salus Reipublicae Skupaj / Total Kovnica / Mint Nedoločljiva kovnica / Undeter­minable mint Aq Nedoločljiva kovnica / Undeter­minable mint Valentinianus II. 1 3 1 5 (23,80 %) Valentinianus II., Theodosius I. ali / or Arcadius 1 1 (4,76 %) Arcadius 4 4 8 (38,09 %) Honorius 1 1 (4,76 %) Valentinianus II., Theodosius I., Arcadius ali / or Honorius 6 6 (28,57 %) Skupaj / Total 2 (9,52 %) 7 (33,33 %) 12 (57,14 %) 21 Tab. 5.4: Zastopanost novcev po tipih, kovnicah in vladarjih v kovnem obdobju 388–403. Tab. 5.4: Shares of coins by types, mints, and rulers in the minting period of 388–403. Pet bronastih novcev (5,74 % vseh opredeljivih Five bronze coins (5.74% of all identifiable coins novcev druge polovice 4. in prve polovice 5. stoletja) of the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th pripadajo tipu Gloria Romanorum 11, ki je bil kovan v centuries) belong to the Gloria Romanorum 11 type, razmeroma dolgem obdobju med letoma 408 in 423. Od which was minted in a relatively long period between 5 Za podrobnosti glej Kos 2010, 233. 5 For details see Kos 2010, 233. teh sta dva dobro ohranjena, medtem ko so bili trije v 408 and 423. Of these, two are well preserved, while in času, ko so bili izgubljeni, zelo izrabljeni in potemtakem the time when they were lost, three coins were very worn dolgo časa v obtoku. Od teh treh je eden močno ožgan and thus had been used for a very long time. Of these (kat. št. 152). three, one is strongly burnt (cat. no. 152). Korinjski hrib Tonovcov grad št. / no. % št. / no. % republika / Republic 1 0,55 0 1. polovica 1. st. / First half of the 1st cent. 2 1,11 1 0,6 2. polovica 1. st. / Second half of the 1st cent. 1 0,55 2 1,3 1. polovica 2. st. / First half of the 2nd cent. 7 3,88 2 1,3 2. polovica 2. st. / Second half of the 2nd cent. 3 1,66 3 1,9 2. st. / 2nd cent. 1 0,55 0 1.–2. st. / 1st – 2nd cent. 11 6,11 5 3,2 1. polovica 3. st. / First half of the 3rd cent. 3 1,66 4 2,5 2. polovica 3. st. / Second half of the 3rd cent. 17 9,44 21 13,4 1. polovica 4. st. / First half of the 4th cent. 23 12,77 22 14 2. polovica 4. st. / Second half of the 4th cent. 104 57,77 75 47,8 1. polovica 5. st. / First half of the 5th cent. 5 2,77 20 12,7 2. polovica 4. st.– 1. polovica 5. st. / Second half of the 4th cent. – first half of the 5th cent. 2 1,1 1 0,6 2. polovica 5. st. / Second half of the 5th cent. 0 1 0,6 Skupaj / Total 180 99,93 157 99,9 Tab. 5.5: Primerjava zastopanosti rimskih novcev na Korinjskem hribu in Tonovcovem gradu. Tab. 5.5: Comparison of Roman coin shares at Korinjski hrib and Tonovcov grad. 1 2 3 4 Primerjava s sorodnimi najdišči na območju dana­šnje Slovenije kaže v obdobju Rima izrazito podobnost denarnega obtoka s Tonovcovim gradom pri Kobaridu. Podobno kot za najdišče Tonovcov grad je tudi za Korinjski hrib mogoče ugotoviti, da denarni obtok ustreza strukturi denarnega obtoka v zelo poznih rim­skih poselitvenih središčih.6 Reden številčnejši dotok denarja na najdišče (in s tem intenzivnejša poselitev) je dokumentiran šele v valentinijanskem obdobju. Najmlajši rimski novci na najdišču so Honorijevi bronasti novci tipa Gloria Romanorum 11, ki odražajo denarni obtok v času od drugega do četrtega desetletja 5. stoletja. Njihova skromna zastopanost v primerjavi z najdiščem na Tonovcovem gradu je zgolj posledica skromnejše intenzivnosti poselitve v prvih desetletjih 5. stoletja. VZHODNOGOTSKI IN BIZANTINSKI NOVCI Na najdišču so našli tudi dve bizantinski četrt­silikvi Justinijana I., kovani v kovnici Ravena v obdobju 552–565 (kat. št. 185, 186, sl. 5.4: 1,2). V naselbini so od­krili še četrtsilikvo vzhodnogotskega vladarja Atalarika iz kovnice Roma iz obdobja 527–534 (kat. št. 188, sl. 5.4: 3) ter bronast novec v vrednosti pet numov istega vladarja, kovan v Raveni v istem obdobju (kat. št. 187, sl. 5.4: 4). Omenjene novčne najdbe govorijo za prisotnost prebivalstva na najdišču še v sredini 6. stoletja. Tudi s tega stališča sta si najdišči Korinjski hrib in Tonovcov grad izjemno podobni. The comparison with similar sites in the territory of present­day Slovenia reveals a distinct similarity of monetary circulation in the Roman period with Tonov­cov grad near Kobarid. Similarly to the site of Tonovcov grad, it is possible to determine for Korinjski hrib that the monetary circu­lation corresponds to the structure of monetary circula­tion at very late Roman settlement centres.6 A regular larger influx of money to the site (and with this a more intense population) is recorded only in the time of the reign of Valentinian. The youngest Roman coins at the site are Honorius’ bronze coins of Gloria Romanorum 11 type, which reflect the monetary circulation in the time from the second to the fourth decade of the 5th century. Their modest representation in comparison to the site at Tonovcov grad is a simple consequence of lesser intensity of population in the first decades of the 5th century. OSTROGOTHIC AND BYZANTINE COINS Two Byzantine quarter­siliquae of Justinian I, minted in the Ravenna mint in the period 552–565, were also found at the site (cat. nos. 185, 186, Fig. 5.4: 1,2). A quarter­siliqua of the Ostrogothic ruler Athalaric from the Roma mint from the period 527–534 was also found in the settlement (cat. no. 188, Fig. 5.4: 3) as well as a bronze coin valued at 5 nummi of the same ruler which was minted in Ravenna in the same period (cat. no. 187, Fig. 5.4: 4). The mentioned coin finds speak in favour of people still being present at the site in the mid­6th century. This is another point in which the sites of Korinjski hrib and Tonovcov grad are extremely alike. 6 Za primerjavo s severovzhodnimi italijanskimi najdišči 6 For the comparison with north­eastern Italian sites see glej Kos 2011, 236 Tab. 5.7. Kos 2011, 236 Tab. 5.7. KATALOG / CATALOGUE Velika večina novcev s Korinjskega hriba je že bila objavljena v štirih zvezkih korpusa antičnih novčnih najdb s področja Slovenije (FMRSl). Kljub temu na tem mestu še enkrat objavljamo katalog vsega novč­nega gradiva z najdišča z navajanjem vseh relevantnih arheoloških podatkov. V katalogu si pod posameznimi vladarji sledijo podatki o nominalu, dataciji kovanja posameznega novca, kovnici, standardni literaturi in priznaku kovnice. Nominal: AE = bronasti novec; An = antoninianus; As = as; Cen = centenionalis; MaS = mali srebrnik; Num = nummus; S = sestertius; Sil = siliqua; Tetr = tetradrahma. Kovnice: Aq = Aquileia; Con = Constantinopolis; Cyz = Cyzicus; Her = Heraclea; Lug = Lugdunum; Med = Mediolanum; Rav = Ravenna; Rom = Roma; Sis = Siscia; Tes = Thessalonica; Tic = Ticinum. Citati standardne literature: The great majority of coins from Korinjski hrib has been published in four volumes of the corpus of antique coin finds from Slovenia (FMRSl). Nevertheless, the catalogue of all coin material from the site is published here once again with all relevant archaeological data provided. Under the name of individual rulers, the catalogue lists data about the denomination, minting date of an in­dividual coin, mint, standard literature, and mint mark. Denomination: AE = a bronze coin; An = antonini­anus; As = as; Cen = centenionalis; MaS = a small silver coin; Num = nummus; S = sestertius; Sil = siliqua; Tetr = tetradrahma. Mints: Aq = Aquileia; Con = Constantinopolis; Cyz = Cyzicus; Her = Heraclea; Lug = Lugdunum; Med = Mediolanum; Rav = Ravenna; Rom = Roma; Sis = Siscia; Tes = Thessalonica; Tic = Ticinum. Standard literature quotes: CNI = U. Hoepli [ed.], Corpus Nummorum Italicorum VIII: Veneto (Venezia, Parte II: da Leonardo Dona alla chiusura della zecca), Milano 1917. Demo = Ž. Demo, Ostrogothic Coinage from Collections in Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia & Herzegovina, Ljubljana 1994 (=Situla 32). Eyp. = T. Eypeltauer, Corpus Nummorum Regni Mariae Theresiae. Die Münzprägung der Kaiserin Maria Theresia und ihrer Mit­ regenten Kaiser Franz I. und Joseph II. 1740-1780, Basel 1973. J. 1970 =P. Jaeckel, Die Munzprägung des Hauses Habsburg 1780-1918 und der Republik Österreich seit 1918, 4. ergänzte Auflage, Basel 1970. M. 2006= R. Mandić, Metalni novac Srbije, Crne Gore i Jugoslavije, Beograd 2006. MIB = W. Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini, Bd. 1: Von Anastasius I. bis Iustinianus I. (491-565), einschliesslich der ostgotischen und vandalischen Prägungen, Wien 1973. MIR = R. Göbl, Die Münzprägung der Kaiser Valerianus I., Gallienus, Saloninus (253/268), Regalianus (260) und Macrianus, Quietus (260/262), Wien 2000 (Denkschriften / Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch­historische Klasse ; Bd. 286. Veröffentlichungen der Numismatischen Kommission ; Bd. 35) (MIR – Moneta Imperii Romani; Bd. 36; 43; 44); R. Göbl, Die Münzprägung des Kaisers Aurelianus (270/275), Wien 1993 (Denkschriften / Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch­historische Klasse. Veröffentlichungen der Numismatischen Kommission ; Bd. 29) (MIR ­Moneta Imperii Romani; Bd. 47). Pick = B.Pick, Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands ; Halbband. Die antiken Münzen von Dacien und Moesien, Berlin 1898. RIC = The Roman Imperial Coinage I – X, London 1933 – 1994. TKN = R. Göbl, Typologie und Chronologie der keltischen Münzprägung in Noricum, Wien 1973. LJ 0012630. T.: 9,55 g. F = 22 mm. Pol. peč.: 8. Dobro ohranjen. 2 LJ 0012631. T.: 9,1 g. Dim.: 20,5 x 22,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 1. Dobro ohranjen. 3 LJ 0024229. T.: 8,22 g. Dim.: 21 x 24,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 5. Zelo lepo ohranjen. 4 Pr.l. T.: 0,65 g. Dim.: 10 x 9,5 mm. Zelo lepo ohranjen. Laharnar et al. 2017, 132, no. 6. LJ 0027607. T.: 12,47 g. F = 26 mm. Pol. peč.: 3. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-1. 6 LJ 0088094. Določitev po portretu. Dop.: Glava l.; Tip: ?. T.: 7,87 g. Dim.: 29 x 26 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 301. 7 LJ 0007499. Polovičen. T.: 3,08 g. Dim.: 22,5 x 11 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-45. 8 LJ 0088104. Določitev po portretu. Tip: Fortuna sedi l., drži krmilo in rog obilja. T.: 19,64 g. Dim.: 31 x 30 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 321. 9 LJ 0004669. Določitev po portretu, Fragmentiran. Dop.: Doprsje z vencem, d.; Tip: ?. T.: 15,14 g. Dim.: 32 x 26,5 mm. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-1. Pr.l. Leg. av.: ...TRAIAN...; Dop.: Doprsje z vencem, d.; Tip: Fortuna stoji l., drži krmilo in rog obilja. FMRSl III 131-3. 11 LJ 0004662. Določitev po portretu. Dop.: Glava z vencem, d.; Tip: ?. T.: 8,48 g. F = 28,5 mm. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131­2. 12 LJ 0015615. Določitev po portretu. Dop.: Doprsje z vencem, oklep, d.; Tip: ?. T.: 6,99 g. Dim.: 22,5 x 24,5 mm. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-1. 13 LJ 0005498. Leg. av.: ...BI...; Dop.: Doprsje, obleka, d.; Rv.: stoječa figura. T.: 6,63 g. Dim.: 23 x 24,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 1. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-4. 14 LJ 0031114. T.: 21,27 g. F = 30 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-2. LJ 0088080. Določitev po portretu. Dop.: Doprsje z diademom, obleka, d.; Tip: ?. T.: 6,65 g. F = 25 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 300. 16 LJ 0017602. Določitev po portretu. T.: 8,08 g. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-2. 17 LJ 0088105. Določitev po portretu. T.: 13,99 g. Dim.: 27,5 x 26 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 314. 18 LJ 0088103. Določitev po portretu. T.: 7,69 g. Dim.: 24,5 x 24 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 305. 19 LJ 0005499. Leg. av.: ...ALE...; Dop.: Glava z vencem, d.; Tip: Salus Augusti. T.: 15,83 g. F = 28 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-5. LJ 0008392. T.: 16,24 g. Dim.: 27,5 x 28 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-3. 21 LJ 0013819. T.: 20,99 g. Dim.: 30 x 29 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-4. 22 LJ 0040574. T.: 1,96 g. F = 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-1. 23 LJ 0020174. T.: 2,28 g. F = 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 7. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-3. 24 LJ 0030251. T.: 2,31 g. Dim.: 16 x 18,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-4. LJ 0024674. T.: 2 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-5. 26 LJ 0017603. T.: 1,66 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-5. 27 LJ 0005779. Leg. av.: ...VDIV...; Dop.: Doprsje z žarkovno krono, oklep, d.; Rv.: stoječa figura. T.: 2,29 g. Dim.: 19,5 x 19 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-6. 28 Pr.l. T.: 3,5 g. F = 19 mm. Pol. peč.: 7. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-7. 29 LJ 0008432. Leg. av.: ...VREL...; Dop.: Doprsje z žarkovno krono, oklep, d.; Tip: ?. T.: 2,54 g. Dim.: 21,5 x 23 mm. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-6. LJ 0088090. Določitev po portretu. T.: 1,45 g. F = 19 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 308. 31 LJ 0088089. T.: 3,1 g. Dim.: 23 x 20 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 309. 32 LJ 0003594. T.: 2,83 g. Dim.: 21,5 x 23 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-8. 33 LJ 0015624. T.: 2,77 g. Dim.: 22 x 21,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 1. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-7. 34 LJ 0088093. T.: 1,98 g. Dim.: 23 x 20,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. Arheološki podatki: Terenska številka 1540. PN 310. LJ 0005500. Leg. av.: ...PROBV...; Dop.: Doprsje z žarkovno krono, oklep, d.; Tip: ?. T.: 1,62 g. Dim.: 21 x 20 mm. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-9. 36 LJ 0030344. Preluknjan, Tip: Genio Populi Romani. T.: 4,35 g. Dim.: 27 x 26 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104­ 6. 37 Pr.l. T.: 8,02 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-8. 38 LJ 0012147. T.: 8,89 g. Dim.: 26,5 x 27 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-9. 39 LJ 0007504. T.: 8,28 g. Dim.: 26,5 x 25,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-10. LJ 0012013. T.: 8,68 g. Dim.: 25 x 27 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-11. 41 LJ 0029023. Ožgan. Leg. av.: ...MAXIMIAN...; Tip: ?. T.: 8,31 g. F = 28 mm. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-7. 42 LJ 0012014. T.: 6,96 g. F = 26,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-12. 43 LJ 0007500. Tip: Iovi Conservatori. T.: 3,55 g. F = 23,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-51. 44 LJ 0007503. T.: 2,42 g. Dim.: 20 x 20,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-13. 45 LJ 0029024. Tip: Iovi Conservatori Augg NN. T.: 1,97 g. F = 22 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-8. 46 LJ 0024873. T.: 1,74 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-9. 47 LJ 0015613. Tip: Victoriae Laetae Princ Perp, Vot PR. T.: 2,47 g. F = 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-14. 48 LJ 0004729. T.: 1,5 g. Dim.: 18 x 18,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-11. 49 LJ 0030345. T.: 3,04 g. F = 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-10. 50 Pr.l. T.: 2,54 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-15. 51 LJ 0040573. T.: 1,64 g. Dim.: 17 x 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-2. 52 LJ 0012352. Tip: Gloria Exercitus, 1 vojaško znamenje. T.: 1,28 g. Dim.: 13,5 x 14,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-16. 53 LJ 0030346. T.: 1,95 g. F = 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-11. 54 LJ 0088099. Fragmentiran. T.: 1,08 g. Dim.: 13 x 11,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. Arheološki podatki: Sonda 1. PN 322. 55 LJ 0029028. Tip: Gloria Exercitus, 1 vojaško znamenje. T.: 0,82 g. F = 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-12. 56 LJ 0042184. Fragmentiran. Tip: Victoriae DD Auggq NN. T.: 0,87 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-3. 57 LJ 0024872. Tip: Fel Temp Reparatio, galeja. T.: 2,6 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-13. 58 LJ 0005782. Tip: Fel Temp Reparatio, padajoči konjenik (?). T.: 1,62 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 18,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-12. 59 LJ 0009184. Tip: Fel Temp Reparatio, padajoči konjenik (?). T.: 1,38 g. Dim.: 13,5 x 15 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-36. 60 LJ 0049976. Tip: Fel Temp Reparatio, padajoči konjenik (?). T.: 1,21 g. F = 14,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-4. 61 LJ 0088081. Leg. av.: ...ONST...; Tip: Fel Temp Reparatio, padajoči konjenik 3. T.: 3,03 g. Dim.: 22 x 22,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. 62 LJ 0007498. Tip: Spes Reipublice. T.: 1,7 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-17. 63 LJ 0012400. Tip: Spes Reipublice. T.: 1,68 g. F = 15,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-18. 64 LJ 0049977. Fragmentiran. Tip: Fel Temp Reparatio, padajoči konjenik (?). T.: 1,39 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-5. 65 Pr.l. Tip: Vict DD NN Aug Et Caes, Vot V Mult X. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-10. 66 LJ 0088106. Tip: Securitas Reipub, bik. T.: 6,15 g. Dim.: 26 x 24,5 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 320. 67 LJ 0088088. Določitev po portretu. T.: 4,15 g. Dim.: 23 x 22,5 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: Stolp 1. PN 307. 68 LJ 0015623. Imitacija. Tip: Securitas Reipub, bik. T.: 4,73 g. Dim.: 24 x 23,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 5. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-19. 69 LJ 0015622. T.: 1,74 g. Dim.: 17 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-20. 70 LJ 0026721. T.: 2 g. F = 16 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-14. 71 LJ 0031115. T.: 1,62 g. F = 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-15. 72 LJ 0049979. T.: 1,38 g. Dim.: 16 x 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-6. 73 LJ 0088098. T.: 2,8 g. Dim.: 18 x 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. Terenska številka 1476. Arheološki podatki: PN 315. Plast: prezbiterij ­ pod nivojem tlaka (izravnava tal). 74 LJ 0031117. T.: 1,56 g. F = 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-16. 75 LJ 0049978. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,94 g. F = 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-7. 76 LJ 0013814. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,92 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 7. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-21. 77 LJ 0013815. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,82 g. Dim.: 18 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130­ 22. 78 LJ 0007501. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,78 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130­23. 79 LJ 0012404. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,77 g. Dim.: 15,5 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-24. 80 LJ 0042183. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,68 g. Dim.: 17 x 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-8. 81 LJ 0005783. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,67 g. Dim.: 14,5 x 14 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-13. 82 LJ 0012353. Fragmentiran. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,53 g. Dim.: 15,5 x 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 1. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-25. 83 LJ 0088083. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,45 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 15,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 265. 84 LJ 0040571. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,42 g. Dim.: 15 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-9. 85 LJ 0040572. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,4 g. F = 16 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-10. 86 LJ 0013816. Fragmentiran. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,25 g. Dim.: 16 x 13,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 1. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-26. 87 LJ 0040570. Fragmentiran. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 0,79 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-11. 88 LJ 0005501. Fragmentiran. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,22 g. Dim.: 14 x 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-20. 89 LJ 0004668. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,81 g. Dim.: 18 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-22. 90 LJ 0088095. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,93 g. Dim.: 17 x 14 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 319. Plast: prizidek stolpa 2 (v zasutju cisterne). 91 LJ 0088084. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,6 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 290. 92 LJ 0088082. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 0,91 g. Dim.: 13,5 x 13 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 299. 93 DMNM. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. FMRSl III 131-23. 94 LJ 0004665. T.: 1,62 g. Dim.: 16 x 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 11. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-14. 95 LJ 0031116. T.: 1,98 g. F = 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-17. 96 LJ 0088097. T.: 1,52 g. Dim.: 19 x 14,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. Arheološki podatki: Terenska številka 1477. PN 316. Plast: prezbiterij ­ pod nivojem tlaka (izravnava tal). 97 LJ 0088092. Fragmentiran. T.: 1,17 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 15,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. Arheološki podatki: Terenska številka 1541. PN 311. Plast: cerkev ­ v sipu nad baptisterijem. 98 LJ 0007902. T.: 1,47 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-27. 99 LJ 0012398. T.: 1,53 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-28. 100 Pr.l. FMRSl III 131-15. 101 LJ 0088096. T.: 1,63 g. Dim.: 18 x 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. Arheološki podatki: Stolp 2. PN 318. Plast: prostor severno od stolpa. 102 LJ 0015621. T.: 1,56 g. Dim.: 15,5 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-29. 103 LJ 0042395. T.: 1,64 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-12. 104 LJ 0004667. T.: 2,01 g. F = 17 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-16. 105 LJ 0025238. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 2,79 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-18. 106 LJ 0008431. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 2,42 g. Dim.: 18 x 19,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-52. 107 LJ 0004666. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 2,08 g. Dim.: 18 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl III 131­17. 108 LJ 0005781. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 2,04 g. Dim.: 17,5 x 18,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-18. 109 LJ 0018425. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,92 g. Dim.: 16 x 18 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-19. 110 LJ 0026089. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,87 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-20. 111 LJ 0015617. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,78 g. Dim.: 15 x 16 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130­30. 112 LJ 0025240. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,4 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-21. 113 LJ 0012403. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,37 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 15,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-31. 114 LJ 0012401. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,2 g. Dim.: 14,5 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 1. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-32. 115 LJ 0012402. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,18 g. F = 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 5. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-33. 116 LJ 0026090. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,17 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-22. 117 LJ 0017599. Fragmentiran. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-34. 118 LJ 0015619. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 2,07 g. Dim.: 17 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-35. 119 LJ 0005780. Tip: Gloria Romanorum. T.: 1,97 g. Dim.: 17 x 16,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-21. 120 LJ 0025236. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,94 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-23. 121 LJ 0025237. Tip: Securitas Reipublicae. T.: 1,36 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-24. 122 LJ 0088091. Preluknjan, Sekundarna uporaba. Leg. av.: ...ODO...; Tip: Vot ? Mult ?. T.: 0,95 g. F = 13,5 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 290. 123 LJ 0024675. T.: 2,55 g. F = 22,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-37. 124 LJ 0007502. Tip: Concordia Auggg, Roma ali Constantinopolis. T.: 1,34 g. Dim.: 16,5 x 17,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-55. 125 LJ 0088087. T.: 1,1 g. Dim.: 13,5 x 12,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: Stolp 4. PN 304. 126 LJ 0029027. Tip: Vot XV Mult XX. T.: 0,87 g. F = 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-25. 127 LJ 0008433. T.: 1,08 g. Dim.: 13 x 14 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Odlično ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-38. 128 LJ 0025235. Tip: Spes Romanorum, trdnjava. T.: 0,64 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-26. 129 LJ 0087819. T.: 1,26 g. Dim.: 12 x 14 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. 130 LJ 0007505. T.: 1,01 g. Dim.: 12,5 x 11,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 5. Odlično ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-39. 131 LJ 0042398. T.: 0,87 g. Dim.: 12 x 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-13. 132 LJ 0042396. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 1,11 g. F = 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-14. 133 LJ 0015618. Tip: Victoria Auggg, Viktorija l.. T.: 0,78 g. Dim.: 13 x 12,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-40. 134 LJ 0088086. Tip: Victoria Auggg, Viktorija l.. T.: 1,16 g. Dim.: 13 x 12 mm. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 303. 135 LJ 0011273. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 1,5 g. Dim.: 11 x 11,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-60. 136 LJ 0004696. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 1,1 g. F = 12,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-30. 137 LJ 0040660. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 1,08 g. F = 11,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-18. 138 LJ 0025241. Ožgan. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 0,92 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-29. 139 LJ 0012405. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 0,83 g. Dim.: 12,5 x 12 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-42. 140 LJ 0020173. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 0,49 g. Dim.: 11 x 11,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-30. 141 LJ 0013817. T.: 0,85 g. Dim.: 12,5 x 13 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-41. 142 Pr.l. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-24. 143 LJ 0042397. T.: 1,03 g. F = 12,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-15. 144 LJ 0088085. T.: 1,38 g. Dim.: 13 x 12 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Odlično ohranjen. Arheološki podatki: PN 302. Najden skupaj s svinčenim pečatom. 145 LJ 0005497. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 1,22 g. Dim.: 13 x 14,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 5. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-19. 146 LJ 0049975. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 1,11 g. F = 11,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-16. 147 LJ 0024871. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 0,71 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-27. 148 LJ 0040661. Fragmentiran. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 0,53 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl VI 121-17. 149 LJ 0025234. Tip: Salus Reipublicae. T.: 0,96 g. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-28. 150 LJ 0042417. T.: 1,76 g. Dim.: 14,5 x 15,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. Kons. št. 1997/2001. FMRSl VI 121-19. 151 LJ 0008434. Tip: Gloria Romanorum 11. T.: 1,94 g. Dim.: 14 x 14,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130­ 43. 152 LJ 0025239. Ožgan. Tip: Gloria Romanorum 11. T.: 1,91 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-31. 153 LJ 0025233. Tip: Gloria Romanorum 11. T.: 1,7 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-32. 154 LJ 0013820. Tip: Gloria Romanorum 11. T.: 1,55 g. Dim.: 14 x 14,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-44. 155 LJ 0008393. T.: 14,79 g. Dim.: 26,5 x 28 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-46. 156 LJ 0026088. T.: 6,76 g. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-33. 157 LJ 0008395. T.: 6,41 g. Dim.: 23,5 x 24,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-47. 158 LJ 0029025. T.: 6,32 g. F = 24 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-34. 159 LJ 0004695. T.: 5,78 g. F = 25,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-25. 160 LJ 0042182. T.: 5 g. Dim.: 25 x 23,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 0. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-20. 161 LJ 0029026. T.: 4,63 g. F = 25 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-35. 162 LJ 0008394. T.: 3,41 g. Dim.: 23 x 25,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-48. 163 Pr.l. FMRSl III 131-27. 164 LJ 0017601. T.: 10,55 g. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-49. 165 LJ 0088102. Ožgan. T.: 2,4 g. Dim.: 19,5 x 15 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: Terenska številka 1559. PN 312. Plast: cerkev ­ zasip. 166 LJ 0015616. T.: 2,18 g. Dim.: 21 x 22 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-50. 167 LJ 0012399. T.: 1,83 g. Dim.: 14,5 x 14 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-56. 168 LJ 0026720. Fragmentiran. T.: 0,65 g. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl V 104-36. 169 LJ 0008396. T.: 2,21 g. Dim.: 19 x 18 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-53. 170 LJ 0018146. T.: 1,71 g. F = 18,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-54. 171 LJ 0088107. T.: 3,31 g. F = 23 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: Stolp 4. PN 317. Plast: notranjost stolpa iz zasipa. 172 Pr.l. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-28. 173 LJ 0004663. Ožgan. T.: 1,69 g. Dim.: 15,5 x 17 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-29. 174 LJ 0017598. T.: 1,11 g. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-57. 175 LJ 0015620. T.: 1,1 g. Dim.: 17 x 16,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-58. 176 LJ 0017597. T.: 0,89 g. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-59. 177 LJ 0042403. T.: 1,22 g. F = 13 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl VI 121-21. 178 LJ 0018150. Fragmentiran. T.: 0,85 g. Dim.: 12 x 11 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-61. 179 LJ 0017600. T.: 0,81 g. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-62. 180 LJ 0013818. T.: 0,76 g. F = 9,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-63. 181 LJ 0009186. T.: 0,51 g. Dim.: 12 x 14,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. FMRSl IV 130-64. 182 LJ 0088101. T.: 1,21 g. Dim.: 13,5 x 12,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 313. Plast: Na SZ pobočju hriba pod »vrati«, ki vodijo od cerkve k stolpom. 183 LJ 0088100. T.: 1,11 g. F = 12,5 mm. Zelo močno izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: Stolp 4. PN 306. 184 LJ 0004694. Imitacija, Ulitek. T.: 4 g. Dim.: 23,5 x 26 mm. Izrabljen. FMRSl III 131-26. 185 LJ 0005613. T.: 0,52 g. Dim.: 10 x 10,5 mm. Odlično ohranjen. FMRSl III 131-31. 186 Pr.l. T.: 0,49 g. Dim.: 12 x 11 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. FMRSl V 104-37. 187 LJ 0012354. T.: 0,85 g. Dim.: 13 x 12 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. FMRSl IV 130-65. 188 Pr.l. T.: 0,64 g. F = 10,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Odlično ohranjen. 189 LJ 0009187. T.: 0,34 g. Dim.: 14 x 15 mm. Pol. peč.: 5. Dobro ohranjen. 190 LJ 0017604. Fragmentiran. T.: 0,45 g. Pol. peč.: 12. Dobro ohranjen. 191 LJ 0004697. T.: 2,37 g. F = 21 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. 192 LJ 0012629. T.: 3,27 g. F = 20,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. 193 LJ 0015625. T.: 1,6 g. F = 20 mm. Pol. peč.: 12. Zelo lepo ohranjen. 194 LJ 0004664. Imitacija. T.: 2,38 g. Dim.: 20,5 x 21 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Zelo lepo ohranjen. 195 LJ 0026722. T.: 4,76 g. F = 22,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Dobro ohranjen. 196 LJ 0088108. T.: 4,84 g. F = 22,5 mm. Pol. peč.: 6. Izrabljen. Arheološki podatki: PN 288. DEMO, Ž. 1994, Ostrogothic Coinage from Collections in Cro­atia, Slovenia and Bosnia & Herzegovina, Situla 32. DULAR, J., KRIŽ, B., SVOLJŠAK, D., TECCO HVALA, S. 1995, Prazgodovinska naselja v Suhi krajini. – Arheološki vestnik 49, 189–167. FMRSl III: P. Kos, A. Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien, Teil lIII. Mainz, 1995. FMRSl IV: A. Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien, Teil IV. – Mainz, Ljubljana, 1998. FMRSl V: A. Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien, Teil V. – Mainz, 2004. FMRSl VI: A. Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien, Teil VI. – Wetteren, 2010. KOS, P. 2011, Novčne najdbe / Coin finds. – V / In: Z. Modri­jan, T. Milavec, Poznoantična utrjena naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu, Najdbe / Late antique fortified settle­ment Tonovcov grad near Kobarid, Finds, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 24, 221-238. LAHARNAR, B., Ž. ŠMIT, A. ŠEMROV 2017, On La Tene silver finds from Slovenia. – V / In: J. Kysela, A. Danielisová, J. Militký, (ur. / eds.), Stories that made the Iron Age: stu­dies in Iron Age archaeology dedicated to Natalie Venclová. Prague, 123–136. PFISTERER, M. 2007, Limesfalsa und Eisenmünzen – römi­sches Ersatzkleingeld am Donaulimes. – V / In: M. Alram, F. Schmidt­Dick (Ur. / Eds.), Die antiken Fundmünzen im Museum Carnuntinum. Neue Forsch., Arch. Park Carnun-tum 4,2., Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Öster­reich III, 2,2, Wien, 643-875. 6.ANTROPOLOŠKA ANALIZA SKELETNIH GROBOV Z NAJDIŠČA KORINJSKI HRIB 6.ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SKELETAL GRAVES FROM KORINJSKI HRIB Mateja KOVAČ UVOD IN METODE DELA Na Korinjskem hribu so bili človeški skeletni ostanki odkriti na dveh lokacijah (glej pogl. 2). Prva je grobnica, vzidana v narteks zgodnjekrščanske cerkve (pril. 1; sl. 2.29), druga pa grobišče, odkrito ob sondiran­ju na severovzhodnem pobočju hriba, izven utrjenega območja naselbine (sl. 2.2). Grobnica v cerkvi je bila raziskana v celoti, na grobišču pa je bil odkopan le en skelet ter zidana grobnica, ki pa je bila izropana in v njej ni bilo skeletnih ostankov (glej pogl. 11). Pri antropološki analizi so bile uporabljene sploš-no sprejete antropološke metode za analizo skeletnih ostankov na arheoloških najdiščih. Spol je bil najprej ocenjen po medenici s križno kostjo, saj se moška in ženska medenična kost razlikujeta že na pogled, treba pa je preučiti tudi točno določene medenične značilnosti (sulcus preauricularis, incisura ishiadica major, angulus pubis, arcus compose, os coxae, foramen obturatum, corpus ossis ischii, crista iliaca, fossa iliaca, pelvis major, pelvis minor, ischium-pubis index) in lastnosti križnice (os sacrum, corpus et basis) (Novotny 1986). Ocena spola se je dopolnila z morfološkimi zna-čilnostmi lobanje s spodnjo čeljustnico (processus mas-toideus ossis temporalis, processus marginalus, glabella, forma orbitae, angulus mandibulae, corpus mandibulae, trigonum mentale (Ascádi, Nemeskéri 1970). Spol je bil vzporedno ocenjen še po ostalih skeletnih elementih, in sicer po dolžini, premeru, obsegu ter gracilnosti/ro­bustnosti dolgih kosti. Med njimi je za določanje spola še posebej primerna stegnenica (linea aspera, caput femoris). Spol je bil ocenjen tudi po dolžini in širini skočnih (talus) in petnih kosti (calcaneus) (Steele 1976). Starost ob smrti odraslega posameznika je bila ocen­jena po predlogi stopnje obrabe sklepne ploščice (facies auricularis) na levi in desni kolčni kosti (Lovejoy, Meindl, Pryzbeck, Mensforth 1985) ter stopnji obrabe spoja di­meljnic (symphysis pubis) (Todd 1921). Zanesljivo oceno poda tudi izraslost stalnih zob in njena obraba, vendar pa je slednja odvisna od načina prehrane, torej tudi od so-cialnega statusa posameznika. Starost je bila ocenjena tudi na podlagi obliteracije lobanjskih šivov (Lovejoy, Meindl INTRODUCTION AND WORK METHODS At Korinjski hrib, human skeletal remains were dis­covered at two locations (see Chapter 2). The first is the tomb built into the narthex of the Early Christian church (appendix 1; Fig. 2.29), while the second is the cemetery discovered upon trial trenching at the north-eastern slope of the hill, outside the fortified area of the settlement (Fig. 2.2). The tomb in the church was completely researched, while in the cemetery only one skeleton and a stone tomb were unearthed but which was plundered and contained no skeletal remains (see Chapter 11). Generally used anthropological methods for the analysis of skeletal remains at archaeological sites were used for the anthropological analysis. Sex was first determined by the pelvis with the sacrum, since men’s and women’s pelvic bones differ at first sight, while specific traits of the pelvis (sulcus preau­ricularis, incisura ischiadica major, angulus pubis, arcus compose, os coxae, foramen obturatum, corpus ossis ischii, crista iliaca, fossa iliaca, pelvis major, pelvis minor, ischium-pubis index) and sacrum characteristics (os sacrum, corpus et basis) (Novotny 1986) need to be studied. The estimate of the sex was supplemented with morphological charac­teristics of the cranium with the lower jawbone (processus mastoideus ossis temporalis, processus marginalis, glabella, forma orbitae, angulus mandibulae, corpus mandibulae, trigonum mentale (Ascádi, Nemeskéri 1970). Sex was simultaneously also estimated according to other skeletal elements, i.e. length, diameter, circumference, and gracil­ity/robustness of long bones. Among these, the femur is especially appropriate for determining sex (linea aspera, caput femoris). Sex was also estimated from the length and width of the talus and calcaneus (Steele 1976). The age at death of adult individuals was estimated on the basis of the wear stage of the auricular surface (fa­cies auricularis) on the left and right hip bones (Lovejoy, Meindl, Pryzbeck, Mensforth 1985) and wear stage of the joint of the pubic symphysis (symphysis pubis) (Todd 1921). A reliable estimate is also provided by the growth of permanent teeth and their wear, although the latter 1985), vendar je ta metoda zaradi možnosti prezgodnje ali zapoznele zakostenitve precej nezanesljiva. Posamezniki so bili na podlagi starosti uvrščeni v 6 starostnih skupin: (infans I (0 do 6 let), infans II (od 7 do 14 let), iuvenis (od 15 do 20 let), adultus (od 21 do 35 let), maturus (od 36 do 55 let) in senilis (nad 55 let). Dodatne informacije o življenju in smrti pokojnika podajajo tudi degeneracijske in patološke spremembe. Pri degeneracijskih spremembah je bila opazovana stopnja obrabe hrbtenice ter morebitne znaki osteofitoze, šmorlove hernije ali osteoporoze. Prav tako tudi stopnja obrabe proksimalnih ter distalnih epifiz dolgih kosti in velikost mišičnih narastišč (Ubelaker 1989). Obraba je sorazmerno povezana s starostjo posameznika, ko pa je prisotna pri relativno mladih osebkih, je lahko povezana z večjimi fizičnimi napori ali pa je posledica bolezni hrbtenice. Na kosteh se lahko opazijo tudi zna­ki, značilni za bolezni metabolizma (skorbut, anemija, rahitis), poškodbe kosti in dentalna patologija (karies, zobni kamen, linearna hipoplazija, absces) ter epigenet-ski znaki, ki bi lahko razkrivali sorodstvene povezave, v kolikor bi število pokojnikov bilo večje. Glede na dolžino dolgih kosti (ossa longa) je bilo mogoče oceniti tudi višino posameznika. Ta metoda ima v fizični antropologiji dolgo tradicijo, na razpolago pa je več različnih formul z večjim ali manjšim odstopanjem. Tu je bila uporabljena Ousleyeva formula, ki zagotavlja 90 % točnost rezultatov ter najmanjše odstopanje izračunane višine. Najbolj učinkovita je na dolgih kosteh, predvsem spodnjih okončin, torej na stegnenici ali pa v kombina­ciji z golenico ter mečnico. Uporabna je tudi na podlagi dolžine kosti zgornjih okončin (nadlahtnica, podlahtnica, koželjnica), vendar je odstopanje večje (Ousley 1995). REZULTATI GROBNICA V CERKVI (sl. 6.1) V južnem delu narteksa zgodnjekrščanske cerkve je bila odkrita kamnita grobnica dimenzij 0,6 x 2,10 cm (sl. 6.1; pril. 1). Prekrita je bila z velikimi kamnitimi ploščami, ki so bile premazane z malto (sl. 2.44). V grobnici sta bila odkrita dva skeleta v anatomski legi z glavama na zahodni strani grobnice (skelet 1 in 2). Ob glavah skeletov je bila odkrita še dodatna lobanja (lobanja 3). Prav tako sta bili odkriti dve lobanji (lobanja 4 in 5) na spodnji strani grobnice. V desnem vogalu grobnice je bil odkrit skupek različnih skeletnih delov, ki niso bili v anatomski legi (sl. 6.1). Skelet 1 Skelet je bil lociran v južnem vogalu grobnice. Kosti so bile v anatomski legi, skoraj popolnoma ohranjene (sl. 6.1). depends on the manner of eating, therefore also on the social status of an individual. Age was also estimated on the basis of cranial sutures obliteration (Lovejoy, Meindl 1985), even though this method is fairly unreliable due to the possibility of belated or early ossification. Individuals were assigned into 6 age groups: infans I (up to 6 years), infans II (from 7 to 14 years), iuvenis (from 15 to 20 years), adultus (from 21 to 35 years), maturus (from 36 to 55 years), and senilis (over 55 years). Additional information about the life and death of a deceased person is offered by degenerative and pathologi­cal changes. From degenerative changes, the stage of spine wear and possible signs of osteophytosis, Schmorl’s hernia or osteoporosis were inspected. The same was done for the wear stage of proximal and distal epiphyses of long bones and the size of muscle attachment areas (Ubelaker 1989). Wear is proportionately connected to the age of an individual, but when it is determined in relatively young persons, it can be connected to bigger physical strains or is the consequence of spine illnesses. Bones can also reveal signs typical for illnesses of metabolism (scurvy, anaemia, rickets), bone injuries, and dental pathology (caries, calculus, linear hypoplasia, abscess), and epige­netic signs which could reveal kinship links if the number of deceased was greater. Based on the length of long bones (ossa longa) it was possible to estimate the deceased’s height. This method has a long tradition in physical anthropology, where sev­eral different formulas are available with bigger or smaller deviations. Here the Ousley equation was used, which provides 90 per cent accuracy of results and a smaller deviation of the calculated height. It is most efficient on long bones, especially of the lower extremities, thus on the femur or in combination with the tibia and fibula. It is also useful based on the length of bones of the upper extremities (humerus, ulna, radius), yet the deviation is greater (Ousley 1995). RESULTS THE TOMB IN THE CHURCH (Fig. 6.1) In the southern part of the narthex of the Early Christian church a stone tomb with dimensions 0.6 x 2.1m was discovered (Fig. 6.1; appendix 1). It was covered with big stone slabs coated in mortar (Fig. 2.44). Two skeletons in the anatomical position with heads on the western side of the tomb were discovered in the tomb (skeleton 1 and 2). An additional skull was discov­ered alongside the heads of the two skeletons (skull 3). Two more skulls (skulls 4 and 5) were discovered on the bottom side of the tomb. In the right corner of the tomb, a cluster of various skeletal parts was discovered which were not in the anatomical position (Fig. 6.1). Skeleton 1 The skeleton was located in the southern corner of the tomb. The bones were in the anatomical position, almost completely preserved (Fig. 6.1). From the bones of the cranium, the greater part of the frontal bone (os frontale), both parietal bones (os parietale), both temporal bones (os temporale), an oc­cipital bone (os occipitale), the upper jawbone (maxilla), and a fragment of the lower jawbone (mandibula) were preserved. From both jawbones, the upper one is much bet­ter preserved (maxilla). On the right side, the second incisor (I2), a canine (C), the first premolar (P1), and the first and second molar (M1 and M2) are present. The second premolar (PM2) fell out during lifetime, which is confirmed by the closed alveola in the gum. The alveola of the first incisor (I1) was preserved, therefore it can be seen that the tooth fell out post-mortem. It was not preserved. The alveola of the last molar (M3) was not preserved, hence it is unknown whether the tooth fell out during life or post-mortem. Teeth on the left side Od kosti lobanje se je ohranil večji del čelnice (os frontale), obe temenici (os parietale), senčnici (os temporale), zatilnica (os occipitale), zgornja čeljustnica (maxilla) in odlomek spodnje čeljustnice (mandibula). Od obeh čeljustnic se je veliko bolje ohranila zgornja (maxilla). Na desni strani so se ohranili drugi sekalec (I2), podočnik (C), prvi ličnik (P1) ter prvi in drugi kočnik (M1 in M2). Drugi ličnik (PM2) je izpadel že za čas življenja, kar potrdi zarasla alveola v dlesni. Alveola prvega sekalca (I1) je bila ohranjena, zato je vid-no, da je zob izpadel po smrti. Ta se ni ohranil. Alveola zadnjega kočnika (M3) se ni ohranila, zato ni znano ali je zob izpadel za čas življenja, ali po smrti. Zobje na levi strani so zelo slabo ohranjeni. Prisotni so bili drugi sekalec (I2), ki je odpadel po smrti, prav tako podočnik (C). Ohranila sta se še drugi ličnik (PM2) ter prvi kočnik (M1).Vsi ostali zobje so izpadli po smrti (odprte alveole), vendar se niso ohranili. Ohranil se je samo manjši odlomek telesa spodnje čeljustnice (corpus mandibule). Pobranih je bilo tudi nekaj izoliranih zob. Gre za prvi sekalec (I1), levi in desni podočnik (C), prvi in drugi ličnik (PM1 in PM2) ter tretji kočnik (M3). Vretenca so bila slabo ohranjena. Ohranila sta se dva odlomka prvega vratnega vretenca (atlas) ter vratna vretenca od C4-C7 (vertebrae cervicales). V celoti je bilo ohranjenih vseh dvanajst prsnih (vertebrae thoracicae) in vseh pet ledvenih (vertebrae lumbales). Križnica (sacrum) je bila, z izjemo trtice (os coccygis), v celoti ohranjena. Pri križnici je vidna lum­balizacija. Posledično ima križnica štiri, namesto pet presledkov, skozi katere vstopajo sakralni živci (foramina sacralia anteriora). Ohranjeni so bili odlomki levih in desnih reber (costae), a so delno prepereli. Ohranili sta se tudi leva in desna ključnica (clavi­culae), odlomka obeh lopatic (scapulae), odlomek telesa prsnice (sternum), obe nadlahtnici (humeri), podlahtnici (ulnae) in koželjnici (radii). Leva stran zgornjih okončin je bila poškodovana, kosti pa delno ohranjene. Na desni dlani so bile ohranjene zapestnice (ossa carpi), in sicer čolnič (os scaphoideum), glavatica (os capitatum), kavelj­nica (os hamatum) in grašek (os pisiforme). Od dlančnic (ossa metacarpi) je bil ohranjen le odlomek nedoločene kosti. Od prstnic rok (ossa digitorum) se je ohranil en proksimalni členek in dva sredinska. Desna stran medeničnega obroča (pelvis) se je ohranila v celoti, leva pa le delno. Z izjemo distalnega dela se je ohranila leva steg­nenica (femur), leva golenica (tibia) s poškodovanim proksimalnim delom ter mečnica (fibula) brez obeh diafiz. Na desni strani se je ohranila pogačica (patella), golenica (tibia) ter mečnica (fibula) v celoti. Obe goleni imata zelo izrazita mišična narastišča (linea musculi solei), kjer se pričvršča velika mečna mišica (musculus soleus). To je najučinkovitejša mišica za plantarfleksijo are very poorly preserved, the second incisor (I2), which fell out post-mortem, and a canine (C) were found. Also preserved were the second premolar (PM2) and the first molar (M1). All other teeth fell out post-mortem (open alveolae), but were not preserved. Only a small fragment of the body of the lower jaw­bone (corpus mandibule) was preserved. A few isolated teeth were collected: a first incisor (I1), a left and right canine (C), a first and second premolar (PM1 and PM2), and three molars (M3). Two fragments of the first vertebrae C1 (atlas) and vertebrae from C4 to C7 were preserved (vertebrae cervicales). All twelve thoracic (vertebrae thoracicae) and all five lumbar vertebrae (vertebrae lumbales) were completely preserved. Except for the coccyx (os coccygis), the sacrum (sacrum) was completely preserved. The sacrum reveals lumbarisation. Consequently, the sacrum has four instead of five sacral foramina through which the sacral nerves enter (foramina sacralia anteriora). Fragments of left and right ribs (costae) were pre­served, but are partly decayed. A left and right collarbone (claviculae), fragments of both shoulder bone (scapulae), a fragment of breastbone body (sternum), both humeruses (humeri), ulnae (ulnae), and radial bones (radii) are preserved, too. The left side of the upper extremities was damaged, but the bones are partly preserved. On the right palm, carpal bones (ossa carpi) were preserved, namely the scaphoid bone (os scaphoideum), the capitate (os capitatum), the hamate (os hamatum), and the pisiform bone (os pisiforme). From metacarpals (ossa metacarpi) only a fragment of an un­determined bone was preserved. From hand phalanges (ossa digitorum), one proximal finger joint and two middle ones were preserved. The right side of the pelvic ring (pelvis) was com­pletely preserved, while the left one only partly. With the exception of the distal part, the left thigh bone (femur), the left shin (tibia) with the damaged proxi­mal part, and the calf bone (fibula) without both diaphysis were preserved. On the right side, the kneecap (patella), a shin bone (tibia), and the entire calf bone (fibula) were preserved. Both shins have very distinct muscle attach­ment areas (linea musculi solei), where the soleus muscle is attached (musculus soleus). This is the most efficient muscle for the plantar flexion in the bent position of the knee, and is also important in running and walking (Nardone, Romano, Schieppati 1989). From tarsal bones (ossa tarsi), both heel bones (calcanea) and ankle bones (tali), the left cuboid bone (os cuboideus) and cuneiform bones (ossa cuneiformia intermed.) were preserved. From foot phalanges (ossa digitorum pedis), the proximal fourth and fifth joint, the middle fourth and distal first joint were preserved. v upognjenem položaju kolena, pomambna pa tudi pri teku, hoji (Nardone, Romano, Schieppati 1989). Od nartnic (ossa tarsi) so se ohranili obe petni (cal­ canea) in skočni kosti (tali), leva kocka (os cuboideus) in kline (ossa cuneiformia intermed.). Od prstnic nog (ossa digitorum pedis) se je ohranil proksimalni četrti in drugi členek, srednji četrti in distalni prvi členek. Spol: Spol je bilo mogoče oceniti na podlagi medeničnih kosti, kjer je bilo opaziti izrazito ženske elemente. Tudi križnica je bila oblike, značilne za žensko. Tudi dolžine dolgih kosti kažejo v prid ženskemu spolu. S tem skladne so bile tudi precej gracilne dolge kosti (nadlahtnica, podlahtnica, stegnenica) ter obseg diafize stegnenice. Tudi petna in skočna kost sta bili znotraj mer, značilnih za žensko. Starost: Starost je bila ocenjena na podlagi zaraslih epifiz dolgih kosti. Vse dolge kosti so bile popolnoma razvite, kar kaže na starost, višjo od 25 let. Glede na sklepno ploščico medenice (facies auricularis) je oseba stara od 45 - 49 let, glede na sramnični spoj (pubis symphysis) pa celo na več kot 50 let (46 52 let) (maturus). Starost okoli 50 let potrjujejo tudi skoraj popolnoma zarasli lobanjski šivi. Višina: Višina je bila ocenjena na podlagi dolžine gole-nice. Ocena višine je bila: 160,2 cm z odstopanjem ± 7,62 cm. Posebnosti, degeneracijske in patološke spremembe skeleta Lumbalizacija: To je prirojena anomalija na hrbtenici. Prepozna se po ne spojenem prvem in drugem sakralnem vretencu. Pri tem se prvo križno vre­tence S1 obnaša kot zadnje, v tem primeru šesto ledveno vretence (L6) (http://medicinski.lzmk.hr/ lumbalizacija/; 03.08.2019). Počepi – pokazatelj stresa: Na obeh distalnih delih golenic na stiku s skočnico sta prisotni faseti (sl. 6.2), ki nastaneta ob pogostem, ponavljajočem se počepanju (Brothwell 1981). Osteofiti: Prisotni so na ledvenih vretencih (L1 3) in so posledica starostne degeneracije na hrbtenici. Posedena vretenca: Večina hrbtnih vretenc ima po­sedena telesa, predvsem hrbtna pa so zelo lahka in porozna. Omenjeni stanji sta lahko posledica starosti in večje fizične obremenitve hrbtenice za čas življenja, poroznost in posedenost pa sta lahko tudi posledici obolenja osteoporoze (izguba kostne mase). Ahilova tendinoza (tendinitis achilei calcificata): Je vnetje ahilove tetive na petni kosti, ki je posledica prenaprezanja ahilove tetive zaradi prekomerne uporabe. Kaže se v obliki entezofitov oziroma povečanih mišičnih narastišč (sl. 6.3). Sex: Sex was possible to assess based on pelvic bones, where distinctly female elements were noticeable. Furthermore, the sacrum in the form typical of women and lengths of long bones speak in favour of the female sex. Fairly gracile long bones (the humerus, ulna, femur) and the circumference of the femur diaphysis were also harmonious with this. The heel and ankle bones were also within the dimensions typical for women. Age: The age was estimated on epiphyseal fusion of long bones. All long bones were completely developed which indicates an age of more than 25 years. Con­sidering the auricular surface of the pelvis (facies auricularis), the person was 45 to 49 years old, while considering the pubic symphysis (pubis symphysis) even more than 50 years, more precisely 46–52 years old (maturus). The age of about 50 years is also confirmed by almost completely fused cranial sutures. Height: Height was estimated based on the tibia length. The estimate of the height is 160.2cm with the devia­tion of ± 7.62cm. Peculiarities, degenerative and pathological changes of the skeleton Lumbarisation: This is a genetic anomaly on the spine. It is recognised by the unfused first and second sacral vertebrae. Here, the first sacral vertebra S1 acts as the last, in this case the sixth lumbar vertebra (L6) (http://medicinski.lzmk.hr/lumbalizacija/; 3. 8. 2019). Squatting facets, indicators of stress (squatting facet): On both distal parts of tibias, on the contact with the talus, are two facets (Fig. 6.2), which occur due to frequent, repeated squatting (Brothwell, 1981). Osteophytes: They are noticeable on lumbar vertebrae (L1–L3) and are the consequence of age-related degeneration on the spine. Compressed vertebrae: Most of the vertebrae have de­formed, compressed vertebrae bodies, especially thoracic are very light and porous. These states can be the consequence of age and greater physi­cal burden to the spine during the lifetime, while porosity and sunkness can be the consequence of osteoporosis (the loss of bone mass). Achilles tendinitis (tendinitis achilei calcificata): Is an in­flammation of the Achilles tendon on the heel bone, which is the consequence of straining the Achilles tendon due to overuse. It is evident in the form of enthesophytes or enlarged muscle attachment areas (Fig. 6.3). Dental pathology: On the right side of the upper jawbone is calculus, only the second incisor (I2) is worn to the secondary dentin. There is dental caries on the second molar (M2). The second incisor (I2) on the Dentalna patologija: Na desnih strani zgornje čeljustnice je prisoten zobni kamen, le drugi sekalec (I2) je obrabljen do sekundarnega dentina. Na drugem kočniku (M2) je prisoten karies. Drugi sekalec (I2) na levi strani je bil obrabljen do sekundarnega dentina, prav tako prvi kočnik (P1). Na drugem ličniku (PM2) je prisoten karies. Na obeh je priso-ten tudi zobni kamen. Nad drugim kočnikom (M2) je bil opazen absces. Kočnik sicer ni bil ohranjen, vendar je verjetno, da je odpadel že za časa življena, kot posledica abscesa (sl. 6.4). Temu je sledila še infekcija, ki se razteza po zgornji polovici dlesni. Na spodnji čeljustnici prvega sekalca ( I1) so sledovi zobnega kamna. Skelet 2 Ležal je na severni strani grobnice, kosti so bile v anatomski legi. Lobanja je bila obrnjena v desno, s pogledom proti skeletu 1 (sl. 6.1). Bila je poškodovana že v procesu izkopa. Po rekonstrukciji je bilo mogoče ugotoviti, da se je popolnoma ohranil desni del temenice (os parietale), levi je bil le delno ohranjen. Delno sta bila ohranjena desni in levi del senčnice (os temporale). Čelnica (os frontale) je bila skoraj popolnoma zdrobljena, ohranil pa se je le del nad očesnimi loki (arcus supercili­aris). Od zatilnice (os occipitale) se je ohranila le desna stran. Poleg naštetega sta se ohranili še obe ličnici (os zygomaticum), zgornja (maxilla) in spodnja čeljustnica (mandibula). Sl. 6.4: Cerkev, skelet 1. Abces na zgornji čeljustnici. Fig. 6.4: Church, Skeleton 1. Abscess on upper jaw. left side was worn to the secondary dentin, the same goes for the first molar (P1). There is dental caries on the second premolar (PM2). Both also have calculus. Above the second molar (M2) an abscess can be no­ticed. The molar was not preserved but it is probable that it fell out during life, as a consequence of the abscess (Fig. 6.4). This was followed by an infection that stretches along the upper half of the gum. Traces of calculus are noticeable on the lower jawbone of the first incisor (I1). Skeleton 2 It was found in the northern side of the tomb, all bones were in the anatomical position. The cranium was turned to the right, facing skeleton 1 (Fig. 6.1). It was damaged during the excavation. After the reconstruction it was determined that the right part of the parietal bone (os parietale) was completely preserved and the left part only partly. The right and left part of the temporal bone (os temporale) were also partly preserved. The frontal bone (os frontale) was almost completely crushed, only the part above the supraorbital ridges (arcus superciliaris) was preserved. Only the right side was preserved from the occipital bone (os occipitale). In addition to these, both cheek bones (os zygomaticum) and the upper (maxilla) and lower jawbones (mandibula) were preserved. From a total of 36 permanent teeth, 21 were pre­served. In the upper jawbone 11 teeth were preserved and 10 in the lower one. Od skupaj 36 stalnih zob se jih je ohranilo 21. V zgornji čeljustnici se je ohranilo 11 zob, v spodnji pa 10. Na desni stani zgornje čeljustnice se je ohranil prvi sekalec (I1), podočnik (C), oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) ter prvi in drugi kočnik (M1 in M2). Drugi sekalec (I2) se ni ohranil, pri zadnjem kočniku (M3) pa je razvidno, da ni iz­rastel. Na levi strani je ohranjenih 5 zob, in sicer podočnik (C), oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) in prva dva kočnika (M1 in M2). Tretji kočnik (M3) ni izrastel. Na desni strani spodnje čeljustnice se je ohranil drugi sekalec (I2), podočnik (C), oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) ter drugi in tretji kočnik (M2 in M3). Zobje so bili še v alveolah dlesni, z izjemo prvega kočnika (M1), ki je izpadel pred smrtjo (ali pa ni izrasel) in prvega sekalca (I1), ki je izpadel po smrti, vendar se ni ohranil. Na levi strani sta se ohranila oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) in prva dva kočnika (M1 in M2). Na obeh kočnikih je bil prisoten karies. Ličnika nista bila več v čeljustnici, izpadla pa sta po smrti. Kosti trupa so se ohranile skoraj v celoti, vključno s križnico (os sacrum). Manjkalo je le 4. vratno vretence (vertebra cervicalis) ter trtična vretenca (os coccygis). Rebra (costae) so bila slabše ohranjena. Ohranila sta se odlomka obeh lopatic (scapula), celotni ključnici (clavicula) in prsnica (sternum). V ce­lotni dolžini se je ohranila leva nadlahtnica (humerus), desna pa je bila poškodovana. Leva koželjnica (radius) in podlahtnica (ulna) se nista ohranili, medtem ko sta bili desni skoraj popolni. Leva stegnenica (femur) je bila poškodovana, desna pa se je popolnoma ohranila. Leva golenica (tibia) se je med procesom izkopavanja prelomila, medtem ko je desna ostala cela. Čeprav sta bili mečnici (fibulae) popolnoma prelomljeni, jih je bilo mogoče sestaviti na celotno dolžino. Od kosti dlani (ossa manus) so se ohranile 3 leve dlančnice (ossa metacarpi; MC 1- MC 4). Od prstnic (ossa digitorum) se je ohranila leva proksimalna, ter dva odlomka dveh distalnih. Od kosti narti (ossa tarsi) so se ohranile desna petnica (calcaneus), desna kocka (os cuboideus) ter lateralni klini (ossa cuneiformia). Spol: Spol je bil ocenjen na podlagi medeničnih kosti (ossa coxae). Odsotna je sklepna ploščica (sulcus preauricularis), ki je kazalnik ženskega spola. Iz­ stopa tudi velikost dela medenice, in sicer precej robustno telo sednice (corpus oassis ischii). Moško značilni je tudi medenični lok (arcus compose), ki zaobjema telo medenice in artikularni del (facies auricularis) s križnico (sacrum). Značilna za moški spol je tudi stegnenica (femur), z zelo izrazitim mišičnim narastiščem (linea aspera) ter premerom stegnenične glave (caput femoris) . Na splošno imajo vse ohranjene dolge kosti zelo izrazita mišična narastišča. Osebek v anatomski legi je torej moškega spola. On the right side of the upper jawbone, the first inci­sor (I1), a canine (C), both premolars (PM1 and PM2), and the first and second molar (M1 and M2) were preserved. The second incisor (I2) was not preserved, while it is evi­dent that the last molar (M3) never grew out. On the left side, 5 teeth are preserved, a canine (C), both premolars (PM1 and PM2), and the first two molars (M1 and M2). The third molar (M3) did not grow out. On the right side of the lower jawbone, the second incisor (I2), a canine (C), both premolars (PM1 and PM2), and the second and third molar (M2 and M3) were preserved. Teeth were still in the alveolae of the gums, with the exception of the first molar (M1) which fell out before death (or did not grow out) and the first incisor (I1) which fell out after death but was not preserved. On the left side, both premolars (PM1 and PM2) and the first two molars (M1 and M2) were preserved. Dental caries was present on both molars. The two premolars were no longer in the jawbone but fell out post-mortem. The torso bones were almost completely preserved, including the sacrum (os sacrum). The only missing ones were the fourth cervical vertebra (vertebra cervicalis) and coccyx vertebrae (os coccygis). The ribs (costae) were more poorly preserved. Fragments of both shoulder bones (scapulae), the complete collarbone (clavicula), and the breastbone (sternum) were preserved. The left humerus (humerus) was preserved in its entire length, while the right one was damaged. The left radial bone (radius) and the ulna (ulna) were not preserved, while the right ones were al­most complete. The left thigh bone (femur) was damaged while the right one was completely preserved. The left shin bone (tibia) was broken during the excavations, while the right one remained whole. Even though the two calf bones (fibulae) were completely broken, it was possible to reassemble them into the entire length. From the palm bones (ossa manus), three left meta­carpals (ossa metacarpi; MC 1–MC 4) were preserved. From the phalanges (ossa digitorum), the two left proximal and two fragments of two distal were preserved. From the tarsal bones (ossa tarsi), the right heel bone (calcaneus), the right cuboid bone (os cuboideus), and lateral cunei­form bones (ossa cuneiformia) were preserved. Sex: Sex was estimated based on hip bones (ossa coxae). The preauricular sulcus (sulcus preauricularis), which are the indicator of female sex, were not found. Preserved body of the ischium (corpus oassis ischia) is robust and it stands out. The arcus com­ pose, which includes the body of the pelvis and its auricular surface (facies auricularis) with the sacrum is also typically male. The thigh bone (femur) is also typical for the male sex; it has a very emphasised muscle attachment area (linea aspera) and the diameter of the femur head (caput femoris). Starost: Spodnja meja starosti osebe je na podlagi spoja epifiz z diafizami ocenjena na več kot 24 let. Pri­sotno je mnogo starostnih izrastkov (osteofitov), predvsem v predelu hrbtenice. Glede na degenera­cijske spremembe hrbtenice je oseba gotovo starejša od 45 let. Glede na obrabo artikularnega dela (facies auricularis) na medenici, je starost osebe ob smrti ocenjena med 45 – 50 let (maturus). Višina: Višina je bila ocenjena na podlagi dolžine gole-nice in stegnenice. Ocena višine je bila 164,20 cm z odstopanjem ± 6,35 cm. Posebnosti, degeneracijske in patološke spremembe skeleta Sakralizacija (sacralisatio): Je prirojena in ena izmed najpogostejših sprememb ledveno križnične meje. Gre za spojitev petega ledvenega vretenca s prvim križničnim. Zadnje ledveno vretence je torej videti kot del križnice (http://medicinski.lzmk.hr/sakra­lizacija/; 03.08.2019). Degeneracijske spremembe na vretencih in Šmorlova hernija: Gre za ugrezanje dele medvretenčne ploščice v bližnje telo vretenca kot posledica de­generativnih sprememb. Vratna vretenca: So najmanj poškodovana. Nekoliko je stisnjeno telo vretenca (C3), poškodovan lok vretenc (C1-2) kjer so vidni osteofiti (C6). Prsna vretenca: Na zadnjih vretencih (T6 –T11) so prisotne hernije, prav tako osteofiti, ki se glede na zaporedje vretenc večajo. Na arkusih vretenc je opaziti manjše starostne spremembe, telesa pa so nekoliko stisnjena. Vsa vretenca so precej porozna. Ledvena vretenca: Na vseh ledvenih vretencih so superi­orno in inferiorno vidni znaki rahle šmorlove her-nije, prva stopnja vretenčnih izrastkov (ostephitosis inferior superior), rahle starostne spremembe teles vretenc ter loka. Glede na izjemno poroznost teles vretenc bi lahko sklepali na prve znake osteoporoze ter začetke artritisa. Zaradi izrazitih izrastkov (sl. 6.5) pa so možne diagnoze tudi DISH in ankilozni spondilitis. Ankilozni spondilitis: Ankiloza je nenormalna nepok­retnost ali fiksacija sklepa, ki je posledica pato­loških sprememb v sklepu. Ankilozni spondilitis je kronična in ponavadi napredujoča bolezen, ki prizadene vretenčni steber. Povezani ligamenti hrb­tenice okostenijo in medvretenčni sklepi postanejo imobilizirani (White, Folkens 1990, 328). Difuzna ideopatska skeletna hiperostoza (DISH): Bo-lezen prizadene ligamete na hrbtenici, ki s časom okostenijo in se štejejo za obliko degeneraticnega artritisa. Okostenitev lahko nastopi na obeh stra­neh vretenca, pogosteje na hrbtnih ter ledvenih vretencih (https://www.mayoclinic.org/; 03.10.2019 ). Entezopatija ključnic: Poimenovano stanje pomeni, da je zaradi genetske osnove, preobremenitve, slabe Generally, all preserved long bones have distinct muscle attachment areas. The subject in the anatomical position is therefore male. Age: The lower limit of the person’s age based on the fu­sion of epiphyses with diaphysis is estimated to over 24 years. There are many age-related outgrowths (osteophytes), especially in the area of the spine. Considering the degenerative changes of the spine, the person must be older than 45 years. Considering the wear of the auricular surface (facies auricularis) on the pelvis, the age of the person upon death is estimated to 45 to 50 years (maturus). Height: The height was estimated on the basis of the length of the tibia and the femur. The estimated height is 164.20cm with a deviation of ± 6.35cm. Peculiarities, degenerative and pathological changes of the skeleton Sacralisation (sacralisatio): Is a genetic and one of the most common changes of the lumbar-sacral border. It is the fusing of the fifth lumbar vertebra with the first sacral one. The last lumbar vertebra thus seems as a part of the sacrum (http://medicinski.lzmk.hr/ sakralizacija/; 3. 8. 2019). Degenerative changes on the vertebrae and Schmorl’s hernia: is the herniation of nucleus pulposus through the cartilaginous and bony end plate into the body of the adjacent vertebra as the consequence of de-generative changes. Cervical vertebrae: The body of vertebra (C3) is slightly compressed, the arch of vertebrae (C1–C2), where osteophytes (C6) are visible, is damaged. Thoracic vertebrae: there are hernias on the last vertebrae (T6–T11), as well as osteophytes which grow accord­ing to the sequence of vertebrae. Smaller age-related changes can be noticed on arcuses of vertebrae, while the bodies are slightly compressed. All vertebrae are quite porous. Lumbar vertebrae: On all lumbar vertebrae signs of mild Schmorl’s hernia are visible superiorly and inferiorly, the first stage of vertebrae outgrowths (osteophitosis inferior-superior), slight age-related changes of ver­tebrae bodies and the arch. Based on the extreme porosity of vertebrae bodies, we could assume that these are the first signs of osteoporosis and the beginning of arthritis. Due to distinct outgrowths (Fig. 6.5), DISH and ankylosing spondylitis are also possible diagnoses. Ankylosing spondylitis: Ankylosis is an abnormal immo­bility or fixation of a joint which is the consequence of pathological changes in the joint. Ankylosing spondylitis is a chronic and usually progressive disease that affects the vertebral column. Connected ligaments of the spine ossify and inter-vertebral drže, poškodbe ob zlomu ključnice ali kombinacije vseh naštetih dejavnikov prišlo do poškodb pri narastišču mišice (sl. 6.6). Na primeru skeleta 2 se entezopatija kaže v obliki romboidne depresije (romboid fossa). Kadar se entezopatija kaže v obliki omenjene depresije, so posmrtni ostanki verjetno moški (Rogers, Flournoy, McCormick 2000). Degeneracijske in starostne spremembe na kosteh zapestja in lopatic: Na distalni epifizi desne nad­lahtnice je lateralno vidna sprememba, prav tako na proksimalnem delu nadlahtnice. Sprememba se joints become immobilised (White, Folkens, 1990, 328). Diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis (DISH): This disease affects ligaments on the spine which gradu­ally ossify and is considered a form of degenerative arthritis. The ossification can occur on both sides of a vertebra, more frequently on thoracic and lumbar vertebrae (https://www.mayoclinic.org/; 3. 10. 2019). Enthesopathy of collarbones: Due to genetic basis, over­load, poor posture, damage upon the fracture of a collarbone, or the combination of all these factors, damage occurred on the muscle attachment area (Fig. 6.6). On the example of skeleton 2 enthesopathy is revealed in the form of a rhomboid depression (romboid fossa). When the enthesopathy is visible in the form of such depression, post-mortem remains are probably male (Rogers, Flournoy, McCormick 2000). Degenerative and age-related changes on bones of wrists and shoulder blades: On the distal epiphysis of the right humerus, a change can be noticed laterally and also on the proximal part of the humerus. The change is shown in the form of outgrowths on the bone – osteophytes, which are a typical occurrence in diseases of joints and spine (http://medicinski.lzmk. hr/osteofit/; 3. 8. 2019). The condition can be genetic, kaže v obliki kostnih izrastkov – osteofitov, ki so značilen pojav pri boleznih sklepov in hrbtenice (http://medicinski.lzmk.hr/osteofit/; 03.08.2019). Stanje je lahko je prirojeno, vnetno, travmatično ali degenerativno. Slednje je še posebej značilno po starosti 45 let in več. Ahilova tendinoza (tendinitis achilei calcificata): Na pet-ni kosti se kažejo znaki vnetja – tendinitisa zaradi prenaprezanja ahilove tetive. Degeneracija na levi pogačici: Na levi pogačici (desna se ni ohranila) so vidne spremembe (sl. 6.7), ki so lahko posledica dolgoletne intenzivne uporabe (entezofiti). Dentalna patologija: Na vseh zobeh desne strani zgornje čeljustnice je prisoten zobni kamen, ki prekriva skoraj polovico vsakega zoba. Obraba sicer ni posebej poudarjena, na levi strani čeljustnice je stopnje 1-2 na petstopenjski lestvici. Na drugem kočniku je v sredini zobne krone prisoten karies, zobni kamen do polovice zoba na obeh kočnikih,. Tega je mogoče zaslediti še na prvem ličniku. Zobni kamen je prisoten na vseh zobeh spodnje čeljus­tnice. Obraba zob na levi strani (3 na lestvici do 5) je bila nekoliko večja kot na desni (1 na lestvici do 5). To bi lahko pojasnili z večjo rabo leve strani pri prehranjevanju. Zlom: Na levi golenici, distalna diafiza medialno, je viden zaceljen zlom (sl. 6.8). Stanje po zlomu je prisotno tudi na levi mečnici, in sicer na njenem proksimalnem delu. Kost sta zlomljeni na različnih delih, zato je težko sklepati, ali je šlo za sočasno poškodbo ali za dve časovno različni. Sl. 6.8: Cerkev, skelet 2. Zlom na diafizi leve golenice. Fig. 6.8: Church, Skeleton 2. Fracture on the diaphysis of the left tibia. inflammatory, traumatic, or degenerative. The latter is especially typical for the age of 45 and over. Achilles tendinitis (tendinitis achilei calcificata): The heel bone reveals signs of inflammation – tendinitis due to overstraining of the Achilles tendon. Degeneration on the left kneecap: On the left patella (the right one was not preserved) changes are visible that can be the consequence of long-time intensive use (entezophytes) (Fig. 6.7). Dental pathology: All teeth of the right side of the upper jawbone have calculus, which covers almost a half of every tooth. Wear is not particularly emphasised, on the left side of the jawbone it is of stage 1–2 on the five-stage scale. On the second molar there is dental caries in the middle of the tooth crown, while calculus covers half of both molars. The same can be noticed on the first premolar, too. Calculus is found on all teeth of the lower jawbone. Tooth wear on the left side (3 on the 5-stage scale) was slightly greater than on the right side (1 on the 5-stage scale). This could be explained by the greater use of the left side during eating. Fracture: On the left tibia, distal diaphysis medially, a healed fracture is seen (Fig. 6.8). The state after a fracture can also be noticed on the left fibula, on its proximal part. Both bones were fractured in different parts, thus it is difficult to conclude whether this oc­curred simultaneously or at two separate instances. The fracture on the tibia is well visible with the new forma­tion of the bone during healing which is indicated by a thickening. During the excavation or after it, the bone was re-broken on the diaphysis, where a Zlom na golenici je dobro viden z novo formacijo kosti ob celjenju, ki je nakazana z odebelitvijo. Kost je bila ob, ali po izkopu zopet prelomljena na diafizi, kjer je bil že zaceljen zlom. Ker je golenica ena izmed pomembnejših kosti pri gibanju in stabilnosti, je zlom gotovo pustil posledice, ki so bile vidne pri hoji osebe. Posledica se je najverjetneje kazala v obliki šepanja in bolečin. Pogosti simptomi so tudi zatekanje, težave ob predolgem stanju, hoji in vsakih obremenitvah spodnjega dela nog. Gotova je bila prisotna tudi deformacija in neenakomerna dolžina nog. Tega sicer pri skeletu 2 ni mogoče ugotoviti, saj se desna golenica ni ohranila v celotni dolžini. Takšni zlomi pogosto povzročijo tudi osteoporo­zo, na golenici in mečnici pa so že vidni sledovi periostitisa. To je vnetje pokostnice, ki je lahko rezultat bakterijske okužbe, ali kot v tem primeru postravmatskega izvora (Ortner, Putschar 1981). Oba zloma sta bila popolnoma zaceljena, kar po­meni, da je do njih prišlo pred smrtjo. Skeleti 3-5 V grobnici so bili poleg dveh v anatomski legi (skelet 1 in 2, glej zgoraj) tudi posmrtni ostanki še treh skeletov (skeleti 3-5). Ohranjene so bile tri dislocirane lobanje, od tega je bila ena (lobanja 5) nad lobanjama skeletov 1 in 2, ob zgornji (zahodni) stranici grobnice. Ostali dve (lo-banja 3 in 4) sta bili locirani ob desni (severni) stranici grobnice, ob nogah skeletov 1 in 2. V levem spodnjem kotu so bile pomešane zgornje in spodnje okončine, kosti medenice, križnici, grodnice ter vretenca treh oseb (MNI 3) (sl. 6.1). Več osebkov nakazujejo le petne kosti, skočnice in kosti dlani ter narti (MNI 4 in 5). To neskladje lahko pojasnim s tem, da so se petne in nartne kosti skeletov 1 in 2 pomešale z ostalimi kosti. Iz slike, ki je bila posneta po odkopu (sl. 6.1), je razvidno, da so kosti stopal pokojnikov v anatomski legi praktično po­polnoma pomešane s skupkom kosi v spodnjem desnem robu grobnice. Rebra so bila precej preperela, a ocena števila oseb je skladna s tremi pokojniki. Enako je bilo s kostmi dlani in stopal ter vretenci. Vsem trem skeletom je bilo mogoče določiti spol. Dva sta bila moška, eden pa je bil ženski. Kosti so bile popolnoma pomešane zato je bilo težko določiti kateri anatomski del pripada točno določeni osebi. Na podlagi medenice, lobanj in gracilnosti kosti je bilo mogoče določiti eno žensko osebo, zato so bile v prvi fazi izločene te kosti. Na ta način je bilo mogoče izolirati in rekonstruirati ženske kostne ostanke. Večji problem so predstavljali moški kostni ostanki, kljub temu pa jih je bilo mogoče zgolj delno ločiti na podlagi meritev in ocenjene starosti. V nadaljevanju predstavljam rezultate antropološke analize skeletov. healed fracture was located. Since the tibia is one of the most important bones for movement and sta­bility, the fracture must have caused consequences visible when the person walked. It was most probably evident in the form of limping and pain. Frequent symptoms include swelling, difficulties during long periods of standing still, walking, and any strain to the lower part of legs. Deformation and uneven length of legs were certainly also present. The latter cannot be determined for skeleton 2, since the right tibia was not preserved in its entire length. Such fractures frequently cause osteoporosis, while traces of periostitis can already be seen on the tibia and fibula. This is an inflammation of the periosteum which can be the result of bacterial infection or has – as in this case – a posttraumatic origin (Ort­ner, Putschar 1981). Both fractures were completely healed which means that they occurred prior to death. Skeletons 3–5 In addition to two skeletons in the anatomical posi­tion (skeleton 1 and 2, see above), the tomb contained post-mortem remains of three skeletons (skeletons 3–5). Three dislocated craniums were preserved, from which one (cranium 5) was above the craniums of skeletons 1 and 2, along the upper (western) side of the tomb. The remaining two (craniums 3 and 4) were located along the right (northern) side of the tomb, along the feet of skeletons 1 and 2. In the left lower corner, upper and lower extremi­ties, pelvis bones, sacrum bones, sternums, and vertebrae of three people were mixed (MNI 3) (Fig. 6.1). Only heel bones, tarsal bones, and bones of palms and feet indicate that there were several individuals (MNI 4 and 5). This disharmony can be explained with the notion that heel and tarsal bones of skeletons 1 and 2 got mixed with other bones. From the photo taken upon the unearthing (Fig. 6.1), it can be seen that bones of feet of individuals in the anatomical position are mixed with the cluster of bones in the bottom right edge of the tomb. Ribs were fairly decayed, yet I estimate that there were three individuals. The same is true for bones of palms and feet and vertebrae. It was possible to assign sex to all three skeletons. Two were male and one female. Bones were mixed which made it difficult to define which anatomical part belongs to which person. On the basis of the pelvis, craniums, and gracility of the bones, one female person could be determined; therefore, her bones were excluded in the first phase. In this manner, female osseous remains were possible to isolate and reconstruct. Male bone remains presented a greater problem; however, at least partly it was possible to distinguish them based on measurements and estimated age. The results of the anthropological analysis of skel­etons is presented hereon. Femur Največja dolžina / Max. lenght Diameter glave / Diameter of head A-P subtroh. M-L subtroh. A-P diafize / diaphisis M-L diafize / diaphisis Obseg diafize / Range of diaphisis Spol / Gender Sk. 3 382 43,4 29,5 33,0 28,1 25,4 85 f Sk. 3 382 42,2 29,1 29,14 28,2 25,7 85 f Sk. 4 440 51,9 29,6 36,6 29,2 27,7 92 m Sk. 4 441 50,0 31,0 32,5 32,5 28,0 93 m Sk. 5 430 49,0 29,3 32,0 28,6 25,3 87 m Sk. 5 438 47,4 30,3 30,0 27,5 27,0 87 m Tab. 6.1: Mere popolnoma ohranjenih skeletov 3-5. Mere so v mm (Legenda: A: anteriorno, P: posteriorno, M: medialno, L: lateralno, subtroh.: subtrohanterno). Tab. 6.1: Measurements of completely preserved skeletons 3–5. Measurements are in mm (Legend: A: anterior, P: posterior, M: medial, L: lateral, subtroh.: subtrochanteric). Skelet 3 Gre za izredno gracilni skelet ženske. Lobanja je bila locirana v zgornjem delu grobnice in se ni popolno-ma ohranila. Manjka skoraj celotni obrazni del z izjemo zgornje čeljustnice (maxilla). V zgornji čeljustnici na desni strani so se ohranili desni sekalec (C) in 1. kočnik (PM1). Alveole zadnji dveh kočnikov so zarasle, kar po­meni, da so zobje izpadli za časa življenja. Ostali zobje so odpadli po smrti. Podobno je tudi na levi strani, kjer so izpadli vsi zobje po smrti, z izjemo zaraslih alveol 1. ličnika (PM2) ter 3. kočnika (M3). Nevrokranij se je dobro ohranil. Prepoznane so bile kosti čelnice (os frontale), senčnice (os temporale), temenice (os parietale) in zatilne kosti (os occipitale). Ohranila se je desna ključnica (clavicula), grodnica (sternum), leva in desna nadlahtnica (humerus), pod-lahtnici (ulnae) in koželjnici (radii). Nekoliko slabše je bila ohranjena medenica (os coxae) s križnico (sacrum). Ohranili sta se obe stegnenici (femur), leva golenica (ti­bia) v celoti, nekoliko slabše ohranjena desna, cela desna mečnica (fibula) in odlomek leve. Ohranjene so bile tudi obe petni (calcanea) in skočni kosti (tali). Spol: Spol je bilo mogoče oceniti na podlagi več ka­zalnikov in sicer glede na karakteristike lobanje, medenice, stegnenic, petnic ter skočnic. Vse dolge, kot tudi ostale kosti, so bile izjemno gra­cilnega videza, drobne in manjših mer. Na stegnenici je neizrazito narastišče (linea aspera), kamor se pri­penja nožni biceps (musculus biceps femoris). Neiz­razito narastišče je kazalec ženskega spola. Prav tako je zelo majhnih mer sklepna glava (caput femoris). Spol določa tudi oblika in morfologija medenice, ki ima ženske značilnosti (sulcus preauricularis, arcus compose, angulus pubis) in morfologija lobanje, ki ima izrazito ženske lastnosti. Petnica in skočnica sta bili znotraj mer, značilnih za žensko. Skeleton 3 It is an extremely gracile skeleton of a woman. The cranium was located in the upper part of the tomb and is not completely preserved. Almost the entire facial part with the exception of the upper jawbone (maxilla) is miss­ing. The right incisor (C) and the first molar (PM1) were preserved in the upper jawbone on the right side. The alveolae of the last two molars are closed which means that these teeth fell out during her lifetime. Other teeth fell out post-mortem. The situation is similar on the left side, where all teeth fell out post-mortem, except for the closed alveolae of the first premolar (PM2) and the third molar (M3). The neurocranium was well preserved. Bones of the forehead (os frontale), the temporal bone (os temporale), the parietal bone (os parietale), and the occipital bone (os occipitale) were recognised. The right collarbone (clavicula), the sternum (ster­num), the left and right humerus (humerus), two ulnas (ulnae), and two radii (radii) were preserved. Slightly more poorly preserved was the pelvis (os coxae) with the sacrum (sacrum). Both thigh bones (femur), the left shin bone (tibia) completely, the slightly poorer preserved right one, the entire right calf bone (fibula), and a fragment of the left one were preserved. Both heel bones (calcanea) and talus bones (tali) were also preserved. Sex: On the basis of several indicators, namely, based on the characteristics of the cranium, pelvis, thigh bones, heel bones, and talus bones it was possible to assess sex. All long – and other – bones were of extremely gracile appearance, petit and of smaller measures. On the thigh bone is an un-emphasised attachment area (linea aspera), to which the biceps femoris muscle (musculus biceps femoris) is attached. The un-emphasised attachment area is the indicator of female sex. The femoral head (caput femoris) is also Starost: Starost je bila ocenjena na podlagi popolnoma zaraslih dolgih kosti ter ključnice, kar postavi spod­njo starostno mejo na več kot 28 let. Glede na spoj med medenico in križnico (facies auricularis) je bila oseba stara med 28 in 35 let (adultus). Takšno starost potrjuje tudi odsotnost degeneracijskih sprememb na sklepih dolgih kosti in vretencih. Sagitalni lobanjski šiv je v fazi zaraščanja. S3 se spoji pri starosti 20-30 let, S4 pa 30-40 let. Lambdoidni šiv, ki se zarašča pri starosti okoli 50 let (Lovejoy, Meindl 1985), še ni popolnoma spojen. Višina: Višina je bila izračunana na podlagi najdaljše dolžine dveh kosti, in sicer stegnenice in golenice. Seštevek njunih dolžin poda oceno višine posa­meznika z najmanjšim odstopanjem. Višina je bila izračunana na 148,4 cm ± 5,842 cm. Posebnosti, degeneracijske in patološke spremembe skeleta Lobanja: Na lobanji je med temenico in zatilnico priso­tna interparietalna kost (os interparietale; os inca). Dentalna patologija: Na zobeh je bila opažena rahla obraba, sicer pa so brez drugih sprememb. Kosti stopala: Na petnih kosti je izražen petni trn (calcar calcanei) in entezopatija, ki jo povzroči ahilova tetiva (ahilova tendinoza). Meseriijeva pogačica (patella): Spremenjena oblika po­gačice je pogosto znak fizične aktivnosti, še posebej preobremenitve kolena. Ostale posebnosti kosti: Desna ključnica je na sredini zaradi neznanega vzroka odebeljena. Vzrok bi bil lahko patološke narave. Narastišča so kljub gracil­nosti precej poudarjena. Skeleta 4 in 5 Spol: Spol je bil določen na podlagi karakteristike ohranjenih lobanj, medeničnih kosti, dolgih kosti (stegnenica, nadlahtnica,…) ter nartnic (petnica in skočnica). Starost: Od kosti medenice (os coxae) so se ohranili deli, pripadajoči dvema moškima osebama, in sicer skeletu 4 in 5. Na prvi (skelet 4) je bilo mogoče oceniti starost na podlagi sklepne površine (facies auricularis) dela medenice, in sicer na 44-46 let. Ohranila se je tudi križnica (sacrum), ki pa je rahlo zvita. Od drugega medeničnega obroča (skelet 5) se je ohranil samo desni del črevnice. Višina: Višina je bila izračunana na podlagi najdaljše dolžine stegnenice. Višina je bila izračunana za moški skelet 4 na 167,5 cm ± 7,112 cm ter za moški skelet 5 166,7 cm z istim odstopanjem. of smaller dimensions. Sex is also defined by the form and morphology of the pelvis which reveals female characteristics (sulcus preauricularis, arcus compose, angulus pubis), and the morphology of the cranium which has expressly female features. The heel bone and the talus bone were within the limits of measures typical for women. Age: Age was estimated based on completely grown long bones and collar bones which sets the lower age boundary to over 28 years. Based on the joint between the pelvis and the sacrum (facies auricu­laris), the person was between 28 and 35 years old (adultus). This age is also confirmed by the absence of degenerative changes on the joints of long bones and vertebrae. The sagittal cranial suture is in the closing phase: S3 is fused at the age of 20–30 years, and S4 30–40 years. The lambdoid suture, which fuses at the age of around 50 years (Lovejoy, Meindl 1985), is not completely fused. Height: The height was calculated based on the longest length of two bones, namely the thigh and the shin bones. The sum of their lengths provides the estimate of an individual’s height with the smallest deviation. The height was calculated to 148.4cm ± 5.842cm. Peculiarities, degenerative and pathological changes of the skeleton Cranium: Between the occipital bone and the parietal bone on the cranium there is an interparietal bone (os interparietale; os inca). Dental pathology: Slight wear can be noticed on teeth which are generally without other changes. Bones of the foot: On the heel bone, a heel spur (calcar calcanei) and enthesopathy are expressed, which is caused by the Achilles tendon (Achilles tendinosis). Messeri’s patella: the altered form of the kneecap is fre­quently a sign of physical activity, especially of the knee overload. Other peculiarities of bones: The right clavicula is thick­ened in the middle from an unknown reason. The cause could have a pathological nature. Despite gracility, attachment areas are quite emphasised. Skeletons 4 and 5 Sex: Sex was estimated based on the characteristics of preserved craniums, pelvic bones, long bones (thigh bone, humerus, etc.), and tarsal bones (heel and talus bones). Skeletons 4 and 5 were of male characteristic. Age: From the pelvic bones (os coxae), parts were pre­served which belonged to two male persons, namely skeletons 4 and 5. On the first (skeleton 4) it was GROBIŠČE S poskusno sondo je bilo na severovzhodnem pobočju Korinjskega hriba locirano grobišče (sl. 2.2). Odkrita sta bila dva grobova - severni (skelet 2) in južni (skelet 1), med njima je bila zidana grobnica, ki pa je bila izropana (sl. 6.9; glej pogl. 11, sl. 11.1). Arheološko raziskan je bil samo južni skelet, medtem ko je bil severni po odkritju zasut. Skelet 1 (južni skelet) (sl. 6.9) Južni skelet se ni ohranil v celoti. Kosti so bile zelo krhke, njihova površina pa je bila zaradi tafonomskih dejavnikov precej načeta. Ohranila se je lobanja z delom zgornje čeljustnice (maxilla) in skoraj popolnoma ohranjeno spodnjo če-ljustnico (mandibula). Ohranjeni so bili tudi zobje. Od skupaj 36 stalnih zob se jih je ohranilo 25 - v zgornji čeljustnici 11, v spodnji pa 14. Vsi zobje so bili stalni. Na desni stani zgornje čeljustnice (maxilla) se je ohranil drugi sekalec (I2), podočnik (C), oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) in prvi kočnik (M1). Prvi sekalec (I1) se ni ohranil, bilo pa je razvidno, da je izpadel po smrti (post possible to estimate the age on the basis of the auricular surface (facies auricularis) of a part of the pelvis, namely to 44–46 years. The sacrum (sacrum) was also preserved which is slightly bent. From the second pelvis ring (skeleton 5), only the right part of the ilium bone was preserved. Height: The height was calculated on the basis of the longest length of the thigh bone. The height for male skeleton 4 was calculated to 167.5cm ± 7.112cm and for male skeleton 5 to 166.7cm with the same deviation. THE CEMETERY A cemetery was located on the north-eastern slope of Korinjski hrib with a trial trench (Fig. 2.2). Two graves were discovered – the northern (skeleton 2) and the southern (skeleton 1), a stone tomb was located between them which had been plundered (Fig. 6.9; see Chapter 11, Fig. 11.1). Only the southern skeleton was archaeologi­cally researched, while the northern one was covered with soil after discovery. mortem). Na levi strani je ohranjenih šest zob, in sicer oba sekalca (I1 in I2, podočnik (C), oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) in prvi kočnik (M1). Prvi trije zobje so ostali pri-čvrsteni v čeljust, medtem ko so ostali odpadli po smrti. Na desni strani spodnje čeljustnice (mandibula) sta se ohranila oba sekalca (I1 in I2), podočnik (C), oba ličnika (PM1 in PM2) ter prvi kočnik (M1). Vsi ohranjeni zobje so ostali pričvrščeni v čeljustnici. Izjemi sta drugi (M2) in tretji kočnik (M3), katerih alveola je že bila zaraščena. To pomeni, da sta izpadla že nekaj časa pred smrtjo. Leva stran čeljustnice je bila zelo slabo ohranje­na. Ohranil se je namreč le del kosti. Prisotni so bili le prvi (M1) in drugi kočnik (M2). Ostali zobje so odpadli po smrti, kost pa se ni ohranila. Izjema je le drugi sekalec (I2), na katerem se je ohranil tudi del kosti čeljustnice. Od zgornjega dela trupa se je ohranil odlomek desne ključnice (clavicula), ter desne lopatice (sca­pula). Leva je bila bolje ohranjena. Rebra (costae) so skoraj popolnoma preperela, ohranili so se le njihovi odlomki. Od hrbtnega dela sta se ohranila samo dva telesca hrbtnih vretenc (corpus vertebrae thoracicae). Od zgornjih okončin se je ohranila leva nadlahtnica (humerus), podlahtnica (ulna) ter del proksimalnega dela koželjnice (radius). Desna stran se je ohranila z nadlahtnico in delom koželjnice. Spodnji del trupa je bil prav tako slabše ohranjen. Ohranili sta se diafizi stegnenice (femur) z distalnim delom, diafizi mečnic (fibula), popolnoma ohranjena desna golenica (tibia) ter diafiza leve golenice. Od kosti narti (ossa tarsi) so se ohranili leva in desna petna kost (calcaneus), ter desna skočnica (talus). Spol: Spol je bil ocenjen na podlagi lobanje. Čelnica (os frontale), je imela poudarjeni čelni izboklini (arcus supercilliaris), ki sta značilni za moškega. Enake značilnosti je bilo opaziti tudi na zatilnični izboklini (protuberantia occipitalis externa). Spol je bil ocenjen tudi na podlagi dolžine in širine petne in skočne kosti. Mere so znotraj razponaP, značilnega za moški spol. Starost: Starost je bila ocenjena na podlagi obliteracije lobanjskih šivov, spoja diafiz dolgih kosti ter razvoja in obrabe stalnih zob. Diafize dolgih kosti (femur, tibia, ulna, humerus) so bile vse popolnoma zaraščene, prav tako ključnica, kar postavi spodnjo starostno mejo na več kot 28 let. Dobro so se ohranili vsi trije glavni lobanjski šivi (sutura lamdoidea, coronalis in sagitalis). Glede na oblite­racijo je bilo mogoče oceniti starost na 45-50+ let. Stalni zobje so bili popolnoma izraščeni ter nekoliko obrabljeni, še posebej zgornji in spodnji sekalci. Pokojnik je na podlagi vseh za starost določljivih kom­ponent določen v starostno skupino maturus. Skeleton 1 (the southern skeleton) (Fig. 6.9) The southern skeleton was not completely preserved. The bones were very brittle, their surface was quite weath­ered due to taphonomic factors. The cranium with a part of the upper jawbone (max­illa) and almost complete lower jawbone (mandibula) was preserved. Teeth are also in the jaws. From a total of 36 permanent teeth, 25 are preserved, 11 in the upper jaw­bone and 14 in the lower one. All teeth were permanent. On the right side of the upper jawbone (maxilla) the second incisor (I2), a canine (C), both premolars (PM1 and PM2), and the first molar (M1) were preserved. The first incisor (I1) was not preserved but was evident that it fell out after death (post mortem). On the left side six teeth are preserved, namely both incisors (I1 and I2), a canine (C), both premolars (PM1 and PM2), and the first molar (M1). The first three teeth stayed attached in the jaw, while others fell out post-mortem. On the right side of the lower jawbone (mandibula), both incisors (I1 and I2), a canine (C), both premolars (PM1 and PM2), and the first molar (M1) were preserved. All preserved teeth remained attached in the jaw. The exception are the second (M2) and third molar (M3), the alveola of which had already been closed. This means that they fell out some time before death. The left side of the jawbone was very poorly preserved, namely only a part of the bone was preserved. From the teeth, only the first (M1) and second molar (M2) remained. Other teeth fell out post-mortem and the bone was not preserved. The exception is only the second incisor (I2), on which a part of the jawbone was preserved. From the upper part of the torso, fragments of the right collarbone (clavicula) and the right shoulder bone (scapula) were preserved. The left was better preserved. The ribs (costae) are almost completely decayed, only their fragments were preserved. From the back, only two bodies of thoracic vertebrae (corpus vertebrae thoracicae) were preserved. From the upper extremities, the left humerus (humerus), the ulna (ulna), and a part of the proximal part of the radial bone (radius) were preserved. The right side was preserved with the humerus and a part of the radial bone. The bottom part of the torso is also poorly preserved. Diaphyses of the thigh bone (femur) with the distal part, diaphysis of the calf bone (fibula), a completely preserved right shin bone (tibia), and the diaphysis of the left one were preserved. From the tarsal bones (ossa tarsi), the left and right heel bones (calcaneus), and the right talus bone (talus) were preserved. Sex: Sex was estimated based on the cranium. The frontal bone (os frontale) had the frontal arches emphasised (arcus supercilliaris), which are typical for males. The same characteristics were noticeable on the Posebnosti, degeneracijske in patološke spremembe skeleta Levi deli očesne votline izkazuje zaceljeno stanje cribre orbitalie (sl. 6.10). To se nanaša na aktivne ali zaceljene lezije, locirane na orbitalni strehi frontalnega dela lobanje. Te so posebej vidne pri otrocih, medtem ko tekom odraščanja začno celiti. V antropološki literaturi je zaslediti, da je cribra orbitalia pokazatelj prehranskega stresa pri otrocih, natančneje na pomanjkanje železa (slabokrvnost), bodisi prehransko bodisi dedno. V zadnjem času pa vse več tez kaže tudi na druge vzroke za take orbitalne lezije, na primer na posledico subperi­ostalnega hematoma nad kostjo lobanjskega svoda, ki se najpogosteje pojavlja pri novorojenčkih kot posledica poroda (Walker et al. 2009). Na levi nadlahtnici je opaženo povečano mišično na­rastišče deltoidne mišice (tuberositas deltoidea). Distalni del nadlahtnice ima poudarjeno distalno vdolbino (fossa coronoidea). Na odlomku koželjnice je vidna infekcija pokostnice, mišično narastišče pa je zelo zabrisano in obrabljeno (tuberoitas radii). Ohranjena sta bila dva telesca hrbtnih vretenc (corpus vertebrae). Na superiorni strani so bili sledovi šmorlove hernije, na robovih telesc pa so bili vidni osteofiti v zgodnji fazi. Jedra so bila precej tafo­nomsko precej porozna in pogreznjena. Leva golenica je imela izrastke na sprednji strani, na zadnji strani pa so bilo dobro izraženo mišično narastišče. Zelo izrazit je tudi foramen nutricium. Na petnih kosteh so bili jasno nakazani sledovi ten-dinitisa (tendinitis achillei calcificata), kot posledica preobremenjevanja ahilove tetive. Višina: Višina je bila ocenjena na podlagi dolžine golenice, ki se je kot edina dolga kost ohranila v celotni dolžini. Ocena višine osebe je bila 175,8 cm ± 7,112 cm. Dentalna patologija: Desni podočnik zgornje čeljustnice kaže veliko obrobo do sekundarnega dentina na zunanji strani in rahlo poškodbo še za čas življena (ante mortem). Vsi ostali zobje izkazujejo obrabo ter zobni kamen (calculus). Nad prvim ličnikom in prvim kočnikom je prisoten absces. Na levi strani sta bila sekalca precej obrabljena, še posebej prvi, ki je bil skoraj popolnoma uničen. Ličnika izka­zujeta zobni kamen ter karies, na drugem ličniku je prisotna drobna poškodba v obliki zloma, prvi external occipital protuberance (protuberantia oc­cipitalis externa). Sex was also estimated on the basis of the length and width of heel and talus bones. Measures are within the limits of the scope typical for males. Age: Age was estimated based on the obliteration of cranial sutures, fusion of diaphysis of long bones, and the development and wear of permanent teeth. Diaphyses of long bones (femur, tibia, ulna, humerus) were all completely fused, as was the collarbone, which sets the lower age boundary to over 28 years. All three main cranial sutures (sutura lamdoidea, coro­nalis, and sagitalis) were well preserved. Based on the obliteration, the age was estimated to 45–50 (possibly more) years. Permanent teeth were completely grown and slightly worn, especially the upper and lower incisors. Based on all determinable components for age, the de­ceased is assigned to the age group of maturus. Peculiarities, degenerative and pathological changes of the skeleton The left part of the ocular cavity shows a healed condition of cribra orbitalia (Fig. 6.10). This applies to active and healed lesions located on the supraorbital ridge of the frontal part of the cranium. These are espe­cially visible in children and begin to heal during adolescence. It can be read in the anthropological sources that cribra orbitalia indicates dietary stress in children, more precisely a lack of iron (anaemia), either from the diet or from genes. Recently, more and more theses reveal other causes for such orbital lesions, i.e. the consequence of the subperiosteal haematoma above the bone of the supraorbital ridge, which most frequently appears in newborns as a consequence of birth delivery (Walker et al. 2009). On the left humerus, increased deltoid muscle (tuberositas deltoidea) attachment area can be noticed. The distal part of the humerus has an emphasised distal hol­low (fossa coronoidea). On the fragment of a radius, the infection of the periosteum is visible while the kočnik pa ima pri začetku korenine karies. Zobje obrabljeni do sekundarnega dentina (sl. 6.11). Zobem spodnje čeljustnice (sl. 6.11b)je skupna obraba ter zobni kamen na vseh sprednjih zobeh. Zobje so obrabljeni do sekundarnega dentina, prisoten je zobni kamen, na drugem kočniku (M2) pa je prisoten karies. Zadnji kočnik je še v dlesni, torej še v fazi razvoja, na njem pa je prisoten karies. ZAKLJUČEK Na primeru kosti iz grobnice v narteksu lahko govorimo o dveh, verjetno časovno različnih pokopih. Pri tem bi prvi pokop (pokojnikov, ki niso v anatomski legi – skeleti 3, 4 in 5) lahko bil naknadno prestavljen iz kakšne druge lokacije, ali pa so bili ti trije pokojniki najprej položeni v grobnico v anatomski legi in potem, ob pokopu zadnjih dveh pokojnikov (skeleta 1 in 2) nji-hove kosti pobrane in pospravljene na rob grobnice. Bolj verjetna je druga možnost, saj bi se pri premikih z drugih muscle attachment area is very blurred and worn (tuberoitas radii). Two bodies of thoracic vertebrae (corpus vertebrae) are preserved. On the superior side there were traces of Schmorl’s hernia, while osteophytes in the early stage were visible on the edges of bodies. The verte­bral bodies were taphonomically quite porous and compressed. The left tibia had outgrowths on the front side, while on the back side there was a well-defined muscle attachment area. The foramen nutricium is also very distinct. On heel bones, traces of tendinitis (tendini­tis achillei calcificata) were clearly indicated as the consequence of overstraining the Achilles tendon. Height: Height was estimated based on the length of the tibia, which was the only long bone preserved in its entire length. The estimate of the person’s height is 175.8cm ± 7.112cm. Dental pathology: The right canine of the upper jawbone reveals great wear to the secondary dentin on the exterior side and a slight injury during lifetime (ante mortem). All other teeth show wear and calculus. Above the first premolar and the first molar there is an abscess. On the left side the incisors were es­pecially worn, the first one was almost completely destroyed. Premolars show calculus and dental car­ies, on the second premolar there is a small injury in the form of a fracture, while the first molar has caries at the beginning of the root. Teeth were worn to secondary dentin (Fig. 6.11a). Teeth of the lower jawbone have wear and calculus on all front teeth in common (Fig. 6.11b). Teeth are worn to the secondary dentin, there is caries on the second molar (M2). The last molar is still in the jaw, therefore in the developmental phase; it has caries. CONCLUSION On the example of bones from the tomb in the narthex, we can speak about two probably chronologi­cally different burials. The first burial (of the deceased that are not in the anatomical position: skeletons 3, 4, and 5) could have been transferred from another location or these three deceased were first placed in the tomb in the anatomical position but later, when the last two deceased were buried (skeletons 1 and 2), their bones were gathered and moved to the edge of the tomb. The second possibility seems more probable, since during transfer from another location some smaller bones (tarsal bones, phalanges, etc.) would surely be lost. However, almost all anatomical parts of an individual skeleton were preserved here, including the smallest bones. Furthermore, if the deceased had lokacij nekatere manjše kosti (nartnice, prstnice…) iz­gubile. Tukaj pa so se ohranili skoraj vsi anatomski deli posameznega skeleta, vključno z najmanjšimi kostmi. Prav tako bi bile kosti, v kolikor bi bili pokojniki pre­kopani, gotovo slabše ohranjene. Na vseh skeletih v grobnici so bile vidne degenera­tivne spremembe in obrabe na sklepnih delih dolgih kos-ti ter telescih vretenc, kar je značilno za starejše osebe, obenem pa je to tudi pokazatelj težjih fizičnih naporov. Na obravnavanih skeletih se to kaže na petnih kosteh kot posledica preobremenitve ahilove tetive, faceta na distalnih delih golenice, ki so znak počepanja, obrabi pogačice ter tudi po obrabi hrbtenice (ugreznjena telesa vretenc ter degenerativne spremembe). Posebej izstopa tudi dentalna patologija, ki je na vseh skeletih prisotna v obliki kariesa, zobnega kamna, obrabe do sekundarnega dentina in abscesa. been dug up and transferred, the bones would be more poorly preserved. All skeletons in the tomb reveal degenerative changes and wear on joint parts of long bones and bod­ies of vertebrae, which is typical for older people, while at the same time it is also an indicator of greater physical strains. On the discussed skeletons, this is revealed on the heel bones as the consequence of overstraining the Achilles tendon, facets on distal parts of the tibia which are the signs of squatting, wear of the kneecap, and also wear of the spine (compressed vertebrae bodies and de-generative changes). The dental pathology is also distinct and is revealed on all skeletons through dental caries, calculus, wear down to the secondary dentin, and abscess. ACSÁDI, G., J. NEMESKÉRI 1970, History of human life span and mortality. – Budapest. BUIKSTRA, J. E., D. H. UBELAKER 1994, Standards for data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains. – Archaeological Survey Research Series 44. BROTHWELL, D. R. 1981, Digging up bones. The excavation, treatment and study of human skeletal remains. – London. LOVEJOY, C. O., R. S. MEINDL 1985, Ectocranial Suture Closure: A revised method for determination of skeletal age at death based on the lateral-anterior sutures. – American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68, 1, 57–66. LOVEJOY, C. O., R. S. MEINDL, T. R. PRYZBECK, R. P. MENSFORTH 1985, Chronological metamorphosis of the auricular surface of the ilium: A new method for the determination of adult skeletal age at death. – American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68, 15–28. MCKINLEY, J. 1993, Bone fragment size and weights of bone from British cremations and the implications for the in­terpretation of archaeological cremations. – International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 3, 283–287. NARDONE, A., C. ROMANO, M. SCHIEPPATI 1989, Se­lective recruitment of high-threshold human motor units during voluntary isotonic lengthening of active muscles. – Journal of Physiology 409, 451–471. NOVOTNÝ, V. 1986, Sex determination of the pelvic bone: A system aproach. – Anthropologie 24, 197–206. OUSLEY, S. D. 1995, Should we estimate biological or forensic stature? – Journal of Forensic Sciences 40, 768–773. ORTNER, D. J., W. G. J. PUTSCHAR 1981, Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains. – Washington. PIONTEK, J. 1996, Biologia populacij pradziejowych. – Poznan. RANI, A., J. CHOPRA, A. RANI, R. SUNITI 2011, A Study of Morphological Features of Attachment Area of Costoclavi­cular Ligament on Clavicle and First Rib in Indians and its Clinical Relevance. – Biomedical Research 22 (3), 349–354. ROGERS, N.L., L. E. FLOURNOY, W. F. McCORMICK 2000, The rhomboid fossa of the clavicle as a sex and age estimator. – https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10641920 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10641920 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10641920 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10641920 STEELE, D. G. 1976, The estimation of sex on the basis of the talus and calcaneus. – American Journal of Physical Anthropology 45, 588–588. TODD, T.W. 1921 Age changes in the pubic bone. – V / In: Mammalian public metamorphosis, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 4, 333–406, (2005). UBELAKER, D. H. 1989, Human skeletal remains. Excavation, analysis, interpretation. –Taraxacum, Washington. WALKER, P. L., R. R. BATHURST, R. RICHMAN, T. GJER­DRUM, V. A. ANDRUSHKO 2009, The causes of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia: a reappraisal of the iron-deficiency-anemia hypothesis. – American Journal of Physical Anthropology 139, 109–25. WHITE, T., P. A. FOLKENS 2005, Human bone manual. – London. 7.ŽIVALSKI OSTANKI 7.ANIMAL REMAINS Borut TOŠKAN Najdišče Korinjski hrib (728 m nm. v.) leži severno od vasi Mali in Veliki Korinj v zahodnem delu Suhe krajine, 30 km jugovzhodno od Ljubljane. Najzgodnejša poselitev na tem mestu sega v čas mlajše bakrene dobe, s številnimi najdbami pa sta izpričani tudi bronastodobna in poznolatenska poselitvena faza (glej pogl. 13). Od mlajših obdobij je skromno človekovo prisotnost mo­goče dokazati za čas druge polovice 3. stoletja, nemara celo že nekoliko prej, tj. v 1. in 2. stoletju. Močneje je zastopana faza druge polovice 4. in prvih desetletij 5. stoletja, kar bi utegnilo biti povezano z začetkom stalne uporabe utrdbe, namenjene kontroli ceste Sisci­ja–Akvileja na prostoru zahodne Dolenjske (Ciglenečki 1985). Najintenzivnejši sledovi poselitve, med katerimi je najti tudi edine zanesljive ostanke arhitekture, datirajo v pozno antiko (okvirno od konca 5. do 2. pol. 6. st.). Tedaj je bilo na robu 180 x 100 m velikega območja na vrhu hriba postavljenih 5 zidanih obrambnih stolpov, v njegovem osrednjem delu pa skromna zgodnjekr-ščanska cerkev (sl. 7.1). Prva faza cerkvene stavbe naj bi bila, skupaj s posameznimi bivalnimi objekti iz slabo obstojnih matrialov, zgrajena še pred koncem 5. sto­letja, medtem ko kaže postavitev stolpov datirati v čas po letu 536, tj. po Justinjanovi rekonkvisti (glej pogl. 15). Na podlagi strateške lege in skoraj le na obrambo omejene zidane arhitekture je bila vloga poznoantičnega Korinjskega hriba prepoznana kot točka, ki ni imela zgolj pribežniško-naselbinskega značaja, pač pa je z naselitvijo manjše vojaške posadke z družinami varovala enega pomembnejših prehodov z vzhoda proti Italiji (Ciglenečki 1999, 306). MATERIAL IN METODE Podroben opis najdišča in metodologije terenskega raziskovanja iz let 1982 in 1983 podajata Modrijanova in Ciglenečki (glej pogl. 2), zato so na tem mestu povzeti le nekateri najpomembnejši podatki. Izkopavanja so potekala na klasičen (nestratigrafski) način z odstra­njevanjem režnjev arbitrarno določene debeline. Najdbe, vključno z živalskimi kostmi, so bile pri tem pobirane The site of Korinjski hrib (728m asl) is situated north of Mali Korinj and Veliki Korinj villages in the western part of Suha krajina, 30km south-east from Ljubljana. The earliest population in this spot reaches back to the times of the Late Copper Age; Bronze Age and Late La Tene settlement phases are also attested with numerous finds (see Chapter 13). Among later periods modest human presence can be proven for the time of the second half of the 3rd century, possibly even a little earlier, i.e. in the 1st and 2nd centuries. Slightly better represented is the oc­cupation phase of the second half of the 4th and the first decades of the 5th centuries, which could be related to the beginning of the permanent use of the fort intended to control the Siscia–Aquileia road in the area of the western Dolenjska region (Ciglenečki 1985). The most intensive traces of settlement, which also include the only reliable remains of architecture, are dated to the late antiquity (approximately from the end of the 5th to the 2nd half of the 6th century). At that time, 5 stone defence towers were built at the edge of the 180 x 100m large area at the top of the hill, while a modest Early Christian church stood in its central part (Fig. 7.1). Together with individual dwelling structures made of poorly resistant materials, the first phase of the church building was supposedly constructed prior to the end of the 5th century, while the construction of the towers can be dated to the time after 536, i.e. after Justinian’s reconquista (see Chapter 15). Based on its strategic position and stone architecture al­most exclusively limited to defence, the role of late antique Korinjski hrib was recognised as a spot which was not of only refuge-settlement character but with the arrival of a smaller military crew with their families protected one of the more important passes from the east towards Italy (Ciglenečki 1999, 293). MATERIAL AND METHODS A detailed description of the site and methodology of field research from 1982 and 1983 is presented in Modrijan, Ciglenečki (see Chapter 2), therefore, only a few most important data are summarised here. Excava­zgolj ročno, saj se sejanje ali spiranje vzorcev sedimenta ni izvajalo. Stolpi in cerkev so bili v globino raziskani do nivoja hodne površine oziroma – kjer ta ni bila ohranje­na – do geološke osnove, okolica objektov pa le v širini pribl. 1 m okrog zidov. Ob tem je bilo znotraj in zunaj naselja izkopanih še več sond, ki pa niso dala omembe vredne količine živalskih kosti in zob. Zaradi zgolj ročnega pobiranja favnističnih ostan­kov je delež manjših najdb v analiziranem gradivu podcenjen. To je mogoče med drugim ugotoviti iz zgolj 35-odstotnega deleža taksonomsko neopredeljenih ostankov, prav tako pa tudi iz skromne zastopanosti drobnih, čeprav sicer na tafonomske dejavnike razmero-ma odpornih skeletnih elementov (npr. zobje, zapestne in manjše nartne kosti). Taksonomska analiza zbranega arheozoološkega gradiva je zajela ostanke vseh skeletnih elementov z izjemo reber. Pri poskusu razlikovanja med ostanki ovce in koze so bile upoštevane v stroki splošno uveljavljene morfološke specifike posameznih skeletnih elementov (Boessneck, Müller, Teichert 1964; Zeder, Pilaar 2010), medtem ko je bil delež domačega in divjega prašiča ocenjen na podlagi metričnih podatkov (Payne, Bull 1988). Ti so bili zbrani na podlagi smernic, ki jih je objavila von den Driesch (1976). Kvantitativne primerjave med taksoni temeljijo na številu določenih primerkov (NISP; Grayson, 1984). Pri tem so bili odlomki, ki nedvoumno pripadajo isti kosti, upoštevani kot le en primerek (tj. NISP = 1). V okviru analize zastopanosti posameznih skeletnih elementov so bili ti na podlagi ocen o kakovosti in količini pripa­dajočega mesa razvrščeni v tri kategorije (prim. Uerp­mann, 1973): kategorija A (vključuje ostanke nosačev, okretačev ter drugih vratnih, prsnih in križnih vretenc, lopatic, nadlahtnic, medenic in stegnenic), kategorija B (obsega ostanke lobanj, spodnjih čeljustnic, koželjnic, golenic in piščali) ter kategorija C (vključuje ostanke zgornjih čeljustnic, zob, dlančnic, stopalnic, zapestnih kosti, skočnic, petnic in ostalih nartnih kosti ter prstnic). Favnistično gradivo s Korinjskega hriba hrani Narodni muzej Slovenije. TAKSONOMIJA Analizirano gradivo vključuje 581 kosti in zob. Prevladujejo najdbe sesalcev, saj so od ostalih takso­nomskih skupin s pičlimi 14 primerki zastopani zgolj še ptiči. Do ravni rodu1 je bilo sicer mogoče opredeliti 377 kosti in zob, ki so pripadali najmanj 15 različnim vrstam (tab. 7.1). Pretežni del najdb je poznoantične starosti, petina pa jih izvira iz plasti s premešanim prazgodo­vinskim in poznoantičnim gradivom. Kar 146 zbranih živalskih ostankov ni mogoče ožje kronološko umestiti. V primeru drobnice je bila taksonomska opredelitev praviloma mogoča le do nivoja poddružine (tj. Caprinae). tions were done in a classical (non-stratigraphic) manner with the removal of horizontal spits of arbitrarily deter­mined thickness. Finds, including animal bones, were collected solely manually since sieving or wet-sieving of sediment samples was not performed. The towers and the church were researched in depth to the level of the walking surface or—where it was not preserved—to the geological base, and the surroundings of the structures to only the width of about 1m around the walls. Out­side and inside the settlement several additional trial trenches were dug out; however, they did not yield an amount of animal bones and teeth worth mentioning. Due to solely manual collection of faunal remains the share of smaller finds in the analysed material is underrated. This can also be discovered from the only 35 per cent share of taxonomically unidentified remains, as well as from the modest representation of small, even though relatively robust skeletal elements (e.g. teeth, carpal and smaller tarsal bones). Remains of all skeletal elements were submitted to taxonomic analysis with the exception of ribs. In the attempt to distinguish between the remains of sheep and goat, the generally established species-specific morphological features of individual skeletal elements were considered (Boessneck, Müller, Teichert 1964; Zeder, Pilaar 2010), while the share of do­mestic pig and wild boar were estimated based on metric data (Payne, Bull 1988). The latter were collected on the basis of guidelines published by von den Driesch (1976). Quantitative comparisons between taxa are based on the number of identified specimens (NISP; Grayson, 1984). Fragments which undoubtedly belong to the same bone were considered as one specimen (i.e. NISP = 1). The analysis of skeletal elements representation data was performed by assigning them to three categories based on estimates about the quality and quantity of at­tached meat (cf. Uerpmann, 1973): category A (includes remains of atlas, axis and other cervical, thoracic, and sacral vertebrae, scapulae, humeri, pelvises, and femurs), category B (includes remains of skulls, lower jawbones, radii, and tibiae), and category C (includes remains of upper jawbones, teeth, metacarpals, metatarsals, carpals, tarsals, and phalanges). Faunal material from Korinjski hrib is kept by Na­tional Museum of Slovenia (Narodni muzej Slovenije). TAXONOMY The analysed material includes 581 bones and teeth. Remains of mammals are prevalent with other taxonomic groups being represented by a scant 14 finds ascribed to birds. The total of 377 bone and teeth fragments could have been identified at least to the level of a genus;1 they belonged to a minimum of 15 different species (Tab. 7.1). 1 In the case of sheep and goats the taxonomic classifica­tion was possible only to the level of subfamily (i.e. Caprinae). Takson Taxon Vzorec Sample 1 2 3 N % N % N Bos taurus 43 37 87 35 50 Caprinae 21 18 64 26 27 Sus sp. 34 30 68 27 24 Equus caballus - - 3 1 - Canis familiaris - - 3 1 - Cervus elaphus 14 12 20 8 5 Capreolus capreolus - - 3 1 1 Meles meles 1 1 1 <1 - Martes sp. - - - - 1 Ursus arctos 1 1 - - - Bos / Cervus 1 1 2 1 1 Glis glis - - - - 1 Gallus domesticus 2 8 4 Aves (drugo / rest) - 2 - NISP 117 261 114 Indetermintaus 2 172 32 Skupaj / Total 119 433 146 V nadaljevanju bo pozornost namenjena predvsem predstavitvi poznoantičnih najdb. Taksonomska pestrost poznoantičnega gradiva je velika. Skupno število dokumentiranih vrst (N = 12) je namreč primerljivo s tistim, ki je bilo ugotovljeno ob analizi nekajkrat bogatejših zbirov živalskih ostankov iz sicer okvirno sočasnih regionalnih središč Tonovcov grad nad Kobaridom (okvirno 100 km proti SZ; Toškan, Dirjec 2011) in Ajdovski gradec nad Vranjem (50 km proti SV; Bartosiewicz, Choyke 1985). K navedeni ugotovitvi seveda ključno prispeva prisotnost kar petih lovnih vrst, kar bi bilo načeloma mogoče navezati na domnevno pretežno vojaški – in ne pribežniško-nasel­binski – značaj tedanje postojanke (prim. Bartosiewicz 1990–1991). Vendar pa jelen, srna, divji prašič, jazbec in taksonomsko ožje neopredeljena vrsta ptiča skupaj prispevajo zgolj desetino vseh taksonomsko opredelje­nih najdb, neupoštevaje potencialno v naravi pobranih rogovij jelenov in srnjakov pa še nekoliko manj (tj. 7 %). Slednje seveda pomeni, da lov ni bil omembe vreden vir mesa in maščob in da bi utegnil biti razmeroma visok delež lovnih vrst v analiziranem gradivu pravzaprav naključen. Kot je razvidno iz tabele 7.1 so ob že omenjenemu skromnemu deležu divjadi v analiziranem zbiru najdb pičlo zastopane tudi nekatere vrste domačih živali. Konjskih in pasjih kosti je bilo, denimo, v poznoantičnih kontekstih prepoznanih vsega skupaj le šest, kokoš pa je zastopana z zgolj osmimi najdbami. To posledično pomeni, da ostanki goveda, drobnice in domačega prašiča skupaj predstavljajo več kot štiri petine vseh Tab. 7.1: Zastopanost živalskih taksonov. Pri vzorcih 1 in 2 je podan tudi delež posameznih sesalskih (!) taksonov. Opre­delitev vzorcev: 1 – prazgodovina/pozna antika; 2 – pozna antika; 3 – neznano. * Slovenski prevodi latinskih imen: Bos taurus – domače go-vedo, Caprinae – drobnica (tj. ovca in koza), Sus sp. – domači in divji prašič, Equus caballus – konj, Canis familiaris – pes, Cervus elaphus – jelen, Capreolus capreolus – srna, Meles meles – jazbec, Martes sp. – kuna belica ali zlatica, Ursus arctos – rjavi medved, Glis glis – navadni polh, Gallus domesticus – kokoš, Aves – ptiči. Tab. 7.1: Representation of animal taxa. With samples 1 and 2, the share of individual mammal (!) taxa is also given. Definition of samples: 1 – prehistory/late antiquity; 2 – late antiquity; 3 – unknown. * English translations of Latin names: Bos taurus – domestic cattle, Caprinae – caprines (i.e. sheep and goat), Sus sp. – domestic pig and wild boar, Equus caballus – horse, Canis familiaris – dog, Cervus elaphus – red deer, Capreolus cap-reolus – roe deer, Meles meles – badger, Martes sp. – beech or pine marten, Ursus arctos – brown bear, Glis glis – dormouse, Gallus domesticus – chicken, Aves – birds. The majority of finds is of late antique age, while a fifth of the analysed specimens originates from the layer with mixed prehistoric and late antique material. The remain­ing 146 finds could not have been reliably dated. Hereon, the most attention will be devoted to the presentation of late antique finds. Taxonomic diversity of late antique material is fairly pronounced. The total number of documented species (N = 12) is comparable to the one determined in the analy­sis of several times larger assemblages from approximately contemporary regional centres Tonovcov grad above Kobarid (about 100km NW; Toškan, Dirjec 2011) and Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (50km NE; Bartosiewicz, Choyke 1985). The stated finding is in great part related to the presence of no less than five species of wild animals, which could be related to the supposedly prevalently mili­tary—and not refuge-settlement—character of the post (cf. Bartosiewicz 1990–1991). Nevertheless, red deer, roe deer, wild boar, badger, and a taxonomically unidentified species of bird together contribute only one tenth of all taxonomically allocated finds. This value drops to 7% if we do not consider roe and red deer antlers, which could have been gathered by collecting shed specimens. It is thus evi­dent that hunting wasn’t a quantitatively relevant source of meat and that the relatively high share of wild species in the analysed material could actually be coincidental. As can be discerned from Table 7.1, in addition to the modest share of game, some species of domestic animals are also scarcely represented. In the late antique contexts, for example, there were only six horse and dog bones in total, while chicken is represented with only eight finds. taksonomsko opredeljenih živalskih ostankov pozno­antične starosti. V tem smislu se arheozoološko gradivo s Korinjskega hriba sklada z veliko večino drugih okvirno sočasnih zbirov živalskih najdb z jugovzhodnoalpskega prostora (Bartosiewicz, Choyke 1985; Svoljšak 1985, 226–227; Turk 2000; Toškan, Dirjec 2011; Dirjec et al. 2011, tab. 1; lastni neobjavljeni podatki). Kar je neko­liko manj običajno, sploh v primerjavi s peščico arheo­zoološko obdelanih najdišč2 različnih časovnih obdobij v radiju do 20 km od tukaj obravnavane postojanke, je praktično identičen delež zastopanosti ostankov prašiča in drobnice. Naravne danosti proučevanega območja so namreč bolj naklonjene reji drobnice kot prosti paši prašičev, katerih najdbe se v večjem številu tudi zaradi tega pojavljajo predvsem na najdiščih iz bolj vodnatih jugovzhodnih in severnovzhodnih predelov današnje Slovenije (glej npr. Toškan, Dirjec 2010, sl. 6). Med najdbami drobnice kaže sicer domnevati nekoliko boljšo zastopanost ovce, medtem ko prašičji ostanki skoraj brez izjeme pripadajo domačemu prašiču (tab. 7.2). Tab. 7.2: Število do vrste opredeljenih ostankov drobnice in prašiča. Tab. 7.2: The number of caprine and pig remains defined to the level of species in the material of late antique age. Takson Opredelitev do vrste Species identification Taxon N. Zanesljiva Reliable Verjetna Probable Sus domesticus 68 10 3 Sus scrofa 1 1 Ovis aries 64 12 - Capra hircus 4 - Do neke mere neobičajna je tudi ugotovitev, da je najbolje zastopan takson govedo. Podatki z drugih arheozoološko obdelanih poznoantičnih najdišč v širši regiji namreč pričajo o tem, da se je s tedanjim proce­som zamiranja naselbin v nižinskem svetu in sočasnim nastajanjem številnih utrjenih višinskih postojank obseg govedoreje znatno skrčil, porasla pa je manj zahtevna reja drobnice, prašičev in perutnine (Toškan 2013 in tam navedena literatura). Vzporedno s tem je prišlo do upada povprečne velikosti domačih živali, še najočitneje prav goveda (Boschin, Toškan 2012). Časovnica teh sprememb se je sicer med posameznimi območji znotraj cesarstva v tem delu Evrope do neke mere razlikovala, vendar predvsem na način, da je proces sprva zajel periferijo, 2 Upoštevani so bili podatki za naslednja najdišča: Cvin­ger nad Koriti (starejša železna doba; NISP = 206; Bartosie­wicz 1996), Kunkel pod Vrhtrebnjem (starejša železna doba; NISP = 282; Bartosiewicz 1996); Stična (starejša in mlajša že­lezna doba; NISP = 4488; Bökönyi 1994), Ivančna Gorica (po­zna antika in srednji vek; NISP = 204; Toškan, Dirjec 2013). As a consequence this means that remains of cattle, sheep, goat, and domestic pig together represent more than four fifths of all taxonomically identified animal remains of late antique age. In this respect, the archaeozoological material from Korinjski hrib is analogous with the great majority of other approximately contemporary assemblages of animal finds from the area of the Southeastern Alps (Bartosie­wicz, Choyke 1985; Svoljšak 1985, 226–227; Turk 2000; Toškan, Dirjec 2011; Dirjec et al. 2011, Tab. 1; my own unpublished data). What is slightly less usual, especially in comparison with the handful of archaeozoologically researched sites2 of different periods of time in the radius of up to 20km from the site discussed here, is the practi­cally identical share of representation of pig and caprines. The environment of the researched area is, namely, more suitable for the breeding of sheep and goats than free grazing of pigs, which prefer(red) the more water-rich south-eastern and north-eastern parts of present-day Slovenia (see e.g. Toškan, Dirjec 2010, Fig. 6). It seems that among caprine finds a slightly better representation of sheep should be assumed, while pig remains almost exclusively belong to domestic pig (Tab. 7.2). To some extent unusual is also the fact that the best represented taxon is cattle. Data from other archaeozoo-logically researched late antique sites in the wider region testify to the fact that the then process of towns and other settlements in the lowlands perishing and the simultane­ous rise of a multitude of fortified hill-top settlements significantly decreased the extent of cattle husbandry, while the less demanding breeding of sheep, goat, pig, and poultry increased (Toškan 2013 and works cited there). Parallel to this there was a decrease in the average size of domestic animals, which was most significant in cattle (Boschin, Toškan 2012). The timeline of these changes did indeed differ to some extent between individual areas of the Empire in this part of Europe, however, primar­ily in the way that the process at first took hold on the periphery, and then slowly spread towards Italy (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 333–363). A fairly high share of cattle in the late antique material from Korinjski hrib would in this respect present a notable exception since a significant decrease in the breeding of this important domesticate supposedly occurred prior to the end of the 5th century even in the more western-located areas of Vipavska dolina and Posočje (see e.g. Toškan 2017, 23). According to the alternative explanation, the slightly higher share of cattle bones and teeth could be attributed primarily to the fact that finds were collected manually. Such an approach to sampling must have led to the less efficient collecting of bones and teeth of smaller animals 2 Data for the following sites were taken into account: Cvinger above Korita (Early Iron Age; NISP = 206; Bar-tosiewicz 1996), Kunkel under Vrhtrebnje (Early Iron Age; NISP = 282; Bartosiewicz 1996); Stična (Early and Late Iron Ages; NISP = 4488; Bökönyi 1994), Ivančna Gorica (late an­tiquity and Middle Ages; NISP = 204; Toškan, Dirjec 2013). Tab. 7.3: Metrični podatki za goveje ostanke poznoantične starosti. Podana je tudi opisna statistika za iste dimezije pri okvirno sočasnem gradivu z najdišča Tonovcov grad nad Kobaridom (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, pril. 8.1, tab. A). Dimenzije in okrajšave zanje so povzete po von den Driesch (1976). Obrazložitev drugih okrajšav: PA 1 – prva poznoantična faza (2. pol. 4. in zač. 5. st.); PA 2 – druga poznoantična faza (konec 5. do zač. 7. st.); Me – mediana; N – število razpoložljivih izmerkov; min.–max. – razpon vrednosti. Tab. 7.3: Metric data for cattle remains of late antique age. Also presented are the descriptive statistics for the same dimensions with the approximately contemporary material from the site of Tonovcov grad above Kobarid (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, App. 8.1, Tab. A). Dimensions and their abbreviations are adopted after von den Driesch (1976). Key to other abbreviations: PA 1 – the first late antique phase (2nd half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century); PA 2 – the second late antique phase (end of the 5th to the beginning of the 7th century); Me – median; N – number of measurements available; min.–max. – range. Sk. element Dimenzija Dimension Izmerki (v mm) Measurements (in mm) Primerjalni podatki Comparative data PA 1 / LA 1 PA 2 / LA 2 Me (N) min.–max. Me (N) min.–max. Radius SD 46,5 38,0 (3) 35,5–38,0 37,25 (2) 31,5–43,0 Ulna BPC 33,5 - 47,0 (1) 39,0 (1) SDO - 49,0 50,5 (1) -­ DPA - 58,0 67,0 (1) 63,0 (1) Metacarpus Bp 54,5 - 49,0 (5) 36,0–57,0 49,0 (5) 45,0–60,0 Dp 33,0 - 32,7 (4) 28,5–35,5 34,0 (6) 28,0–42,5 Bd - 51,0 63,5 (1) 62,25 (2) 61,0–63,5 Femur DC 44,0 44,5 (7) 39,0–46,5 39,0 (5) 38,0–47,0 Tibia SD 38,5 - 35,0 (2) 31,5–38,5 39,5 (1) Bd - 65,5 57,75 (8) 50,5–65,0 56,0 (5) 55,0–57,0 Dd - 50,5 43,0 (7) 37,5–48,0 41,5 (3) 40,0–42,0 Astragalus GLl 61,0 - - 62,5 (11) 58,0–68,0 59,75 (4) 58,0–68,0 GLm 55,0 57,0 - 57,25 (10) 49,0–63,0 56,0 (4) 32,0–64,0 Dm - 33,5 - 35,0 (7) 32,0–36,0 33,0 (3) 32,0–35,0 Bd 37,5 - 40,5 38,5 (10) 31,0–43,0 40,25 (6) 35,5–44,5 Calcaneus GB 36,0 - 40,25 (2) 40,0–40,5 42,5 (1) GL - 139,0 134,0 (2) 131,0–137,0 130,0 (1) Metatarsus Bp 47,5 - - 46,0 (9) 43,5–50,0 45,0 (5) 41,5–50,5 Dp 42,0 - - 45,5 (5) 39,5–46,5 42,0 (4) 40,5–48,0 DD - 26,5 - 24,25 (8) 21,5–26,0 -- Bd - 59,5 - 51,5 (5) 49,0–54,5 54,5 (1) Dd - 32,5 31,5 30,0 (6) 26,5–31,0 24,0 (1) Phalanx 1 GL 61,0 55,5 (6) 51,5–58,0 56,0 (10) 53,0–59,5 Phalanx 2 GL 42,0 35,0 38,0 39,0 (11) 33,0–44,0 39,0 (14) 26,0–40,0 nato pa se je postopoma širil proti Italiji (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 333–363). Razmeroma visok delež goveda v gradivu poznoantične starosti s Korinjskega hriba bi v tem smislu predstavljal svojevrstno izjemo, saj naj bi celó v zahodneje ležečih Vipavski dolini in Posočju do znatnega upada obsega reje tega pomembnega domestikata prišlo še pred koncem 5. stoletja (glej npr. Toškan 2017, 23). Po alternativni razlagi bi bilo nekoliko višji delež govejih kosti in zob mogoče pripisati predvsem dejstvu, da so bile najdbe pobirane ročno. Takšen pristop k vzor-čenju je namreč nedvomno privedel do manj učinkovi­tega zajemanja kosti in zob manjših živali (prim. Toškan 2015). Slednje bržčas posredno potrjujejo zbrani met-rični podatki. Ti kažejo na večinsko prisotnost ostankov razmeroma nizkoraslih, za lokalna poznoantična najdiš-ča značilnih form goveda, in ne velikih rimskih živali, ki so v tem prostoru prevladovala pred že omenjenimi poznoantičnimi korenitimi spremembami v poselitveni sliki (tab. 7.3). Ocena starostne strukture ponuja indice o izraziti prevladi ostankov odraslih primerkov, kar je za obravnavano obdobje pravzaprav pričakovano (Toškan 2013, 47–48). Tab. 7.4: Število kosti goveda z (ne)zraščenima epi- in diafizo po starostnih skupinah. Posamezno skupino sestavljajo ske­letni elementi, ki popolnoma osificirajo pri isti ontogenetski starosti (tj. pred skotitvijo, v prvem, drugem, tretjem, četrtem ali po četrtem letu življenja). Podatke o časovnem poteku zraščanja epi- in diafiz podaja Silver (1969). Tab. 7.4: The number of cattle bones with (un)fused epi- and diaphysis according to age groups. An individual group is composed of skeletal elements that completely ossify at the same ontogenetic age (i.e. prior to whelping, in the first, second, third, fourth, or after the fourth year of life). Data about the fusing phases of epi- and diaphysis is presented by Silver (1969). RAZPRŠENOSTŽIVALSKIH OSTANKOV V PROSTORU Podatki o zastopanosti posameznih skeletnih ele­mentov v gradivu poznoantične starosti s Korinjskega hriba kažejo, da so pri gospodarsko najpomembnejših vrstah prisotni ostanki vseh delov telesa (tab. 7.5). Pri tem bi bilo nemara mogoče nekoliko skromnejši delež odlomkov lobanje s čeljustnicama, izoliranih zob, za­pestnih in manjših nartnih kosti ter prstnic pripisati že omenjenim napakam zaradi načina pobiranja najdb. Na posameznih kosteh so prisotne sledi vrezov (govedo: N = 12, drobnica: N = 2; prašič: N = 2); nekateri primerki so obgrizeni (govedo: N = 1, prašič: N = 3) ali ožgani (govedo: N = 1; prašič: N = 1). Gre za sledi človekovega delovanja, ki se značilne za kostno gradivo s skupkov klavniških in gospodinjskih odpadkov. S tem v zvezi je nekoliko neobičajna zgolj ugotovitev, da je kar devet od (cf. Toškan 2015). The latter is probably indirectly con­firmed by gathered metric data which indicate the pre­dominance of relatively small, for local late antique sites typical forms of cattle, and not large animals of improved Roman breeds, which prevailed in this area prior to the above-mentioned late antique thorough changes in set­tlement structure (Tab. 7.3). The mortality profile offers indices about the distinct prevalence of remains of adult specimens which is actually quite expected for the period discussed (Toškan 2013, 47–48). Starost Epifiza / Epiphysis (v letih) Age (in years) Nezraščena Unfused Zraščena Fused <0 - 11 0–1 - - 1–2 - 15 2–3 2 - 3–4 2 8 4– - - . 4 34 SPATIAL DISPERSION OF ANIMAL REMAINS Skeletal elements representation data for the late antique material from Korinjski hrib indicate that remains of all body parts are present for the economically most important species (Tab. 7.5). A somewhat more modest share of fragments of skull with jawbones, isolated teeth, carpals, and smaller tarsals as well as phalanxes could be attributed to above-mentioned errors due to the manner of find gathering. Cut-marks are present on individual bones (cattle: N = 12, caprines: N = 2; pig: N = 2); some bones are gnawed (cattle: N = 1, pig: N = 3) or burnt (cat­tle: N = 1; pig: N = 1). These are traces of human activities which are characteristic for secondary and tertiary (i.e. household) butchery waste. Connected to this the only unusual finding is the one that no fewer than nine from the total of twelve discovered cut-marks on cattle remains Tab. 7.5: Zastopanost skeletnih elementov posameznih živalskih vrst v gradivu poznoantične starosti s Korinjskega hriba (izko­pavanja iz let 1982 in 1983). Tab. 7.5: Representation of skeletal elements of individual animal species in the late antique material from Korinjski hrib (exca­vations from 1982 and 1983). Sk. element B. taurus Caprinae Sus sp. E. caballus C. familiaris C. elaphus C. capreolus M. meles Cornua 6 1 Proc. cornualis 2 1 1 Cranium 1 2 2 Maxilla 7 Mandibula 8 7 1 1 Dentes 8 14 12 3 Vertebrae 6 5 1 Pelvis 3 2 2 Scapula 3 1 7 1 Humerus 3 5 6 1 1 1 Radius 3 8 2 2 1 Ulna 2 1 Carpalia 1 Metacarpalia 7 4 4 1 1 Femur 4 5 5 2 1 Patella 1 2 Tibia 2 1 1 1 Astragalus 7 2 2 Calcaneus 6 1 1 2 Tarsalia (drugi / rest) 2 Metatarsalia 7 4 1 1 Phalanges 1 7 1 2 1 Phalanges 2 6 1 1 Phalanges 3 6 1 skupno dvanajstih odkritih vrezov na govejih ostankih najti na kosteh spodnjega dela zadnjih nog, tj. na petnici (N = 1), skočnicah (N = 4), stopalnicah (N = 2, obakrat na distalnem delu kosti) in prstnicah (N = 2). Gre sicer za sledi, ki so domnevno nastale ob grobem kosanju kadavra in ob njegovem odiranju (Binford 1981, sl. 4.27). Na podlagi zgornje teze, po kateri kaže pretežni del zbranih živalskih ostankov razumeti kot ostanek prehrane, so v nadaljevanju predstavljeni rezultati ana­lize razpršenost taksonomsko opredeljenih živalskih ostankov v prostoru. Prisotnost eventualnih razlik med posameznimi objekti bi namreč načeloma lahko ponu­jala vpogled v socialno razslojenost in/ali funkcionalno raznolikost tam živeče skupnosti (prim. Bartosiewicz 1999, 315–316; Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 325–330). Ker so v razpoložljivi terenski dokumentaciji podatki o natančni najdiščni legi živalskih ostankov skopi, je bila analiza razpršenosti opravljena na ravni primerjave can be found on bones of the lower part of hind legs, i.e. on the calcaneus (N = 1), astragali (N = 4), metatarsals (N = 2, both on the distal part of the bone), and phalanxes (N = 2). These are traces that supposedly occurred dur­ing the primary butchering and skinning of the carcass (Binford 1981, Fig. 4.27). Based on the thesis above, according to which the greatest part of the gathered animal remains should be understood as food remains, hereon results of the analy­sis of the spatial dispersion of taxonomically indentified animal remains are presented. The presence of possible differences between individual structures could in prin­ciple offer an insight into the social stratification and/ or functional diversity of the community living there (cf. Bartosiewicz 1999, 315–316; Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 325–330). Since the available field documentation offers scarce data about the precise findspot of animal remains, the dispersion analysis was performed on the level of (C) meaty parts of the body are also presented. skupkov kosti in zob z območja posameznega od petih comparison of bone and teeth assemblages from the area obrambnih stolpov in cerkvene stavbe (sl. 7.1). Pri tem of an individual from the total of five defence towers and so rezultati pokazali, da v smislu deleža zastopanosti the church (Fig. 7.1). The results showed that regarding the posameznih taksonov, predvsem pa pogostnosti najdb share of representation of individual taxa, but especially of iz (naj)bolj mesnatih delov telesa, nekoliko odstopa le skeletal elements from (the) most meaty body parts, only skupek kosti z območja cerkve. Skoraj edino tu namreč the assemblage from the area of the church slightly stands najbolje zastopana živalska vrsta ni govedo in zgolj tu apart. Namely, almost only here the best represented ani­med najdbami vseh treh najpomembenjših domestika­tov prevladujejo skeletni elementi iz najbolj mesnatih delov trupa. Pri poskusu razlage navedenih rezultatov je treba najprej poudariti, da so vzorci žal izjemno majhni (razpon vrednosti NISP: 14 – 84), kar seveda nekoli­ko zmanjšuje njihovo verodostojnost. Slednje zaradi zgolj ročnega pobiranja najdb najbrž še posebej velja za podatke o deležu posameznih taksonov. Nekoliko bolj uporabni se zdijo rezultati analize zastopanosti posameznih skeletnih elementov, saj med najdbami z območja cerkve pri vseh treh gospodarsko napomem­bnejših vrstah prevladujejo ostanki mesnatih zgornjih delov obeh parov okončin in hrbta, medtem ko tega pri gradivu iz posameznih stolpov ni bilo mogoče ugoto­viti v nobenem od 15 opazovanj. Ker je bil kriterij za odvzem kostnih najb med potekom izkopavanj bržčas vseskozi enak, je obseg napake zaradi sub-optimalnega načina vzorčenja v tem primeru domnevno nekoliko skromnejši. DIAHRONE SPREMEMBE Na podlagi naporov, vloženih v časovno oprede­litev arheozoološkega gradiva s Korinjskega hriba, je bilo mogoče razmeroma ozko datirati zgolj zbir najdb poznoantične starosti. Edini drug skupek ostankov, ki dopušča vsaj parcialno umestitev v čas, domnevno zdru­žuje prazgodovinske in poznoantične najdbe (tab. 7.1). Razlike med obema navedenimi podvzorcema v vrstni pestrosti in v deležu zastopanosti posameznih taksonov so zanemarljive. V obeh primerih kaže namreč največ­je število kosti in zob pripisati govedu, skupni delež govejih, ovčjih, kozjih in prašičjih najdb pa presega 85 odstotkov NISP. Na podlagi navedenih ugotovitev bi nemara kazalo sklepati, da med premešanimi ostanki bržčas prevladujejo tisti poznoantične starosti, kar dodatno podkrepljuje tudi dokumentirana prisotnost kokoši. Slednja se namreč na Slovenskem ni pojavila pred začetkom starejše železne dobe, ko je imela iz­razito obredni pomen (Škvor Jernejčič, Toškan 2018, 258), z nekoliko večjim deležem pa je zastopana šele v rimskem času. SKLEP Analiza živalskih ostankov poznoantične starosti s Korinjskega hriba ni ponudila novih znanj o gospodar­stvu tedanjih obrambnih postojank na Slovenskem, je pa potrdila nekatere že objavljene ugotovitve o prilagodit­vah živinoreje na samozadosten način gospodarstva v okviru novonastalih višinskih naselbin. Indice za takšen razvoj dogodkov je, denimo, najti v znižanju povprečne velikosti tedanjega goveda, saj so bile nizkorasle živali mal species is not cattle and only here skeletal elements from the meatiest body parts prevail among the finds of all three most important domesticates. In the attempt to explain the stated results, it first needs to be pointed out that samples are unfortunately very small (NISP value span: 14–84), which naturally slightly lowers their credibility. Due to solely manual col­lection of finds, the latter is probably especially true for data about the share of individual taxa. Somewhat more useful are the results of the analysis of the representation of individual skeletal elements, since among finds from the area of the church for all three economically most important species remains of meaty upper parts of both pairs of extremities and back prevail, while it was not pos­sible to determine the same for any of the 15 observations in the material from individual towers. Since the criterion for the collection of bone finds was probably always the same during excavations, the scope of the error due to sub-optimal manner of sampling in this case is suppos­edly slightly smaller. DIACHRONICAL CHANGES Based on the efforts invested into time classifica­tion of archaeozoological material from Korinjski hrib, only the assemblage of late antique finds could be dated relatively narrowly. The only other assemblage of remains that allows for even partial assigning of time supposedly combines prehistorical and late antique finds (Tab. 7.1). Differences between both stated subsamples in species diversity and the share of representation of individual taxa are negligible. In both cases the greatest number of bones and teeth should be ascribed to cattle, while the total share of bovine, caprine, and porcine finds exceeds 85 per cent of NISP. Based on the presented findings it could be concluded that among chronologically mixed remains those of late antique age probably prevail, which is additionally supported by the documented presence of chicken. Namely, the latter did not appear on Slovenian territory before the beginning of the Early Iron Agewhen it had distinctly ritual significance (Škvor Jernejčič, Toškan 2018, 258), and is represented with a slightly big­ger share only from the Roman times. CONCLUSION The analysis of animal remains of late antique age from Korinjski hrib did not offer any new knowledge about the economy of defence posts in Slovenia at the time, yet it did confirm certain previously published findings about the adjustments of animal husbandry to the self-sufficient nature of the economy within the framework of newly developed hill-top settlements. Indications for such a development can, for instance, be vzrejno manj zahtevne od velikih rimskih pasem, do neke mere pa bržčas tudi v visoki starosti teh živali ob zakolu. Jasno je namreč, da je bila tedanja po obsegu znatno okrnjena govedoreja primarno usmerjena v izkoriščanje drugotnih proizvodov, tj. predvsem moči, verjetno pa tud mleka. Za prehrano so bile posledično praviloma namenjene razmeroma stare, za delo ne več sposobne živali. Bržčas najzanimivejša ugotovitev tukaj predstav­ljene študije pa se sicer navezuje na za Korinjski hrib edinstveno prevlado govejih, ovčjih, kozjih in prašičjih ostankov iz najbolj mesnatih anatomskih regij med najdbami z območja cerkve. Kot je nakazala podobna študija živalskih ostankov z območja t.i. stavbe 1 na poznoantičnem središču Tonovcov grad nad Koba­ridom, se je namreč razlika v prehranskih navadah posameznih slojev tedanjih skupnosti utegnila kazati prav v različni možnost dostopanja do bolj mesnatih (. cenjenih) delov zaklanih živali (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 328–333). Pri tem nemara ne gre za nakjučje, da so bili tudi znotraj skupka govejih kosti in zob s cerkvenega kompleksa Tonovcovega gradu z večinskim deležem zastopani prav skeletni elementi iz zgornjega dela obeh parov okončin (tj. lopatica, nadlahtnica, medenica, stegnenica) in hrbta (vretenca). Relativna prevlada teh najdb je bila na omenjeni mikro-lokaciji izrazitejša kot na kateri koli drugi arheološko raziskani točki znotraj navedenega najdišča. Še več. Bila je znatno izrazitejša celó od tiste, dokumentirane na območju osrednjega prostora že omenjene stavbe 1, katere stanovalci so si v skladu s svojim visokim statusom med drugim lahko privoščili hlapca (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 325–328). found in the decrease of the average size of the cattle of the time, because smaller animals were less demanding for breeding than the large Roman breeds, and, to some extent, probably also in the high age of these animals upon culling. It is clear that the cattle husbandry of the time was considerably limited in extent and directed towards the exploitation of secondary products, i.e. especially the strength but probably also milk. By inference, as a rule relatively old animals not suitable for work were used for food. Probably the most interesting finding of the study presented here is connected to the prevalence of bovine, sheep, goat, and pig remains from the meatiest anatomi­cal regions among the finds from the area of the church that are unique to Korinjski hrib. As was indicated by a similar study of animal remains from the area of the so-called Building 1 at the late antique centre of Tonovcov grad above Kobarid, the difference in dietary habits of individual classes of communities of the time could have been revealed exactly in the different possibility to access meatier (. esteemed) parts of culled animals (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 328–333). It thus might not be a coincidence that within the cluster of bovine bones and teeth from the church complex at Tonovcov grad the skeletal elements of the upper part of both pairs of extremities were repre­sented by the majority share (i.e. scapula, humerus, pelvis, femur) as well as of the back (vertebrae). The relative prevalence of these finds at the mentioned microlocation was more prominent than at any other archaeologically researched micro-area within the mentioned site. Not only that, it was also significantly more distinct even from the one documented in the area of the main room of the previously-mentioned Building 1, the inhabitants of which could, in accordance with their high status, afford a servant (Toškan, Dirjec 2011, 325–328). BARTOSIEWICZ, L. 1990–1991, Animal bones as indicators of continuity at Roman provincial sites. – Antaeus 19–20, 103–124. BARTOSIEWICZ, L. 1996, Continuity in the animal keeping of Hallstatt Period communities in Slovenia. – V / In: E. Jerem, A. Lippert (ur. / eds.), Die Osthallstattkultur, Akten des Internationalen Symposiums, Sopron, 10.–14. Mai 1994, Archaeolingua 7, 29–35, Budapest. BARTOSIEWICZ, L., A.M. CHOYKE 1985, Animal bones from the 5th–6th century settlement at Ajdovski gradec. – Neobjavljeno poročilo / Unpublished report, Inštitut za arheologijo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana. BINFORD, L.R. 1981, Bones. Ancient Men and Modern Myths. – New York, London, Toronto, Sydney, San Francisco. BOESSNECK, J., H.-H. MÜLLER, M. TEICHERT 1964, Osteologische Unterscheidungsmerkmale zwischen Schaf (Ovis aries Linné) und Ziege (Capra hircus Linné). – Kühn-Archiv 78,1–129. BÖKÖNYI, S. 1994, Analiza živalskih kosti / Die Tierkno­chfunde der Siedlung. – V / In: S. Gabrovec, Stična I. Naselbinska izkopavanja / Stična I. Siedlungsausgrabungen, Katalogi in monografije 28, 190–213. BOSCHIN, F., B. TOŠKAN 2012, Changes in cattle body size in Slovenia from the Iron Age to the Early Middle Age. – V / In: J. De Grossi Mazzorin, D. Sacca, C. Tozzi (ur. / eds.), Atti del 6o Convegno nazionale di archeozoologia, Parco dell‘Orecchiella, maggio 2009, 393–395, Lecce. 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DRIESCH, A. von den 1976, A guide to the measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites. – Peabody Museum Bulletin 1, 1–136. GRAYSON, D.K. 1984, Quantitative zooarchaeology: topics in the analysis of archaeological faunas. – Orlando. PAYNE, S., G. BULL 1988, Components of variation in me­asurements of pig bones and teeth, and the use of measu­rements to distinguish wild from domestic pig remains. – Archaeozoologia 2(1,2), 27–65. SILVER, I.A. 1969, The Ageing of Domestic Animals. – V / In: D.R. Brothwell, E.S. Higgs (ur. / eds.), Science in archa­ eology: a comprehensive survey of progress and research, 283-302, London. SVOLJŠAK, D. 1985, Sv. Pavel nad Vrtovinom. Rezultati sondiranj leta 1966 (Sv. Pavel über Vrtovin). – Arheološki vestnik 36, 195–236. ŠKVOR JERNEJČIČ, B., B. TOŠKAN 2018, Ritual use of dogs and wolves in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age in the South-Eastern Alpine region. New evidence from the archaeo(zoo)logical perspective. – V / In: S. Costamagno, L. Gourichon, C. Dupont, O. Dutour, D. Vialou (ur. / eds.), Animal symbolisé, animal exploité: du Paléolithique a la Protohistoire, 249–278, Paris. TOŠKAN, B. 2013, Domače govedo v romaniziranem jugo­vzhodnoalpskem prostoru: arheozoološki pogled (Do­mestic cattle in the Romanised southeast of the Alps: an archaeozoological overview). – Keria 15(1), 35–72. TOŠKAN, B. 2015, Sejati ali ne sejati, to je tu vprašanje. O pomenu drobnih živalskih najdb v arheo(zoo)logiji (To sieve or not to sieve, that is the question. On the importance of small faunal remains in archaeo(zoo)logy). – Arheo 32, 65–81. TOŠKAN, B. 2017, Rimskodobni živalski ostanki. – V / In: T. Fabec, Ajdovščina. Mestno jedro in arheološko najdišče Castra, Monografije CPA 4, 20–29. TOŠKAN, B., J. 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Večina najdb je ležala zunaj, ob zidu 1: deli noše, orodje, dve puščici, deli steklenih kozarcev in okenskega stekla (t. 1: 4–5,9–12,14–17,20–22; 2: 1–2). Fibula s čebuličastimi gumbi (t. 1: 3) je lahko stara najdba iz premešane plasti, večina drugih časovno opredeljivih predmetov (spona, ptičja fibula, igla, puščična ost s piramidalno konico (t. 1: 1–2,4,10) pa postavlja konec uporabe stolpa najver­jetneje v drugo polovico 6. st. Novec 4. st. je detektorska najdba (pogl. 5, kat. št. 67: Julijan, 360–363). Med kera-mičnimi najdbami je le lonec tipa 1 (t. 2: 7) značilen za poznorimsko obdobje. Skleda tipa 4 (t. 2: 6) sodi med oblike, bolj značilne za 5. st., lahko pa se pojavljajo tudi še v 6. st. Skoraj v celoti ohranjen lonec tipa 3 (t. 2: 9) in dva nizka lončka tipa 4 (t. 2: 12, 14) sodijo med oblike, značilne za 6. st. Drobne najdbe, predmeti vsakdanje rabe, orožje in keramika kažejo na bivalno uporabo ter prisotnost tako moških kot žensk v prvem nadstropju stolpa. STOLP 2 (t. 3–5; 6: 1–6) Tudi stolp 2 je bil v spodnjem delu uporabljen kot zbiralnik za vodo, zato ni nenavadno, da v notranjosti razen nekaj kosov ožje neopredeljive keramike ni bilo najdenih drobnih predmetov. V žganinski plasti 7, ki delno leži pod zidovi stolpa in predstavlja ostanek poselitve pred njegovo posta­vitvijo, je bilo najdenih le nekaj neopredeljivih železnih odlomkov (niso risani), koščen glavnik (t. 3: 4), ustje steklenice (t. 4: 20) in kos glazirane sklede (t. 4: 23). V ruševinskih plasteh v okolici stolpa so bile najdbe skoncentrirane na prostor ob zidu 2 (t. 3: 1–3,6,11– 12,15–23), nekaj jih je bilo tudi ob ostalih zidovih (t. 3: 5; 4: 1). Za nekaj detektorskih najdb ni podatkov, med njimi so tudi trije novci iz 2. in 4. st. (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. št. 17: Komod 180–183, kat. št. št. 90: Valentinijan I., TOWER 1 (Pls.1; 2) The ground floor of tower 1, which was used as a water cistern, was with the exception of a buckle (Pl. 1: 2) and a few smaller pieces of pottery on the mortar floor, empty. The majority of finds was found outside, along wall 1: parts of costume, tools, two arrows, parts of glass vessels and window glass (Pls.1: 4–5,9–12,14–17,20–22; 2: 1–2). The crossbow fibula (Pl. 1: 3) could be an old find from the mixed upper layer, while the majority of other well dated items (a buckle, a bird-shaped fibula, a pin, an ar­rowhead with a pyramidal point (Pls. 1: 1–2,4,10)) sets the end of the tower use most probably into the second half of the 6th century. A coin from the 4th century is a metal detector find (Chapter 5, cat. no. 67: Julian, 360–363). Among pottery, only a pot of type 1 (Pl. 2: 7) is typical of the Late Roman period. The bowl of type 4 (Pl. 2: 6) belongs among forms that are more characteristic of the 5th century, but which can also appear in the 6th century. Almost completely preserved pot of type 3 (Pl. 2: 9) and two low pots of type 4 (Pl. 2: 12,14) belong among forms typical for the 6th century. Small finds, objects of everyday use, weapons, and pottery indicate its use as a dwelling and the presence of both men and women in the first storey of the tower. TOWER 2 (Pls. 3–5; 6: 1–6) Tower 2 was also used as a water cistern on the groud floor; therefore, it is not unusual that with the exception of a few pieces of precisely undeterminable pottery no other small finds were found in the interior. In charcoal layer 7, which partly lies under the tower walls and presents the remains of the settlement prior to their construction, only a few undefinable iron fragments (not drawn), a bone comb (Pl. 3: 4), a glass bottle rim (Pl. 4: 20), and a fragment of glazed bowl (Pl. 4: 23) were found. In the destruction layers around the tower finds were concentrated to the area along wall 2 (Pl. 3: 1–3,6,11–12,15–23); some were also found around other Valens, Gracijan ali Valentinijan II, 364–378 in kat. št. 101: Valens 367–375). Med keramiko je bil na zunanji strani stolpa 2 najden med drugim tudi odlomek sklede Hayes 87 (t. 4: 21) in odlomek glazirane sklede (t. 4: 22). Od grobe keramike se z izjemo lonca tipa 1 (t. 5: 1) pojavljajo oblike, značilne za 6. st. (t. 5: 2–16). Drobne najdbe, odkrite na zunanji strani stolpa 2, najverjetneje izvirajo iz bivalnega zgornjega nadstropja in uporabe okolice stolpa. Predmeti so uporabnega značaja in ožje časovno neopredeljivi, noži, deli hišne opreme in ostanki predelave roženih predmetov. Pred­metov, povezanih z ženskami, v tem stolpu ni zaslediti. Drobne najdbe iz žganinske plasti pod stolpom so skromne in časovno večinoma neopredeljive; v drugo polovico 4. oziroma v začetek 5. st. lahko postavimo le odlomek glazirane sklede (t. 4: 23). STOLP 3 (t. 6: 7–18; 7–12) Večina najdb v notranjosti stolpa je ležala na vrhu ilovnate plasti 5, ki predstavlja sterilno podlago (t. 6: 8,13–14,16–17; 7: 1,3–5,7; 8: 1,12). Datacijsko pomemb­na je najdba Justinijanove četrtsilikve (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 185 ali 186), ki je ležala na plasti 10, ki verjetno predstavlja ostanek glinenega tlaka. Nekaj predmetov je bilo tudi v ruševinskih plasteh 3 in 4 (t. 6: 11; 8: 10). V notranjosti stolpa sta bila najdena dva odlomka vzhodnosredozemskih amfor, med grobo keramiko pa izstopa veliko število pokrovov (t. 12: 4–11). Večina najdb je bila odkrita v humusno-ruševinskih plasteh v okolici stolpa (t. 6: 7,18; 7: 2,6; 8: 5,7–8,13–14; 10: 5). Prav na pragu sta ležala ploščat brusni kamen (t. 10: 1) in železno kladivo (t. 8: 11). V stolpu 3 in zunaj njega je bilo najdenega precej orodja (dleti, škarje, nož, brusi, kladivo), tudi lemež rala. Poleg delov hišne opreme in glavnikov sta bili najdeni tudi jagoda in puščica, vseeno pa najdbe dajejo bolj vtis delavnice ali vsaj shrambe za orodje. Najden je bil sicer en sam odlomek okenskega stekla, zato sklepamo da je bila stavba zastekljena bolj na podlagi primerjav s sočasnimi naselbinami, kjer je okensko steklo v hišah običajno. Številne keramične najdbe (predvsem številni pokrovi, najdeni v notanjosti stolpa) v nasprotju s ko­vinskimi kažejo bolj na bivalni prostor kot na delavnico. Med grobo keramiko prevladujejo lonci. Med njimi so redke poznorimske oblike (t. 11: 7), prevladujejo lonci, datirani v 6. st. (t. 11: 8–22). Med uvoženo keramiko v poznorimsko obdobje sodi ročaj glaziranega vrča (t. 11: 1), v prvo polovico 6. st. pa odlomka vzhodnosredozem­skih amfor (t. 11: 2–3). walls (Pls. 3: 5; 4: 1). There is no location data for a few metal detector finds, including three coins from the 2nd and 4th centuries (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 17: Commodus 180–183, cat. no. 90: Valentinian I, Valens, Gratian or Valentinian II, 364–378, and cat. 101: Valens 367–375). On the outside of tower 2, a fragment of a bowl Hayes 87 (Pl. 4: 21) and a fragment of a glazed bowl (Pl. 4: 22) were found. From coarse ware, with the exception of the pot of type 1 (Pl. 5: 1) forms appear which are typical for the 6th century (Pl. 5: 2–16). Small finds discovered on the outside of tower 2 most probably originate from the living upper storey and the use of the tower surroundings. Objects are of utilitarian character and undefinable narrowly in time, including knives, parts of architectural fittings and remains of pro­cessing of objects made of antlers. Objects connected to women were not found in this tower. Small finds from the charcoal layer under the tower are modest and mostly difficult to date; only a fragment of a glazed bowl can be set into the second half of the 4th or to the beginning of the 5th century (Pl. 4: 23). TOWER 3 (Pls. 6: 7–18; 7–12) Most of the finds found within the tower were lying on top of loam layer 5, which represents the sterile base (Pls .6: 8,13–14,16–17; 7: 1,3–5,7; 8: 1,12). Important for dating is the find of a quarter siliqua of Justinian I (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 185 or 186: 552-565), which was found on layer 10 that probably represents the remains of a pavement. A few items were also found in destruction layers 3 and 4 (Pls. 6: 11; 8: 10). Within the tower, two fragments of Eastern Mediter­ranean amphorae were found, while the great number of lids stand out among coarse ware (Pl. 12: 4–11). The majority of the finds was discovered in the humus-destruction layers around the tower (Pls. 6: 7,18; 7: 2,6; 8: 5,7–8,13–14; 10: 5). A flat whetstone (Pl. 10: 1) and an iron hammer (Pl. 8: 11) were found on the threshold. In tower 3 and outside it, a fair number of tools were found (chisels, scissors, a knife, whetstones, a hammer), including a plough share. In addition to parts of architec­tural fittings and combs, a bead and an arrow were also found; nevertheless, the finds give the impression of a workshop or a tool storage place. A fragment of window glass was found, which makes us assume that the building was glazed more on the basis of comparison with contem­porary settlements where window glass is usual in houses. Numerous pottery finds (especially numerous lids found within the tower) in contrast with metal finds in­dicate that this was a dwelling space not a workshop. Pots prevail among coarse ware. They include rare Late Roman forms (Pl. 11: 7), pots dated to the 6th century prevail (Pl. 11: 8–22). Among imported pottery, a handle of a glazed pitcher (Pl. 11: 1) belongs to the Late Roman period, STOLP 4 (t. 13–18) V notranjosti stolpa je bilo nekaj predmetov od­kritih v plasti zbite ilovice, ki je predstavljala hodno površino (plast 12) (t. 13: 9; 16: 2,4). Na njej leži črna žganinska plast, ki verjetno predstavlja ostanek ognjišča (plast 11). Velika večina kovinskih najdb je ležala v spod­nji ruševinski plasti. Največ jih je bilo ob vhodu v stolp (t. 13: 10–15,19,21; 14: 6,9; 15: 3–4). Keramične najdbe so bile v stolpu redke - dva odlomka loncev lahko na podlagi okrasa postavimo v 6. st. (t. 18: 3,4). Zunaj stolpa je bila večina kovinskih najdb od­krita v humusno-ruševinski plasti za zidom 1 (t. 13: 1–2,5,20,22–23; 14: 2–3,6–7,9; 15: 2,6–7; 16: 6,8,10). Ob vhodu v stolp v zidu 2 sta ležala bronasta okrogla pločevinasta fibula (t. 13: 7) in bronast žičnat uhan z zanko (t. 13: 4). Precej najdb je brez natančnejših pros-torskih podatkov, med njimi tudi trije novci (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 171: 2. pol. 4. st; kat. št. 183: 350–450; kat. št. 125: Valentijan II. ali Teodozij I. (378–383). Keramične najdbe iz okolice so nekaj številčnejše kot iz notranjosti, skoraj izključno pa gre za grobo keramiko (t. 17: 2–17, 18). Prevladujejo lonci tipov 2 in 3, ki sicer začenjajo že v poznorimskem obdobju, bolj značilni pa so za 6. st. Od uvoženega posodja je bil najden le majhen fragment vzhodnosredozemske amfore (t. 17: 1). Najdbe v stolpu 4 in njegovi okolici so precej številne, obenem pa tudi zelo raznolike. Med njimi so ostanki noše in nakita, gospodinjskih predmetov in hiš­ne opreme, orodja, napadalnega in obrambnega orožja. Nekatere časovno bolj občutljive najdbe kažejo na pozno 5. in 6. st. (lamela oklepa, okov torbice, jagoda, uhan, okrogla fibula (t. 13: 2,4,7,9,19). STOLP 5 (t. 19–20; 21: 1–15) V ruševinski plasti 2 v notranjosti stolpa je bila najdena noga steklenega kozarca (t. 20: 4) ter nekaj kosti, precej žlindre in lepa: Med keramiko izstopajo sklede tipa 1 (t. 20: 7) in 4 (t. 20: 10-11) ter lonec tipa 4. V okolici stolpa je bilo kovinskih najdb v ruševini nekaj več (t. 19: 1,4–6,8). Med keramičnimi najdbami sta zastopani glazirana skleda iz poznorimskega obdobja (t. 20: 5) in ročaj amfore LRA 1 (t. 20: 6) iz prve polovice 6. st. Tudi tu so bili odkriti fragmenti skled tipa 4 (t. 20: 9) in lonec tipa 4 (t. 21: 4). Kovinske najdbe v in okrog stolpa 5 so relativno skromne po številu, zastopani so noša in nakit, orožje, hišno opremo in orodje. Kozarec na nogi, triroba puščica in pasna spona kažejo na opustitev stopa okvirno v 6. st. Velika količina žlindre lahko kaže na kovaško dejavnost v stolpu, lahko pa izvira zaradi premešanih plasti tudi iz prazgodovinske faze poselitve hriba. while two fragments of Eastern Mediterranean amphorae belong to the first half of the 6th century (Pl. 11: 2–3). TOWER 4 (Pls. 13–18) Within the tower, a few artefacts were discovered in layers of compacted loam which represented the walking surface (layer 12) (Pls. 13: 9; 16: 2,4). On top of it was a black charcoal layer which probably represents the re­mains of a hearth (layer 11). The great majority of metal finds was found in the lower destruction layer. Most of them were discovered by the entrance to the tower (Pls.13: 10–15,19,21; 14: 6,9; 15: 3–4). Pottery finds were rare in the tower: based on the ornament, two pot fragments can be set in the 6th century (Pl. 18: 3,4). Outside the tower the majority of metal finds were discovered in the humus-destruction layer behind wall 1 (Pls.13: 1–2,5,20,22–23; 14: 2–3,6–7,9; 15: 2,6–7; 16: 6,8,10). Along the entrance to the tower in wall 2, a round bronze-sheet fibula (Pl. 13: 7) and a bronze earring with a loop (Pl. 13: 4) were found. Many finds lack precise findspot data, including three coins (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 171: 2nd half of the 4th century; cat. no. 183: 350–450; cat. no. 125: Valentianus II or Theodosius I, 378–383). Pottery finds from the outside are a bit more numerous than from the inside of the tower, but it is almost exclu­sively coarse ware (Pls. 17: 2–17, 18). Pots of types 2 and 3 prevail, which generally start appearing in the Late Roman period but are more characteristic of the 6th century. Only a small fragment of an Eastern Mediterranean amphora was found from imported vessels (Pl. 17: 1). Finds in tower 4 and its surroundings are quite nu­merous, and at the same time very diverse. They include remains of costume and jewellery, household objects, house equipment, tools, attack and defence weapons. Certain chronologically more sensitive finds indicate the late 5th and 6th centuries (an armour lamella, a purse fit­ting, a bead, an earring, a round fibula (Pl. 13: 2,4,7,9,19). TOWER 5 (Pls. 19–20; 21: 1–15) Destruction layer 2 within the tower revealed a stemmed foot of a goblet (Pl. 20: 4) and a few bones, a fair amount of slag and plaster. Bowls of types 1 (Pl. 20: 7) and 4 (Pl. 20: 10-11) and a pot of type 4. Around the tower there were somewhat more metal finds in the destruction layer (Pl. 19: 1,4–6,8). A glazed bowl made in the Late Roman period (Pl. 20: 5) and am­phora handle LRA 1 (Pl. 20: 6) from the first half of the 6th century are represented among pottery finds. Fragments of bowls of type 4 (Pl. 20: 9) and a pot of type 4 (Pl. 21: 4) were also found here. Med skledami je v stolpu 5 več skled tipa 4 (t. 20: 9-11), značilnih bolj za poznorimsko obdobje, kot v ostalih stolpih. Dobro pa so zastopane tudi oblike 6. st. (lonci tipov 4 in 5, t. 21: 4-7). SONDE 1–3, 6, 8–10 (t. 21: 16–17; 22–26) V sondi 1 je bilo najdenih le nekaj koščkov pozno­antične keramike (t. 21: 16–17). Sonde 2, 3 in 4 so bile locirane med obrambnimi stolpi. V sondi 2 je bil najden novec (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 54: 330–337), nekaj steklenih kozarcev in nekaj drugih neznačilnih predmetov (t. 22: 1–8). Med keramičnimi najdbami izstopa fragment pozne egejske kuhinjske keramike (t. 22: 9), datiran v pozno 6. in v 7. st., ostalo je groba kuhinjska keramika. V sondi 3 so bili najdeni med drugim čebuličasta fibula tipa Keller 1 (t. 23: 8) in tavširana železna pasna spona (t. 23: 9), ter še nekaj drugih kovinskih in koščenih predmetov (t. 23: 10–14). Odlomek glaziranega ročaja (t. 23: 15) sodi v poznorimsko obdobje, odlomek LRA 1 (t. 23: 16) pa v prvo polovico 6. st. Med grobo kera­miko izstopa lonček tipa 1 (t. 23: 17), datiran široko od zgodnjerimskega do poznorimskega obdobja. V sondi 6, ki je ležala v jugovzhodnem delu nasel­bine, so bili najdeni železna konica (t. 24: 8), kos brona (t. 24: 9) in fragment glazirane sklede (t. 24: 10). Sonda 8 je bila locirana na teraso tik pod vrhom hriba. Kovinske najdbe iz nje so neznačilne (t. 24: 13–18), bilo pa je odkrite precej keramike (t. 25: 5–20). Tu sta bila najdena oba spatejona (t. 25: 11–14), nekaj fragmentov glazirane ter precej grobe keramike. Tudi v sondi 8 se tako kaže mešanje poznorimskega gradiva (t. 25: 5–10, 15) z gradivom 6. st. Sonda 9 je ležala na pobočju nad cerkvijo. V njej so bili najdeni železen obroč, dva železna žeblja in dve železni konici (t. 26: 4–7), keramičnih najdb pa ni bilo. V sondi 10, tiko pod vrhom hriba, je bilo najdenih nekaj železnih predmetov (t. 26: 8–11) in nekaj kosov grobe keramike (t. 26: 12–15). Najdbe v sondah odražajo uporabo hriba v pozni antiki, zastopani so ostanki posodja, noše in orodja ter obrtnih dejavnosti. Metal finds within and around tower 5 are relatively modest in number; costume and jewellery, weapons, house equipment, and tools are represented. A stemmed goblet, a three-edge arrow, and a belt buckle indicate the abandonment of the tower approximately in the 6th century. The great amount of slag could indicate black­smithing in the tower, but could, due to mixed layers, also originate from the prehistoric phase of the hill settlement. Bowls in tower 5 include more bowls of type 4 (Pl. 20: 9–11), typical for the Late Roman period, than in other towers. Forms of the 6th century are also well represented (pots of types 4 and 5, Pl. 21: 4–7). TRIAL TRENCHES 1–3, 6, 8–10 (Pls. 21: 16–17; 22–26) In trial trench 1, only a few pieces of late antique pottery were found (Pl. 21: 16–17). Trial trenches 2, 3, and 4 were located between defence towers. In trial trench 2, a coin (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 54: 330–337), a few beakers and gobblets, and a few other untypical items (Pl. 22: 1–8) were found. A fragment of Late Aegean kitchenware (Pl. 22: 9) dated to the late 6th and the 7th century stands out among pottery finds; the rest is coarse ware. In trial trench 3, a crossbow fibula of type Keller 1 (Pl. 23: 8) and a damascened iron belt buckle (Pl. 23: 9) were found, as well as a few other metal and osseous ar­tefacts (Pl. 23: 10–14). A fragment of a glazed handle (Pl. 23: 15) belongs to the Late Roman period, and a fragment of LRA 1 (Pl. 23: 16) to the first half of the 6th century. A small pot of type 1 (Pl. 23: 17) stands out among coarse ware and is dated broadly from the Early Roman to the Late Roman period. In trial trench 6, which was made in the south­eastern part of the settlement, an iron point (Pl. 24: 8), a piece of bronze (Pl. 24: 9), and a fragment of a glazed bowl (Pl. 24: 10) were found. Trial trench 8 was located on the terrace right be­neath the hilltop. Metal finds found in it are uncharacter­istic (Pl. 24: 13–18), while a lot of pottery was discovered here (Pl. 25: 5–20). Both spatheia (Pl. 25: 11–14), a few fragments of glazed pottery and much coarse ware were found here. Trial trench 8 thus also reveals a mixing of Late Roman material (Pl. 25: 5–10,15) with the material from the 6th century. Trial trench 9 was made in the slope above the church. An iron ring, two iron nails, and two iron points were found in it (Pl. 26: 4–7), while there were no pot­tery finds. In trial trench 10, right beneath the hilltop, a few iron artefacts (Pl. 26: 8–11) and a few pieces of coarse ware (Pl. 26: 12–15) were found. CERKEV (t. 27–29; 30: 1–16) V humusu in ruševinskih plasteh cerkve je bilo najdenih nekaj kosov stavbne opreme, okenskega stekla, steklenih posod (t. 27: 6,8–11; 28: 4,10–15,17; 29: 23; 30: 2,8–9,11) in dva novca. Eden je nedoločljiv iz 1.–2. st. (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 165), drugi Probov (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 34: 276–282). Od keramičnih najdb je bilo v ruševinskih plasteh v cerkvi in njeni okolici najdeno nekaj grobe keramike (t. 30: 17–24; 31: 1–8), vendar je njeno število manjše kot pri stolpih. V primerjavi z ostalimi deli cerkve jo je bilo relativno veliko na območju apside (t. 30: 20–21; 31: 3,4,6) Na tlaku v ladji cerkve so bili najdeni železno tri­kotno rezilo, dva okova vrat in odlomki okenskega stekla (t. 27: 19; 28: 6–7; 29: 24). V cerkvi pod nivojem tlaka ladje (osnova za estrih in izravnava) so bili najdeni dva novca (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 73: Valentinijan I. 367–375; kat. 96: Valens 367–375), dve puščični osti, okensko steklo in kosi stavbne opreme (t. 27: 1–2,15,20; 28: 8–9,19–20; 29: 2,6,12). Na tlaku v bližini polkrožnega prostora v severo­zahodnem vogalu ladje je ležalo železno šilo (t. 27: 4). V samem polkrožnem prostoru sta bila najdena velik žebelj (t. 28: 21) in del brezbarvnega steklenega ostenja. Na pragu (na tlaku) vhoda iz severnega stranskega prostora v ladjo so ležali železen okov, okensko steklo in dela steklenih kozarcev (t. 29: 1; 30: 4,10). S STRANSKI PROSTOR (BAPTISTERIJ) V ruševinski plasti v severnem stranskem prosto­ru cerkve so bili najdeni deli stavbne opreme, oken­sko steklo in kosi steklenih posod (t. 28: 1,16,20; 30: 5,12,14–15). Na skalnati površini stranskega prostora so ležali dva kosa ostenja steklene posode, puščična ost (t. 27: 3) in brus. V izkopani zemlji severno od bazenčka in v zasipu bazenčka sta bila najdena dva novca 3. in 4. st. (glej pogl. 5, kat. št. 31: Tacitus, 275–276; kat. št. 97: Valens, 367–375). Na dnu bazenčka, v žganinski plasti, je bil najden fragment sklede tipa 1 (t. 30: 22), ki se pojavljajo tako v poznorimskem obdobju kot v 6. st. NARTEKS V narteksu v ruševinski plasti 2 so bili najdeni dva brusa (t. 29: 14–15) in železni predmeti. V zasipu grobnice so ležali železna konica, ustje steklenega kozarca (t. 30: 6), stekleno ostenje, kos bro-naste ploščice z luknjo (t. 27: 17) in železna konica (t. 27: 21). The finds in trial trenches reflect the use of the hill in late antiquity, while remains of vessels, costume, tools, and crafts are represented. THE CHURCH (Pls. 27–29; 30: 1–16) In the humus and destruction layers of the church, a few pieces of architectural fittings, window glass, glass vessels (Pls. 27: 6,8–11; 28: 4,10–15,17; 29: 23; 30: 2,8–9,11), and two coins were found. One coin is unde-terminable from the 1st–2nd century (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 165), while the other is Probus’ (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 34: 276–282). Pottery finds in the destruction layers within and around the church included some coarse ware (Pls. 30: 17–24; 31: 1–8); however, its number is smaller than in the towers. Compared to other parts of the church, a relatively high amount was found in the apse (Pls. 30: 20–21; 31: 3,4,6). On the pavement in the church nave, an iron trian­gular blade, two door fittings, and fragments of window glass were found (Pls. 27: 19; 28: 6–7; 29: 24). In the church, under the level of the nave pavement (the base for the mortar floor and levelling), two coins (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 73: Valentinian I 367–375; cat. no. 96: Valens 367–375), two arrowheads, window glass, and pieces of architectural fittings (Pls. 27: 1–2,15,20; 28: 8–9,19–20; 29: 2,6,12) were discovered. On the pavement near the semi-circular area in the north-western corner of the nave, an iron awl was found (Pl. 27: 4). A big nail (Pl. 28: 21) and a piece of colourless glass vessel wall were found in the semi-circular space. On the pavement of the entrance from the northern annex into the nave, an iron fitting, window glass, and two pieces of glass beakers were discovered (Pls. 29: 1; 30: 4,10). THE NORTHERN ANNEX (BAPTISTERY) In the destruction layer of the northern annex of the church, pieces of architectural fittings, window glass, and pieces of glass vessels were found (Pls. 28: 1,16,20; 30: 5,12,14–15). On the rocky surface of the annex, two pieces of a glass vessel wall, an arrowhead (Pl. 27: 3), and a whetstone were found. Two coins from the 3rd and the 4th centuries (see Chapter 5, cat. no. 31: Tacitus, 275–276; cat. no. 97: Valens, 367–375) were found in the excavated soil north of the font and in the filling of the font. At the bottom of the font, in the charcoal layer, a fragment of a bowl of type 1 (Pl. 30: 22), which appear both in the Late Roman period and in the 6th century, was discovered. INTERPRETACIJA V cerkvi so bili najdeni deli stavbnega pohištva (deli oken in vrat ter morda drugih kosov opreme) ter okensko steklo in kosi steklenih posod, predvsem kozarcev. Prezbiterij in morda del ladje sta bila osvetl­jena z zastekljenimi okni. Pri liturgiji ali kot svetilke so uporabljali steklene posode, nekaj so jih lahko hranili tudi v severnem stranskem prostoru. Poleg teh najdb, ki predstavljajo pričakovano opremo poznoantičnih cerkva in so časovno relativno neobčutljive, je bilo najdenih tudi nekaj kosov orodja in puščičnih osti ter žlindre, lepa in živalskih kosti. Te najdbe lahko izvirajo iz premešanih plasti, nastalih ob izravnavi terena za gradnjo cerkve, in iz ruševin. Predvsem vse tri puščične osti s kvadrat­nim presekom konice so značilne bolj za poznorimsko obdobje kot za 6. st. Keramika ni številna, kar ni presenetljivo. Tipo­loško in kronološko v ničemer ne odstopa od tiste iz stolpov. THE NARTHEX Two whetstones (Pl. 29: 14–15) and iron objects were found in the narthex, in destruction layer 2. The fill of the tomb included an iron point, a rim of a glass beaker (Pl. 30: 6), a glass vessel wall, and a piece of a bronze sheet with a hole (Pl. 27: 17), an iron point (Pl. 27: 21). THE INTERPRETATION In the church, pieces of architectural fittings (parts of windows and doors and possibly of other pieces of equipment), window glass, and fragments of glass ves­sels, especially beakers, were unearthed. The presbytery and possibly also a part of the nave were illuminated with glazed windows. Glass vessels were used in liturgy or as lamps, some of them could have been kept in the northern annex. In addition to these finds, which are the expected equipment of late antique churches and are relatively dif­ficult to date precisely, a few pieces of tools, arrowheads, slag, plaster, and animal bones were found. These finds could originate from the mixed layers, created upon the levelling of the terrain for the construction of the church, and from the ruins. Especially all three arrowheads with the square cross section of the point are more typical for the Late Roman period than for the 6th century. Pottery is not numerous which is not surprising. Typologically and chronologically it does not differ from that in the towers in any way. 9.OBRAMBNI STOLPI KOT TEMELJNI ELEMENT OBRAMBE NA KORINJSKEM HRIBU 9.DEFENCE TOWERS AS THE BASIC ELEMENT OF DEFENCE AT KORINJSKI HRIB Slavko CIGLENEČKI Tisto, kar utrdbo na Korinjskem hribu posebej označuje, so zidani prostostoječi obrambni stolpi. To je opazil že prvi raziskovalec najdišča J. Pečnik, ki “na okroglo obzidane luknje” omenja kot posebnost med takrat znanimi kranjskimi gradišči (Pečnik 1894, 11). Za lažje razumevanje problematike obravnavanih stolpov in primerjavo z drugimi sorodnimi objekti v širšem prostoru je treba kratko rezimirati rezultate, širše pred­stavljene že v poglavju 2. Stolpi na Korinjskem hribu kažejo marsikatere skupne značilnosti, pa tudi nekatere razlike. Stolpi so branili severni in zahodni del naselbine (sl. 2.2). Ležali so v različni medsebojni razdalji. Med stolpoma 1 in 2 je 60 m, stolpa 2 in 3 stojita 45 m narazen, med stolpoma 3 in 4 je 35 m, med stolpoma 4 in 5 pa 25 m razdalje. Velika razdalja med stolpoma 1 in 2 je posledica strmega, težko dostopnega terena, medtem ko stolpi 3, 4 in 5 ležijo na nekoliko lažje dostopnem robu naselbine. Po dimenzi­jah so si različni. Največji je stolp 2, zunanje dimenzije so pribl. 6,5 × 6,5 m, notranje pa 5 × 4,8 m. Stolp ima dvojne zidove, skupna debelina je od 1,4 (zidova 1 in 2) do 1,6 m (zid 4). Vsi zidovi stolpa 2 so grajeni z veliko malte, notranji venec pa je ohranjen nižje kot zunanji. Tako dno kot stene so bili premazani z vodoodpornim ometom (sl. 2.14; 2.15). Zelo podoben, vendar nekoliko manjši, je stolp 1. Njegove zunanje dimenzije so pribl. 5 × 4,8 m, notranje pa 2,6 × 3,2 m. Tudi ta je grajen z dvojnimi zidovi debeline pribl. 1 m, notranji venec je bil ohranjen niže od zunanjega. Tudi dno in stene stolpa 1 so bili premazani z vodoodpornim ometom (sl. 2.10, 2.11). Po dimenzijah in obliki sta si med seboj podobna tudi stolpa 3 in 4. Stolp 3 ima zunanje dimenzije pribli­žno 5,5 × 5 m, notranje pa 4 × 3,2 m (sl. 2.17). Stolp 4 ima zunanje dimenzije 4,2 × 5,6 m, notranje pa 2,8 × 4 m (sl. 2.19). Oba imata enojne zidove, debele od 0,5 do 0,7 m, in oba imata ohranjen vhod na severni oziroma severovzhodni strani. Pri obeh vhoda nista v sredini, ampak v vogalu, široka pa sta 1 m. Stolp 5 je slabo ohranjen, zato so dimenzije le približne. Zunanje merijo 5,8 × 4,4 m, notranje pa pribl. 4 × 3 m (sl. 2.27). Zidovi so enojni, debeli pribl. 0,7 m. The thing that marks the fort on Korinjski hrib are stone free-standing defence towers. This was also noticed by the first researcher of the site J. Pečnik, who mentioned “circularly walled holes” as a peculiarity among Carniolan forts known at the time (Pečnik 1894, 11). A short resumé of the results, more extensively presented in Chapter 2, needs to be made for the better understanding of the issue regarding the towers and for the comparison with other related structures in its wider surroundings. The towers on Korinjski hrib show many common characteristics but also some differences. The towers de­fended the northern and western parts of the settlement (Fig. 2.2) and were built at different distances from one another. The distance between towers 1 and 2 is 60m, between 2 and 3 45m, towers 3 and 4 are 35m apart, while towers 4 and 5 are 25m away from one another. The great distance between towers 1 and 2 is the consequence of a steep, difficult-to-access terrain, while towers 3, 4, and 5 are situated at the edge of the settlement that is slightly easier to access. Towers differ in dimensions. The biggest among them is tower 2, the outer dimensions of which are approx. 6.5 × 6.5m, and its inner 5 × 4.8m. The tower has double walls, the total thickness of which is from 1.4 (walls 1 and 2) to 1.6m (wall 4). All walls of tower 2 are built with lots of mortar and the inner circular wall is preserved lower than the outer. Both the bottom and the walls were coated with waterproof plaster (Figs. 2.14; 2.15). Tower 1 is very similar, although a bit smaller. Its outer dimensions are approx. 5 × 4.8m and its inner ones 2.6 × 3.2m. This one is also built with double walls approx. 1m thick and the inner circular wall was preserved lower than the outer. The bottom and walls of tower 1 were also coated with waterproof plaster (Figs. 2.10, 2.11). Towers 3 and 4 also resemble each other in dimen­sions and shape. The outer dimensions of tower 3 are ap­prox. 5.5 × 5m and its inner ones are 4 × 3.2m (Fig. 2.17). The outer dimensions of tower 4 are 4.2 × 5.6m, its inner ones 2.8 × 4m (Fig. 2.19). Both have single walls from 0.5 to 0.7m thick, and the entrance preserved on the northern or north-eastern side. The entrances to both are not located in the centre but rather in the corner and are 1m wide. Po teh značilnostih je podoben stolpoma 3 in 4, ni pa bil najden vhod. Močni dvojni zidovi stolpov, večplasten vodood­porni omet in drobne najdbe, odkrite v stolpih 1 in 2, kažejo, da sta bila v spodnjem delu uporabljena kot cisterna za vodo, zgoraj je bil bivalni del. Lesena kon­strukcija, ki je nosila bivalni del, je ležala na notranjem, že prvotno nekoliko nižjem vencu zidov. Najbližja analogija za cisterno z dvojnimi zidovi je sicer precej večja cisterna na Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu, vendar tam ni služila kot stolp, saj leži v notranjosti naselbine, v njej pa je bilo zelo malo najdb (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 211–213). Ostanki tlakov, ognjišč in dokaj številčne drobne najdbe v stolpih 3–5 (glej pogl. 8) kažejo, da jih lahko interpretiramo kot bivalne, stalno naseljene objekte. Ostanki glinenega tlaka (plast 10) so bili najdeni v stol­pu 3 (sl. 2.17). Hodno površino v stolpu 4 je sestavljala zbita ilovica z zaplatami malte – plast 12. Plast črne zemlje, v kateri so bili manjši kamniti lomljenci in veliko oglja (plast 11) (sl. 2.22) verjetno predstavlja ostanek ognjišča. Kot ostanek ognjišča lahko interpretiramo tudi plast prežgane ilovice in prežganih kamnov z drobci oglja (plast 13) v stolpu 5 (sl. 2.27). Zidovi vseh stolpov so bili grajeni v tehniki, obi­čajni za poznoantično obdobje, pri kateri sta bili bolje izdelani obe zunanji fronti, notranjost pa zapolnjena s kamnitim drobirjem in malto. Tako podobnosti v načinu gradnje kot logična razporeditev stolpov kažejo, da so bili narejeni hkrati in po enotnem načrtu. V množici poznoantičnih najdišč vzhodnoalpske­ga območja so gosto razporejeni stolpi značilnost le red-kih postojank. Pri večini je bilo zgrajeno samo obzidje, pri drugih so bili stolpi postavljeni le na izpostavljenih delih. Zato bomo predstavili nekaj značilnejših prime-rov stolpov v bližnjem sosedstvu, potem pa si bomo podrobneje ogledali tiste iz nekoliko bolj oddaljenega dela Ilirika, predvsem z vzhodne jadranske obale, kjer je podobnost s stolpi s Korinjskega hriba največja.1 Preden poskušamo poiskati ustrezne primerjave od drugod, je treba omeniti dejstvo, ki smo ga poudarili že v opisu: obzidje, ki je sicer najbolj značilen element sorodnih poznoantičnih utrdb, tu v celoti manjka. Ker so bile v stolpih ter tudi v njihovi neposredni okolici odkriti številni predmeti, ki dokazujejo intenzivno življenje v fazi obstoja stolpov, je jasno, da obzidja namenoma niso zgradili oziroma da sta velika strmina in visoka nadmor-ska višina omogočali uspešno obrambo že iz stolpov. Tudi sonde, s katerimi smo skušali v prostorih med stolpi odkriti vsaj sledove palisad, niso bile uspešne. Utrdba na Korinjskem hribu ostaja zato ena redkih, ki ob močnih V tem poglavju navajam predvsem podatke, ki obrav­navajo obrambni sistem utrdb, predvsem stolpe in posredno obzidje. Drugi podatki o teh najdiščih so podrobneje predstavljeni v poglavju 12. Tower 5 is poorly preserved; therefore, its dimen­sions are only approximate. The outer ones are 5.8 × 4.4m and the inner approx. 4 × 3m (Fig. 2.27). Walls are single and about 0.7m thick. In these characteristics it resembles towers 3 and 4, but its entrance was not found. Strong double tower walls, multi-layered waterproof plaster, and small finds, discovered in towers 1 and 2, indicate that in their bottom part these two towers were used as water cisterns, while the upper part was used for dwelling. The wooden construction which carried the dwelling part stood on the inner, even originally slightly lower circle of walls. The closest analogy for the cistern with double walls is the otherwise much larger cistern at Tonovcov grad near Kobarid, which was not used as a tower since it is situated in the interior of the settlement and included very few finds (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 211–213). Remains of pavements, hearths, and quite numer­ous small finds in towers 3–5 (see Chapter 8) indicate that they can be interpreted as dwelling, permanently populated structures. Remains of clay pavement (layer 10) were found in tower 3 (Fig. 2.17). The walking surface in tower 4 was composed of compacted clay with patches of mortar – layer 12. A layer of black soil, which included smaller quarry stones and much charcoal (layer 11) (Fig. 2.22), probably represents the remains of a hearth. A layer of burnt clay and charred stones with pieces of charcoal (layer 13) in tower 5 (Fig. 2.27) can also be interpreted as remains of a hearth. The walls of all towers were built using a technique usual for the late antique period, in which both outer sides were better made while the interior was filled with stone chips and mortar. Both the similarities in the manner of construction and the logical distribution of the towers indicate that they were built simultaneously and according to a single plan. In the plethora of late antique sites in the eastern-Alpine area, the densely distributed towers are charac­teristic for only a few posts. Most only had defence walls built, while in others towers were erected only in exposed parts. Therefore, a few more characteristic examples of nearby towers will be presented and then we will take a closer look at those from a slightly more distant part of Illyricum, especially from the eastern Adriatic coast where the similarity with towers from Korinjski hrib is the greatest.1 Before we try to find appropriate comparisons from elsewhere, a fact needs to be mentioned which was em-phasised in the description: the defence walls, which is generally the most typical element of similar late antique forts, are completely lacking here. Since inside the towers and in their immediate vicinity numerous objects were 1 In this chapter I present mostly data that deals with the defence system of forts, especially towers and indirectly the defence walls. Other data about these sites are presented in more detail in Chapter 12. stolpih ni imela ustrezno močnega obrambnega obzidja. Posebej preseneča odsotnost stolpov na južni strani, kjer je pobočje sicer strmo, vendar brez prepadnih skalnih sten. Seveda ne moremo povsem izključiti možnosti, da je bil kot element obrambe izkopan jarek na južnem in zahodnem pobočju, a tega doslej v terenu ni mogoče potrditi niti ga ne nakazuje lidarski posnetek terena. V Sloveniji obrambne stolpe poznamo pri več utrdbah, vendar se bomo tu omejili na tiste, pri katerih je mogoče potrditi, da sodijo v čas 5. in 6. st. Tako v primerjavo ne bomo posebej pritegnili stolpov iz utrdb sistema Claustra Alpium Iuliarum ter tudi ne ostalih, katerih nastanek je mogoče datirati v zgodnejša obdobja (prim. pri Ciglenečki 2015, 391–422). Med stolpi, ki so z arheološkimi raziskavami dobro poznani, so korinjskim najbolj podobni tisti z Rifnika (sl. 12.7). Izkopavanja v zadnjih treh desetletjih so razkri-la ob rifniškem obrambnem zidu pet obrambnih stolpov na zunanji strani, ki so po dimenzijah in razdaljah med njimi najbolj primerljivi s tistimi na Korinjskem hribu (Bausovac 2011, 23–26; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, sl. 2). Na Rifniku so stolpi najgosteje razporejeni na najlažje dostopni zahodni strani, razdalje med njimi pa se pove-čujejo na južni strani, kjer je strmina pod obzidjem večja in zato dostop otežen. Tako znašajo razdalje med njimi od zahoda proti vzhodu približno 23, 26, 30 in 33 m. Na vzhodnem zaključku obzidja stolpa niso ugotovili, kot kaže, je lahko v ta namen služila močna, na notranjo stran obzidja prislonjena stanovanjska dvoprostorna zgradba (hiša 7). Na severni, najbolj strmi strani, ki ima ponekod tudi navpične skalne stene, ni bilo obzidja niti stolpov. V tem smislu je podobnost s Korinjskim hribom velika. Pri Rifniku je mogoče razlikovati dve fazi obrambnega obzidja, ki sta časovno ostro ločeni. V prvi je bil zgrajen samo obrambni zid, ki je ščitil velik pribežališčni prostor z domnevnim svetiščem na vrhu in okvirno sodi v drugo polovico 4. st. Analiza, ki jo je opravila Maja Bausovac, je nakazala zgoščevanje kera-mike iz konca 4. in začetka 5. st. le na notranji strani ob-zidja (Bausovac 2011, 122). Obnovo obzidja in dozidavo pravokotnih stolpov na zunanji strani je mogoče datirati v čas po letu 392, saj so bile v prizidane stolpe vgrajene spolije starejših zgradb, najverjetneje rimskodobnega svetišča. Kronološko posebej pomembno je dejstvo, da so pri gradnji stolpa št. 2 v jugozahodnem vogalu uničili in deloma prekrili ostanke velikega poslopja ob obzidju, ki ga je izkopal Walter Schmid in označil s številko 6, v njem pa so bile odkrite številne najdbe, ki sodijo v drugo polovico 5. in v prvo polovico 6. st. (Bausovac 2011, 123; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 38). V stolpu 1 (sl. 9.1) so našli tudi manjši vhod (poterna), ki je omogočal komuniciranje z okolico (verjetno njive, pašniki na pobočju), medtem ko je skozi stolp na skrajni zahodni strani obzidja (stolp 5) vodil glavni vhod v utrjeno naselbino. Dimenzije stolpov so naslednje: pri stolpu 1 na vzhodnem delu obzidja 8 × 5 m, stolpi dalje discovered which prove that life was very active here in the phase the towers existed, it is clear that the defence walls were intentionally not built or that the great steep­ness of the slope and high altitude enabled successful defence only from towers. Even the trial trenches, with which we aimed to discover at least traces of palisades in the spaces between the towers, were not successful. The fort at Korinjski hrib thus remains one of the few which, in addition to strong towers, did not have appropriately strong defence walls. Especially surprising is the lack of towers on the southern side, where the slope is steep but without any precipitous rock walls. We cannot completely exclude the possibility that a ditch was dug as an element of defence on the southern and western slopes, but until today this could not have either been confirmed in the terrain itself or indicated by the lidar image of the terrain. In Slovenia, defence towers are known from several forts; however, we will limit ourselves here to those which can be confirmed as belonging to the time of the 5th and 6th centuries. Thus, the comparison will not include tow­ers from the system Claustra Alpium Iuliarum and others the creation of which can be dated to earlier periods (cf. Ciglenečki 2015, 391–422). Among towers which are well known from ar­chaeological research, the most similar to the ones from Korinjski hrib are those from Rifnik (Fig. 12.7). Exca­vations in the last three decades revealed five defence towers on the outer side along the Rifnik defence walls which, in the dimensions and distances between them, are the most comparable to the towers at Korinjski hrib (Bausovac 2011, 23–26; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, Fig. 2). At Rifnik, the towers are most densely distributed on the western side which is the easiest to access, and the dis­tances between them widen on the south side where the steepness of the slope under the walls is greater, making access more difficult. The distances between them from the west towards the east are approximately 23, 26, 30, and 33m. At the eastern end of the defence walls no tower was discovered; a strong two-room dwelling house added to the interior side of the walls could have been used for this purpose (house 7). On the northern, steeper side, which also has vertical rocky walls in places, there were no defence walls or towers. In this sense, the resemblance to Korinjski hrib is great. At Rifnik, two phases of the defence walls can be distinguished which were strictly separated in time. In the first phase, only the defence walls were built which protected the big refuge space with the presumed sanctuary on the top and they roughly belong to the second half of the 4th century. The analysis done by Maja Bausovac indicated the increase in pottery remains from the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th centuries only on the interior side of the defence walls (Bausovac 2011, 122). The renovation of the walls and the addition of the rectangular towers on the external side can be dated to the time after 392, since spolia of earlier build­ings were immured into the added towers, most probably proti zahodu pa merijo po vrsti 3,9 × 6,3 m, 4,7 × 5 m, 3,8 × 6,8 m in 5,7 × 5,7 m (Bausovac 2011, 24–25). Glede na objavljeno gradivo se skromna poseljenost nakazuje tudi v stolpih, močnejši naselbinski sledovi pa so bili osredotočeni v zidanih in lesenih zgradbah ali šotorih tik za obzidjem (Bausovac 2011, 25), kot to nazorno kažejo koncentracije poznoantičnega keramičnega in kovinskega gradiva (Bausovac 2011, 123–124). Drugo najdišče, na katerem so v dolgoletnih izkopavanjih odkrili tudi stolpe, je Rifniku bližnji Ajdovski gradec nad Vranjem. Na njem podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu niso našli strnjenega poteka obrambnega obzidja (glej načrt pri Knific 1994, sl. 4). S krajšimi deli obzidja in s stolpoma so utrdili le dva izpostavljena odseka naselbine, v drugih predelih pa je prav tako zadostovala naravna strmina in morda v obrambne namene uporabljeni zgornji deli stavb, ki so stale ob robu naselbine.2 Kot stolpa je tako mogoče označiti le manjši zgradbi na zahodni in vzhodni strani naselbine (št. 10 in 12 na 2 T. Knific sicer predvideva obzidje okrog celotne naselbine (Knific, Nabergoj 2016, 29), kar nakazujejo tudi rezultati lidarskih podatkov. of a Roman period sanctuary. Especially chronologically significant is the fact that the construction of tower 2 in the south-western corner destroyed and partly covered the remains of a big building along the defence walls, which was excavated by Schmid and marked with number 6; numerous finds belonging to the second half of the 5th and the first half of the 6th centuries were discovered in it (Bausovac 2011, 123; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 38). In tower 1 (Fig. 9.1), a smaller entrance (a postern) was found which enabled communication with the surround­ings (probably fields, pastures on the slope), while there was the main entrance to the fortified settlement through the tower at the utmost western side of the defence walls (tower 5). The dimensions of the towers are the following: the tower 1 on the eastern part of the defence walls 8 × 5m, towers further to the west measure 3.9 × 6.3m, 4.7 × 5m, 3.8 × 6.8m, and 5.7 × 5.7m respectively (Bausovac 2011, 24–25). Considering the published material, a modest population is also indicated in the towers, while stronger settlement traces were concentrated in stone and wooden constructions or tents immediately behind the defence walls (Bausovac 2011, 25), as is clearly shown by načrtu pri Knific 1994, sl. 4), ki pa po dimenzijah (pri­bližno 8 × 4 m in 5 × 5 m) in ena tudi po obliki (dolga, ozka zgradba; sl. 9.2) močno odstopata od stolpov s Korinjskega hriba. Stolpa sta bila postavljena na zunanji strani obzidja. Ni povsem jasna namembnost stavbe št. 9, ki je ležala ob krajšem odseku obrambnega zidu na vzhodni strani naselbine in je imela v celoti bivalni značaj. Nedvomno je lahko po potrebi služila v zgornjem delu tudi v obrambne namene. Dva pravokotna stolpa sta bila odkrita tudi v sklopu obzidja, ki je obdajalo sakralno središče na Kučarju pri Podzemlju. Število stolpov tam ni v celoti znano, ker je bil del postojanke uničen že pred izkopavanji, ohra­njena sta še dva. V obzidje sta bila integrirana tudi del narteksa spodnje cerkve in južni del velike stanovanjske zgradbe, ki sta omogočala dodatno varovanje najlažje dostopnega območja postojanke (Ciglenečki 1995, 129–134, 144, pril. 6, 8). Pri obeh stolpih je razvidno, da sta bila grajena na notranji strani obzidja, pri čemer je severni stolp (stolp št. 1) le nekoliko presegel obzidje na zunanji strani ali pa je presegajoči del zidu predstavljal concentrations of late antique pottery and metal material (Bausovac 2011, 123–124). The second site, at which towers were also discovered during the many years of excavating, is Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, situated in the vicinity of Rifnik. As with Korinjski hrib, the unified construction of defence walls was not found (see the plan in Knific 1994, Fig. 4). Only two exposed sections of the settlement were fortified with shorter parts of defence walls and two towers, while elsewhere the natural steepness of the slope and possibly also upper parts of buildings constructed at the edge of the settlement also sufficed for defence purposes.2 Only two smaller buildings on the western and eastern sides of the settlement can thus be defined as towers (nos. 10 and 12 on the plan in Knific 1994), but which in dimension (approx. 8 × 4m and 5 × 5m) and one also in shape (a long, narrow building; Fig. 9.2) strongly differ from the towers at Korinjski hrib. The two towers were constructed on the outer side of the defence walls. The purpose of structure no. 9, which was located along a shorter section of the defence walls on the eastern side of the settlement and had a completely dwelling character is not completely clear. Undoubtedly, if needed its upper part could have been used for defence purposes, too. Two rectangular towers were also discovered within the defence walls which surrounded the sacral centre of Kučar near Podzemelj. The number of towers there is not completely clear since a part of the settlement was destroyed prior to excavations but two are preserved. A part of the narthex of the lower church and the southern part of the big dwelling structure were integrated into the defence walls which enabled additional protection of the easiest-to-access area of the post (Ciglenečki 1995, 129– 134, 144, app. 6, 8). It is clear in both towers that they were built on the interior side of the defence walls, whereas the northern tower (tower 1) only slightly exceeded the walls on the exterior side or the exceeding part of the wall was only a counterfort, such as were discovered at the southern side of the defence walls. Dimensions of both towers can­not be stated completely since they were not completely preserved and not excavated completely either. Remains discovered at tower 1 reveal a width of 6m and length of 5m, while for tower 2 we reliably know only its width (6.2m), and the wall was preserved only in the length of 4.9m. There was no stronger cultural layer preserved in the interior of the towers at Kučar either – it seems that they were not permanently populated but only used at times of danger. The complex at Kučar is roughly dated to the period between 380 and 500 and is an example of a defence fortified with towers from the 5th century, while at the same time the completely different character of the site (sacral centre) in comparison to Korinjski hrib needs to be emphasised (Ciglenečki 1995, 151–152). 2 Knific supposes defence walls encircling the entire settlement (Knific, Nabergoj 2016, 29), which is also indicated by the results of lidar data. le kontrafor, kakršni so bili sicer ugotovljeni na južnem delu obzidja. Dimenzij obeh stolpov ni mogoče navesti v celoti, ker nista bila celovito ohranjena in tudi ne v ce­loti izkopana. Pri stolpu št. 1 ugotovljeni ostanki kažejo širino 6 m, dolžina je znašala 5 m, pri stolpu št. 2 pa je zanesljivo znana njegova širina (6,2 m), v dolžino pa je bil zid ohranjen le 4,9 m. Tudi na Kučarju v notranjosti stolpov ni bilo opaziti močnejše kulturne plasti – kaže, da nista bila trajneje poseljena, ampak uporabljena samo v času nevarnosti. Kučarski kompleks je okvirno datiran v obdobje med 380 in 500 in pomeni primer s stolpi utrjene obrambe iz 5. st., hkrati pa je treba opozoriti na povsem drugačen značaj najdišča (sakralno središče) kot pri Korinjskem hribu (Ciglenečki 1995, 151–152). Stolp je bil odkrit tudi na Korinjskemu hribu sosednji utrdbi na Križni gori (sl. 12.6). Natančnejši podatki o njem manjkajo, vendar dimenzije (6 × 5 m) in ugotovljena poznoantična plast v notranjosti utrdbe do-voljujejo primerjavo (Urleb 1968, 476). Ob izkopavanjih v šestdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja napravljen načrt nakazuje lego na notranji strani obrambnega obzidja. Na Slovenskem je mogoče zanesljiveje govoriti o stolpih še pri nekaj najdiščih, vendar ti še niso izkopani – o njihovem obstoju je mogoče soditi le po površinskih znakih. Pri poznoantični utrjeni naselbini Gradec pri Prapretnem je tako v množici ruševin poznoantičnih stavb na platoju mogoče razločiti eno, ki bi jo lahko označili kot obrambni stolp. Leži na zahodni strani naselbine, na najlažje pristopnem, nekoliko zravnanem delu, ki je bil zaščiten s prečnim zidom. Na notranji strani tega zidu so ruševine stavbe, ki je nedvomno imela obrambno funkcijo, čeprav bi lahko v spodnjem delu pričakovali tudi bivalno namembnost (Ciglenečki 1976, sl. 5, št. 8). Prav tako se nakazujeta dva stolpa ob obzidju na Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu (Ciglenečki, Modri­jan, Milavec 2011, 19–20, 22, sl. 1.7, stavbi št. 18 in 31), od katerih je posebno dobro razviden tisti, ki zaključuje obrambni zid na jugovzhodni strani (št. 18) in je njegova ruševina še danes visoko ohranjena. Na koncu je treba omeniti še utrdbo Gradec pri Veliki Strmici, kjer so ruševine stavb razvrščene ob robu utrdbe in bi jih bilo mogoče tolmačiti kot obrambne stolpe (sl. 12.2). Obrambni zid je dobro viden na najlažje pristopni severni strani, njegov obstoj pa bi smeli do-mnevati tudi na južni strani, kjer je v terenu videti oster zalom (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 249). Zato smo najdišče že večkrat primerjali prav s postojanko Korinjski hrib, saj so v notranjosti utrdbe vidne le ruševine manjše zgodnjekrščanske cerkve in cisterne. Na avstrijskem Koroškem imamo za stolpe ne­kaj primerjav, vendar gre pri večini za poznoantične postojanke, izkopane že v prvi polovici 20. st., zato so ti podatki velikokrat pomanjkljivi. V tem pogledu je posebno zanimiva utrdba Duel (sl. 12.11), kjer se večina stavb iz druge faze, datirane v sredino 6. st., naslanja na A tower was also discovered at the neighbouring fort to Korinjski hrib, at Križna gora (Fig. 12.6). More precise data about it are missing but its dimensions (6 × 5m) and the discovered late antique layer in the fort’s interior allow comparison (Urleb 1968, 476). The plan, prepared during excavation in the 1960s, indicates its position on the interior side of defence walls. In Slovenia, there are a few more sites where we can reliably talk about towers but these have not yet been ex­cavated – only data on the surface indicate their existence. At the late antique fortified settlement of Gradec near Prapretno, there is one structure in the multitude of ruins of late antique buildings that can be rendered a defence tower. It is situated on the western side of the settlement, at the easiest-to-access, slightly flattened part which was protected by a diagonal wall. On the internal side of this wall there are ruins of a building which was undoubtedly of defensive character, even though a dwelling purpose could be expected in the bottom part (Ciglenečki 1976, Fig. 5, No. 8). Two towers are also indicated along defence walls at Tonovcov grad near Kobarid (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 19–20, 22, Fig. 1.7, buildings nos. 18 and 31). Especially well visible is the one which ends the de­fensive walls at the south-eastern side (no. 18), the ruins of which are still preserved high up today. Lastly, we need to mention the fort of Gradec near Velika Strmica, where the building ruins are distributed along the edge of the fort and would be possible to in­terpret as defence towers (Fig. 12.2). The defence walls are well visible on the northern side that is the easiest to access, while its existence could also be assumed on the southern side where a sharp break is noticeable in the ter­rain (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 268-269). For this reason, the site has been compared to the post of Korinjski hrib several times, since in the interior of the fortress only ruins of a smaller early Christian church and cistern are visible. In Austrian Carinthia, there are a few comparisons for the towers; however, those are mostly late antique posts excavated in the first half of the 20th century which means that this data is frequently insufficient. Especially interesting in this respect is the fort of Duel (Fig. 12.11), where the majority of buildings originates in the second phase, dated to the mid-6th century, and are added to the defence walls, while in the interior of the settlement only four buildings are free-standing (Petrikovits 1986, 229–230; Steinklauber 2013, 36–53, Fig. 9). As much as can be read from the plan, 6 buildings were marked as towers, which are more densely distributed on the side where access was easiest. Here, towers are distributed partly on the external and partly on the internal side of the defence walls, traces of living were found inside them (Steinklauber 2013, 36–43). For the large late antique fort of Hoischhügel (Fig. 12.10), Egger’s plan clearly indicates the defence walls as well as two towers on the side that is the easiest to access obrambno obzidje, v notranjosti pa prosto stojijo le štiri stavbe (Petrikovits 1986, 229–230; Steinklauber 2013, 36–53, sl. 9). Kolikor je razbrati iz načrta, so kot stolpe označili 6 zgradb, ki so bolj zgoščene na strani, kjer je bil dostop najlažji. Stolpi so tu razporejeni deloma na zuna­nji in deloma na notranji strani obzidja, v njih so prav tako našli sledove bivanja (Steinklauber 2013, 36–43). Pri veliki poznoantični trdnjavi Hoischhügel (Hajnžev hrib; sl. 12: 10) je v Eggerjevem načrtu dobro razvidno obzidje, pa tudi dva stolpa na najlažje pristopni strani (Egger 1916, sl. 94; prim. tudi pri Glaser 1996, 70, sl. 31). Stolp zunaj ob obzidju je dvoprostoren, velik 7,5 × 5,5 m. Drugi ima dimenzije 10 × 4,5 m, kar je težko interpretirati kot stolp (Steinklauber 2013, 56). Na severovzhodni strani so pri zaščitnih raziskavah delno odkrili konstrukcijo varovanega vhoda z obrambnim stolpom (Steinklauber 2013, 56–62, 64). Ob obzidju v notranjosti so bile nanizane posamezne stavbe. Tudi o obrambnih stolpih pri Teurniji, prestolnici Mediteranskega Norika, se je ohranilo malo podatkov. Težko je ugotoviti, ali izvirajo že iz časa nastanka na­selbine na hribu ali pa so bili zgrajeni v času 5. in 6. st. (prim. pri Glaser 2008, 598, sl. 2). Glede na dvojni zid (proteihizma), ki je bil odkrit na najbolj izpostavljenem severnem delu in nakazuje okrepitev v času bizantinske prisotnosti, se zdi verjetno, da so bili tudi pravokotni stolpi dozidani v poznejši fazi (Ciglenečki 2012, 462). V zahodnem sosedstvu, v Furlaniji, so bolje pozna­ne le nekatere utrdbe iz okolice Čedada, omenjene pri Pavlu Diakonu. Najprej je treba omeniti Invillino, kjer so na naravno odlično zavarovanem platoju z večidel navpičnimi skalnimi stenami odkrili v vzhodnem delu le eno močneje zidano zgradbo (vel. ca. 8,2 × 8,65 m), ki jo tolmačijo kot obrambni stolp (Bierbrauer 1987, 53–55). V njegovi notranjosti so prav tako našli sledove stalne naseljenosti v fazi III, datirani v čas od druge polovice 5. do začetka 7. st. Naslednje najdišče iz skupine poznoantičnih utrdb, omenjenih pri Pavlu Diakonu, je Artegna. Tu so pred nedavnim ugotovili precejšen del poteka obrambnega zidu in ob njem visoko ohranjen pentagonalni in manjši trikotni stolp. Ker še nista podrobneje objavljena, o njiju ni mogoče posebej razpravljati, vendar se že s tlorisno zasnovo močno ločita od obravnavanih (preliminarno pri Villa 2006, 162, sl. 5, 6). Vsekakor gre za oblike stolpov, ki imajo dobre analogije v bližnjem Čedadu (Vitri, Villa, Borzzacconi 2006, 103), pa tudi v mnogo bolj oddaljeni Saloni (Jeličić - Radonić 1997–1998). Te specifične oblike stolpov so pogosto uporabljali bizan­tinski graditelji v vzhodnem delu imperija in tudi v osrednjem delu Ilirika, zato jih najdemo največkrat pri večjih in pomembnejših zgodnjebizantinskih utrdbah in naselbinah (Lawrence 1983, 177–200). Naslednjo večjo skupino najdišč s sorodnimi stolpi je mogoče ugotavljati ob vzhodni jadranski obali, kjer so raziskave v zadnjih desetletjih odkrile množico utrdb, (Egger 1916, Fig. 94; cf. also in Glaser 1996, 70, Fig. 31). The tower on the outside of the walls is divided into two spaces and measures 7.5 × 5.5m. The second one’s dimen­sions are 10 × 4.5m, which is difficult to interpret as a tower (Steinklauber 2013, 56). On the north-eastern side, a construction of the protected entrance with a defence tower was partly unearthed during rescue excavations (Steinklauber 2013, 56–62, 64). Individual buildings were constructed along the defence walls in the interior. A little data is preserved about defence towers of Teurnia, the capital of Noricum Mediterraneum, too. It is difficult to discern whether they originate from the time the settlement was created on the hill or they were built in the time of the 5th and 6th centuries (cf. in Glaser 2008, 598, Fig. 2). Considering the double wall (a proteichisma), which was discovered on the most exposed northern part and points to fortification in the time of Byzantine pres­ence, it seems probable that the first rectangular towers were also added in the later phase (Ciglenečki 2012, 462). In the western neighbourhood, in Friuli, only a few forts from the surroundings of Cividale del Friuli, mentioned by Paul the Deacon, are better known. The first one that needs to be mentioned is Invillino, where only one strongly built structure (measures approx. 8.2 × 8.65m) was discovered in the eastern part of the naturally perfectly protected plateau with mostly vertical rock walls, and which is interpreted as a defence tower (Bierbrauer 1987, 53–55). In its interior, traces of permanent settle­ment were found in period III, dated to the time from the second half of the 5th to the beginning of the 7th century. The next site from the group of late antique forts mentioned by Paul the Deacon is Artegna. A significant section of the course of the defence walls was determined here recently and alongside them a pentagonal tower preserved high and a smaller triangular one. Since they have not yet been published in detail, it is not possible to discuss them in depth; nevertheless, even by looking at their ground plans it can be said that they strongly differ from those discussed in this book (preliminary in Villa 2006, 162, Figs. 5, 6). The shapes of these towers have good analogies in nearby Cividale del Friuli (Vitri, Villa, Borzzacconi 2006, 103), as well as in much further Sa­lona (Jeličić - Radonić 1997–1998). These specific tower shapes were frequently used by Byzantine builders in the eastern part of the empire and also in the central part of Illyricum, hence they are most frequently found in bigger and more important early Byzantine forts and settlements (Lawrence 1983, 177–200). The next bigger group of sites with similar towers can be determined along the eastern Adriatic coast, where research in the last few decades revealed a plethora of forts which, due to favourable atmospheric conditions and their remoteness, are excellently preserved and thus offer many possibilities for comparisons. The first one that needs to be emphasised and, in the concept of fortification with towers a very similar fort, ki so zaradi ugodnih atmosferskih razmer in odmak­njenosti odlično ohranjene in zato ponujajo veliko možnosti primerjav. Kot prvo in v konceptu zasnove utrditve s stolpi zelo sorodno utrdbo je treba izpostaviti v veliki meri že raziskano Gradino na otoku Žirju (sl. 12.13), kjer število stolpov, oblikovanost in njihova namembnost kažejo presenetljive podobnosti s Korinjskim hribom. Dobra ohranjenost obzidja (mestoma povsem do vrha) in raziskanost stolpov sta omogočili izračun številčnosti posadke, ki je bivala v stolpih (Pedišić 2001, 127–130). Stolpi so pravokotne oblike (sl. 9.3), z izjemo tistega na severovzhodni strani utrdbe, ki so ga prilagodili terenu in je zato pentagonalne oblike. Razdalje med stolpi znašajo na lažje dostopni strani približno 30 m, na bolje zavarovani južni in jugozahodni strani so večje (do 40 m). Iz poročil je znana le navedba notranjih mer stol­pov, ki jih Ivo Pedišić navaja kot 5,5 × 4 m in 4 × 3,8 m (Pedišić 2001, 128). Da bi dobili možnost primerjave z drugimi, slabše razvidnimi stolpi, kjer notranje mere niso poznane, smemo tem dimenzijam prišteti še de­belino obeh zidov (s satelitskih posnetkov je razvidno, da je približno enaka kot pri obrambnem zidu) in tako dobimo približne dimenzije 7,2 × 5,7 m in 5,7 × 5,5 m. is the largely researched Gradina on the island of Žirje (Fig.12.13), where the number of towers, their shape, and purpose show surprising similarities to Korinjski hrib. The good preservation of the defence walls (in places all the way up to the top) and complete research of the tow­ers enabled the calculation to be made about the size of the crew that lived in the towers (Pedišić 2001, 127–130). The towers are of rectangular form (Fig. 9.3), with the exception of the one on the north-eastern side of the fort, which was adapted to the terrain and is thus pen­tagonal in form. The distances between the towers on the easier-to-access side amount to about 30m, while on the better-protected southern and south-western sides they are greater (up to 40m). Reports only reveal the internal measurements of the towers, stated by Ivo Pedišić as 5.5 × 4m and 4 × 3.8m (Pedišić 2001, 128). To get the chance of comparison with other more poorly discernible tow­ers the internal measures of which are not known, these dimensions should be supplemented with the thickness of both walls (satellite images reveal that it is about the same as the defence walls) and thus get the approximate dimensions 7.2 × 5.7m and 5.7 × 5.5m. A good comparison for the towers at Korinjski hrib is offered by the fort only 2 km from Gradina, Gustjerna on the same island (Fig. 12.17). Excavations were not Dobro primerjavo za korinjske stolpe ponuja od Gradine le 2 km oddaljena utrdba Gustjerna na istem otoku (sl. 12.17). Izkopavanja tu sicer niso bila opravlje­na, zato pa odlična ohranjenost treh stolpov ponuja pre­cej informacij (Iveković 1927, 45–49). Dimenzije stolpov znašajo 5,5 × 3,5 m ter 7,5 × 4,5 m. V manjšem izmed stolpov je bila v spodnji del vgrajena cisterna (sl. 9.4), kar predstavlja neposredno primerjavo s stolpoma 1 in 2 na Korinjskem hribu in zaradi dobre ohranjenosti v višino hkrati omogoča rekonstrukcijo tovrstnih objektov z dvojno funkcijo. Še boljšo analogijo za stolpe in njihov razpored ponuja arheološko sicer slabo raziskana utrdba Gradina na otoku Vrgada (sl. 12.18), kjer pa so ostanki stolpov in obrambnega zidu tako dobro ohranjeni (sl. 9.5; 9.6), da omogočajo popolno rekonstrukcijo obrambnega sistema (Gunjača 1986, 126–127; Ciglenečki 2003, 268, 271, 273). Podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu je tudi tu ena stranica utrdbe zgolj naravno zavarovana s strmimi skalnimi pečinami, na drugi strani se v polkrogu vije okoli vrha močan nasip z obzidjem in petimi stolpi. Razdalja med skrajnima stolpoma na severozahodni strani znaša pribl. 30 m, med ostalimi pa le pribl. 14 m. Natančnih dimenzij stolpov ni mogoče ugotoviti, saj vse stene niso v celoti vidne, mogoče je navesti le njihove performed here, but the excellent preservation of three towers offers a fair amount of information (Iveković 1927, 45–49). The tower dimensions are 5.5 × 3.5m and 7.5 × 4.5m. In the smallest of the towers, a cistern was immured into the bottom part (Fig. 9.4), which presents the direct comparison with towers 1 and 2 at Korinjski hrib and, due to its great preservation in height, enables the reconstruction of such structures with the double function at the same time. An even better analogy for the towers and their dis­tribution is offered by Gradina on the island of Vrgada (Fig. 12.18), which is archaeologically poorly researched but where the remains of towers and defence walls are so well preserved (Figs. 9.5; 9.6) that they enable the complete reconstruction of the defence system (Gunjača 1986, 126–127; Ciglenečki 2003, 268, 271, 273). Similar to Korinjski hrib, one side of the fort here is also solely naturally protected by steep rock cliffs, while on the other side a strong rampart with defence walls and five towers loops in a semi-circle around the top. The distance be­tween the first two towers on the north-western side is approx. 30m, while the distance between others is only about 14m. Precise dimensions of the towers cannot be determined because all walls are not completely visible, only their widths can be stated: in four towers the width is širine: te pri štirih stolpih znašajo 6,4 m in le pri povsem zahodnem 6,7 m, dolžino pa je bilo mogoče izmeriti le pri povsem zahodnem stolpu, kjer znaša 5,2 m. Veliko podobnosti je mogoče opaziti tudi pri stol­pih poznoantične utrdbe Sv. Trojica (Tribanj, Šibuljina) (sl. 12.27). Na najlažje pristopnem severnem delu je bila zaščitena z močnim obzidjem in na zunanji strani zgrajenimi stolpi (sl. 9.7), ki pa so slabše ohranjeni, zato ni mogoče ugotoviti njihovih dimenzij. Sodeč po veli­kosti ruševin pa so dokaj podobni tistim s Korinjskega hriba (Glavičić 1984, 20). Razdalja med stolpi znaša pribl. 30 m. Pri utrdbah Korintija pri Baški na otoku Krku (Tomičić 1986-1987, 150) (sl. 12.26) in Sv. Damjan pri Barbatu na Rabu (Domijan 1992, 333) je ob obzidjih mogoče opaziti posamezne zgradbe, ki bi jih bilo mo­goče tolmačiti kot stolpe. Precejšnje sorodnosti je mogoče odkriti tudi pri stolpih nedavno odkrite utrdbe na otočku Veliki Sikavac pri otoku Pagu (sl. 12.35). Odkritih je bilo šest izsto­pajočih stolpov, ki s svojimi dimenzijami in močnim obzidjem kažejo, da je bila utrdba zaradi nizke lege tik nad morsko gladino bolj izpostavljena in zato obramba toliko močnejša (Gluščević, Grosman 2015, 134–136). Dva stolpa sta v celoti zidana na zunanji strani zahod­nega zidu in merita ca. 5 × 4 m, ostali štirje so brez notranje stranice in merijo ca. 6 × 6 m.3 V notranjosti antične province Dalmacije, na ob-močju današnje Bosne, se manjše podobnosti opažajo 6.4m and only in the utmost western one is it 6.7m, while it was only possible to measure the length in the utmost western tower which amounts to 5.2m. Many similarities can also be noticed in towers of the late antique fort Sv. Trojica (Tribanj, Šibuljina) (Fig. 12.27). At the easiest-to-access northern part it was protected with strong defence walls and on the outer side with towers built from stone (Fig. 9.7), but which are more poorly preserved and therefore their dimen­sions cannot be determined. Judging from the size of the ruins, however, they were fairly similar to those from Korinjski hrib (Glavičić 1984, 20). The distance between the towers is approx. 30m. Individual structures which could be interpreted as towers can be noticed along defence walls of forts Korin­tija near Baška on the island of Krk (Tomičić 1986-1987, 150) (Fig. 12.26) and Sv. Damjan near Barbat on the island of Rab (Domijan 1992, 333). Considerable similarities can also be determined in the towers of the recently discovered fort on the islet of Veliki Sikavac near the island of Pag (Fig. 12.35). Six protrusive towers were discovered which, in their dimen­sions and strong defence walls, indicate that due to its low position right above the sea surface the fort was more exposed and thus its defence had to be so much stronger (Gluščević, Grosman 2015, 134–136). Two towers are completely built on the outer side of the western wall and measure approx. 5 × 4m, while the other four lack the inner face and measure approx. 6 × 6m.3 3 3 Navedene so zunanje mere stolpov, kot jih je mogoče Stated are the external measures of the towers as can razbrati z generalnega načrta v omenjenem članku. be discerned from the general plan in the mentioned article. le pri utrdbi Koštur pri Dabrici, kjer je na površini mogoče opaziti tri stolpe na notranji strani obzidja v močnem obrambnem sistemu utrdbe (Basler 1972, 50; Basler 1993, 32; Ciglenečki 2009–2011, 679). Dva močna stolpa sta bila postavljena na najbolj ogroženi zahodni strani in merita ca. 6 × 6 m, tretji, velik 6,5 × 5,6 m, pa je bil postavljen na naravno bolje zaščiteni južni strani. Nepravilno poligonalno zasnovani stolpasti gradnji sta opazni tudi pri utrdbi Gradina Zecovi pri Čarako­vem (sl. 12.41). Zdi se, da gre za nekoliko večji zgradbi, ki sta imeli v zgornjem delu obrambno funkcijo, sicer pa predstavljata bivalna objekta, ki sta umeščena v oba skrajna konca manjše utrdbe (Basler 1972, 55; Basler 1993, 35). Zaradi slabe arheološke raziskanosti je težko pri­tegniti v primerjavo stolpe pri utrdbah Blagaj na Buni in Stolac, ki so prav tako razvrščeni v enakomernem zaporedju, vendar bo treba najprej v celoti pojasniti njihovo kronologijo, ki je bila delno nakazana samo s tehniko gradnje v nekaterih sektorjih (Basler 1972, 47–48, 51; Basler 1993, 31–32). Iz predstavljenih analogij za korinjske stolpe je raz­vidno, da se največje podobnosti pojavljajo na Rifniku in v skupini utrdb ob vzhodni jadranski obali (Vrgada, Žirje, Sv. Trojica, Veliki Sikavac). Na to napeljujejo zelo podobne gradnje obrambnih stolpov. Še posebej zna-čilno se zdi varovanje utrdb s petimi ali šestimi stolpi (Korinj, Rifnik, Gradec pri Veliki Strmici, Vrgada, Žirje, Sv. Trojica) ter tudi precej podobne razdalje med njimi. Te na ogroženih delih utrdb znašajo od 25 do 30 m, na manj ogroženih ali bolje zavarovanih delih pa od 30 do 50 m. Primerljivo razvrstitev lahko torej opazujemo samo na močneje izpostavljenih delih, kjer se v glavnem nakazuje 25–30 m razdalja med stolpi. Kot smo že ugotovili, so dobre primerjave za vodne cisterne v spodnjih delih stolpov na Vrgadi in Gustjer­ni, kjer je mogoče delno opazovati tudi konstrukcijo zgornjega dela. Drugje so cisterne zgrajene posebej kot samostojne zgradbe ali v sklopu drugih stavb, npr. cerkve ali bivalnih zgradb. Ker na Korinjskem hribu ni bilo drugih večjih zgradb razen cerkve, se zdi, da so izkoristili močno grajena stolpa, da so v spodnji del speljali vodo z njihovih streh, v stolp 2 pa zelo verjetno tudi vodo s strehe bližnje cerkve. Stolpi imajo predvsem obrambno funkcijo, na Korinjskem hribu pa smo v njih odkrili tudi zanesljive znake bivanja in celo elemente, ki kažejo na posamezne specializirane aktivnosti, podobno kot je bilo to odkritona Gradini na Žirju in na Invillinu. Žal so sledovi bi-vanja v stolpih drugje slabo poznani in zato primerjave otežene. Kot smo omenili že pri tehniki gradnje stolpov na Korinjskem hribu, so tudi pri drugih obravnavanih primerjalnih utrdbah zidove stolpov kot tudi obzidij gradili enako: kvalitetneje sta bili izdelani zunanji fronti In the hinterland of the ancient province of Dalma­tia, in the area of present-day Bosnia, smaller similarities are noticed only with the fort of Koštur near Dabrica, where three towers on the inner side of defence walls in the strong defence system of the fort can be noticed on the surface (Basler 1972, 50; Basler 1993, 32; Ciglenečki 2009–2011, 679). Two strong towers were constructed on the most exposed western side and measure approx. 6 × 6m, while the third, measuring 6.5 × 5.6m, was built on the naturally more protected southern side. Two irregular poligonally designed tower-like structures can also be noticed in the fort of Gradina Zecovi near Čarakovo (Fig. 12.41). It seems that these are somewhat larger buildings which had a defensive function in their upper part but were generally dwelling places which are located at the utmost ends of a smaller fort (Basler 1972, 55; Basler 1993, 35). Since they are archaeologically poorly researched, comparisons with towers of the forts Blagaj na Buni and Stolac are difficult to make; although the towers are distributed evenly, their chronology will first have to be explained completely, since it was partly indicated only by the construction technique in certain sectors (Basler 1972, 47–48, 51; Basler 1993, 31–32). The analogies presented here for the towers at Korinjski hrib make it clear that the greatest similarities appear at Rifnik and in the group of forts along the easternAdriatic coast (Vrgada, Žirje, Sv. Trojica, Veliki Sikavac). This is indicated by the very similar construction of de-fence towers. The protection of forts with five or six tow­ers (Korinj, Rifnik, Gradec near Velika Strmica, Vrgada,Žirje, Sv. Trojica) and quite similar distances between them seem particularly typical. On the endangered parts distances are from 25 to 30m, and on the less endangered parts or better-protected ones from 30 to 50m. Thus, the comparable distribution can only be observed on the strongly exposed parts where the distance between towers is mostly 25–30m. As was previously determined, there are good com­parisons for water cisterns in the bottom parts of towers at Vrgada and Gustjerna, where the construction of the top part can also partly be observed. Elsewhere, cisterns are built separately as independent buildings or within other structures, e.g. churches or houses. Since there were no other bigger buildings at Korinjski hrib except the church, it seems that they used the strongly built towers to bring water into the bottom part from the roofs, and very probably also the water from the roof of the nearby church to tower 2. The towers have a primarily defensive function, while at Korinjski hrib reliable marks of dwelling were discovered within them and even elements that indicate certain special activities, in a similar way as that discov­ered in Gradina na Žirju and at Invillino. Unfortunately, zidov, sredico pa so zapolnili z manjšim kamenjem in malto. Ponekod je opaziti tudi poravnave posameznih vrst kamenja in izravnalne plasti, pri bolje ohranjenih pa večkrat tudi obilno zapolnjene fuge na obeh straneh zidu. Vodotesen omet se je ohranil v cisternah, zgornji deli stolpov niso bili ometani. Utrdbe z gosto in dokaj enakomerno razporeje­nimi stolpi kažejo, da gre za nekak kanon pri gradnji manjših oz. srednje velikih utrdb. Podobnosti pri gradnji in koncipiranju umeščenosti stolpov čvrsto povezujejo te utrdbe in kažejo na isti čas nastanka ter morda pri nekaterih tudi iste graditelje ali vsaj istega arhitekta. Podrobnejše meritve že na površini vidnih ostankov bi lahko ponudile še več možnosti za primerjavo, a so bile le redko opravljene. Novejše tehnike, predvsem aerofotografija, satelitski posnetki ter lidarsko snemanje, pa bodo nedvomno tovrstne primerjave omogočili že v bližnji bodočnosti. traces of dwelling in towers are poorly known elsewhere which makes comparisons difficult. As was mentioned for the construction technique of the towers at Korinjski hrib, the walls of towers and de-fence walls were built in the same way in other discussed comparable forts: the outer fronts of walls were made with greater quality, while the centre was filled with smaller stones and mortar. In some places, levelling of individual stone rows can be noticed as well as levelled layers, while in the better-preserved ones there are frequently richly filled stone gaps on both sides of the wall. Waterproof plaster is preserved in cisterns, while the upper parts of towers were not plastered. Forts with densely and fairly evenly distributed tow­ers indicate that this is a sort of a canon in the construc­tion of smaller or middle-sized forts. The similarity of construction and conception of towers’ locations strongly binds these forts and indicates the same time of creation and, possibly for some, even the same builders or at least the same architect. Detailed measurements of remains visible even on the surface could offer more opportunities for comparisons, but were rarely made. Newer techniques, primarily aerophotography, satellite images, and lidar, will undoubtedly enable such comparisons in the near future. 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CIGLENEČKI, S. 1976, Kasnoantično utrjeno naselje Gra­dec pri Prapretnem. – Arheološki vestnik 26, 259–267. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1995, Izvrednotenje. – V / In: J. Dular, S. Ciglenečki, A. Dular, Kučar. Železnodobno naselje in zgodnjekrščanski stavbni kompleks na Kučarju pri Pod-zemlju / Kučar. Eisenzeitliche Siedlung und frühchristlicher Gebäudekomplex auf dem Kučar bei Podzemelj. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 1, 134–190. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2003, The basic characteristics of the late antique settlement pattern within the eastern Alpine region and Dalmatia. – Histria Antiqua 11, 263–281. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2009–2011, Problem odsotnosti cerkva v nekaterih poznoantičnih kastelih Ilirika (The Problem of Absence of Churches in some Late Antique Fortifications in Illyricum). – Zbornik Kačić 41–43 (2011), 673–688. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2012, Spremenjena podoba poznoantičnih urbanih središč: prispevek k transformaciji poselitvene slike v Jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru. – V / In: I. Lazar, B. Županek (ur. / eds.), Emona med Akvilejo in Pano­nijo / Emona between Aquileia and Pannonia, Anales Mediterranei, 459–479. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2015, Late Roman army, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum and the fortifications in the south-eastern Alps / Poznorimska vojska, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum in utrjena krajina v jugovzhodnih Alpah. – V / In: J. Istenič, B. Laharnar, J. Horvat (ur.), Evidence of the Roman army in Slovenia / Sledovi rimske vojske na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41, 385–430. CIGLENEČKI, S., Z. MODRIJAN, T. MILAVEC 2011, Poznoantična utrjena naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu. Naselbinski ostanki in interpretacija / Late antique fortified settlement Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Settlement remains and interpretation. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 23. DOMIJAN, M. 1992, Ostaci utvrde Sv. Damjana u Barbatu na otoku Rabu. – Diadora 14, 325–344. EGGER, R. 1916, Frühchristliche Kirchenbauten im südli­chen Noricum. – Sonderschriften des österreichischen archäologischen Institutes in Wien 9. GLASER, F. 1996, Frühchristliche Denkmäler in Kärnten. Ein Führer. – Klagenfurt. GLASER, F. 2008, Castra und Höhensiedlungen in Kärn-ten und Nordtirol. – V / In: H. Steuer, V. Bierbrauer und M. Hoeper (ur. / eds.), Höhensiedlungen zwischen Antike und Mittelalter von den Ardennen bis zur Adria, Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 58, 595–642, Berlin, New York. GLAVIČIĆ, A. 1984, Arheološki nalazi iz Senja i okolice (6.). – Senjski zbornik 10–11, 7–28. GLUŠČEVIĆ, S., D. GROSMAN 2015, Nova bizantska utvrda na otočiču Veliki Sikavac kot otoka Paga / A new Byzantine fortification on Veliki Sikavac islet off the island of Pag. – Diadora 29, 121–150. GUNJAČA, Z. 1986, Kasnoantička fortifikacijska arhitektura na istočnojadranskom priobalju i otocima. – Materijali 22, 124–136. IVEKOVIĆ, Ć. 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Frauenberg im Vergleich mit Hoischhügel und Duel. – Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde der Steiermark 61, Graz. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 1986-1987, Novija ranosrednjovjekovna istraživanja Odjela za arheologijo. - Prilozi Odjela za arheologiju 3–4, 141–174. URLEB, M. 1968, Križna gora in okolica v antiki. – Arheo­loški vestnik 19, 473–484. VILLA, L., 2006, Le tracce della presenza Gota nell‘ Italia nord-orientale e il caso dell insediamento di S. Giorgio di Attimis (UD). – V / In: M. Buora, L. Villa (ur. / eds.), Goti nell‘arco alpino orientale, Archeologia di frontiera 5, 147–173. VITRI, S., L. VILLA, A. BORZACCONI 2006, Trasformazioni urbane a Cividale dal tardoantico al medioevo: spunti di riflessione. – Hortus Artium Medievalium 12, 101–122. 10.CERKEV NA KORINJSKEM HRIBU IN POZNOANTIČNA CERKVENA ARHITEKTURA V VZHODNIH ALPAH, DALMACIJI IN NA SEVERNEM BALKANU 10.THE CHURCH AT KORINJSKI HRIB AND LATE ANTIQUE CHURCH ARCHITECTURE IN THE EASTERN ALPS, DALMATIA, AND THE NORTHERN BALKANS Zvezdana MODRIJAN UVOD Cerkev na Korinjskem hribu sodi v skupino pre­prostih enoladijskih cerkva z apsidalnim zaključkom. Na severni in zahodni strani ima prizidana dva prostora. Zunanje mere cerkve skupaj z narteksom in stranskim prostorom znašajo 17,6 × 9,5 m, notranje mere ladje z apsido pa pribl. 12,5 × 5,5 m (pril. 1; sl. 2.29). Apsida zavzema skoraj celotno širino ladje (manj­ša je samo za širino zidu). Je podkvaste oblike, njena največja notranja širina je 3,8 m. K cerkveni ladji sta bila na zahodni in severni strani prizidana dva prostora. Ob izkopavanjih sta sicer delovala kot enoten prostor, vendar je iz stika zidov 6 in 9 (sl. 2.42) vidno, da nista bila grajena hkrati. Zaradi slabe kvalitete gradnje lahko domnevamo, da zidovi stranskih prostorov niso bili pozidani v celi višini, ampak so predstavljali samo temeljni zid (parapet), na katerega so bili postavljeni stebri, ki so nosili strešno konstruk­cijo. Podobno domnevajo na Sv. Hemi (Glaser 1991, 69; Glaser 2003, 430–431) in Duelu (Glaser 2003, 431). Prostor na zahodni strani je služil kot vhodna ve­ža – narteks, severnega pa zaradi v njem odkritih ostan­kov krstilnega bazenčka interpretiramo kot baptisterij. Glavni vhod v cerkev je bil na zahodni strani (iz narteksa), stranski na južni, v severni steni ladje pa je bil prehod iz prezbiterija cerkve v baptisterij. INTRODUCTION The church at Korinjski hrib belongs to the group of simple single­nave churches with the apsidal ending. Two annexes are added to it on the northern and western sides. The external measurements of the church together with the narthex and annex are 17.6 × 9.5m, while the internal measurements of the nave with the apse are approx. 12.5 × 5.5m (App. 1; Fig. 2.29). The apse occupies almost the entire width of the nave (it is smaller only by the width of the wall), is horseshoe­shaped, and measures 3.8m at its widest point. On the western and northern sides two annexes were added to the church nave. During excavations, they seemed to be one room, but it is evident from the contact of walls 6 and 9 (Fig. 2.42) that they were not built simultaneously. Due to the poor quality of the construc­tion, we can assume that walls of the annexes were not built up the entire height, but were only the foundational walls (a parapet), on which pillars were set that carried the roof construction. Similar is assumed at Hemmaberg (Glaser 1991, 69; Glaser 2003, 430–431) and Duel (Glaser 2003, 431). The annex on the western side was used as an entrance hall – the narthex, while, due to remains of the baptismal font discovered in it, the northern one is interpreted as the baptistery. The main entrance to the church was on the western side (from the narthex), the side entrance was on the southern side, and there was a passage from the presbytery to the baptistery in the northern wall of the nave. VZHODNI ZAKLJUČEK IN PREZBITERIJ Vzhodni zaključek cerkve predstavlja široka apsi­da, ki je le za širino zidov ožja od ladje. Na ometano steno apside je bila na notranji strani naslonjena klop za duhovnike, ki je ohranjena le še v severnem delu. Zgodnjekrščanske cerkve z apsidalnim zaključkom so bile v Sloveniji popolnoma ali delno raziskane še na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem (zgornja cerkev; Ulbert 1975, sl. 4), Rifniku (mala cerkev; Pirkmajer 1994, 48; Ciglenečki 2003, sl. 12), Zidanem gabru (Ciglenečki 1990, 113–116; 2003, sl. 7), Gradcu nad Mihovim (Breš­čak 1990, 105–106; Ciglenečki 2003, sl. 8) in Sv. Martinupri Šilentaboru nad Knežakom (Osmuk 1977, 321–325; Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 256–257). Apsidalni zaključek imata glede na tloris, viden v reliefu, tudi cerkvi na Limberku pri Veliki Račni (Ciglenečki 1985, 265–267) in na Gradcu nad Veliko Strmico (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, sl. 11), vendar nista raziskani. Je pa cerkev na Korinjskem hribu edina raziskana cerkev v Sloveniji s tako imenovano široko apsido, torej z apsido, ki je od cerkvene ladje ožja le za širino zidov. THE EASTERN END AND THE PRESBYTERY The eastern end of the church is represented by a wide apse which is narrower than the nave only by the width of the walls. The priests’ bench, which is preserved only in the northern part, was built on the interior side on the plastered apse wall. In Slovenia, early Christian churches with apsidal ending were completely or partly researched at Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (the upper church; Ulbert 1975, Fig. 4), Rifnik (the small church; Pirkmajer 1994, 48; Ciglenečki 2003, Fig. 12), Zidani gaber (Ciglenečki 1990, 113–116; 2003, Fig. 7), Gradec above Mihovo (Breščak 1990, 105–106; Ciglenečki 2003, Fig. 8), and Sv. Martinnear Šilentabor above Knežak (Osmuk 1977, 321–325; Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 272. Considering the ground plans in the relief of the surface, an apsidal ending is also found in the church at Limberk near Velika Račna (Ciglenečki 1985, 265–267) and Gradec above Velika Strmica (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, Fig. 11), but which have not yet been researched. The church at Korinjski hrib is the only researched church in Slovenia with a so­called wide apse, i.e. an apse which is narrower from the church nave only by the width of the walls. Churches with wide apses appear in the wider area of the south­eastern Alps, the eastern Adriatic coast, and the Danubian region, therefore in the areas influenced by both the diocese of Aquileia and the diocese of Salona (the border according to Cuscito 1976, Fig. 1). In those cases where it is preserved, the bench is mostly added to the inner wall of the apse. In the influential area of Aquileia, the church in Laubendorf in Austrian Carinthia (Fig. 10.2) is quite similar to the one in Korinj and also has a bench added to the apse and an annex on the southern side (Dolenz 1962, Fig. 3). The bench was (in a similar way to e.g. the one at Ajdna) obviously built simultaneously with the apse wall. The wide apse with an added bench can also be found in structure J (the first church) at Hemmaberg (Glaser 1991, Fig. 13) (Fig. 10.1). A few similar churches are known from the area around Lago di Garda. The church of San Pietro in Ma-vinas has a wide apse and a bench added to the apse Cerkve s širokimi apsidami se pojavljajo na širšem območju jugovzhodnih Alp, vzhodne jadranske obale in Podonavja, torej na vplivnih območjih tako akvilejske kot salonitanske škofije (meja po Cuscito 1976, sl. 1). Klop je v primerih, ko je ohranjena, večinoma prizidana na notranjo steno apside. Na akvilejskem vplivnem območju je korinjski precej podobna cerkev v Laubendorfu na avstrijskem Koroškem (sl. 10.2), ki ima prav tako na apsido prizidano klop, dodaten prostor pa na južni strani (Dolenz 1962, sl. 3). Klop je (podobno kot npr. na Ajdni) očitno grajenasočasno z zidom apside. Široko apsido s prizidano klopjo ima tudi stavba J (prva cerkev) na Sv. Hemi (Glaser 1991, sl. 13) (sl. 10.1). Nekaj podobnih cerkva je znanih z območja okrog Gardskega jezera. Cerkev San Pietro in Mavinas ima ši­roko apsido in na apsido prizidano klop (sl. 10.3), njena gradnja pa je datirana v začetek 6., morda v pozno 5. st. (Breda et al. 2011, 61, sl. 5). Cerkev San Lorenzo di De­senzano ima podobno kot korinjska še prizidka na severni in zahodni strani, ki sta grajena sočasno s cerkveno ladjo (Chavarría Arnau 2011, 17–31, sl. 4) (sl. 10.4). Klop ni ohranjena. Tudi gradnja te cerkve je na podlagi njenih gradbenih značilnosti datirana v konec 5. oziroma zače­tek 6. st. (Chavarría Arnau 2011, 26). Široko apsido ima tudi cerkev San Martino di Lundo/Lomaso (Zagermann, (Fig. 10.3). Its construction is dated to the beginning of the 6th, possibly to the late 5th century (Breda et al. 2011, 61, Fig. 5). The church of San Lorenzo di Desenzano has, similar to the one in Korinjski hrib, two annexes on the northern and western sides respectively (Chavarría Arnau 2011, 17–31, Fig. 4) (Fig. 10.4), which were constructed simultaneously with the church nave (Chavarría Arnau 2011, 19). The bench is not preserved. Based on its con­struction characteristics, the construction of this church is also dated to the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century (Chavarría Arnau 2011, 26). The wide apse is again present in the church San Martino di Lundo/Lo­maso (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, 205–210, Fig. 15) (Fig. 10.5), where the bench is also not preserved. The church is dated approximately, considering the oldest graves within it, to the time at the end of the 5th or the first quarter of the 6th century (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, 208–209). The recently discovered church in Crkvišće Bukovlje near Generalski Stol in Croatian Kordun probably belongs under the influence of Salona (Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014, 168–174, Figs. 5–7, 12) (Fig. 10.6). It has a wide apse, to which a well­preserved bench is added. The church also resembles the one from Korinj in dimensions (the inner size of the nave is 11.7 × 6m). Analogies for wide apses similar to the one from Korinj are extremely frequent in the province of Dalma­Cavada 2014, 205–210, sl. 15) (sl. 10.5), klop pa tudi tu ni ohranjena. Cerkev je datirana okvirno glede na najstarejše grobove v njej v čas konca 5. oziroma prve četrtine 6. st. (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, 208–209). Verjetno že na salonitanskem vplivnem območju leži pred kratkim odkrita cerkev na Crkvišću Bukovlju pri Generalskem Stolu v hrvaškem Kordunu (Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014, 168–174, sl. 5–7, 12) (sl. 10.6). Ima široko apsido, na katero je prizidana dobro ohranjena klop. Cerkev je korinjski podobna tudi po dimenzijah (notranje mere ladje 11,7 × 6 m). tia. Here we present only selected comparisons, since the overview of all Dalmatian analogies would exceed the purpose of this chapter. The church in the Korintija fort on the island of Krk has a similar ground plan, while its walls are reinforced with lesene (Faber 1986-1987, Fig. 13; a slightly different ground plan is suggested by Tomičić 1986-1987, Fig. 10) (Figs. 12.25; 12.26). Similar church was found also in the settlement below the fort (Faber 1986-1987, Fig. 15). Based on coins and pottery, both churches are dated to the time of the mid­6th century and are connected to the Byzantine Reconquista (Tomičić 1986-1987, 151). This is also the time into which the small church in the bay of Sićardija (sv. Andrija) on the island of Ilovik is set, which is very similar to the one from Korinj. It has a wide apse, narthex, and an annex added on the northern side; it is also similar in dimensions (inner measures: 13 × 7.5m: Serventi 2012, 401–402, Fig. 1; Čaušević­Bully 2012, Fig. 14) (Fig. 10.7). Analogije za korinjski podobne široke apside so izredno pogoste v provinci Dalmaciji. Tukaj navajamo le izbrane primerjave, saj bi pregled vseh dalmatinskih analogij presegal namen tega poglavja. Cerkev v utrdbi Korintija na otoku Krku ima podoben tloris, zidove pa utrjene z lizenami (Faber 1986-1987, sl. 13; nekoliko drugačen tloris podaja Tomi­čić 1986-1987, sl. 10) (sl. 12.25; 12.36). Podobna cerkev je bila odkrita tudi v naselbini pod utrdbo. Obe cerkvi sta na podlagi novcev in keramičnega gradiva datirani v sredino 6. st. in povezani z bizantinsko rekonkvisto (Tomičić 1986-1987, 151). V ta čas je postavljena tudi korinjski zelo podobna cerkvica v zalivu Sićardija (sv. Andrija) na otoku Iloviku. Ima široko apsido, narteks in na severni strani prizidan prostor, podobna je tudi po dimenzijah (notranje mere 13 × 7,5 m: Serventi 2012, 401–402, sl. 1; Čaušević­Bully 2012, sl. 14) (sl. 10.7). Podobne oblike je tudi cerkev v utrdbi Sv. Damjan na otoku Rabu, ki ima apsido na zunanji strani utrjeno z lezenami (Domijan 1992, 325–344, sl. 6, 7). Tako utrdbo kot cerkev v njej povezujejo – glede na analogije z ostali­mi dalmatinskimi cerkvami – z obdobjem justinijanske prenove v 6. st. (Domijan 1992, 341–343). Cerkev Sv. Marije v zalivu Tarac na otoku Kornatu je postavljena na pobočje pod dobro ohranjeno bizan­tinsko utrdbo Toreta (Fabijanić et al. 2012, 401–412; Zornija, Menđušić 2015; Zornija 2016, 52–67). Gre za cerkev z več fazami, od katerih sta prvi dve poznoantični. Similar form is displayed by the church in the Sv. Damjan fort on the island of Rab, the apse of which is reinforced on the outer side with lesene (Domijan 1992, 325–344, Figs. 6, 7). Considering the analogies with other Dalmatian churches, both the fort and the church in it are connected to the period of the Justinian restoration in the 6th century (Domijan 1992, 341–343). The church of St Mary in Tarac Bay on the island of Kornat is built on the slope under the well­preserved Byzantine fort of Toreta (Fabijanić et al. 2012, 401–412; Zornija, Menđušić 2015; Zornija 2016, 52–67). It is a church built in several phases, the first two of which are late antique. The church from the 1st phase has a wide apse reinforced with counterforts, while the bench is not preserved (Zornija, Menđušić 2015, Fig. 3; Zornija 2016, Fig. 4) (Fig. 10.8). The chronology is not completely clear; according to Meri Zornija it belongs to the first half of the 5th century (Zornija 2016, 58). On the contrary, according to Tomislav Fabijanić, Irena Radić­Rossi and Marko Menđušić the first phase with the apse was constructed before the church and supposedly belonged to a villa, connected to the field nearby (Fabijanić et al. 2012, 406), while they, like older authors (Petricioli 1970, 717–725), put the church on the same location to the 6th century and connect it to the tower (Radić Rosi, Fabijanić 2013, 89–90). In the complex of double churches in Srima – Prižba the wide apse is found in the southern church subsequently added to the northern one (Gunjača 2005, Cerkev iz prve faze ima široko apsido, okrepljeno s kontrafori, klop pa ni ohranjena (Zornija, Menđušić 2015, sl. 3; Zornija 2016, sl. 4) (sl. 10.8). Kronologija ni povsem jasna, po Meri Zorniji naj bi sodila v prvo polovico 5. st. (Zornija 2016, 58). Nasprotno naj bi bila po mnenju Tomislava Fabijanića, Irene Radić­Rossi in Marka Menđušića prva faza z apsido predcerkvena in naj bi pripadala vili, povezani s poljem v bližini (Fabijanić et al. 2012, 406), samo cerkev na isti lokaciji pa podobno kot starejši avtorji (Petricioli 1970, 717–725) postavljajo v 6. st. in jo povezujejo s stolpom (Radić Rosi, Fabijanić 2013, 89–90). V kompleksu dvojnih cerkva v Srimi – Prižbi ima široko apsido južna, na severno naknadno prizidana cerkev (Gunjača 2005, sl. 18), datirana v sredino 6. st. (Uglešić 2006, 29–33, s pregledom drugačnih datacij). Cerkev sv. Viktorja nad zalivom Telaščica na Du­gem otoku (Vučić 2011, sl. 6) je na podlagi odkritega drobnega gradiva datirana v konec 5. oziroma v prvo polovico 6. st. (Vučić 2011, 119). Podobna situacija kot pri Sv. Mariji na Kornatu je tudi na otoku Vrgada v južnem delu zadrskega arhipe­laga, kjer so bili pod zgodnjeromansko cerkvijo sv. An­drije odkriti ostanki zgodnjekrščanske cerkve (Domijan 1983, 123–136, sl. na str. 129). Na hribu nad cerkvijo so ostanki trdnjave, datirani v zgodnjebizantinsko obdobje (Domijan 1983, 123) (sl. 12.18–12.20). V Polačah na Mljetu je podobne oblike kot korinj­ska severna cerkev kompleksa jugovzhodno od palače, ki ima tudi ohranjeno prizidano klop (Fisković 1999, sl. 18) in dodane prostore na severni in južni strani (Chevalier 1996, sl. 3: 1; Fisković 1999, sl. 18) (sl. 10.9). Fig. 18), dated to the middle of the 6th century (Uglešić 2006, 29–33, with the overview of different dates). Based on the discovered small finds, the church of St Victor above Telaščica Bay on the island of Dugi otok (Vučić 2011, Fig. 6) is dated to the end of the 5th or the first half of the 6th century (Vučić 2011, 119). A situation similar to the church of St Mary on Kornat is found on the island of Vrgada in the southern part of the Zadar archipelago, where remains of an early Christian church were found under the Early Roman­esque church of St Andrew (Domijan 1984, 123–136, Fig. on page 129). On the hill above the church are remains of a fort dated to the Early Byzantine period (Domijan 1984,123) (Figs. 12.18-12.20). In Polače on the island of Mljet, a church similar in form to the one at Korinjski hrib is the northern church of the complex south­east of the palace, which has the added bench preserved (Fisković 1999, Fig. 18) as well as the annexes on the northern and southern sides (Chevalier 1996, Fig. 3: 1; Fisković 1999, Fig. 18) (Fig. 10.9). The northern church in Mogorjelo in the valley of the Neretva river in present­day Bosnia and Herzegovina has a wide apse and a baptistery on the northern side and another annex on the southern side (Basler 1996, 66, Fig. 21; Chevalier 1996, Fig. 3: 2) (Fig. 10.10). Similar is true for the church in Čarakov near Prijedor, but where the annexes north of the church were too damaged for the interpretation of the chronological order and purpose (Basler 1972, 76, Fig. 63). This shape of churches is also frequent in the area of northern Illyricum. In the fortresses of the Danubian limes they are connected with the last building additions in the time of Justinian renovation. Such examples are Severna cerkev v Mogorjelu v dolini reke Neretve v današnji Bosni in Hercegovini ima široko apsido in baptisterij na severni strani ter še en prostor na južni strani (Basler 1996, 66, sl. 21; Chevalier 1996, sl. 3: 2) (sl. 10.10). Podobno velja za cerkev v Čarakovu pri Prijedoru, kjer pa so bili prostori severno od cerkve preveč uničeni za interpretacijo kronološkega zaporedja in namembnosti (Basler 1972, 76, sl. 63). Taka oblika je pogosta tudi na območju severnega Ilirika. V kastelih donavskega limesa jih povezujejo z zadnjimi dogradnjami v času justinijanske prenove. Poznani so iz kastelov Boljetin (Smorna) (sl. 10.11) known from fortresses of Boljetin (Smorna) (Fig. 10.11) (Zotovič 1982-1983, 212–225, Fig. 2), Veliki Gradac (Taliata) (Fig. 10.12) (Popović 1982-1983, 276, Fig. 6), Čezava (Novae) (Vasič 1982-1983, Fig. 9) (Fig. 10.13), Hajdučka vodenica (Kondić 1984, 138–140, Fig. 5), and Bedem – Maskare (Milinković 2017, Fig. 27). In the fort of Saldum, the north-eastern tower (tower B) probably served as a church (Fig. 10.14) (Petrović 1982-1983, Fig. 4; Jeremić 2009, Figs. 28, 40–42, 47), and a similar example is also recorded in Donje Butorke (Kondić 1984, Fig. 8). In the wider surroundings of the limes, churches with a wide apse are known from several locations. At the (Zotović 1982-1983, 212–225, sl. 2), Veliki Gradac (Ta­liata) (sl. 10.12) (Popović 1982-1983, 276, sl. 6), Čezava (Novae) (Vasić 1982-1983, sl. 9) (sl. 10.13), Hajdučka vodenica (Kondić 1984, 138–140, sl. 5), Bedem – Mas­kare (Milinković 2017, sl. 27). V utrdbi Saldum je kot cerkev verjetno služil severovzhodni stolp (stolp B) (sl. 10.14) (Petrović 1982-1983, sl. 4; Jeremić 2009, sl. 28a, 40–42, 47), podoben primer je zabeležen tudi v Donjih Butorkah (Kondić 1984, sl. 8). V širšem zaledju limesa so cerkve s široko apsido znane z več lokacij. Na višinski naselbini Gradina na Jelici sta taki baziliki C (Milinković 2001, sl. 22; 2017, sl. 24) in E (Milinković 2001, sl. 20; 2017, sl. 17) (sl. 10.15; 10.16). Na utrjeni naselbini Gradina pri Vrsenicah cer­kev, datirana v drugo četrtino ali sredino 6. st., prekriva ostanke starejših stavb (Popović, Bikić 2009, 54–57, sl. 32, 35, 38) (sl. 10.17). Podobna je znana tudi iz utrjene naselbine Sakicol v bližini Caričinega grada (Kondić, Popović 1977, sl. 110) (sl. 10.18). V Caričinem gradu ima dve široki apsidi tako imenovana dvojna bazilika v “spodnjem mestu” (Kondić, Popović 1977, sl. 78; Milinković 2015, sl. 152). Duhovniška klop cerkve na Korinjskem hribu je bila naslonjena na ometan notranji zid apside (glej pogl. 2; sl. 2.35). Ohranjena je samo v severnem delu. Klopi, prizidane na ometano vzhodno steno prezbiterija, so precej pogoste v jugovzhodnoalpskem krogu, pa tudi širše. Lahko so vzidane v vzhodno steno prezbiterija (apsidalno ali ravno zaključeno), kot pri spodnji cerkvi na Kučarju (Ciglenečki 1995, pril. 6) in pri cerkvi na Ajdni (Leben, Valič 1978, sl. 39; Sagadin 1989, sl. 79). hilltop settlement of Gradina na Jelici, such are basilicas C (Milinković 2001, Fig. 22; 2017, Fig. 24) and E (Milinković 2001, Fig. 20; 2017, Fig. 17) (Figs. 10.15; 10.16). At the fortified settlement of Gradina near Vrsenice the church, dated to the time of the second quarter or the middle of the 6th century, covers the remains of older buildings (Popović, Bikić 2009, 54–57, Figs. 32, 35, 38) (Fig. 10.17). A similar one is also known from the fortified settlement of Sakicol near Caričin grad (Kondić, Popović 1977, Fig. 110) (Fig. 10.18). Within Caričin grad, two wide apses are found in the so­called double basilica in the “lower town” (Kondić, Popović 1977, Fig. 78; Milinković 2015, Fig. 152). The priest’s bench in the church at Korinjski hrib was added to the plastered inner wall of the apse (see Chapter 2; Fig. 2.35). It is preserved only in the northern part. Benches added to the plastered eastern wall of the presbytery are fairly frequent in the south­eastern Alpine area and wider. They can be built into the eastern side of the presbytery (apsidal or flat ended), as is the case with the lower church at Kučar (Ciglenečki 1995, App. 6) and the church at Ajdna (Leben, Valič 1978, Fig. 39; Sagadin 1989, Fig. 79). It is more frequent for the bench to be added (as is the one in Korinjski hrib) to the plastered eastern wall of the presbytery. In Slovenia, such benches are found in all three churches at Tonovcov grad, yet their eastern walls are straight ended (Ciglenečki 2011, 226–227; Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 111–132) and not apsidal as at Korinjski hrib. Pogosteje je klop naslonjena (tako kot korinjska) na ometano vzhodno steno prezbiterija. V Sloveniji so tako izvedene klopi v vseh treh cerkvah na Tonovcovem gradu, vendar je pri njih vzhodna stena ravna (Cigleneč­ki 2011, 226–227; Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 111–132) in ne apsidalna kot na Korinjskem hribu. Na avstrijskem Koroškem sta prizidani klopi odkriti v dveh cerkvah na Sv. Hemi (stavba J oziroma 1. cerkev: Glaser 1991, 38–39, 121, sl. 13; stavba N ozi­roma 4. cerkev: Ladstätter 2000, 41–65, pril. 1). Klop je prislonjena na zid, vendar tega ne razlagajo kot različni gradbeni fazi, ampak kot gradbeni postopek (Glaser 2003, 427). Prizidano klop ima tudi že omenjena cerkev v Laubendorfu (sl. 10.2), ki ima tudi korinjski podobno široko apsido (Dolenz 1962, 43, sl. 3; Glaser 1991, sl. 153). Nekoliko bolj oddaljeno analogijo pomeni cerkev, odkrita pod današnjo cerkvijo sv. Andreja v Patriasdorfu v Lienzu (Zemmer­Plank 1974, 271–282) na vzhodnem Tirolskem (sl. 10.19). In Austrian Carinthia, added benches were discovered in two churches at Hemmaberg (building J or the first church: Glaser 1991, 38–39, 121, Fig. 13; building N or the fourth church: Ladstätter 2000, 41–65, App. 1). The bench is added to the wall but this is not explained as two different construction phases but rather as a construction process (Glaser 2003, 427). The added bench is also found in the above­mentioned church in Laubendorf (Fig. 10.2), which also has a wide apse similar to the one in Korinjski hrib (Dolenz 1962, 43, Fig. 3; Glaser 1991, Fig. 153). A some­what more distant analogy is represented by the church discovered under the present­day church of St Andreas in Patriasdorf in Lienz (Zemmer­Plank 1974, 271–282) in eastern Tyrol (Fig. 10.19). In Trieste, the church of San Giusto has the bench added in the 1st phase to the apsidal eastern wall (Cuscito 2000, 445–448, Fig. 5), while the one in the church at Via Madonna del Mare is added to the straight eastern wall (Cuscito 2000, Fig. 4). V Trstu ima cerkev Sv. Justa v prvi fazi prizida­no klop na apsidalno vzhodno steno (Cuscito 2000, 445–448, sl. 5), cerkev na Via Madonna del Mare pa na ravno vzhodno steno (Cuscito 2000, sl. 4). Posebno pogoste so prizidane klopi na saloni­tanskem vplivnem območju, in sicer tako v cerkvah z ravnimi kot apsidalnimi vzhodnimi zaključki. Z duhov­niškimi klopmi (prostostoječimi in prizidanimi) na tem območju se je pred kratkim ukvarjal Volker Bierbrauer (2015, sl. 42, seznam str. 185–189). Njegovemu seznamu je treba dodati še prej omenjeno cerkev na Crkvišću Bukovlju (Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014, 168–174, sl. 5–7, 12) (sl. 10.6) in cerkve na pred kratkim odkritem najdišču na Gradini pri Bakincih v bližini Banjaluke. Tam so bile odkrite tri cerkve z apsidalnimi zaključki. Dve (bazilika A in B) imata prizidano klop, v tretji (ba­zilika C) pa domnevajo leseno (Vujinović 2014a, sl. 7, 21; 2014b) (sl. 10.20; 10.21). V korinjski podobnih cerkvah na območju donav­skega limesa (glej zgoraj) klopi večinoma niso ohranjene. V zaledju je ohranjena prizidana klop na Gradini na Jelici v baziliki C (Milinković 2001, sl. 22; 2017, sl. 24) (sl. 10.16), pa tudi v bazilikah A in D, ki nimata široke apside (Milinković 2017, sl. 30, 37). Na apsido prizidano klop imata tudi obe cerkvi dvojne bazilike v Caričinem gradu (Kondić, Popović 1977, sl. 78; Milinković 2015, sl. 152). Kronološki potek zidave prizidanih klopi se očitno med cerkvami razlikuje. Klopi na Kučarju (spodnja cerkev: Ciglenečki 1995, sl. 60, 62, pril. 6) in na Ajdni (Sagadin 1989, sl. 79) sta bili vzidani v vzhodno steno cerkvene ladje in torej grajeni sočasno z zidovi. Cerkev na Kučarju je glede na celotno naselbino datirana v čas Especially frequent are added benches in the area of influence of the diocese of Salona, both in churches with flat and with apsidal eastern endings. Volker Bierbrauer dealt with priests’ benches (free­standing and added ones) in this area not long ago (2015, Fig. 42, list on pages 185–189). His list needs to be supplemented with the above­mentioned church in Crkvišče Bukovlje (Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014, 168–174, Figs. 5–7, 12) (Fig. 10.6) and churches at the recently discovered site of Gradina near Bakinci close to Banja Luka. Three churches with apsidal endings were discovered there. Two (basilicas A and B) have the bench added, while in the third (ba­silica C) a wooden bench is assumed (Vujinović 2014a, Figs. 7, 21; 2014b) (Figs. 10.20; 10.21). In the area of the Danubian limes (see above), benches are mostly not preserved in churches similar to the one at Korinjski hrib. In its hinterland, an added bench is preserved at Gradina na Jelici, in basilica C (Milinković 2001, Fig. 22; 2017, Fig. 24) (Fig. 10.16), but also in basilicas A and D, which do not have a wide apse (Milinković 2017, Figs. 30, 37). Benches added to the apse are also found in both churches of the double basilica at Caričin grad (Kondić, Popović 1977, Fig. 78; Milinković 2015, Fig. 152). The chronological course of the construction of added benches obviously differs between churches. Benches at Kučar (the lower church: Ciglenečki 1995, Figs. 60, 62, App. 6) and Ajdna (Sagadin 1989, Fig. 79) were added onto the eastern wall of the church nave and thus built simultaneously with the walls. Considering the entire settlement, the church at Kučar is dated to the time soon after 400 (Ciglenečki 1995, 154). The addition of the kmalu po letu 400 (Ciglenečki 1995, 154). Dozidava klopi church to the already plastered eastern wall (apsidal or na že ometano vzhodno steno (apsidalno ali ravno) je straight) is mostly interpreted chronologically; therefore večinoma interpretirana kronološko, torej da naj bi bile that the benches were added after the churches had been klopi prizidane potem, ko so cerkve že nekaj časa stale built for some time (Ciglenečki 2006, 297–298; 2011; 226; (Ciglenečki 2006, 297–298; 2011; 226; drugače npr. Glaser differently e.g. Glaser for Hemmaberg: Glaser 2003, 427). za Sv. Hemo: Glaser 2003, 427). Datacijo dozidave klopi The dating of the bench addition to the mid­6th century v sredino 6. st. na Tonovcovem gradu omogoča najdba spatejona v razpoki ob oltarju osrednje cerkve in analogno datacijo predvideva Ciglenečki tudi za ostale primere do­zidanih klopi (Ciglenečki 2006, 299–300; 2011, 226–229). Prvotno so bile klopi verjetno večinoma lesene. Tak je primer pri starejših cerkvah v Concordiji (iz konca 4. st.) in cerkvi na trgu Piazza Vittoria v Gra­dežu (Basilica delle Corte) iz druge polovice 4. st. (Bierbrauer 1988, 77). Podobno se domneva tudi za prvo fazo cerkvenega sklopa na Tonovcovem gradu (Ciglenečki 2011, 226). Lesene klopi so se ponekod obdržale tudi v mlajših fazah vse do uničenja (npr. zgornja cerkev na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem: Ul­bert 1975, 64). V baziliki C na Gradini pri Bakincih so v vzhodni notranji steni apside lepo vidni useki za klop, v apsidi pa je bilo odkrite veliko žganine, ki prav tako kaže na ostanek lesene klopi (Vujinović 2014b, 28–29). Mogoča je tudi sprememba lokacije klopi. Tak primer je zabeležen v škofovski cerkvi v Teurniji, kjer je bila klop v prvi fazi prostostoječa, v drugi pa prizidana (Glaser 1987, 72–73). LADJA Enotna ladja rahlo nepravilne štirikotne oblike je bila tlakovana z estrihom, ki je bil še ohranjen ob sever­nem in južnem zidu (sl. 2.28). Velik ploščat kamen, ki je v sekundarni legi ležal na ruševini v osrednjem delu ladje, je verjetno predstavljal ostanek prižnice (am­bona). Amboni so na jugovzhodnoalpskem območju redki, poleg korinjskega je znan še iz severne cerkve na Tonovcovem gradu, kjer je bil prizidan na stopnico med ladjo in prezbiterijem (Ciglenečki 2011, 229), in iz Lavanta (Glaser 2003, 424–425). V severozahodnem vogalu ladje je bil postavljen nizek polkrožni zidec, ki je omejeval prostor med severno in zahodno stranico cerkve. Notranjost tako zamejenega prostora je bila po tleh in po obeh cerkvenih zidovih premazana z debelim slojem vodoodpornega ometa (sl. 2.36; 2.37), medtem ko polkrožni zidec ni bil premazan. V tleh je bila v estrihu izoblikovana odprtina s premerom pribl. 30 cm, ki je služila za odtok. Precej verjetno se zdi, da je bil zidec prizidan že v prvi fazi, torej ob zidavi cerkve ali kmalu po njej, vendar pa jasnih dokazov za tak zaključek ni. Namembnost prostora ni jasna. Če je bil zgrajen hkrati s cerkvijo, je morda lahko služil kot krstilni ba­zenček v fazi pred gradnjo krstilnice na severni strani cerkve. Na tako funkcijo bi kazala predvsem kvalitetna izdelava estriha, nasprotovala pa bi ji nekvalitetna grad­nja polkrožnega zidca in dejstvo, da ta ni bil ometan. Podoben polkrožni prostor, prav tako premazan z vo­dotesnim ometom, je bil odkrit tudi v severozahodnem vogalu cerkve na Rifniku (Bolta 1981, sl. 3). Interpretiran je kot krstilni bazenček (Pirkmajer 1994, 48). at Tonovcov grad is enabled by the find of a spatheion in a crack along the altar of the middle church and thus analogue dating is also supposed by Ciglenečki for other examples of added benches (Ciglenečki 2006, 299–300; 2011, 226–229). At first, benches were probably mostly wooden. Such is the case with older churches in Concordia (from the end of the 4th century) and with the Basilica delle Corte in Grado from the second half of the 4th century (Bier­brauer 1988, 77). Similar is assumed for the 1st phase of the church complex at Tonovcov grad (Ciglenečki 2011, 226). Wooden benches were also occasionally preserved in younger phases and right until their destruction (e.g. the upper church at Ajdovski gradec above Vranje: Ul­bert 1975, 64). In basilica C at Gradina in Bakinci, cuts for the bench are nicely visible in the eastern inner wall of the apse, while a thick charcoal layer was discovered within the apse itself which also indicated the remains of a wooden bench (Vujinović 2014 b, 28–29). A change in the bench’s location is also possible. One such example is recorded in the episcopal church in Teurnia, where the bench was free­standing in the 1st phase and added in the 2nd (Glaser 1987, 72–73). THE NAVE The single nave of a slightly irregular four­angle form was paved with a mortar which was still preserved along the northern and southern walls (Fig. 2.28). A large flat stone, which was found in a secondary position on the destruction layer in the central part of the nave, probably represents the remains of a pulpit (an ambon). Ambons are rare in the south­eastern Alpine region; in addition to the one in Korinjski hrib, there is one known from the northern church at Tonovcov grad, where it was added to the stair between the nave and the presbytery (Ciglenečki 2011, 229), and from Lavant (Glaser 2003, 424–425). In the north­western corner of the nave a low semi­circular wall was built which delimited the space between the northern and western sides of the church. The interior of this enclosed space was on the floor and both church walls coated with a thick layer of waterproof plaster (Figs. 2.36; 2.37), while the semi­circular wall was not plastered. An opening with a diameter of approx. 30cm which served as a drain was made in the mortar screed. It seems quite probable that the wall was added in the first phase, therefore upon the construction of the church or soon after, yet there is no clear evidence for this conclusion. The purpose of this structure is not clear. If it was built simultaneously with the church, it could have been used as a baptismal font in the phase prior to the construc­tion of the baptistery on the northern side of the church. This function is pointed to primarily by the quality mak­ing of the mortar screed, while it could be opposed by the poor­quality construction of the semi­circular wall and Drugo možno interpretacijo, da polkrožni prostor na Korinjskem hribu predstavlja bazenček za umivanje nog, je predstavil Franz Glaser (1997, 43), tako ga inter­pretira tudi Hans Rudolf Sennhauser (2003, 968–969). Ta arhitekturni element je sicer v zgodnjekrščanskih cerkvah obravnavanega območja izredno redek. Kot ba­zenček za umivanje nog je interpretiran z zidom zamejen in estrihom prekrit 30 cm globok prostor, postavljen v jugozahodni vogal škofovske cerkve v Teurniji v drugi fazi. Poleg tega dokaj dobro ohranjenega bazenčka se iz te cerkve domnevata še dva slabše ohranjena (Glaser 2003, 426–427, sl. 11; 1987, 71). Kot dokaj zanesljiv primer bazenčka za umivanje nog navaja Sennhauser tudi prostor ob steni severne stranske ladje predevfra­zijanske bazilike v Poreču (Sennhauser 2003, sl. 19, 20, 968–969). Tovrstni bazenčki naj bi se sicer razvili pod vplivom milanskega nauka, ki predvideva za prvo slovesno mašo novokrščenih tudi umivanje nog (Glaser 1997, 43; 2003, 426). Interpretacija polkrožnega prostora v korinjski cerkvi kot bazenček za umivanje nog se ne zdi verjet­na predvsem zaradi njegovih precej velikih dimenzij. Zavzema namreč cel severozahodni vogal cerkve in tako zmanjšuje njeno že tako precej majhno upo­rabno površino. Malo verjetno je, da bi bil bazenček za umivanje nog več kot dvakrat večji od krstilnega bazenčka, ki je bil nesporno ugotovljen v severnem stranskem prostoru. Od dveh možnih interpretacij, ki imata vsaka svoje slabosti, se zdi za zdaj verjetneje, da je polkrožni prostor služil kot krstilni bazenček. Odprto ostaja vprašanje, ali je bil v uporabi samo v prvi fazi, torej v času pred gradnjo severnega stranskega prostora, ali pa tudi po tem, ko so dogradili še severni prostor in v njem postavili kvadratni krstilni bazenček. SEVERNI STRANSKI PROSTOR – BAPTISTERIJ Na severni zid cerkvene ladje je bil na zunanji strani prizidan ozek stranski prostor notranjih dimenzij pribl. 10,5 ×2,5 m (pril. 1; sl. 2.29). Vhoda v stranski prostor sta bila dva – iz narteksa skozi prehod med zidovoma 1 in 9 (sl. 2.45) in iz cerkvene ladje skozi prehod v zidu 1 (glej zgoraj; sl. 2.28). V prostoru je bila na ometani zid cerkvene ladje prizidana v temeljih polkrožna konstrukcija, znotraj katere je bil izdelan kvadratni bazenček (piscina), velik 1,65 × 1,65 m in globok okrog 0,4 m (pril. 1; sl. 2.29; 2.45–2.49). V vzhodni in zahodni stranici konstrukcije sta bili izdelani stopnici za lažji dostop. Stene so bile prevlečene z oranžnim ometom, dno pa s plastjo rdeč­kastega vodoodpornega estriha, ki je bil potegnjen tudi nekoliko navzgor, tako da je delno prekrival oranžen omet na stenah (sl. 2.46; 2.49). V sredini je bil v estrihu the fact that it was not plastered. A similar semi­circular space, also coated with waterproof plaster, was discov­ered in the north­western corner of the church at Rifnik (Bolta 1981, Fig. 3). It is interpreted as a baptismal font (Pirkmajer 1994, 48). The second interpretation of the semi­circular space at Korinjski hrib being a pool for washing feet was presented by Franz Glaser (1997, 43), and Hans Rudolf Sennhauser interprets it the same way (2003, 968–969). This architectural element is generally very rare in early Christian churches of the discussed area. A 30cm deep space delimited with a wall, covered with mortar screed and set in the south­western corner of the episcopal church in Teurnia in the 2nd phase is interpreted as a pool for washing feet. In addition to this fairly well preserved pool, two more poorly preserved ones are assumed from this church (Glaser 2003, 426–427, Fig. 11; 1987, 71). Sennhauser states as a fairly reliable example of a pool for washing feet the space along the wall of the northern side nave of the pre­Euphrasian basilica in Poreč (Sennhauser 2003, Figs. 19, 20, 968–969). Generally, such pools sup­posedly developed under the Milan influence, which expects the newly baptised to have their feet washed for the first solemn mass (Glaser 1997, 43; 2003, 426). The interpretation of the semi­circular space in the church at Korinjski hrib as a pool for washing feet does not seem probable primarily due to its quite large dimensions. Namely, it occupies the entire north­western corner of the church and thus decreases its usable surface which was quite small to begin with. It is highly unlikely that the pool for washing feet would be more than twice the size of the baptismal font which was unquestionably determined in the northern annex. From two possible interpretations, each of which has its downsides, it seems more probable at present that the semi­circular space was used as a baptismal font. The question of whether it was used only in the first phase, therefore prior to the construction of the northern annex, or also later when the northern annex was constructed and the square baptismal font was built in it, remains open. NORTHERN ANNEX – THE BAPTISTERY A narrow annex with internal dimensions approx. 10.5 × 2.5m was added to the northern wall of the church nave on the external side (App. 1; Fig. 2.29). There were two entrances into the annex: from the narthex through the pas­sage between walls 1 and 9 (Fig. 2.45) and from the church nave through the passage in wall 1 (see above; Fig. 2.28). Within this space, a semi­circular construction in the foundations was added to the plastered wall of the church nave within which a square pool was made, 1.65 × 1.65m big and about 0.4m deep (App. 1; Figs. 2.29; 2.45–2.49). Two stairs for easier access were made izoblikovan pribl. 12 × 8 cm širok lijakast odtok (sl. 2.49). Opisane značilnosti nedvomno kažejo, da konstrukcija predstavlja krstilni bazenček in da je severni prostor služil kot krstilnica (baptisterij). V baptisteriju ni bilo – razen v krstilnem bazenčku – najdenih sledov estriha. Hodno površino je tu očitno predstavljala nekoliko zravnana skalna osnova. Mogoče je, da so bile vsaj večje neravnine v skali prvotno nekoliko zamazane z estrihom ali pa prekrite z lesenimi deskami. Krstilnice v stranskih prostorih cerkva so sicer pogoste v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru, pa tudi širše, na območju celotnega Ilirika (Chevalier 1988; Ilić 2006). Večinoma so bile prizidane na severni strani, pojavljajo pa se tudi na jugu in na zahodu (npr. Veliki Gradac na donavskem limesu, kjer je bil za baptisterij uporabljen stolp utrdbe: Popović 1984, 276) (sl. 10.12). V severnem stranskem prostoru spodnje cerkve na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem je bil odkrit krstilni ba­zenček, ki je na zunanji strani šesterokotne, na notranji strani pa podkvaste oblike. V notranjosti je bil prevlečen z vodoodpornim estrihom, v nasprotju s korinjskim pa ni pa imel odtoka (Ulbert 1975, 41). Na severni strani cerkve na Ajdni je kot baptisterij interpretiran osrednji del severnega prostora (Ciglenečki 2003, 587) s slabo ohranjeno štirikotno konstrukcijo. Prav tako je kot baptisterij interpretiran severni stranski prostor cerkve na Rifniku. Tla v njem so bila premazana z estrihom, piscino pa je predstavljala naravna razpoka v skali, ki so jo s pomočjo kamnitih blokov preoblikovali v obliko križa (Bolta 1981, 9, t. 31: 7). Baptisteriji v provinci Dalmaciji so lahko preproste pravokotne oblike ali imajo apsidalni zaključek (Che­valier 1988, sl. 3–6), prav tako so različno oblikovane piscine. Po razdelitvi Pascal Chevalier bi korinjski pri­mer sodil v prvi tip piscin s pravokotnim, ovalnim ali polkrožnim bazenčkom (Chevalier 1988, sl. 12). Vse te oblike se pojavljajo tudi na območju severnega Ilirika (Ilić 2006, 223–237). Problem dveh baptisterijev Če interpretiramo kot baptisterij tudi polkrožni prostor v cerkveni ladji (glej zgoraj), je imela cerkev na Korinjskem hribu dva baptisterija. Ali sta v zadnji fazi delovala sočasno ali pa je bil prvi (v cerkveni ladji) opuščen, ko je bil zgrajen drugi, ne moremo zanesljivo ugotoviti. Sam ritual krsta se je sicer razvijal od krsta s popolnim potopom do takega z delnim potopom in naknadnim polivanjem. To je omogočalo krščevanje odraslih oseb v relativno majhnih bazenčkih, kakršen je tudi korinjski. Pascal Chevalier na območju Dalmacije predvideva tak način za bazenčke z globinami manj kot 80 cm (Chevalier 1988, 144). Poleg spremembe rituala naj bi k manjšanju bazenčkov pripomoglo tudi napredo­vanje kristjanizacije, ko je vse bolj izginjala potreba po krščevanju odraslih (Chevalier 1988, 150, sl. 20–23), krst otrok pa je možen tudi v manjših bazenčkih. Podoben in the eastern and western side of the construction. The walls were coated with orange plaster and the bottom with a layer of reddish waterproof mortar screed which continued slightly upwards as to partly cover the orange plaster on the walls (Figs. 2.46; 2.49). In the middle, an approx. 12 × 8cm wide funnel­shaped drain was made in the mortar screed (Fig. 2.49). The described characteristics undoubtedly show that the construction is a baptismal font and that the northern annex served as a baptistery. In the baptistery – except in the baptismal font – no traces of mortar floor were found. The walking surface here was obviously represented by a slightly levelled bedrock. It is possible that at least more uneven parts in the rock were slightly coated at first with mortar floor or covered by wooden planks. Baptisteries in the church annexes are generally frequent in the south­eastern Alpine territory and wider in the area of entire Illyricum (Chevalier 1988; Ilić 2006). They were mostly added on the northern side, but they also appear on the south and west (e.g. Veliki Gradac on the Danubian limes, where the fort’s tower was used as a baptistery: Popović 1984, 276) (Fig. 10.12). In the northern annex of the lower church at Aj­dovski gradec above Vranje, a baptismal font was dis­covered which is of hexagonal shape on the inside and horseshoe­shaped on the inside. The interior was coated with waterproof mortar and, in contrast to the one at Korinjski hrib, had no drain (Ulbert 1975, 41). On the northern side of the church at Ajdna, the central part of the northern annex is interpreted as the baptistery (Ciglenečki 2003, 587) which has a poorly preserved four­angled construction. Furthermore, the northern annex at Rifnik is also interpreted as a baptistery. The floor in it was coated with mortar, while the piscina was represented by a natural crack in the rock which was transformed into the form of a cross with the help of stone blocks (Bolta 1981, 9, Pl. 31: 7). Baptisteries in the province of Dalmatia can be of simple rectangular shape or have an apsidal ending (Che­valier 1988, Figs. 3–6), piscinas are also differently shaped. The one from Korinjski hrib would belong to the first type of piscinas with the rectangular, oval, or semi­circular font (Chevalier 1988, Fig. 12). All these forms also appear in the area of northern Illyricum (Ilić 2006, 223–237). The problem of two baptisteries If the semi­circular structure in the church nave (see above) is also interpreted as a baptistery, the church at Korinjski hrib had two baptisteries. It is not possible to determine with certainty whether they functioned simultaneously in the last phase or the first one (in the church nave) was abandoned when the second one was built. The ritual of baptism was generally developing from the baptism with complete immersion to the one with partial immersion and subsequent pouring of water over the head of the baptised person. This enabled the primer manjšanja krstilnih bazenčkov opažajo tudi pri cerkvah v donavskih kastelih (Ilić 2006, 238–240). Morda lahko za Korinjski hrib v prvi fazi domne­vamo krščevanje v polkrožnem prostoru v cerkveni ladji. Vendar pri tem verjetno ni šlo za krst s popolnim potopom, saj polkrožni zidec, ki zamejuje prostor, zaradi slabe kvalitete gradnje ni omogočal zadrževanja večjih količin vode. V drugi fazi bi se zato obred pre­selil v manjši, vendar bolje izdelan krstilni bazenček v severnem prizidku. Če sta obe piscini v zadnji fazi delovali sočasno, je morda prvi (v cerkvi) služil za krst odraslih (ki je bil sicer v sredini 6. st., ko naj bi bila kristjanizacija že večinoma zaključena, redek), drugi pa za krst otrok.1 Teza Glaserja (1997, 43) in Sennhauserja (2003, 968–969; glej zgoraj), da je polkrožna konstrukcija slu­žila kot bazen za umivanje nog, bi pomenila, da je bila cerkev v prvi fazi brez baptisterija, kar pa prav tako ne bi bilo nič nenavadnega. NARTEKS Vhodna veža je zaradi prilagajanja terenu precej nepravilne (trapezoidne) oblike. Na eni strani je bila prizidana na jugozahodni vogal cerkvene stavbe, na severozahodu pa s prehodom povezana z baptisterijem. Vhod zaradi slabe ohranjenosti zidov ni zanesljivo do­ločen, domnevamo pa ga na zahodni strani, v zidu 10, na mestu, kjer je zid popolnoma prekinjen. Njen sestavni del je tudi kamnita grobnica, ki je bila v jugovzhodni vogal vgrajena sočasno s postavitvijo zidu. Skrajni vzhodni zid cerkve je namreč tudi del zidu grobnice (pril. 1). Zidovi grobnice so bili zgrajeni iz vrste manjših (do 20 cm velikih) kamnov, ki so bili posebej na severni in zahodni strani po vrhu obilno premazani z malto. Grobnica je bila prvotno prekrita s kamnitimi ploščami, ki so bile odkrite v zgornjem delu zasutja (sl. 2.44). Dno je bilo premazano z estrihom (pril. 1). Pokopavanje v grobnici je trajalo skozi daljše obdobje, saj so kosti prvotnih v grobnico položenih pokojnikov umaknili, nato pa so v grobnico pokopali še dva, katerih ostanki so bili še ohranjeni v anatomski legi, z glavami na zahodni strani. Ostanek prvotnih pokopov predstavlja množica kosti, ki so v grobnici ležale v sekundarni legi (sl. 2.43) (glej pogl. 6). Radiokarbonska analiza je poka­zala zanimive časovne razpone. Precej podobni so rezul­tati za dva pokojnika v anatomski legi (AD 413–551 in AD 428–599), analiza ene kosti v sekundarni legi je dala rezultat AD 399–539, presenetljiv pa je rezultat analize druge kosti v sekundarni legi, ki je identičen rezultatu 1 Ker naselbini pripadajoče grobišče še ni bilo raziskano, ni poznana struktura prebivalstva v naselbini. Kljub prevla­dujoči vojaški funkciji naselbine v njeni zadnji fazi pa lahko domnevamo tudi prisotnost žensk (glej pogl. 6) in posledič­no tudi otrok. baptising of adults in relatively small fonts, such as the one at Korinjski hrib is. In the territory of Dalmatia, Pascal Chevalier supposes this manner for fonts with a depth of up to 80cm (Chevalier 1988, 144). In addition to the change in the ritual, the advancement of Christianisation, when the need to baptise adults increasingly disappeared, supposedly also contributed to the decrease in the font size (Chevalier 1988, 150, Figs. 20–23) since the baptism of children is possible in much smaller fonts. A similar case of a decrease in the size of fonts is also noticed in churches in Danubian forts (Ilić 2006, 238–240). In the first phase at Korinjski hrib, we can possibly assume baptising in the semi­circular space in the church nave. However, it was probably not the baptism with full immersion since, due to poor quality of construction, the semi­circular wall delimiting the space did not allow for the holding of larger quantities of water. Thus, in the second phase the ritual would have moved to the smaller, yet better made baptismal font in the northern annex. If both fonts were in the last phase used simultane­ously, the first one (in the church) could have been used for the baptism of adults (which was generally rare in the middle of the 6th century, when Christianization was mostly finished), and the second one for the baptism of children.1 The thesis of Glaser (1997, 43) and Sennhauser (2003, 968–969; see above) about the semi­circular con­struction serving as a pool for washing feet would mean that the church in the first phase lacked a baptistery, which would not be unusual. THE NARTHEX Due to adaptation to the terrain, the entrance hall is quite irregular (trapezoid) in form. On one side it was added to the south­western corner of the church building, while at the north­west it was connected to the baptistery with a passage. The entrance is not reliably determined due to the poor preservation of the walls but is assumed on the western side, in wall 10, in the spot where the wall is completely cut off. One of its parts is a stone tomb which was immured into the south­eastern corner simultaneously with the construction of the wall. Namely, the utmost eastern wall of the church is also part of the tomb wall (App. 1). The tomb walls were made from a series of smaller (up to 20cm big) stones, which, especially on the northern and western sides, were generously coated with mortar. The tomb was originally covered by stone slabs which were discovered in the upper part of the filling (Fig. 2.44). The bottom was coated with mortar (App. 1). The tomb was 1 Since the cemetery belonging to the settlement has not yet been researched, the structure of the inhabitants within the settlement is not known. Despite the prevailing military func­tion of the settlement in its last phase, we can assume the pres­ence of women (see Chapter 6) and therefore also children. za prvega pokojnika v anatomski legi (AD 413–551).2 Dopuščamo tudi možnost, da je prišlo do zamenjave kosti in da tudi ta kost pripada prvemu pokojniku v anatomski legi. Skeleti so bili brez pridatkov, nekaj sla­bo ohranjenih kosov železa in brona je bilo najdenih v zasutju. Edini določljivi kos je železna konica. Pokopi privilegiranih oseb v cerkvah so na obrav­navanem območju pogosti. Pri analogijah se bomo zato omejili le na območje današnje Slovenije. Korinjskemu zelo podoben primer je poznan z Ajdovskega gradca nad Vranjem, kjer so bili v grobnici v spodnji cerkvi odkriti ostanki petih skeletov brez pridatkov, od katerih so bili štirje umaknjeni na stran, eden pa je bil v anatomski legi (Ulbert 1975, 38, t. 15: a–c). Na Rifniku je bil kamnit sarkofag iz peščenjakovih plošč s pripadajočim pokrovom postavljen v jugovzhod­nem vogalu narteksa (Bolta 1981, sl. 7; Pirkmajer 1994, sl. 58). V nasprotju s korinjsko grobnico sarkofag z Rifni­ka ni bil vzidan v cerkveni zid, ampak je stal samostojno. V njem sta bila odkrita dva pokojnika – ženska in moški (Bolta 1981, 37), grob pa je datiran v 6. st. Kamnita grobnica (grob 4) je bila odkrita tudi v narteksu severne cerkve na Tonovcovem gradu. Za njeno zahodno stranico so uporabili zahodni zid narteksa. V grobnici je bil odkrit moški skelet brez pridatkov (Mod­rijan, Milavec 2011, 209, sl. 2.69, 2.70). Poleg tega je bilo v cerkvi in njeni bližnji okolici odkritih še 12 večinoma otroških grobov (Modrijan, Ciglenečki, Milavec 2011, 129–142). Na Ajdni je bilo v cerkvi odkritih 11 grobov (Sagadin 1989, sl. 79). V vzhodnem prostoru severnega stranskega prostora je bila odkrita grobnica z dvema grobovoma, ki sodi v zadnjo cerkveno fazo (Sagadin 1989, 248). Zidane grobnice in grobovi se omenjajo tudi na Zidanem gabru (zbrano v P. Petru, S. Petru 1974, 222–223). Ker gre za stare podatke, ti niso povsem zanesljivi, eno (že izpraznjeno) zidano grobnico pa so potrdila revizijska sondiranja na območju cerkve leta 1988 (Ciglenečki 1990, 113). OPREMA IN IZGLED CERKVE Cerkvena ladja je bila v celoti zgrajena iz nepra­vilnih kamnitih lomljencev, prostori med njimi so bili premazani z ometom. Za narteks in baptisterij domne­vamo, da so bili iz kamna zgrajeni samo temelji zidov, ki so nosili leseno konstrukcijo za streho. Cerkev je bila krita z neko vrsto organske kritine, verjetno s skodlami, saj se niso ohranili ostanki strešne opeke. O notranji opremi ne vemo veliko. Tako ladja kot prezbiterij sta bila tlakovana z estrihom, ki se je ohranil le v ozkem pasu na severnem in zahodnem delu cerkve ter v osrednjem delu narteksa. 2 Poznańske laboratorium radioweglove (Poznan Radio­carbon Laboratory) used for burials for a longer period of time since the bones of the first deceased placed in the tomb were removed, and two other people were buried in it, the remains of whom were preserved in the anatomical position with their heads on the western side. The remains of original burials are represented by a multitude of bones which were found in the tomb in the secondary position (Fig. 2.43) (see Chapter 6). The radiocarbon analysis revealed interesting time spans. Relatively similar are the results for two deceased persons in the anatomical position (AD 413–551 and AD 428–599); the analysis of one bone in the secondary position gave the result AD 399–539, while the result of another bone in the secondary position, which is identical to the result for the first deceased person in the anatomical position (AD 413–551),2 is fairly surprising. We allow for the possibility that this bone also belongs to the first deceased person in the anatomical position. The skeletons lacked grave goods, and a few poorly preserved pieces of iron and bronze were found in the filling. The only determinable piece is an iron point. Burials of privileged people in churches are frequent in the discussed area. Thus, our analogies will be limited to the territory of present­day Slovenia. An example very similar to the one from Korinjski hrib is known from Aj­dovski gradec above Vranje, where remains of five skeletons without grave goods were found in the tomb in the lower church, four of which were pushed aside and one was in the anatomical position (Ulbert 1975, 38, Pl. 15: a–c). At Rifnik, a sarcophagus made of sandstone slabs with the corresponding lid was placed in the south­east­ern corner of the narthex (Bolta 1981, Fig. 7; Pirkmajer 1994, Fig. 58). Contrary to the tomb from Korinjski hrib, the sarcophagus from Rifnik was not built into the church wall but stood there independently. Two sceletons were discovered in it – a woman and a man (Bolta 1981, 37), and the grave is dated to the 6th century. A stone­built tomb (grave 4) was also discovered in the narthex of the northern church at Tonovcov grad. The western wall of the narthex was used for its western side. A male skeleton without grave goods was discov­ered in the tomb (Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 209, Figs. 2.69, 2.70). In addition to this one, another 12, mostly children’s graves were discovered in the church and its immediate surroundings (Modrijan, Ciglenečki, Milavec 2011, 129–142). At Ajdna, 11 graves were discovered in the church (Sagadin 1989, Fig. 79). In the eastern room of the north­ern annex a tomb with two graves was discovered which belongs to the last phase of the church (Sagadin 1989, 248). Stone­built tombs and graves are also mentioned at Zidani gaber (collected in P. Petru, S. Petru 1974, 222–223). Since these are old data, they are not completely reliable, while one (previously emptied) stone­built tomb was confirmed by trial trenching in the area of the church in 1988 (Ciglenečki 1990, 113). 2 Poznan Radiocarbon Laborotory Cerkveni zidovi so bili ometani z ometom, ki je bil delno rdeče­belo barvan. V kotu med zidovoma 1 in 2 je bil omet temno sive barve še ohranjen na zidu (sl. 10.22), nekaj kosov pa ga je ležalo v zasutju (sl. 2.32). Temno siv omet je verjetno posledica požara v cerkvi. V prezbiteriju je bilo v ruševini najdenih nekaj kosov lehnjaka, ki je lahko spadal h kateri od okenskih odprtin, lahko pa je bila s pomočjo lehnjaka izvedena tudi ločna konstrukcija nad apsido. Okna so bila zastekljena. Kosi okenskega stekla so se ohranili v prezbiteriju, ladji ter severnem stranskem prostoru (sl. 3.3, 3.5). Uporabljena sta bila dva različna tipa stekla – zeleno z veliko mehurčki, verjetno slabše kvalitete, ter rumenorjavo steklo.3 Nekaj kosov kaže sledove preoblikovanosti z drobljenjem, odlomki pa so premajhni, da bi lahko sklepali, ali so bili nekateri morda oblikovani v geometrijske oblike. Prostorski podatki ne omogočajo sklepanja o tem, kje so bila okna nameščena. V apsidi in severnem stranskem prostoru cerkve so bili najdeni tudi ostanki steklenih kozarcev z vbočenim dnom, del vratu manjše stekleničke in nekaj fragmentov vijoličastega vrča. Posodje je bilo lahko uporabljeno pri liturgiji, mogoče je tudi, da so nekatere od kozarcev uporabljali kot prostostoječe svetilke, saj značilni ostanki visečih svetilk z ročaji nisi bili najdeni. V cerkvi so bili najdeni kosi železnega okovja ter veliki žeblji, verjetno deli oken in vrat, lahko pa tudi kakšnega dela lesene cerkvene opreme. Taka skromna oprema je precej standardna za cerkve v višinskih naselbinah v jugovzhodnoalpskem Podobno je bilo opaženo tudi na Tonovcovem gradu (Milavec 2015, 98-99). CHURCH FITTINGS AND APPEARANCE The church nave was completely built from irregular quarry stones and the spaces between them coated with plaster. For the narthex and the baptistery, we assume that only the foundations of the walls were built from stone and they carried the wooden construction for the roof. The church was covered by some sort of organic roofing, probably with wood shingles, since no remains of roof bricks are preserved. We know little about the interior fittings. Both the nave and the presbytery were paved with mortar screed which was preserved only in a narrow strip in the north­ern and western parts of the church and in the central part of the narthex. Church walls were coated with plaster which was partly dyed red and white. In the corner between walls 1 and 2, the dark grey plaster (Fig. 10.22) was still preserved in the wall, a few pieces of it were found in the filling (Fig. 2.32). The dark grey colour of the plaster is probably the consequence of a fire in the church. A few pieces of tufa were found in the destruction layer of the presbytery, which could have belonged to one of the window openings but it is also possible that the vaulted construction above the apse was made using tufa. The windows were glazed. Pieces of window glass were preserved in the presbytery, the nave, and the north­ern annex (Figs. 3.3, 3.5). Two different types of glass were used: green glass with numerous air bubbles, probably of poorer quality, and yellow­brown glass.3 A few pieces show traces of grozing but the fragments are too small for us to conclude whether any were shaped into certain geometrical forms. Spatial data do not allow the conclu­sion of where the windows were installed. Remains of beakers with concave base, a part of the neck of a smaller bottle, and a few fragments of a purple jug were found in the apse and northern annex of the church. Vessels could have been used in liturgy; it is also possible that some of the glasses were used as free­standing lamps since characteristic remains of hanging lamps with handles were not found. Pieces of iron fittings and big nails, prob­ably parts of windows and doors, but also of some piece of church wooden fittings were found in the church. Such modest fittings are fairly standard for churches in hilltop settlements in the south­eastern Alpine region. Remains of neither mosaics nor wall paintings were discovered in bigger church complexes (Kučar, Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, Tonovcov grad). At Korinjski hrib, only the lack of glass lamp handles, which generally belong among the usual inventory of such churches, is slightly unusual. However, a few glass beakers were found which probably replaced hanging lamps with handles (see Chapter 3). 3 Similar glass was also noticed at Tonovcov grad (Mi­lavec 2015, 86–90). prostoru. Tudi v večjih cerkvenih kompleksih (Kučar, Ajdovski gradec nad Vranjem, Tonovcov grad) niso bili odkriti niti ostanki mozaikov niti stenskih posli­kav. Nekoliko nenavadna je na Korinjskem hribu samo odsotnost ročajev steklenih svetilk, ki sicer sodijo med običajen inventar tovrstnih cerkva. Bilo pa je odkritih nekaj steklenih čaš, ki so verjetno nadomeščale viseče svetilke z ročaji (glej pogl. 3). ZAKLJUČEK Cerkev na Korinjskem hribu je predstavnica pre­prostih enoladijskih cerkva, ki so se zlasti na višinskih naselbinah morale pogosto prilagajati skalnemu terenu, zato so bile precej nepravilnih oblik. Enoladijske dvoranske cerkve naj bi bile, poleg prostostoječe klopi za duhovnike, ena od značilnosti alpsko­akvilejskega tipa cerkvene arhitekture (Menis 1977). Tezo je kasneje razvil Bierbrauer (1988, 45–75), medtem ko so bili nekateri avtorji do nje skeptični (Gla­ser 1991, 95–103; Duval 1982, 407–412; Bratož 1994, 39–47; 1996, 133–141).4 Đuro Basler je opazil njihovo pogostost v zaledju Dalmacije ter v Bosni in Hercegovini in jih opredelil kot poseben tip (Basler 1972, 136–143). Enoladijskost naj bi bila po nekaterih razlagah po­vezana s skromnimi finančnimi zmožnostmi cerkvenih skupnosti v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru (Deichmann 1983, 273 s). Vendar pa enoladijske cerkve kažejo širšo razprostranjenost po Alpah in Dalmaciji, zato naj bi bila po mnenju Glaserja enoladijskost namerna in je ladja predstavljala le sestavni del konstrukcije, na katero so bile potem na južni in zahodni strani prizidane steb­riščne dvorane (npr. škofovska in pokopališka cerkev v Teurniji, cerkev 4 na sv. Hemi: Glaser 2003, 429–431; 2016, 63–65). Podobno meni Sennhauser z argumen­tom, da je bilo lažje zgraditi s stebri predeljen prostor kot enoladijskega in da je torej moral enoten, nerazdeljen prostor predstavljati ideal (Sennhauser 2003, 920). Pri diskusiji o tem, ali lahko govorimo o značilnosti alpsko­akvilejske cerkvene arhitekture, je zadnji prispe­vek Bierbrauerja, ki se je ukvarjal predvsem z drugo od značilnosti tega kroga, namreč z vzhodnimi zaključki cerkva (Bierbrauer 2015, 153–165). V analizo je vključil širše območje, torej poleg območja akvilejskega vpliva (Cosciuto 1976, sl. 1) še območje vpliva salonitanske in delno milanske cerkve. Analiziral je tip pravokotne dvoranske cerkve s prostostoječo klopjo za duhovnike (tip 1), apsidalne cerkve s prostostoječo klopjo za du­hovnike (tip 2), pravokotne cerkve s prizidano klopjo (tip 3a) in apsidalne cerkve s prizidano klopjo (tip 3b). Analiza je pokazala na akvilejskem vplivnem območju 31 lokacij s 37 cerkvami, ki imajo prostostoječo klop, ter 14 lokacij z 19 cerkvami, pri katerih je dokumenti­ 4 Za zgodovino debate glej nazadnje pri Bierbrauer 2015, op. 219. CONCLUSION The church at Korinjski hrib is a representative of simple single­nave churches which, especially in hilltop settlements, frequently had to adjust to the rocky terrain and were thus of fairly irregular forms. In addition to free­standing benches for priests, single­nave hall churches were supposed to be one of the characteristics of the Alpine­Aquileian type of church ar­chitecture (Menis 1977). The thesis was later developed by Bierbrauer (1988, 45–75), while on the other hand, some authors expressed scepticism towards it (Glaser 1991, 95–103; Duval 1982, 407–412; Bratož 1994, 39–47; 1996, 133–141).4 Đuro Basler noticed their frequency in the hinterland of Dalmatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and defined them as a special type (Basler 1972, 136–143). According to some explanations, the concept of the single­nave is supposed to be connected with humble financial means of church communities in the south­eastern Alpine area (Deichmann 1983, 273 f). However, single­nave churches are more widely distributed along the Alps and in Dalmatia, and hence according to Glaser, the concept of the single­nave was intentional and the nave represented only a part of the construction to which colonnade halls were added on the southern and western sides (e.g. the episcopal and cemetery church in Teurnia, church 4 at Hemmaberg: Glaser 2003, 429–431; 2016, 63–65). Sennhauser believes something similar, arguing that it was easier to build a space partitioned by pillars than the one with the single nave, meaning that a unified, unpartitioned space thus had to be an ideal (Sennhauser 2003, 920). In the discussion about whether we can speak about the characteristics of the Alpine­Aquileian type of church architecture, the most recent contribution is from Bier­brauer, who primarily dealt with the other characteristic of this type, i.e. the eastern ends of the churches (Bierbrauer 2015, 153–165). His analysis included a wider area, there­fore in addition to the territory influenced by Aquileia (Cosciuto 1976, Fig. 1), also the area influenced by the dyoceses of Salona and partly also Milan. He analysed a type of rectangular hall church with a free­standing bench for priests (type 1), apsidal churches with a free­standing bench for priests (type 2), rectangular churches with an added bench (type 3a), and apsidal churches with an added bench (type 3b). In the area influenced by Aqui­leia, the analysis showed 31 locations with 37 churches which have a free­standing bench, and 14 locations with 19 churches which have an added bench documented (Bierbrauer 2015, Fig. 42, 162–164). The prevalence of free­standing benches in the area influenced by Aquileia is thus clearly visible. In this area, churches with a flat eastern end also prevail over churches with the apsidal 4 For the history of the debate see Bierbrauer 2015, foot­note 219. rana prizidana klop (Bierbrauer 2015, sl. 42, 162–164). Jasno je torej vidna prevlada prostostoječih klopi na akvilejskem vplivnem območju. Na tem območju tudi prevladujejo cerkve z ravnim vzhodnim zaključkom nad cerkvami z apsidalnim zaključkom (Bierbrauer 2016, 164). Nasprotno pa je opazna prevlada cerkva s prizidano klopjo na območju salonitanskega vpliva, saj so tukaj cerkve s prostostoječo klopjo zastopane le z nekaj primeri (Bierbrauer 2015, sl. 42). Bierbrauerjev zaključek je, da sicer ne moremo govoriti o enotnem tipu cerkvene stavbe, ki bi bil značilen samo za akvilejsko območje, je pa vsekakor prostostoječa klop bolj značilna za akvilejski prostor, prizidana klop pa za salonitanskega (Bierbrauer 2015, 164, sl. 42). Korinjski hrib leži sicer še na območju akvilejskega vplivnega območja, vendar že skoraj na meji s salo­nitanskim. Korinjska cerkev s široko apsido in nanjo prizidano klopjo tako kaže predvsem na vpliv ilirskega prostora (tako Dalmacije in njenega zaledja kot tudi provinc severnega Ilirika). Časovno je cerkev na Korinjskem hribu težko opredeliti, saj je dobro opredeljivo drobno gradivo redko, izvira pa iz stratigrafsko nejasnih kontekstov. Jasno je, da je bila najprej zgrajena glavna cerkvena stavba, na katero sta bila potem v suhozidni tehniki prizidana stranska prostora. Tudi ta dva nista bila grajena hkrati, ampak je bil na severni prostor (baptisterij) dozidan zahodni (narteks). Ali te dozidave pomenijo tudi kronološko ali pa samo konstrukcijsko razliko, iz stratigrafskih odnosov ni jasno razvidno, se pa glede na analogije z drugimi cerkvami nagibamo k mnenju, da je bila prizi­dava severnega prostora in narteksa časovno pogojena. Po drugi strani sta bila narteks in baptisterij verjetno zgrajena hkrati, da sta omogočila pot katehumenov iz narteksa do bazenčka in potem vstop novokrščenih skozi stranski vhod ob prezbiteriju v cerkev. Glede absolutne datacije nam edino zanesljivo oporo dajejo rezultati C14­analize skeletov iz grobnice v narteksu (glej zgoraj), ki pa kažejo precej širok časovni razpon. Pokojniki niso mogli biti položeni v grobnico pred začetkom 5. st. in ne kasneje kot konec 6. st. Tudi kronološko občutljivih najdb iz zaprtih kon­tekstov v cerkvi nimamo. Tako nam za njeno datiranje ostaneta kronološka analiza razvoja naselbine in pri­merjava s sorodnimi cerkvami. Analiza drobnih najdb iz naselbine je pokazala naselbinsko plast iz druge polovice 4. in začetka 5. st. ter močno poselitev v celotnem 6. st. (glej pogl. 3 in 15). Cerkev v prvi naselbinski fazi gotovo še ni stala, tako da se konec 5. oziroma začetek 6. st. zdi najverjetnejši datum za postavitev cerkve. Podobna datacija je postavljena za cerkveni sklop na Tonovcovem gradu (Ciglenečki 2011, 234) in za cerkvi na Rifniku in Ajdni (Ciglenečki 2006, 300). Na Sv. Hemi je gradnja sklopa dvojnih cerkva postavljena v prvo polovico 6. st. (Glaser 1991, 80). end (Bierbrauer 2016, 164). On the contrary, in the area influenced by Salona, the prevalence of churches with an added bench is noticeable since churches with a free­standing bench are represented here only by a few examples (Bierbrauer 2015, Fig. 42). It is Bierbrauer’s conclusion that we cannot speak about a unified type of a church building which would be characteristic only for the area of Aquileian influence, but that the free­standing bench is certainly more characteristic for the Aquileian territory and the added bench for the area of Salona (Bi­erbrauer 2015, 164, Fig. 42). Korinjski hrib is generally part of the area influenced by Aquileia, but is practically on the border with the area of Salona. Thus, the church at Korinjski hrib with its wide apse and added bench primarily indicates the influence of Illyricum (both Dalmatia and its surroundings and the provinces of northern Illyricum). The church at Korinjski hrib is difficult to date since small finds that can be well defined are rare and originate in stratigraphically unclear contexts. It is clear that the main church building was constructed first and then two annexes were added to it in the drywall technique. These two were not built simultaneously either, but rather the western one (the narthex) was added to the northern one (the baptistery). It is not clearly discernible from stratigraphic relationships whether these additions also mean a chronological or only a constructional difference; according to the analogies with other churches, we gravi­tate towards the opinion that the addition of the northern annex and the narthex was conditioned by time. On the other hand, the narthex and the baptistery were probably built simultaneously so as to enable the catechumens to pass from the narthex to the font and then the entry of the newly baptised through the side entrance along the presbytery into the church. According to absolute dates, the only reliable support is found in the results of the C14 analysis of skeletons from the tomb in the narthex (see above), but which show a fairly wide time span. It was not possible for the deceased to be placed in the tomb prior to the beginning of the 5th and later than at the end of the 6th century. There are no chronologically sensitive finds from closed contexts in the church either. Thus, for its dating we are left with the chronological analysis of the devel­opment of the settlement itself and the comparison with similar churches. The analysis of small finds from the settlement revealed a settlement layer from the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century and a strong population over the entire 6th century (see Chapters 3 and 15). The church was definitely not yet constructed in the first settlement phase, thus the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century seem the most probable date for its construction. A similar date is set for the church complex at Tonov­cov grad (Ciglenečki 2011, 234) and for the churches at V Italiji je korinjski cerkvi zelo podobna skupina cerkva na območju Gardskega jezera, katerih gradnjo prav tako datirajo v konec 5. oziroma na začetek 6. st. (Breda et al. 2011, 61; Chavarría Arnau 2011, 19). Korinjski sorodne cerkve v Dalmaciji so večinoma locirane v utrjenih naseljih – kastrumih ali njihovi nepo­sredni bližini, ki jih povezujejo z Justinijanovo obnovo po bizantinsko­gotskih vojnah in jih datirajo v sredino 6. st. (Tomičić 1986-1987, 151; 1995, 97–99; Fabijanić et al. 2013, 89–90; Domijan 1992, 341–343). Pri dataciji dalmatinskih cerkva je problematično, da drobne najdbe večinoma niso objavljene. Tako ni popolnoma jasno, ali gre res za enkratno gradnjo kastrumov in cerkva v njih v justinijanskem obdobju ali pa so ti v neki obliki živeli že prej, sredi 6. st. pa doživeli samo intenzivne pregradnje. V dalmatinskem zaledju, na ozemlju Bosne in Hercegovine, je Basler intenzivno gradnjo cerkva po­stavil v konec 5. stoletja in jo povezal z vzhodnogotsko prisotnostjo (Basler 1972, 143). Dogradnja baptisterija in narteksa ter prizidava duhovniške klopi na Korinjskem hribu sodi glede na analogije v nekoliko kasnejše obdobje. Na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem je prezidava spodnje cerkve z vgradnjo klopi na podlagi najdbe Justinijanovega novca datirana v čas po letu 541 (Ulbert 1979, 57). Podobno velja za Tonovcov grad, kjer je vgradnja klopi (na ravno vzhodno steno) in estriha datirana na podlagi spatejo­na z Justinijanovim srebrnikom, najdenega ob oltarju osrednje cerkve, v sredino 6. st. (Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 203; Ciglenečki 2011, 228–229). Pregradnje cerkva so dokumentirane tudi v kastelih na donavskem limesu. V Boljetinu je bil na obstoječo cerkev prizidan stranski prostor in narteks (Zotović 1982-1983, 223), v Velikem Gradcu pa stranski prostor. Tu sta bila dokumentirana tudi dva estriha, na starejšem je bil najden novec Justina I., kar nastanek mlajšega datira v čas po letu 518 (Popović 1984, 276). Glede na predstavljene analogije bi torej gradnjo cerkve na Korinjskem hribu lahko opredelili v konec 5. ali začetek 6. st. Njena pregradnja (dozidava duhovniške klopi in stranskih prostorov) bi po analogiji s Tonovco­vega gradu in z Ajdovskega gradca nad Vranjem lahko sodila v sredino 6. st. V odnosu do naselbine bi to pomenilo, da je bila na­selbina v prvi fazi (druga polovica 4., začetek 5. st.) brez cerkve. Postavitev enoladijske cerkve lahko domnevamo konec 5. st., ko so bili postavljeni tudi obrambni stolpi. Pregradnjo cerkve z dozidavo obeh stranskih prostorov in duhovniške klopi lahko po analogijah postavimo v čas po bizantinsko­gotskih vojnah, torej v sredino 6. st. Močna žganinska plast in ostanki od ognja pre­oblikovanega stekla kažejo, da je bila cerkev uničena v požaru. Kdaj se je to zgodilo, ni jasno. Na podlagi drobnih najdb iz stolpov domnevamo, da je naselbina živela še po sredini 6. st., proti koncu stoletja pa sta bili uničeni tako naselbina kot cerkev. Rifnik and Ajdna (Ciglenečki 2006, 300). At Hemmaberg, the construction of the complex of double churches is set to the first half of the 6th century (Glaser 1991, 80). In Italy, a group of churches in the area of Lago di Garda is very similar to the church at Korinjski hrib, the construction of which is also dated to the time at the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century (Breda et al. 2011, 61; Chavarría Arnau 2011, 19). In Dalmatia, churches similar to the one from Korin­jski hrib are mostly located in fortified settlements – castra or their immediate vicinity, which are associated with Justinian’s restoration after the Byzantine­Gothic Wars and dated to the mid­6th century (Tomičić 1986-1987, 151; 1995, 97–99; Fabijanić et al. 2013, 89–90; Domijan 1992, 341–343). With the dating of Dalmatian churches, the problematic fact is that small finds are mostly not published. Thus, it is not completely clear whether it is truly the one­time construction of castra and churches in them in the period of Justinian or these existed in some form or another even before and were simply strongly reconstructed in the middle of the 6th century. In the Dalmatian hinterland, in the territory of present­day Bosnia and Herzegovina, Basler set the intense construction of churches into the end of the 5th century and connected it to the Ostrogothic presence (Basler 1972, 143). The additions of the baptistery and the narthex as well as the addition of the bench for priests at Korinjski hrib belongs according to the analogies to a slightly later period. At Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, the rebuilding of the lower church with the addition of the bench is based on the find of a Justinian coin dated to the time after 541 (Ulbert 1979, 57). Something similar is the case for Tonovcov grad, where the construction of the bench (on the flat eastern wall) and the mortar floor is dated on the basis of a spatheion with a Justinian silver coin, found next to the altar of the main church, to the time of the middle of the 6th century (Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 203; Ciglenečki 2011, 228–229). Reconstructions of churches are also recorded in forts along the Danubian limes. In Boljetin, an annex and a narthex were added to the existing church (Zotović 1982-1983, 223), and in Veliki gradec an annex. Here two mortar floor were also documented; a coin of Justin I was found on the earlier one, which dates the creation of the later one in the time after 518 (Popović 1984, 276). Considering the analogies presented above, the construction of the church at Korinjski hrib could be delimited to the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century. According to the analogies from Tonovcov grad and Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, its reconstruction (ad­dition of the bench for priests and annexes) could belong to the time of the mid­6th century. In relation to the settlement this would mean that in the first phase (the second half of the 4th, the beginning of the 5th century) the settlement lacked a church. The Korinjski hrib je naselbina, ki s svojo lego in ar­hitekturo kaže vojaški značaj. Kot tako jo je opredelil že Ciglenečki (1985) v prvi objavi rezultatov sondiranj. Do sedaj je vedenje o prisotnosti vojske v zaključnem obdobju pozne antike zelo napredovalo in odkrita je bila vrsta naselbin, ki jim lahko vsaj delno pripišemo vojaško namembnost (glej pogl. 12). Značilnost korinjske cerkve v njeni zadnji fazi (enoladijska cerkev s široko apsido, duhovniško klopjo, prizidano na apsido, in dodatnimi prostori, prizidanimi na ladjo) ima primerjave na širšem prostoru jugovzho­dnih Alp, predvsem pa v Iliriku. Pogoste so v Dalmaciji, pa tudi v provincah severnega Ilirika. Povsod prevladu­jejo v vojaških kontekstih in so povezane z justinijansko prenovo v 6. st. Pojavljajo pa se tudi povsem samostojno in ne kažejo neposredne povezave z utrdbami (npr. Sv. Andrija na Iloviku, Sv. Viktor na Dugem otoku). Zanimiva je situacija v severni Italiji, kjer so po­dobne cerkve poznane pretežno z območja ob Gardskem jezeru. Pri naselbini San Martino di Lundo/Lomaso zaradi njene odmaknjene lege in odsotnosti predmetov, ki bi lahko pripadali ženskam in otrokom, poudarjajo predvsem njen strateški pomen za nadzor pomembne poti proti Italiji (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, 215). Pri ostalih cerkvah, podobnih korinjski (San Lorenzo di Desenzano, San Pietro in Mavinas), njihova funkcija ni povsem jasna (cerkev za krščevanje ali pokopališka cerkev: Brogiolo 2011, 12–13), vendar ves ta prostor v 6. stoletju kaže precejšnjo militarizacijo, z njo pa je povezana tudi pospešena gradnja cerkva v kastelih in podeželskih naselbinah (Brogiolo 2011, 12). Gre za tip cerkve, ki je bil široko uporabljan na območju celotnega Ilirika, manj pogost je bil v Italiji, zaradi svoje preprostosti pa je bil posebno primeren za gradnjo v naseljih z močno vojaško prisotnostjo. construction of the single­nave church can be assumed for the end of the 5th century when defence towers were also constructed. According to analogies, the partition of the church with the addition of both annexes and a bench for priests can be set in the time after the Byzantine­Gothic Wars, therefore in the middle of the 6th century. A strong charcoal layer and remains of fire­altered glass indicate that the church was destroyed by fire. It is not clear when that happened. Based on small finds from the towers, we assume that the settlement lived on after the mid­6th century and that towards the end of the cen­tury both the settlement and the church were destroyed. Korinjski hrib is a settlement revealing military character with its position and architecture. It was already defined as such by Ciglenečki (1985) in the first publica­tion of the results of trial trenching. Until the present day, the knowledge about the presence of the army in the final part of late antiquity has come a long way and a series of settlements were discovered which can at least partly be ascribed a military purpose (see Chapter 12). The characteristics of the church at Korinjski hrib in its last phase (the single­nave church with a wide apse, a bench for priests added to the apse, and annexes added to the nave) have comparisons in the wider area of the south­eastern Alps, and especially in Illyricum. They are frequent in Dalmatia and also in the provinces of northern Illyricum. Everywhere they prevail in military contexts and are connected to Justinian’s restoration in the 6th century. However, they also appear completely independently and do not indicate direct connection to forts (e.g. Sv. Andrija [St Andrew] on the island of Ilovik, Sv. Viktor [St Victor] on the island of Dugi otok). The situation in northern Italy is interesting, where similar churches are known mostly from the area around Lago di Garda. In the settlement of San Martino di Lun­do / Lomaso primarily its strategic significance for control over the important road towards Italy is emphasised due to its remote location and lack of objects that could belong to women and children (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, 215). For other churches similar to the one at Korinjski hrib (San Lorenzo di Desenzano, San Pietro in Mavinas), their function is not completely clear (a church for baptising or a cemetery church: see Brogiolo 2011, 12–13), but in the 6th century this entire area displays strong militarisation, with which enhanced construction of churches in forts and rural settlements is connected (Brogiolo 2011, 12). 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Severni in južni zid sta bila široka med 0,4 in 0,5 m, zahodni zaradi strmine ni bil v celoti odkopan, vzhodni je bil uničen zaradi drevesa. V notranjosti grobnice se ob južnem zidu nahaja iz kamnov zgrajena polica (širina 0,5-0,7 m), premazana z ometom. Tla med polico in severnim zidom so široka med 0,3 in 0,4 m in prav tako premazana z ometom (sl. 11.1; 11.2). Ob grobnici je leža- A cemetery was discovered on the north-eastern slope of Korinjski hrib (Fig. 2.2), which was partly researched (see Chapter 2). Beside a stone tomb, two skeletons were discovered, (Figs. 11.1; 11.2) one of which was excavated (Grave 1, southern skeleton), while the other one was filled over. The excavation of the cemetery did not continue. THE TOMB A stone tomb (inner measures 1 x 2.7m) was directed approximately in the direction east–west. The northern and southern walls were between 0.4 and 0.5m wide, the western wall was not completely excavated due to the steepness of the slope, and the eastern one was destroyed by a tree. Inside the tomb, along the southern wall, is a bank made of stones (width 0.5–0.7m), which is coated with plaster. The floor between the bank and the northern lo precej obdelanih kosov lehnjaka, kar dokaj zanesljivo kaže, da je bila obokana. Lehnjak prihaja najverjetneje z najdišč ob zgornji Krki (glej pogl. 1). Kot je zelo pogosto na poznoantičnih najdiščih, je bila grobnica očitno izropana, saj je bilo v njeni notra­njosti najdeno le nekaj razmetanih kosti, ki se niso ohranile. Gre za edino do sedaj zabeleženo zidano obokano grobnico na poznoantičnem najdišču v Sloveniji. Neobo­kane zidane grobnice se pojavljajo na grobišču Kranj – Križišče Iskra, na višinskih naselbinah pa so najpogosteje postavljene v cerkvah. Grobnice s Križišča Iskra v Kranju so zidane z malto, ostale pa so običajno le iz zloženega večjega kamenja ali kamnitih plošč, lahko spolij. Nagrobišču na Tinju nad Loko pri Žusmu (Ciglenečki 2000, 47-50), v narteksu cerkve na Rifniku (Bolta 1981, 8, sl. 7) in v naselbini Zidani gaber nad Mihovim (Breščak et al. 2002) se pojavljajo tudi sarkofagi, ki so prav tako največkrat sestavljeni iz spolij (žrtvenik, pepelnice). Ne gre torej za poznoantične kamnite izdelke, vendar upo­raba spolij vseeno kaže na veliko pozornost namenjeno pokopu nekaterih posameznikov, tudi otrok. wall is between 0.3 and 0.4m wide and also coated with mortar (Figs. 11.1; 11.2). A lot of worked pieces of tufa were lying alongside the tomb which fairly reliably proves that it was vaulted. The tufa most probably originates from deposits along the Upper Krka (see Chapter 1). As is frequent at late antique sites, the tomb was obviously plundered, since its interior only contained a few scattered bones which are not preserved. This is the only recorded stone vaulted tomb at a late antique site in Slovenia until now. Un-vaulted stone tombs appear at the cemetery Kranj – Križišče Iskra; at hilltop settlements they are most frequently built in churches. Tombs at Križišče Iskra in Kranj are constructed with mortar, while others are usually made only of piled-up bigger stones or stone slabs, sometimesspolia. At the cemetery at Tinje above Loka pri Žusmu (Ciglenečki 2000, 47–50), in the narthex of the church at Rifnik (Bolta 1981, 8, Fig. 7), and in the settlement of Zidani gaber above Mihovo (Breščak et al. 2002) sarcophagi also appear which are also most frequently composed of spolia (altars, urns). Therefore, we are not dealing with late antique masonry products; however, Na jugozahodnem delu grobišča Kranj-Križišče Is-kra so bili odkriti ostanki petih ali šestih grobnic (A-F). Večinoma so ostala le tla, pri nekaterih pa so se ohranili nizki zidovi, ki so bili zidani z malto. V enem primeru grobnice (grobnica F) in pri dvojnem grobu z zidcem (51-52) avtor omenja tudi kose lehnjaka, ne omenja pa možnosti, da bi bile konstrukcije obokane (Sagadin 1988, 33-34). Na Ajdni nad Potoki sta bila v prizidku cerkve najdena dva grobova (grob 1 in dvojni grob 7-8), obzidana s kamnitimi ploščami (Valič 1981; 1982). Na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem je bila v spodnji cerkvi odkrita iz kamnitih spolij sestavljena grobnica s petimi skeleti (grob IV, Ulbert 1975, 38, sl. 7). Na Tonovcovem gradu je imel grob 4 v skupnem narteksu severne in osrednje cerkve grobno konstrukcijo, sestavljeno iz velikih kamnov (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 132, sl. 2.70). Tudi na Zidanem gabru je bila v južnem stranskem prostoru cerkve najdena zidana grobnica (Ciglenečki 1990). Sestavljena in zidana kamnita grobna arhitektura se ne pojavlja na grobiščih brez cerkve, ki imajo močnejše germanske elemente (Kranj Lajh, Ljubljana Dravlje, Solkan), ampak je očitno vezana na rimsko tradicijo na grobiščih in na pokope v cerkvah, podobno kot najime­nitnejša oblika pokopa v sarkofagu. Zidane obokane grobnice s stranskimi policami za polaganje pokojnih ter z oboki iz apnenca ali lehnjaka so značilnost prefekture Ilirik. Ponekod so zaradi naravnih danosti zidane iz opeke. Zelo pogosto se nahajajo v ali ob zgodnjekrščanskih cerkvah, pa tudi na grobiščih brez cerkva v hrvaški Dalmaciji, v Bosni in Hercegovini, Srbiji, severnem delu Makedonije in Grčiji. Datirane so v čas med 4. in 8. st., pripisujejo pa jih premožnejšemu prebivalstvu (Miličević-Capek 2009; Petrov 2018). Poleg ostalih elementov, ki ločijo Korinjski hrib od drugih slovenskih poznoantičnih najdišč, gre tudi v primeru te grobne arhitekture za potrditev posebnosti najdišča in njegovih povezav s Sredozemskim prostorom. GROB 1 (JUŽNI SKELET; sl. 6.9) Grob 1 je bil usmerjen vzporedno z grobnico. V njem je na hrbtu, z glavo na zahodu, ležal skelet približno 176 cm visokega moškega, ki je umrl v starostni dobi maturus, antropološka analiza pa je pokazala sledove degenerativnih sprememb in fizičnih naporov (glej pogl. 6). Bil je brez pridatkov, le pri nogah je bilo odkritih ne­kaj odlomkov poznoantične keramike. Radiokarbonska datacija kosti iz groba je pokazala čas druge polovice 3. do začetka 5. stoletja (252-401). the use of spolia still indicates a great investment with the burial of certain individuals, including children. Remains of five or six tombs (A–F) were discovered at the south-western part of the cemetery Kranj – Križišče Iskra. Mostly only the floor was preserved; some still had low walls built with mortar. In one tomb (tomb F) and the double grave with a small wall (51-52) the author mentions pieces of tufa but does not discuss the possibility that the constructions were vaulted (Sagadin 1988, 33–34). At Ajdna above Potoki, two graves (Grave 1 and double Grave 7-8) were found in the church annex, which were walled with stone slabs (Valič 1981; 1982). At Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, a stone tomb with five skeletons composed of stone spolia was discovered in the lower church (grave IV, Ulbert 1975, 38, Fig. 7). At Tonovcov grad, Grave 4 in the common narthex of the northern and central churches contained a grave con­struction composed of big stones (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 130, Fig. 2.70). A stone tomb was found in the southern annex of the church at Zidani gaber, too (Ciglenečki 1990). In cemeteries without a church that have stronger Germanic elements, stone-built grave architecture does not appear (Kranj Lajh, Ljubljana Dravlje, Solkan), but is obviously related to Roman tradition at cemeteries and burials in churches, in a similar way to the most distinguished form of a burial in the sarcophagus. Stone vaulted tombs with side banks for the laying out of the deceased and with arches made of limestone or tufa are a characteristic of the prefecture of Illyricum. In some places, they are built of bricks due to terrain characteristics. Very frequently they are found in or along Early Christian churches, and also at cemeteries lacking churches in Croatian Dalmatia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, northern part of North Macedonia, and Greece. They are dated to the time between the 4th and 8th century and are ascribed to wealthier popula­tion (Miličević-Capek 2009; Petrov 2018). In addition to other elements separating Korinjski hrib from other Slovenian late antique sites, this grave architecture also confirms the peculiarity of the site and its connections with the Mediterranean territory. GRAVE 1 (THE SOUTHERN SKELETON; Fig. 6.9) Grave 1 was directed parallel to the tomb. It con­tained a skeleton of an approximately 176cm tall man lying on his back with the head in the west. He died at the age of maturus; the anthropological analysis showed traces of degenerative changes and physical strain (see Chapter 6). The grave lacked grave goods, only a few fragments of late antique pottery were found by the deceased’s legs. Radiocarbon dating of bones from the grave indicated the time from the second half of the 3rd to the beginning of the 5th century (252–401). SKLEP Čeprav grobišče na Korinjskem hribu ni do konca raziskano, si lahko dovolimo nekaj sklepov. Odkriti grobovi kažejo, da gre za grobišče zunaj naselbine, blizu vhoda vanjo, ki poteka skozi prehod v skalah na vzhodni strani hriba. Kje točno je v pozni antiki pote­kala dostopna pot ni znano, zelo verjetno pa je grobišče ležalo prav ob njej. Grobnica in dva odkrita grobova so postavljeni v vrsto, tako da lahko sklepamo, da gre za grobišče v vrstah. Podobno so strukturirana tudi ostala znana poznoantična grobišča na obravnavanem prosto­ru, razen kadar geološka podlaga tega ni dopuščala, kot na primer na Ajdovskem gradcu nad Vranjem (Bachran 1975, sl. 36). Na grobiščih poznoantičnih višinskih naselbin so najpogostejše preproste grobne jame, vkopane v zemljo ali vsekane v skalo. Zidana grobna arhitektura je redka, grobovi iz opeke se ne pojavljajo. Kot že poudarjeno, je zidana obokana grobnica s Korinjskega hriba posebnost, ki je na drugih slovenskih višinskih naselbinah nismo za­znali, za jugovzhodne Alpe ni značilna oblika. V grobu 1 je bil brez pridatkov pokopan razmeroma visok odrasel moški. Grob je radiokarbonsko datiran dokaj zgodaj. Glede na njegovo lego ob grobnici, vzporedno z njo, je verjetno, da je nastal, ko je bila že zgrajena. Ta sicer nima zanesljivih elementov za datacijo, bolj smiselno pa spada v drugo poznoantično fazo. Razkoraka med radiokarbonsko datacijo groba in hipotetično datacijo grobnice ne moremo z gotovostjo razložiti, morda gre za napako pri radiokarbonski dataciji.1 Poleg grobišča so na Korinjskem hribu v drugi fazi pokopavali tudi v cerkvi (glej pogl. 2). V grobnici v narteksu so bili ohranjeni ostanki dveh skeletov (moški in ženska) v prvotni legi in premaknjene kosti vsaj še treh oseb. V vseh primerih gre za odrasle, dve ženski in tri moške, vsi so umrli v obdobju adultus oz. maturus, po postavi pa so bili precej manjši od moškega iz gro­ba 1 na grobišču (glej pogl. 6). Radiokarbonsko so vsi osebki datirani med začetek 5. in konec 6. st., vsi so bili brez pridatkov. Grobovi v cerkvenih ladjah, narteksih in prizidkih cerkva so novost na poznoantičnih naselbinah med drugo polovico 5. in 7. st., v mestnih cerkvenih stavbah konca 4. in prve polovice 5. st. v nižini niso bili odkriti. Pokojni so bili lahko pokopani v grobnicah ali sarkofa­gih, zidanih iz kamnov ali sestavljenih iz spolij, ali pa v preprostih grobnih jamah. V grobnicah so najpogosteje pokopavali večkrat zaporedoma, kosti starejših pokopov so odrinili na rob. Grobni pridatki so zelo redki. Včasih so grobovi prisotni tudi zunaj cerkva, najpogosteje ob vzhodnem zidu prezbiterija. Večje število grobov v in zunaj cerkva najdemo le na Ajdni, Tonovcovem gradu Radiokarbonska datacija je bila narejena skoraj 40 let po izkopu groba in med tem časom je lahko prišlo tudi do kontaminacije vzorca. CONCLUSION Even though the cemetery at Korinjski hrib has not been completely researched, a few conclusions can still be drawn. The discovered graves indicate that it was a cemetery located outside the settlement, near the entrance which runs through the passage in the rocks on the eastern side of the hill. It is not clear where exactly the access road ran in late antiquity, although the cem­etery was very probably situated beside it. The tomb and the two discovered graves are lined up in a row leading us to assume that it was a row cemetery. Other known late antique cemeteries in the discussed area are also similarly structured, except in cases where the geological base did not allow for it, i.e. at Ajdovski gradec above Vranje (Bachran 1975, Fig. 36). At the cemeteries of late antique hilltop settlements simple grave pits dug into the soil or cut into rock are most usual. Stone built grave architecture is rare; graves made of brick do not appear. As emphasised before, the stone vaulted tomb from Korinjski hrib is a peculiarity that has not been detected at other Slovenian hilltop set­tlements, and is not a typical form for the South-Eastern Alps. A relatively tall adult man was buried in Grave 1 without any grave goods. The grave is radiocarbon dated relatively early. Considering its position along the tomb, parallel to it, it seems probable that it was made after the tomb had already been built. The tomb does not present any reliable elements for dating; however, it makes more sense to place it into the second late antique phase. The difference between the radiocarbon dating of the grave and the hypothetical dating of the tomb cannot be explained with certainty, it could be a mistake in the radiocarbon date.1 In addition to the cemetery, in the second phase people at Korinjski hrib also buried their dead in the church (see Chapter 2). Remains of two skeletons (a man and a woman) in the original position and dislocated/ moved bones of at least three more people were found in the tomb in the narthex. All were adults, two women and three men, who all died in the period adultus or matu­rus, and were much shorter than the man in Grave 1 at the cemetery (see Chapter 6). Radiocarbon dates for all persons indicate the time between the beginning of the 5th and the end of the 6th century; all were lacking grave goods. Graves in church naves, narthexes, and annexes of churches are a novelty at late antique settlements between the second half of the 5th and the 7th century, and were not discovered in town church buildings of the end of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century in the lowlands. The deceased were buried either in tombs or sarcophagi, built from stones or composed 1 Radiocarbon dating was done almost 40 years after the grave was excavated and contamination of the sample could have happened during that long period. in Zidanem gabru. Zanimivo je, da gre pri Ajdni in Tonovcovem gradu za veliko število otroških grobov (več kot polovica). Na Korinjskem hribu otroški grobovi niso bili odkriti. Trenutno ni jasno, kakšna je bila razlika med pokopanimi na grobiščih zunaj naselbin in tistimi, pokopanimi v cerkvah. Lahko je šlo za razlike v druž­benem statusu (sarkofagi, grobnice), morda včasih za ločene pokope otrok (Ajdna, Tonovcov grad) ali za druge razlike med prebivalci, ki še niso dovolj raziskane. Sklepamo lahko, tudi na primeru Korinjskega hriba, da so v poznorimskem obdobju pokopavali le na grobiščih, saj takrat postojanke še niso imele cerkva. Kasneje se pokopavanje najverjetneje nadaljuje na obeh prostorih vzporedno. BACHRAN, W. 1975, Das Gräberfeld / Grobišče. – V / In: P. Petru, T. Ulbert, Vranje pri Sevnici. Starokrščanske cerkve na Ajdovskem gradcu / Vranje bei Sevnica. Frühchristliche Kirchenanlagen auf dem Ajdovski gradec, Katalogi in mo-nografije 12, 99-115. BREŠČAK, D., M. LOVENJAK, T. VERBIČ, P. LEBEN-SE­LJAK 2002, Nov poznoantični grob z Zidanega gabra na Gorjancih (Ein spätantikes Grab von Zidani gaber auf Gorjanci). – Arheološki vestnik 53, 223–232. BOLTA, A. 1981, Rifnik pri Šentjurju. Poznoantična naselbina in grobišče / Rifnik – spätantike Siedlung und Gräberfeld. – Katalogi in monografije 19. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1990, Zidani gaber. Novo Mesto. – V / In: Arheološka najdišča Dolenjske, 113–116. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2000, Tinje nad Loko pri Žusmu. Pozno­antična in zgodnjesrednjeveška naselbina / Tinje oberhalb von Loka pri Žusmu. Spätantike und frühmittelalterliche Siedlung. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 4. CIGLENEČKI, S., Z. MODRIJAN, T. MILAVEC 2011, Pozno­antična naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu. Naselbinske of spolia, or in simple grave pits. In tombs, they most frequently buried several times in a row; the bones of earlier burials were pushed aside. Grave goods are very rare. Occasionally, graves also appear outside churches, most often along the eastern wall of the presbytery. A higher number of graves within and outside churches is found only at Ajdna, Tonovcov grad, and Zidani gaber. Interestingly, at Ajdna and Tonovcov grad there are many children’s graves (more than half). At Korinjski hrib children’s graves were not discovered. Currently, it is not clear what the difference is be­tween those buried in the cemeteries outside the settle­ments and those who were buried in churches. It could have been the differences in social status (sarcophagi, tombs), occasionally possibly also separated burials of children (Ajdna, Tonovcov grad), or some other dif­ferences between inhabitants which have yet not been researched enough. On the basis of Korinjski hrib, too, we can assume that in the late Roman period burials appear only in cemeteries since settlements did not have churches at the time. Later burials were most probably continued at both locations simultaneously. najdbe in interpretacija / Late Antique settlement Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Settlement finds and interpretation. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 23. MILIČEVIĆ-CAPEK, I. 2009, Novi nalazi kasnoantičkih grobnica na svod u Donjoj Hercegovini. – Archaeologia Adriatica III, 223–236. PETROV, O. 2018, A Newly Discovered Early Christian Barrel-Vaulted Tomb in Demir Kapija. – V / In: Folia Archaeologica Balkanica IV, 405–425. PETRU, P., T. ULBERT, 1975, Vranje pri Sevnici: starokrščanske cerkve na Ajdovskem gradcu / Vranje bei Sevnica: frühchri­stliche Kirchenanlagen auf dem Ajdovski gradec. – Katalogi in monografije 12. SAGADIN, M. 1988, Kranj. Križišče Iskra. Nekropola iz časa preseljevanja ljudstev in staroslovanskega obdobja / Kranj. Iskra Crossroads. A cemetery from the Migration Period and the Early Slavic Period. – Katalogi in monografije 24. VALIČ, A. 1981, Ajdna nad Potoki. – Varstvo spomenikov 23, 266–269. VALIČ, A. 1982, Potoki. – Varstvo spomenikov 24, 188–190. 12.NAMEN UTRDBE KORINJSKI HRIB IN PREGLED ZADNJIH ANTIČNIH UTRDB Z VOJAŠKIMI NALOGAMI 12.THE FUNCTION OF THE KORINJSKI HRIB FORT AND AN OVERVIEW OF THE LAST ANTIQUE FORTS WITH MILITARY TASKS Slavko CIGLENEČKI Za boljše razumevanje obdobja, ki ga na utrdbi Korinjski hrib označujejo zidani stolpi in cerkev, je tre­ba podrobneje osvetliti sorodne postojanke na širšem območju.1 Velik problem pri razumevanju poznoantičnih utrjenih višinskih postojank je poznavanje njihove funkcije: lega na naravno dobro zavarovanih vzpeti­nah je pogojevala njihovo oblikovanost in razpored zgradb v notranjosti in zato v veliki meri onemogočila razlikovanje civilnih od vojaških postojank. Od teh so imele mnoge v različnih časovnih obdobjih različne funkcije. Tu obravnavam predvsem tiste, kjer je najti močno obrambno arhitekturo, bivalna arhitektura pa je skromna in največkrat omejena na ozek pas ob obzidju (prim. pri Ciglenečki 1987a, 112). V zadnjem času je bilo precej prispevkov o prisot­nosti vojske v civilnih naselbinah, o zatekanju prebival­stva v gradnje, ki jih je zasegla vojska, skratka o zapleteni problematiki vojaške ali civilne (hkratne?) prisotnosti v tovrstnih postojankah (pregl. pri Sarantis 2013a, 2–5, 17, 48; Sarantis 2013b, 786; Sarantis 2016, 188–198). V tem delu bom zato obravnaval postojanke, ki z izrazitimi obrambnimi elementi kažejo primarno vojaški značaj, čeprav ne izključujem, da so bile v določenih obdobjih ali pa morda ponekod tudi stalno vsaj delno poseljene s civilnim prebivalstvom. Če je bilo za obdobje 4. st. na jugovzhodnoalpskem območju še mogoče dovolj zanesljivo ločiti vojaške utrdbe, postavljene na nekoliko dvignjene vzpetine, od civilnih naselbin, pa je to pri postojankah iz druge polovice 5. in predvsem iz 6. st. postalo skrajno oteženo. Ta problem je zaznati na območju celotne prefekture Ilirik, kjer je razgiban relief narekoval nastanek cele Problem pri razumevanju kronologije utrdbe na Ko­rinjskem hribu v poznoantičnem obdobju je predvsem na­tančnejša določitev začetka intenzivnejše poselitve posto­janke v drugi polovici 5. st. ter pozneje tudi njena utrditev z zidanimi obrambnimi stolpi v 6. st., kar je podrobneje pred­stavljeno v poglavju o kronologiji najdišča (pogl. 15). For a better understanding of the period which is marked at the Korinjski hrib fort by stone towers and a church, similar posts in the wider area need to be dis­cussed in detail.1 A major problem in the understanding of late antique fortified hilltop settlements is knowing their function: the position on naturally well­protected hills conditioned their form and the distribution of structures in their interior and thus to a great extent prevented the differentiation between civil and military posts. Many of these had different functions in different time periods. Here, primarily those are discussed in which a strong defence architecture can be found, while the dwelling architecture is modest and most frequently limited to the narrow strip along defence walls (cf. Ciglenečki 1987a, 112). Lately, there have been many articles published on the subject of the presence of the army in civil settlements and about the retreating of people to constructions oc­cupied by the army—in short, about the complex issues of military or civil (simultaneous?) presence in posts of this type (overview in Sarantis 2013a, 2–5, 17, 48; Saran­tis 2013b, 786; Sarantis 2016, 188–198). Therefore, this work will discuss those posts which through distinctly defensive elements reveal a primarily military character, even though it is not excluded that in certain periods or possibly in some places also permanently, these were also partly inhabited by civilians. If it was still possible for the period of the 4th cen­tury in the area of south­eastern Alps to reliably separate military forts built on slightly elevated hills from civil settlements, this became extremely difficult for the posts 1 The problem of understanding the chronology of the fort at Korinjski hrib in the late antique period is above all the more precise determination of the beginning of a more in­tense settlement at the post in the second half of the 5th cen­tury and later also its fortification with stone defence towers in the 6th century, which is presented in detail in the chapter about the chronology of the site (Chapter 15). vrste vojaških utrdb in kastelov na naravno utrjenih mestih. Zato smo se pri poskusih ločevanja vojaških utrdb od utrjenih civilnih naselbin opirali predvsem na ugotavljanje strateške lege, bližine pomembnejših komunikacij, prehodov rek ali prelazov čez hribovje, na značilen razpored zgradb v notranjosti, prisotnost bolje grajene obrambne arhitekture ter velikokrat tudi drobnih najdb, ki bi utegnile kazati na prisotnost vojske v postojankah (prim. pri Ciglenečki 1987a, 112; Cigle­nečki 2008, 492–493; Southern, Dixon 1996, 127–132; Dunn 2002, 706–707; Dunn 2004, 552). Ob intenzivnih terenskih raziskavah in ob poznava­nju večjega števila različnih utrjenih postojank v regiji pa so se pri nekaterih zaradi na površini dobro ohranjenih sledov arhitekture vendarle nakazale omejene možnosti prepoznavanja vojaških postojank (primerjaj pri Basler 1972; Ciglenečki 1979; Ciglenečki 1987a; Mikulčić 1982; Mikulčić 1986b, 101–102; Mikulčić 2002; Gunjača 1986). Vsi ti izsledki in opredelitve, ki jih v objavah velikokrat ni uspelo zadovoljivo argumentirati, so izzvali kritiko tistega dela raziskovalcev, ki so poznali obravnavane postojanke le iz sekundarnih virov. Razumljivo je, da je brez izkopavanj težko zanesljivo opredeliti značaj po­sameznih najdišč, vendar so pogosti topografski ogledi s prepoznavanjem površinskih značilnosti najdišč ob aero­in satelitski fotografiji ter v novejšem času lidarskih posnetkih, ob sistematičnem zbiranju in prepoznavi po­vršinskih keramičnih najdb ter v zadnjih desetletjih tudi najdb, pridobljenih z detektorji,2 omogočali velikokrat dokaj zanesljive sodbe o značaju postojank. Tako je mo­goče ob sočasnih, sicer redkih sistematičnih izkopava­njih, sondiranjih in zaščitnih posegih postopno razumeti tudi bolje ohranjene, a še ne raziskane postojanke na nekaterih sicer slabše znanih območjih. Odličen primer takšne zgodnje prepoznave namembnosti postojanke je prav tu obravnavani Korinjski hrib, ki sem ga še pred začetkom raziskav, zgolj na osnovi površinske zaznave stavbnih ostalin, postavil v skupino utrdb z vojaškim značajem (Ciglenečki 1979, 460). 2 Obravnavana najdišča so bila zaradi največkrat odmak­njene lege in težje dostopnosti posebej izpostavljena iskalcem z detektorji kovin. Na njih so bile zato od sedemdesetih let 20. stoletja pa vse do danes izkopane velike količine kovin­skega gradiva, za katerega pa razen v primerih, ko so najditelji sodelovali z arheologi, podatki niso vedno zanesljivi. Zato smo pri obravnavi skušali upoštevati le gradivo, za katerega imamo zanesljive podatke. Ta problem, ki sta se ga arheološka in spo­meniška stroka lotevali vedno le na načelni ravni, praktičnih ukrepov pa ni bilo, je povzročil izjemno veliko škodo prav na teh postojankah (prim. pri Svoljšak et al. 1997, 227–231). from the second half of the 5th and especially from the 6th century. This problem can be perceived in the area of the entire Prefecture of Illyricum where the rugged terrain dictated the creation of a series of military forts on naturally fortified spots. Hence, for the attempts to distinguish between military forts and fortified civil settle­ments we relied primarily on determining strategic posi­tion, distance to more important communication paths, river crossings or mountain passes, typical distribution of structures in the interior, presence of well­built defence architecture, and often also small finds which could indi­cate the presence of the army at the posts (cf. Ciglenečki 1987a, 112; Ciglenečki 2008, 492–493; Southern, Dixon 1996, 127–132; Dunn 2002, 706–707; Dunn 2004, 552). Due to intense field research and knowledge of a greater number of various fortified posts in the region, limited possibilities for the recognition of military posts were nevertheless indicated for some of them owing to traces of architecture that were well preserved on the surface (compare with Basler 1972; Ciglenečki 1979; Ciglenečki 1987a; Mikulčić 1982; Mikulčić 1986b, 101–102; Mikulčić 2002; Gunjača 1986). All these find­ings and definitions, which, in various publications, were frequently not sufficiently supported with arguments, provoked criticism from that part of researchers who knew the posts discussed only from secondary sources. It is understandable that without excavations it is difficult to reliably define the character of individual sites; however, frequent survays with the recognition of surface charac­teristics of sites along with aerial and satellite photography and recently lidar images, the systematic collection and recognition of surface pottery finds, and in recent decades also finds found with metal detectors,2 enabled frequently fairly reliable judgement about the character of the posts. Thus, it is possible with contemporary, albeit rare system­atic excavations, trial trenching, and rescue interventions to also gradually understand better­preserved, yet still unresearched posts in some generally poorly­known areas. An excellent example of such early recognition of a post’s function is the site discussed here, Korinjski hrib, which, even prior to the beginning of research, solely on the basis of surface perception of structure remains, I set into the group of forts with military character (Ciglenečki 1979, 469). 2 Sites discussed here were, most frequently due to the remote position and difficult access, especially exposed to metal detector seekers. Therefore, great amounts of metal ma­terial have been excavated there since the 1970s until today, for which, except in instances when finders cooperated with archaeologists, data are not always reliable. Thus, this discus­sion tries to include only that material for which data is re­liable. This problem, which has been tackled by the archaeo­logical and heritage professions only on the principled level and lacked any practical measures, cause immense damage on these exact posts (cf. Svoljšak et al. 1997, 227–231). PREPOZNAVANJE FUNKCIJE KORINJSKEGA HRIBA IN SORODNIH UTRDB V 6. ST. Raziskave številnih poznoantičnih utrjenih po­stojank na območju današnje Slovenije, na stičišču poznoantičnih provinc Savije, Mediteranskega Norika, Dalmacije in Venetije, so v zadnjih desetletjih torej nakazale možno razlikovanje med nekaterimi zgolj civilnimi – od cest umaknjenimi naselbinami – in ti­stimi, ki so bile zgrajene pretežno iz vojaških razlogov na strateško pomembnih mestih (Ciglenečki 1987a, 109-120; Ciglenečki 2008, 496-502). Pri zadnjih je bilo mogoče ugotoviti le na obrambo osredotočene stavbe (največkrat pravokotne stolpe) in obzidje, v notranjosti pa skromno zgodnjekrščansko cerkev. Ta tip utrdbe je bil prepoznan najprej prav na Korinjskem hribu in je bil sprva v mnogočem vprašljiv, saj je bil brez pravih primerjav in se je kazal kot posebnost znotraj ostalih naselbin (Ciglenečki 1979, 460; Ciglenečki 1985, 256). Terenski pregledi in sonde na njem so namreč pokazali, da je arhitektura omejena le na stolpe in cerkev, medtem ko s štrlečimi skalami prekrita notranjost ne dopušča ob­sežnejše poselitve: zato je povsem upravičeno sklepanje, da v notranjosti ni mogoče pričakovati še drugih zidanih zgradb. Manjše lesene ali celo provizorične zgradbe bi smeli domnevati le, kot so nakazale sonde z nekoliko bogatejšo kulturno plastjo, na enem izmed redkih iz­ravnanih prostorov severovzhodno od zgodnjekrščanske cerkve, pa tudi v ozkem pasu ob robu utrdbe (sl. 2.2). V letih 1982 in 1983 izkopana arhitektura zato kaže vse bistvene elemente utrdbe. Nadaljnja raziskovanja in predvsem številni to­pografski pregledi poznoantičnih postojank na širšem geografskem območju pa so postopoma odkrivali pri­merjave za tovrstne utrdbe, ki so pokazale, da Korinjski hrib ni izjema. Pripisati ga je mogoče posebnemu tipu utrdb, ki ima skupne prej opisane značilnosti. Pri iskanju tlorisnih primerjav se je v začetku izkazal kot najbolj soroden kar bližnji Limberk, pozneje pa tudi ob isti trasi rimske ceste ležeča Križna gora pri Podložu. V zahodnem sosedstvu so se nekatere podobnosti nakazovale pri Duelu (Dole), potem ko je bil objavljen podroben opis in tloris utrdbe (Petrikovits 1986). Glede na strateško lego in zgradbe je opazna podobnost tudi s Hoischhüglom (Hajnževim hribom) (Egger 1916; Glaser 1996, 70, sl. 31). Utrdbo Korinjski hrib smo v prvih pregledih zato uvrstili v kategorijo poznih vojaških postojank, kar je v stroki zbudilo več pomislekov. Kritiki so opozorili na vprašljivost redne vojske v poznem obdobju in zato neustrezno poimenovanje (prim pri Bierbrauer 1990, 44–45; Santoro Bianchi 1992, 189; Brogiolo, Gelichi 1996, 11–12). Poimenovanje je do neke meje opravičevalo dejstvo, da je bilo mogoče po analogijah s sočasnimi bizantinskimi kasteli domnevati kratko­ RECOGNISING THE FUNCTION OF KORINJSKI HRIB AND SIMILAR FORTS IN THE 6th CENTURY Research of numerous late antique fortified settle­ments in the area of present­day Slovenia, at the meeting point of the late antique provinces of Savia, Noricum Mediterraneum, Dalmatia, and Venetia, in recent dec­ades has indicated the possible differentiation between certain solely civilian posts—settlements distanced from the roads—and those which were built predominantly for military reasons on strategically important spots (Ciglenečki 1987a, 109–120; Ciglenečki 2008, 496–502). With the latter, only the structures focused on defence (most frequently rectangular towers) and defence walls could be determined, and a modest Early Christian church in the interior. This type of fort was first recognised exactly at Korinjski hrib and was initially questionable in many respects since it lacked appropriate comparisons and seemed to be a peculiarity among other settlements (Ciglenečki 1979, 460; Ciglenečki 1985, 272-273). Namely, field survays and trial trenches there showed that architecture was limited only to the towers and the church, while the interior covered with protruding rocks does not allow for a more extensive settlement: therefore, it is justifiable to assume that other stone structures are not to be expected in the interior. Smaller wooden or even provisional structures could be expected only, as was indicated by trial trenches with slightly richer cultural layer, in one of the rare levelled places north­east from the Early Christian church, as well as in the narrow strip along the edge of the fort (Fig. 2.2). Thus, architecture excavated in 1982 and 1983 shows all essential elements of a fort. Further research and primarily numerous visits of late antique posts in the wider geographical area gradu­ally revealed comparisons for such forts, which showed that Korinjski hrib is no exception. It can be ascribed to a special type of forts which have common, above­described characteristics. While searching for ground plan comparisons, initially nearby Limberk turned out to be the most similar, while later it was Križna gora near Podlož that is also situated along the same Roman road. In the western neighbourhood, certain similarities were visible at Duel (Dole), after its detailed description and fort ground plan were published (Petrikovits 1986). Considering the strategic position and structures, simi­larity with Hoischhügl (Hajnžev hrib) is also noticeable (Egger 1916; Glaser 1996, 70, Fig. 31). Following initial examinations, the fort of Korinjski hrib was thus assigned to the category of late military posts which raised numerous doubts amongst experts. Critics brought attention to the questionability of regular army in the late period and thus its inappropriate designa­tion (cf. Bierbrauer 1990, 44–45; Santoro Bianchi 1992, 189; Brogiolo, Gelichi 1996, 11–12). The naming was to some extent justified by the fact that according to the trajno prisotnost bizantinskih oddelkov med letoma 536 in 547/548 (Ciglenečki 1994, 245–247). Ker pa je bila bizantinska prisotnost v tej in sorodnih utrdbah kratkotrajna, postojanke pa v rabi daljši čas, ki sega pri večini vsaj od konca 5. st. do druge polovice 6. st., smo pozneje poudarili predvsem njihov strateški pomen (Ciglenečki 2008, 500–502). Dokaz za pravilnost domneve o posebnem tipu utrdb z vojaškim značajem pa je v Sloveniji prispevalo odkritje poznoantične postojanke Gradec pri Veliki Str­mici, kjer je bilo mogoče, prav tako kot na Korinjskem hribu, že na površini zaznati ostanke stolpov in cerkve, številni drobni predmeti pa so dokazali poznoantično datacijo in močno vzhodnogermansko komponento (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995). Veliko pozornost so leta 1984 pritegnila podrob­nejša preliminarna poročila o zaščitnih izkopavanjih na območju Džerdapa, kjer so v velikopotezni zaščitni akciji ob gradnji hidroelektrarn izkopali številne po­znoantične kastele, zgrajene v ravnici ob reki Donavi. Načrti utrdb in izbor značilnega materiala (preliminarna poročila o izkopavanjih v Starinarju (23-24, 1982–1983) so nakazovali, da se najdbe zgoščujejo v istih časovnih segmentih in kažejo na prisotnost vojaških posadk v drugi polovici 3. st., drugi polovici 4. st. oziroma na za­četku 5. st. ter v zgodnjebizantinskem obdobju oziroma v justinijanskem času (pregl. pri Petrović 1980; Kondić 1984; Vasić, Kondić 1986; Vasić 1994–1995; Špehar 2010). Tam je bilo mogoče spoznati različne oblike vojaških postojank, vse od preprostih stolpov, utrjenih pristanišč prek manjših utrdb do večjih trdnjav na po­membnih strateških mestih. Kot temeljno značilnost justinijanske prenove pri teh objektih so omenjali pred­vsem okrepljeno obzidje (debelina več kot 2 m), dodane izstopajoče stolpe različnih oblik in večkrat kontrafore. Pri nekaterih utrdbah iz te faze so v notranjosti našli preproste zgodnjekrščanske cerkve, pri manjših utrdbah celo v spodnjih delih apsidalno zaključenih obrambnih stolpov. Samo v enem primeru so v notranjosti zasledili zidani horreum, povsod pa so omenjali ostanke bivališč iz neobstojnih materialov, najverjetneje šotorov ali pre­prostih kolib. Nekatere utrdbe so znane tudi iz pisnih virov kot členi spodnjedonavskega poznoantičnega limesa, zaradi lege v ravnici ob Donavi in pravilnih zasnov pa so lažje prepoznavne. Za razumevanje utrdbe na Korinjskem hribu so bila še pomembnejša odkritja utrdb na strateških mestih v Dalmaciji in Kvarnerju, ki so povsem prilagojena tere­nu. Leta 1976 je Mate Suić v temeljnem delu o rimskih mestih na Jadranu v obalnem delu province Dalmacije opozoril na utrdbe, v katerih je videl vojaške postojanke, nastale ob Justinijanovi rekonkvisti Dalmacije (Suić 1976, 238). Kakšne so bile, je bilo mogoče videti leta 1986, ko je Zlatko Gunjača objavil prve skromne opise, tlorise in fotografije utrdb v obalnem pasu in na otokih. Podrobnejšim raziskovanjem teh utrdb so se poleg njega analogies with the contemporary Byzantine forts a short­term presence of Byzantine troops was to be assumed between 536 and 547/548 (Ciglenečki 1994, 245–247). Since the Byzantine presence in this and similar forts was short­lived, while posts were used for a long time which spans in most at least from the end of the 5th to the second half of the 6th century, primarily their strategic signifi­cance was emphasised later (Ciglenečki 2008, 500–502). The discovery of the late antique post of Gradec near Velika Strmica in Slovenia provided the proof for the correctness of the assumption about a special type of forts with military character. At Gradec it was possible, just like at Korinjski hrib, to observe on the surface re­mains of towers and a church, while numerous small finds proved the late antique dating and a strong East­Germanic component (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995). In 1984, much attention was attracted by detailed preliminary reports about rescue excavations in the area of Džerdap in Serbia, where an ambitious rescue action prior to the construction of hydroelectric power plants unearthed numerous late antique forts built on the plain along the Danube. Fort plans and the selection of typical material (preliminary reports about excavations in Stari­nar (23-24, 1982–1983) indicated that finds cluster in the same time segments and indicate the presence of military crews in the second half of the 3rd century, the second half of the 4th century or in the beginning of the 5th century and in the Early Byzantine period or in Justinian times (overview in Petrović 1980; Kondić 1984; Vasić, Kondić1986; Vasić 1994–1995; Špehar 2010). Various forms of military posts could be discovered there, from simple towers and fortified ports to smaller and larger forts at important strategic locations. As the basic characteristic of Justinianian restoration in these structures, primarily the strengthened defence walls (more than 2m thick), added protruding towers of different forms, and also counterforts were often mentioned. In some of the forts from this phase, simple Early Christian churches were found in the interior, while in smaller forts these were even located in the ground floors of apse­ended defence towers. Only in one case was a stone horreum found in the interior, but all mention remains of dwellings from non­durable materials, most probably tents or simple cottages. Some of the forts are also known from written sources as parts of Lower Danube late antique limes, and are easier to recognise due to their location on the plain along the Danube and their regular design. For the understanding of the fort at Korinjski hrib, discoveries of forts at strategic places in Dalmatia and in Kvarner Bay were even more important since they are completely adapted to the terrain. In 1976, Mate Suić in his fundamental work about Roman towns in the Adriatic brought attention to forts in the coastal part of the prov­ince of Dalmatia in which he saw military posts created at the time of Justinian’s reconquista of Dalmatia (Suić 1976, 238). What they looked like could be seen in 1986, when posvetili še Željko Tomičić in Zdenko Brusić in skupaj z drugimi odkrili številne postojanke vzdolž celotne jadranske obale (pregledno Gunjača 1986; Tomičić 1986–1987; Brusić 1988; Tomičić 1988–1989; Tomičić 1993; Tomičić 1996; Tomičić 2014). Te utrdbe poleg omenjenih tlorisnih podobnosti povezuje sorodna grad­bena tehnika, ponekod so bile ugotovljene celo identične mere stolpov in debelina obzidja. Ugodna klima in odmaknjenost ter velikokrat tudi odsotnost vegetacije na njih omogočajo zanesljiva spoznanja že s temeljiti­mi raziskavami površja. S pogostim obiskovanjem teh najdišč sem bolje razumel tudi najdišče na Korinjskem hribu. Zato v nadaljevanju navajam primerljive utrdbe, ki sem jih delno spoznaval po literaturi, veliko podatkov pa sem pridobil tudi s številnimi terenskimi ogledi v obdobju štirih desetletij (prim. pri Ciglenečki 1987a, 104–108; Ciglenečki 1988; Ciglenečki 1997; Ciglenečki 2003, 265–274; Ciglenečki 2009). Poudarjeno vojaški značaj nekaterih poznoantičnih utrdb je postajal vse vidnejši, k čemur so prispevale vse številnejše raziskave. Ena naselbinsko najpestrejših in najbogatejših, a hkrati tudi najbolje raziskanih pokrajin je območje današnje Severne Makedonije. Tu so s sis­tematičnimi topografskimi raziskavami pod vodstvom Ivana Mikulčića ugotovili izjemno veliko poznoantičnih postojank (Mikulčić 1982; Mikulčić 1986a; Mikulčić 2002, 87–89). Med njimi navaja 290 zanesljivih in 95 domnevnih zgodnjebizantinskih utrdb, od katerih sodi velik del prav v justinijansko obdobje. Tudi tukaj gre za v celoti terenu prilagojene postojanke, razlike so pred­vsem v oblikovanju obrambnega sistema in intenziteti ter razporeditvi zgradb v notranjosti. Kljub temu pa je Mikulčić na osnovi izkušenj dolgoletnega dela delno že ločil vojaške postojanke od utrjenih naselbin in pribe­žališč, čeprav poudarja, da ta ločitev v 6. st. večinoma ni več mogoča (Mikulčić 2002, 87). K obravnavani pro­blematiki so veliko prispevale tudi raziskave v Bolgariji, Srbiji, Albaniji, na Kosovu ter v Grčiji (pregledno: Dunn 2002; Perzhita, Hoxha 2003; Dintchev 2007; Rašković 2002; Milinković 2008; Milinković 2015). Tudi pisni viri v vzhodnih delih Ilirika in Trakije omogočajo lažje pre­poznavanje vojaške prisotnosti v različnih objektih. Tako iz Prokopijevih zapisov vemo, da je Justinijan namestil vojaško posadko pravzaprav v vsak naseljeni prostor, gradil pa je tudi nove vojaške postojanke (Lawrence 1983, 188; Feissel 1988; Whitby 2007, 140–141, 146; Sarantis 2016, 190–198). Zlatko Gunjača published the first humble descriptions, ground plans, and photographs of forts in the coastalpart and on the islands. Alongside him, Željko Tomičić and Zdenko Brusić also dived into detailed research of these forts and together with others they discovered nu­merous posts along the entire Adriatic coast (overview Gunjača 1986; Tomičić 1986–1987; Brusić 1988; Tomičić 1988–1989; Tomičić 1993; Tomičić 1996; Tomičić 2014). In addition to the above­mentioned ground­plan simi­larities, the forts are connected by a similar construction technique, in some even identical tower measurements and thickness of defence walls were determined. Favour­able climate and remoteness as well as often the lack of vegetation on them enable reliable findings solely through thorough research of the surface. Through frequent visits to these sites I started understanding the site at Korinj­ski hrib better. Therefore, hereon I present comparable forts which I partly studied through literature, but I also acquired a lot of data on numerous field survays over a period of four decades (cf. Ciglenečki 1987a, 104–108; Ciglenečki 1988; Ciglenečki 1997; Ciglenečki 2003, 265–274; Ciglenečki 2009). The emphasised military character of certain late antique forts became increasingly clear, which was also contributed to by ever more frequent studies. Settlement­wise, one of the most diverse and richest and at the same time also best researched areas is the territory of present­day North Macedonia where systematic topographic research under the leadership of Ivan Mikulčić discovered an incredible amount of late antique posts (Mikulčić 1982; Mikulčić 1986a; Mikulčić 2002, 87–89). He states 290 definite ones and 95 supposed Early Byzantine forts, the greater part of which belongs to the Justinianic period. However, these are posts completely adapted to the ter­rain; the differences are primarily in the formation of the defence system and the intensity and distribution of structures in the interior. Nevertheless, based on long years of experience Mikulčić partly distinguished military posts from fortified settlements and refuges, even though he stresses that in the 6th century this division is mostly no longer possible (Mikulčić 2002, 87). This issue was also greatly contributed to by research done in Bulgaria, Serbia, Albania, Kosovo, and Greece (overview: Dunn 2002; Perzhita, Hoxha 2003; Dintchev 2007; Rašković 2002; Milinković 2008; Milinković 2015). Furthermore, written sources in eastern parts of Illyricum and Thrace enable easier recognition of military presence in vari­ous structures. Procopius’ writings reveal that Justinian stationed a military crew into practically every populated area and also built new military posts (Lawrence 1983, 188; Feissel 1988; Whitby 2007, 140–141, 146; Sarantis 2016, 190–198). PREGLED SORODNIH UTRDB (sl. 12.1) Poglejmo podrobneje utrdbe, ki s strateško lego, doslej odkritimi elementi arhitekture (obrambne, bival­ne in sakralne), velikostjo in spektrom najdb potrjujejo domnevo o svojskem značaju tovrstnih utrdb in prisot­nosti vojaških enot ali lokalnih milic na njih. Seveda je pri tem treba ponovno opozoriti na dejstvo, da trdnjave niso bile vedno izključno vojaške, ampak je bilo v njih pogosto tudi civilno prebivalstvo, tako stalno naseljeno kot občasno (prim. pri Mikulčić 2002, 120; Liebeschu­etz 2007, 212–214; Špehar 2010, 148, 154; Wilkes 2013, 252–256; Sarantis 2016, 190–198), na kar sem tudi sam opozoril večkrat (Ciglenečki 1979, 459; Ciglenečki 1987, 110; Ciglenečki 2008, 500–501). Pregledno in pogloblje­no o tej problematiki glej pri Sarantis 2013a, 2; Wilkes 2013, 752–754. Čeprav obrambni zid na Korinjskem hribu ni bil odkrit in zaradi odlične naravne obrambe tudi ni bil nu­jen, posvečam v celotni skupini vojaških utrdb dodatno pozornost obrambnim obzidjem, ki so eden temeljnih elementov za razumevanje značaja utrdb, postavljenih na naravno slabše zavarovanih mestih.3 OVERVIEW OF SIMILAR FORTS (Fig. 12.1) Hereon is a detailed overview of forts which with their strategic position, hitherto discovered elements of architecture (defence, dwelling, and sacral), size, and spec­trum of finds confirm the assumption about the unique character of such forts and the presence of military units or local militias in them. Once again, the fact has to be emphasised that forts were not always exclusively military, but frequently also included civilians, both permanently or occasionally settled (cf. in Mikulčić 2002, 120; Liebe­schuetz 2007, 212–214; Špehar 2010, 148, 154; Wilkes 2013, 252–256; Sarantis 2016, 190–198), which I have drawn attention to several times before (Ciglenečki 1979, 459; Ciglenečki 1987, 110; Ciglenečki 2008, 500–501). An in­depth overview of this issue is found in Sarantis 2013a, 2; Wilkes 2013, 752–754. Even though defence walls were not discovered at Korinjski hrib and, due to excellent natural defences was not needed, in the entire group of military forts special attention is devoted to defence walls which are one of the key elements for the understanding of the character of forts built on naturally poorly protected spots.3 Ob tem ne izključujem povsem možnosti postavitve 3 I do not completely rule out the possibility of a palisade VZHODNOALPSKO OBMOČJE THE AREA OF THE EASTERN ALPS Gradec pri Veliki Strmici Gradec near Velika Strmica To najdišče je za razumevanje namembnosti utrdbe Korinjski hrib posebej pomembno. Za utrdbo so izbrali nenavadno lego, manjšo vzpetino na senčnem pobočju, ki strmo pada proti reki Radulji (sl. 12.2). Pobočja so na treh straneh zagotavljala dobro naravno obrambo, ki jo je zaključevala rečica na dnu soteske, medtem ko je bila na severni strani utrdba lažje dostopna, saj jo je od višjega pobočja ločilo le manjše sedlo. Ostanki arhitekture so, podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu, vidni deloma že na površini. Večja utrditvena dela je mogoče opaziti le na severozahodni strani utrdbe, kjer so najvišji del vzpetine okrepili z 0,8 m debelim obrambnim zidom in izkopanim jarkom pred njim. Na južni in zahodni strani so postojan­ko zavarovali z obrambnim zidom, nakazanim v terenu, medtem ko na vzhodni strani zaradi velike strmime ta najverjetneje ni bil potreben. Dodatno okrepitev približ­no 95 x 45 m velike utrdbe predstavljajo v obrisih vidne zgradbe na robu strmine, ki jih je mogoče tolmačiti kot obrambne stolpe. Vstran od roba je umaknjena le manjša zgradba v bližini zahodnega stolpa. Južno pod vrhom utrdbe ležijo na manjšem platoju ostanki večje, proti jugovzhodu orientirane zgradbe. Na severni strani njen zaključek ni jasen, ker jo je deloma prekrila ruševinska palisad, ki bi bila možna predvsem na južni, nekoliko lažje dostopni strani. Ob tem spomnim na odlomek iz Prokopija, ki pri opisu vojne z Goti in obleganju Rima omenja, da je dal Belizar v naglici zunaj obzidja postaviti vrsto strnjenih kolov (Brogiolo 2011, 98). This site is particularly important for the under­standing of the function of the fort at Korinjski hrib. An unusual position was chosen for the fort—a smaller hill on the shadowy slope steeply falling towards the Radulja river (Fig. 12.2). From three sides slopes provided solid natural defence rounded off by the small river at the bot­tom of the gorge, while on the northern side the fort was easier to access since here it was separated from the higher slope only by a small pass. Remains of architecture are, in a similar way as at Korinjski hrib, partly visible even on the surface. Bigger fortification works can be noticed only on the north­western side of the fort where the highest part of the hill was strengthened with an 0.8m thick defence wall and dug­out ditch in front of it. On the southern and western sides, the post was protected by defence walls indicated in the terrain, while such a structure was most probably not needed on the eastern side due to the steepness of the slope. Additional reinforcement of the approximately 95 x 45m large fort is probably represented by structures at the edge of the slope which are visible in outlines that can be interpreted as defence towers. Only a smaller building near the western tower is situated away construction, which would be possible primarily on the south­ern, slightly easier to access side. May I now go back to the passage from Procopius who, when describing the war with the Goths and the siege of Rome, mentions that in a hurry Belisarius had a series of clustered stakes installed outside the walls (Brogiolo 2011, 98). plast obzidja nad njo, zato dolžina zgradbe ni znana, najverjetneje je segala vse do obrambnega zidu. Severo­vzhodno pod njo je večja umetno oblikovana jama, ki je bila v tesni povezavi z zgradbo nad njo. V teh ruševinskih ostankih bi smeli glede na številne analogije videti ostanke zgodnjekrščanske cerkve s pripadajočo cisterno. Doslej najdeno drobno gradivo in novci dokazujejo močno poselitev vse od zaključka 5. st. pa do sredine 6. st. (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 264; Ciglenečki 2006, 112–114; Klasinc 2001, 67–68; Bitenc, Knific 2008, 99–103). Gradec pri Veliki Strmici je s svojo zasnovo in predvsem lego v soteski opozoril, da pri tovrstnih postojankah ne gre za običajen tip utrjene naselbine, kot jih veliko poznamo prav z vzhodnoalpskega območja, ampak so k njenemu nastanku pripomogli drugačni, predvsem vojaško­strateški razlogi (Ciglenečki 1994, 246–247; Božič, Ciglenečki 1995). Pomisliti bi smeli na varstvo bližnje pomembne komunikacije Siscija–Akvi­leja in morda tudi prehoda čez reko Raduljo. Zidani gaber nad Mihovim Utrdba leži na ozkem in dolgem grebenu na pobočju Gorjancev in je bila v celoti prilagojena terenskim danos­tim (sl. 12.3; 12.4). Njena dolžina je ca. 300 m, širina pa 10–30 m. Na severni strani zapira utrdbo daljši prečni zid, debel 0,7 m, ki je bil na najbolj izpostavljenem delu dodatno zavarovan z jarkom, morda tudi s proteihizmo (viden krajši neraziskan nasip, oddaljen nekaj metrov od obzidja), na konceh zidu se nakazujeta stolpa. Na južni strani utrdbe, kjer jo varuje le krajši, 1 m debel prečni zid, je zgoščena večina deloma že v površini vidnih poznoan­tičnih zgradb. Sondiranja v letih 1987 in 1988 so dokazala from the edge. South below the top of the fort, on a smaller plateau, there are remains of a bigger building oriented towards south­east. On the northern side its ending is not clear since it was partly covered by the layer of ruins from the walls above it; therefore, the length of the building is unknown, and it most probably reached all the way to the defence walls. North­east below it is a bigger, artificially shaped pit which was closely connected to the structure above it. According to numerous analogies, remains of an Early Christian church with the appertaining cistern could be seen in these ruinous remains. Small finds and coins found so far prove strong population from the end of the 5th until the middle of the 6th century (Božič, Ciglenečki 1995, 264; Ciglenečki 2006, 112–114; Klasinc 2001, 67–68; Bitenc, Knific 2008, 99–103). With its design and especially its position in the gorge Gradec near Velika Strmica brought attention to the fact that such posts are not the usual type of fortified settlements, such as many that are known from the area of the Eastern Alps, but its creation was contributed to by different, primarily military­strategic reasons (Ciglenečki 1994, 246–247; Božič, Ciglenečki 1995). The protection of the nearby important Siscia–Aquileia communication route and possibly even the passage over the River Radulja comes to mind. Zidani gaber above Mihovo The fort is situated on a narrow and long ridge in the Gorjanci region and was completely adjusted to the terrain (Figs. 12.3; 12.4). Its length is approx. 300m and its width 10–30m. On the northern side the fort is closed by a longer, 0.7m thick transverse wall, which, at the na nekoliko vzvišenem platoju obstoj ca. 22 m dolge zgodnjekrščanske cerkve z apsido in stranskim prostorom na južni strani. Blizu cerkve so v naravno najbolje zašči­tenem predelu vidni sledovi šestih stanovanjskih zgradb oziroma pravokotnih prostorov, razvrščenih v eni vrsti.Številne drobne najdbe kažejo predvsem močno poselitev od konca 5. do konca 6. st. in ob staroselcih tudi manjšo prisotnost Vzhodnih Gotov, Langobardov ter Bizantin­cev v utrdbi (Petru 1967, 435–451; Ciglenečki 1987, 95; Ciglenečki 1990, 113–116; Breščak et al. 2002; Ciglenečki 2006, 114–116; Bitenc, Knific 2008, 99–103). most exposed part, was additionally protected by a ditch, possibly even by a proteichisma (a shorter unresearched wall is visible which is situated a few metres from the defence walls), and two towers are outlined at both ends of the walls. On the southern side of the fort, where it is protected only by a shorter, 1m thick transverse wall, the majority of late antique structures which are partly visible on the surface are clustered. Trial trenching in 1987 and 1988 on a slightly elevated plateau proved the existence of an approx. 22m long Early Christian church with an apse and an annex on the southern side. Traces of six houses or rectangular structures arranged in one row are visible close to the church, in the naturally best protected part. Numerous small finds indicate strong population from the end of the 5th to the end of the 6th century and, in ad­dition to the natives, also a smaller presence of Eastern Goths, Lombards, and Byzantines in the fort (Petru 1967, 435–451; Ciglenečki 1987, 95; Ciglenečki 1990, 113–116; Breščak et al. 2002; Ciglenečki 2006, 114–116; Bitenc, Knific 2008, 99–103). Križna gora near Podlož Due to the fact that the fort has been only modestly researched until today, just a few defence elements and especially its position can be pointed out. The post has a dominant position on the northern edge of Loška dolina (855m asl) and an excellent view over the area of Cerkniško jezero, Bloke, and Loško polje (Fig. 12.5). It is perfectly naturally protected from all sides, and the space surrounded by ramparts and defence walls at the top measures ap­proximately 80 x 65m (Fig. 12.6). During the research of a prehistoric hill fort under the leadership of Mehtilda Urleb in 1961 and 1962, late antique remains were also discovered (Urleb 1968, 476–481). In the trial trench on the northern side a part of the walls was dug out which was constructed from two 1m thick walls connected with mortar and a 20– 30cm wide intermediate space. On the opposite, entrance side a section of 1.8m wide defence walls is mentioned which was fortified on that side with a 5 x 6m large tower. Especially typical among the finds is late antique coarse ware, imported pottery and amphorae, which have the best comparisons in the material excavated at Korinjski hrib (Ciglenečki 2000, 92, Figs. 105–108; Modrijan 2020). Metal finds and coins also prove population from the end Križna gora pri Podložu Zaradi skromnih dosedanjih raziskav utrdbe je mogoče opozoriti le na nekatere obrambne elemente in predvsem na njeno lego. Postojanka ima dominanten položaj na severnem robu Loške doline (ndm. v. 855 m) in odličen pregled nad območjem Cerkniškega jezera, Blok in Loškega polja (sl. 12.5). Z vseh strani je odlično naravno zavarovana, z okopi in obzidjem obdan prostor na vrhu meri približno 80 x 65 m (sl. 12.6). Leta 1961 in 1962 so pri raziskavah prazgodovinskega gradišča pod vodstvom Mehtilde Urleb odkrili tudi poznoantične ostanke (Urleb 1968, 476–481). V sondi na severni strani so izkopali del obzidja, ki je bilo zgrajeno iz dveh 1 m debelih in z malto vezanih zidov in 20–30 cm širokim vmesnim prostorom. Na nasprotni, vhodni strani pa omenjajo odsek 1,8 m širokega obzidja, ki je bilo tam okrepljeno tudi s 5 x 6 m velikim stolpom. Med najdbami je posebno značilna poznoantična groba kuhinjska ke­ramika, uvožena keramika in amfore, ki imajo najboljše primerjave prav v gradivu, izkopanem na Korinjskem of the 5th to the end of the 6th century (Urleb 1968; 1974; Ciglenečki 1987, 82–83; Kos 1988, 95–96, no. 80). Križna gora is located along the same road as Korin­jski hrib; a road leading through the Late Roman Claustra in Prezid towards Tarsatica meets this road near the fort (Urleb 1968, 474). 1 hribu (Ciglenečki 2000, 92, sl. 105–108; Modrijan 2020). Tudi kovinsko gradivo in novci dokazujejo poselitev od konca 5. do konca 6. st. (Urleb 1968; 1974; Ciglenečki 1987, 82–83; Kos 1988, 95–96, št. 80). Križna gora leži ob trasi iste ceste kot Korinjski hrib, hkrati se je s to cesto spajala v bližini utrdbe še cesta, ki je vodila skozi poznorimsko zaporo v Prezidu proti Tarsatici (Urleb 1968, 474). Rifnik Gre za eno najbolje raziskanih poznoantičnih utrjenih naselbin v vzhodnoalpskem prostoru, ki je v večji meri tudi publicirana in omogoča zato določnejše primerjave in zaključke (Bolta 1981; Pirkmajer 1994, 46–47; Bierbrauer 2003; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). Dominanten hrib s koto 570 m se dviga visokonad dolino Voglajne, južno od Šentjurja. Z vseh strani je dobro zavarovan, najlažji je dostop z zahoda, ki so ga zato v poznoantičnem času močno utrdili. Na vrhu hriba so ostanki poznoantične naselbine, ki je skoraj v celoti sistematično raziskana (izkopavanja Walterja Schmida med letoma 1941 in 1943, Lojzeta Bolte in Vere Kolšek Rifnik This is one of the best researched late antique forti­fied settlements in the area of the Eastern Alps, which is mostly also published and thus enables more definable comparisons and findings (Bolta 1981; Pirkmajer 1994, 46–47; Bierbrauer 2003; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). A dominant hill with a bench mark of 570m rises high above the valley of the Voglajna, south of Šentjur. It is well protected from all sides: the easiest access is from the west which was, therefore, strongly reinforced in the late antique times. On the top of the hill are remains of a late antique settlement, which is almost completely systematically researched (excavations of Walter Schmid between 1941 and 1943, of Lojze Bolta and Vera Kolšek between 1962 and 1980, and Darja Pirkmajer between 1984 and 2012). The entire reinforced area measures approx. 200 x 130m and is composed of the upper pla­teau with two churches and the slope south and west below them, where houses were discovered (Fig. 12.7). The difference in altitude between the highest and the lowest part is 20m. Defence walls that protected the settlement at the more accessible southern and western parts are 221m long med letoma 1962 in 1980 in Darje Pirkmajer med letoma 1984 in 2012). Celotni utrjeni prostor je velik ca. 200 x 130 m in sestoji iz zgornjega platoja z dvema cerkvama in pobočja južno in zahodno pod njima, kjer so bile odkrite bivalne zgradbe (sl. 12.7). Višinska razlika med najnižjim in najvišjim delom je 20 m. Obrambno obzidje, ki je varovalo naselbino na dostopnejšem južnem in zahodnem delu, je dolgo 221 m in široko 1 m. Prvotno obzidje (brez stolpov) je bilo zgrajeno najverjetneje že ob koncu 4. st. V 6. st. so bili na zunanji strani obzidja zgrajeni izstopajoči stolpi raz­ličnih dimenzij. Datacijo teh del posredno dobro datira situacija pri stolpu 2, kjer so ob dogradnji obzidja uničili starejšo zgradbo, ki jo najdbe datirajo vsaj v začetek 6. st. (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). Skozi stolp na vzhodni strani obzidja, ki je bil tudi največji, je vodil manjši vhod (poterna). Glede na uporabo spolij je mogoče domnevati, da je bil tudi vhodni stolp na zahodnem zaključku obzidja zgrajen v pozni fazi (prim pri Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). Vzhodni in severni rob naselbine sta naravno zava­rovana s strmimi, deloma skalnimi pobočji. V notranjosti postojanke so našli 9 zidanih bivalnih stavb in cisterno. Vsi objekti so zgoščeni na vzhodni stra­ni naselbine, na južnem pobočju med zgodnjekrščansko cerkvijo in obrambnim zidom. Tik ob obzidju je na manjši ravnici Schmid odkopal veliko (33,3 x 12,3 m) štiriprostorno zgradbo. Ta je imela tri manjše stano­vanjske in večji delovni prostor, v katerem je Schmid domneval kovačnico. Novejše raziskave kažejo, da je bila stavba ob zgraditvi stolpa 2 na zunanji strani obzidja že porušena (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 38). Na vzhodnem delu vrha naselbine je bila izkopana enoladijska dvoranska cerkev s prizidanim stranskim prostorom s krstilnico in narteksom, ki meri 20 x 14 m. Na južni strani sta tej celoti priključena dva manjša prostora v velikosti 9 x 6 m. Na zahodnem delu zgornjega platoja so odkrili še drugo manjšo cerkev z apsido, dolgo 10,5 m. Bivalne zgradbe in cerkve je mogoče na osnovi številnih dobro datiranih najdb in posredno tudi pripa­dajoče nekropole datirati v čas od konca 5. do konca 6. st. (Schmid 1943, 275; Bolta 1981; Pirkmajer 1994, 46–47; Bierbrauer 2003, 616; Ciglenečki 2008, 501; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). Kranj Izjemna strateška lega na naravno odlično zava­rovanem skalnem pomolu na sečišču več cest in poti je omogočila nastanek ene najpomembnejših poznoantičnih naselbin v vzhodnoalpskem svetu. Posredno so jo že dolgo nakazovale bogate najdbe z grobišč Lajh in Križišče Iskra (Stare 1980; Vinski 1980; Bierbrauer 1984, 57–58; Sagadin 1988; Knific 1995, Ibler 2001; Knific 2005; Knific, Lux 2010; Knific, Lux 2015), v zadnjih dveh desetletjih pa and 1m wide. The original defence walls (without towers) were most probably constructed towards the end of the 4th century. In the 6th century, protruding towers of various dimensions were added to the outer side of the walls. The dating of these works is indirectly well dated by the situ­ation in tower 2, where upon the addition of the defence walls an older building was destroyed which is dated by finds at least to the beginning of the 6th century (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). A smaller entrance (a postern) led through the tower on the eastern side of the walls, which was also the biggest of the towers. Considering the use of spolia, it can be assumed that the entrance tower at the western ending of the walls was also constructed in the late phase (cf. Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). The eastern and northern edge of the settlement are naturally protected by steep, partly rocky slopes. In the interior of the post, 9 stone houses and a cis­tern were found. All structures are clustered at the eastern side of the settlement, on the southern slope between the Early Christian church and the defence walls. Immedi­ately by the walls, on a smaller plain, Schmid unearthed a large (33.3 x 12.3m) structure with four rooms. It included three smaller dwelling and one larger working space, in which Schmid supposed a forge. The most recent studies show that the building was already in ruins when Tower 2 was constructed on the outside of the walls (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 38). A single­nave hall church with an added annex with a baptistery and narthex, which measures 20 x 14m, was excavated on the eastern part of the top of the settlement. Two smaller rooms measuring 9 x 6m each are added to this whole on the southern side. The second smaller church with an apse, 10.5m long, was found on the western part of the upper plateau. On the basis of numerous solidly dated finds and indirectly also of the necropolis, houses and churches can be dated to the time from the end of the 5th to the end of the 6th century (Schmid 1943, 275; Bolta 1981; Pirkmajer 1994, 46–47; Bierbrauer 2003, 616; Ciglenečki 2008, 501; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 33). Kranj An exceptional strategic position on a naturally excellently protected rocky promontory at the crossing of several roads and paths enabled the creation of one of the most important late antique settlements in the Eastern Alps. Indirectly, it was for a long time indicated by rich finds from the Lajh and Križišče Iskra cemeteries (Stare 1980; Vinski 1980; Bierbrauer 1984, 57–58; Sagadin 1988; Knific 1995, Ibler 2001; Knific 2005; Knific, Lux 2010; Knific, Lux 2015), while in the last two decades research also enabled partial insight into its defence and the dwelling image of the settlement (Sagadin 1991; Sagadin 1998, 715–717; Sagadin 1999; Ciglenečki 2001, 189–190; so raziskave omogočile tudi delni vpogled v obrambno zasnovo in v bivalno podobo naselbine (Sagadin 1991; Sagadin 1998, 715–717; Sagadin 1999; Ciglenečki 2001, 189–190; Sagadin 2004; Ciglenečki 2005, 265–267; Saga­din 2008, 176–178; Urek 2013; Sagadin 2017). Velika utrjena naselbina je za svojo obrambo spretno izkoristila lego na konglomeratni terasi na sotočju Save in Kokre. Približno 250 x 90 m velik plato je omogočal odlično obrambo, ki so jo dodatno okrepili z obrambnim zidom in stolpi (sl. 12.8; Sagadin 2008, 141–144). Doslej so odkrili le en stolp, ki ob številnih drobnih najdbah dopušča tudi skromno primerjavo s Korinjskim hribom. Na notranji strani obzidja so raziskali kvalitetno grajeno zidano stavbo, v večjem delu platoja pa prevladujejo lesene stavbe, ki so objavljene zgolj preliminarno (Sa­gadin 2008, 145–146; Urek 2013). Pod današnjo župno cerkvijo so odkrili ostanke velike zgodnjekrščanske cerkve s pripadajočim oktogonalnim baptisterijem (Sagadin2017). Številne najdbe elementov noše in vojaške opreme nakazujejo močno prisotnost tujih etničnih skupin. Po­dobo življenja v naselbini dopolnjuje odkritje steklarske delavnice ali peči za pretapljanje stekla (Sagadin 2004). Sagadin 2004; Ciglenečki 2005, 265–267; Sagadin 2008, 176–178; Urek 2013; Sagadin 2017). For its defence the big fortified settlement neatly used its position on a conglomerate terrace at the conflu­ence of the Sava and the Kokra rivers. An approximately 250 x 90m large plateau enabled excellent defence which was additionally reinforced with defence walls and towers (Fig. 12.8; Sagadin 2008, 141–144). Until today only one tower has been discovered, which with numerous small finds allows for a modest comparison with Korinjski hrib. On the inner side of the walls, a quality­made stone structure was researched, while on the greater part of the plateau wooden buildings prevail which have been published solely preliminarily (Sagadin 2008, 145–146; Urek 2013). Below the present­day parish church re­mains of a big Early Christian church with an octagonal baptistery were discovered (Sagadin 2017). Numerous finds of attire and military equipment elements indicate the strong presence of foreign ethnic groups. The image of life in the settlement is supplemented by the discovery of a glass­making workshop or furnace for melting glass (Sagadin 2004). Hoischhügel (Hajnžev hrib) Rudolf Egger je že leta 1914 deloma raziskal stra­teško umeščeno utrdbo v Ziljski dolini, kjer sta se iti­nerarska in obsoška cesta združili pri vhodu v Kanalsko dolino (Egger 1916, 93–104; Ciglenečki 1987a, 47–48; Glaser 2008, 634–635; Steinklauber 2013, 55–62, 64). Utrdba, velika 210 x 90 m, je naravno dobro zavarovana: na južni strani, kjer je dostop najlažji, se 20 m dviguje nad sedlo, na ostalih straneh jo ščitijo strmine, reka Ziljica in potok Klaus (sl. 12.9; 12.10). Egger je na vseh straneh ugotovil močno obzidje, razen na zahodu, kjer ga je popolnoma uničila erozija hriba. Debeline zidu Egger eksplicitno ne navaja: glede na objavljen načrt in znano debelino zidu cerkve (0,65 m) bi bilo mogoče sklepati, da je bil obrambni zid na južni strani debel ca. 1 m ali nekoliko več, na vzhodni strani nekoliko tanjši, v severozahodnem vogalu pa ca. 1,6 ali celo 1,8 m debel (Egger 1916, sl. 94). V načrt utrdbe je vrisal dva stolpa, ki ju podrobneje ne opisuje, prav tako ne kazematnih prizidkov, ki so bili slabo ohranjeni ali pa izkopani le v manjšem obsegu. Pri stavbi ob južnem obzidju so vidni trije veliki prostori. Na drugi strani istega zidu je vrisan obrambni stolp z dimenzijami ca. 10 x 4 m. Na zahod­nem robu platoja so ostanki zgodnjekrščanske cerkve, od katere se je ohranil le vzhodni del, Egger domneva dolžino 25 m, debelina zidov pa znaša v povprečju 0,65 m. Cerkev je imela na vsaki strani dodatne prosto­re. V utrdbi je bil najden depo solidov, zakopan v letih 570–585, ki bi utegnili kazati na navzočnost plačane vojaške posadke (Glaser 1997, 89). Duel (Dole) Sistematične raziskave v času pred drugo svetovno vojno so opozorile na poznoantično utrdbo na strate­škem mestu, ki je bila v drugi fazi močneje utrjena in označena kot vojaška postojanka (Egger 1929; Petriko­vits 1986, 236–237). Utrdba leži na enem zadnjih odrastkov Ziljskih Alp, na južnem robu dravske doline. Nadmorska višina znaša Hoischhügel (Hajnžev hrib) In 1914, Rudolf Egger partly researched the strate­gically well­placed fort in Gailtal (Ziljska dolina), where the itinerary road and road along the Soča (Isonzo) joined at the entrance to Kanaltal (Kanalska dolina, Val Canale) (Egger 1916, 93–104; Ciglenečki 1987a, 47–48; Glaser 2008, 634–635; Steinklauber 2013, 55–62, 64). The fort measuring 210 x 90m is naturally very well protected: on the south side, where access is the easiest, it rises 20m above the pass, while on all other sides it is protected by steep slopes, the Gail (Ziljica) river, and the Klaus creek (Figs. 12.9; 12.10). On all sides, Egger found strong defence walls, except in the west where it was completely destroyed by erosion of the hill. Egger does not explicitly state the thickness of the wall: considering the published plan and known thickness of the wall of the church (0.65m), it would be possible to assume that on the southern side the defence walls were approx. 1m or slightly more thick, on the eastern side a little thinner, and approx. 1.6 or even 1.8m thick in the north­western corner (Egger 1916, Fig. 94). Egger drew two towers into the plan of the fort which he does not describe in detail; the same goes for the casemate annexes which were poorly preserved or excavated to a smaller extent. In the building along the southern walls three bigger rooms are visible. On the other side of the same wall, a defence tower measuring approx. 10 x 4m is drawn. Remains of an Early Christian church are found on the western edge of the plateau; only its eastern part is preserved, for which Egger assumes the length of 25m, while the thickness of the walls on average amounts to 0.65m. The church has annexes on each side. A depot of solidi, buried in 570–585, which could indicate the presence of a paid military crew, was found in the fort (Glaser 1997, 89). Duel (Dole) Systematic research in the time prior to the Second World War drew attention to a late antique fort on a strategic spot which was more strongly fortified in the second phase and marked as a military post (Egger 1929; Petrikovits 1986, 236–237). The fort is located on one of the last remains of the Gailtal Alps, on the southern edge of the Drava valley. Its altitude is 549m and it rises 30–40m above its surround­ings. An approximately 250 x 110m large plateau rises 549 m, nad okolico se dviguje 30–40 m. Približno 250 x 110 m velik plato je z vseh strani strmo dvignjen nad okolico, na južni in zahodni strani ga dodatno varuje potok Bistrica (Feistritzbach) (sl. 12.11). Obsežna, sistematična izkopavanja je v letih 1928–1931 vodil Rudolf Egger (1929). O izkopavanjih prvega leta je izšlo izčrpno poročilo, o kasnejših delih so na razpolago le krajše notice in posnetek terena z vrisanimi zgradbami (prim. pri Petrikovits 1986; Stein­klauber 1990; Steinklauber 2013, 33–54, 63–64). Ob­zidje je debelo 0,9 m. Pri obzidju so odkrili dve časovni stopnji, ki jima ustrezata dve močni plasti žganine. V notranjosti leži na najvišjem delu zgodnjekrščanska cerkev, velika 21 x 14,5 m. Vzhodno od cerkve je bila izkopana ca. 30 x 20 m velika zgradba, pri kateri je bil v severovzhodnem delu odkrit baptisterij. Jugozahodno od cerkve je bila 17,35 x 7,6 m velika zgradba, razde­ljena v dva prostora, kjer Egger domneva skladišče, v severno od nje ležeči manjši zgradbi pa skromno bivali­šče poveljnika. Ob obzidje je bilo prislonjenih še mnogo preprostih zgradb, ki so vrisane na tloris utrdbe, a v literaturi niso podrobneje opisane: nekatere med njimi so označene kot stolpi (tako na zunanji kot na notranji strani obzidja). V načrtu je vrisana tudi manjša stavba z dvema prostoroma (eden ogrevan), ki je poimenovana kopalnica ali bolnišnica (?). Sondiranja v notranjosti so pokazala, da je bil prostor – razen omenjenih zgradb – prazen. Na severni strani je bil dohod v postojanko speljan po pridvignjeni rampi, vhod pa še posebej okrepljen z večjim stolpom. Glede na oblikovanost obrambnih elementov so drugo fazo datirali v obdobje Justinijanove rekonkviste (Egger 1929, 211–212; Petri­kovits 1986, 236–237). Kasneje izvrednotene drobne najdbe tej dataciji ne nasprotujejo (Steinklauber 1990, 124; Steinklauber 2013, 64, 126–130). Monte San Martino di Lundo/Lomaso Na visoki gori (ndm. v. 985 m) nad dolino, ki vodi od severa proti Gardskemu jezeru, s sodobnimi siste­matičnimi raziskavami odkrivajo postojanko, ki ima kar nekaj sorodnosti s Korinjskim hribom. Čeprav so znana šele preliminarna dognanja, je vendarle mogoče ponuditi zanesljiv oris in datacijo utrdbe (Zagerman, Cavada 2014). Zgrajena je bila na naravno zavarovani legi in ima dimenzije ca. 125 x 80 m (sl. 12.12). Obdana je bila z 0,8–1 m debelim obrambnim obzidjem, vhod je bil na notranji strani dodatno varovan z dvema stolpo­ma. Na jugovzhodnem vogalu je prav tako videti močan vogalni stolp. Hkrati z obzidjem so bile zgrajene nekatere zgradbe, ki so nanj naslonjene na notranji strani. Prav tako sega do obzidja zgodnjekrščanska cerkev, enola­dijska apsidalna zgradba, ki z narteksom vred meri ca. 18 m. Glede na mnoge poznejše prezidave ni mogoče ugotoviti, ali so bili narteks in stranski prostori, ki so z steeply above the surroundings on all sides, while on its southern and western sides it is additionally protected by the Feistritzbach (Bistrica) creek (Fig. 12.11). Extensive, systematic excavations in 1928–1931 were led by Rudolf Egger (1929). A detailed report was pub­lished about the excavations of the first year, while only short notices and site plan with drawn buildings are avail­able for later years (cf. Petrikovits 1986; Steinklauber 1990; Steinklauber 2013, 33–54, 63–64). The defence walls are 0.9m thick. Two phases were discovered for the walls to which two strong charcoal layers correspond. At the high­est part in the interior is an Early Christian church in the size of 21 x 14.5m. East of the church an approximately 30 x 20m large structure was excavated, in the north­eastern part of which a baptistery was discovered. South­west of the church a structure measuring 17.35 x 7.6m and di­vided in two was discovered which Egger supposes to be a storehouse, while a humble commander’s dwelling was supposed in the smaller building north of it. Numerous simple houses were leaning on the defence walls which are also drawn in the ground plan of the fort but are not described in detail in sources: some of them are marked as towers (both on the inner and outer sides of the defence walls). The plan also includes a smaller building with two rooms (one heated), which is named bathroom or hospi­tal (?). Trial trenching in the interior revealed that, with the exception of the mentioned buildings, the space was empty. On the northern side, the access to the post ran on the raised ramp, while the entrance was additionally strengthened with a larger tower. Considering the form of the defence elements, the second phase was dated to the period of Justinian’s reconquista (Egger 1929, 211–212; Petrikovits 1986, 236–237). Small finds evaluated later do not contradict this dating (Steinklauber 1990, 124; Steinklauber 2013, 64, 126–130). Monte San Martino di Lundo/Lomaso On a high mountain (985m asl) above a valley lead­ing from the north towards Lago di Garda, a settlement is being unearthed with modern systematic research that has quite a few similarities with Korinjski hrib. Even though only preliminary findings are known, a reliable outline and dating of the fort can still be given (Zagerman, Cavada 2014). It was built on a naturally protected posi­tion in the dimensions of approx. 125 x 80m (Fig. 12.12). It was surrounded by 0.8–1m thick defence walls, while on the inner side the entrance was additionally protected by two towers. At the south­east corner a strong corner tower is also visible. Simultaneously with the defence walls, some of the structures were built which lean on it on the inside. The Early Christian church, which is a single­nave apsidal building measuring approx. 18m including the narthex, also reaches to the defence walls. Considering many later reconstructions, it is not possible to determine whether njo povezani, zgrajeni sočasno. Najdbe in radiokarbon­ske datacije omejujejo časovni razpon gradnje v drugo polovico 5. in v 6. st. Funkcije naselbine doslej ni bilo mogoče v celoti pojasniti. Zaradi odsotnosti ženske in otroške noše ter kratkotrajne uporabe zgradb domnevajo strateški namen utrdbe z vojaško posadko ter možnost obstoja zavarovanega skladišča na pomembni poti proti Italiji (Zagerman, Cavada 2014, 215). Avtorja poudar­jata, da je bil koncept v obzidje vgrajenih stavb v utrdbi zamišljen vse od začetka, kar je sicer značilnost vojaških postojank od Valentinijana dalje. Zato se zdi, da je po današnjem vedenju zasnova utrdbe Monte San Martino primerljiva predvsem z zgodnjebizantinsko fazo gradenj na Korinjskem hribu. Sl. 12.12: Monte San Martino di Lundo/Lomaso. Tloris poznoantične utrdbe. (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, sl. 5) Fig. 12.12: Monte San Mar­tino di Lundo/Lomaso. Ground plan of the late an­tique fort. (Zagermann, Cavada 2014, Fig. 5) the narthex and annexes connected to it were built si­multaneously. Finds and radiocarbon dates limit the time span of the construction to the second half of the 5th and to the 6th century. The settlement’s function has not yet been possible to define completely. Due to the absence of female and children’s costume parts and the brief use of buildings, it is assumed that the purpose of the fort was strategic and included a military crew, and a possibility of the existence of a protected storehouse on the important route towards Italy (Zagerman, Cavada 2014, 215). The authors emphasise that the concept of buildings build into the defence walls in the fort was planned from the begin­ning, which is generally the characteristic of military posts from the time of Valentinian onwards. Thus, it seems that according to what is known today the plan of the Monte San Martino fort is comparable primarily with the Early Byzantine phase of constructions at Korinjski hrib. KVARNER IN DALMACIJA4 Gradina na otoku Žirju Je najbolj značilna in hkrati najbolje raziskana vojaška postojanka na tem območju, ki omogoča po­globljen vpogled v način gradnje zgodnjebizantinskih utrdb. Gradino prvi omenja Ćiril Metod Iveković (1927, 49–52). Leta 1985 je začel na njej izkopavati Zlatko Gunjača, sledil mu je Ivo Pedišić. Z dolgoletnimi izko­pavanji so razkrili vse pomembnejše elemente utrdbe, ki na vzhodnojadranski obali tako predstavlja edino sistematično raziskano tovrstno najdišče, žal znano le iz preliminarnih poročil in krajših povzetkov (Gunjača 1985; Pedišić 2001). Utrdba je bila postavljena na jugovzhodnem rtu otoka Žirja, nad zalivom Vela Stupica, na manjšem hri­bu z ndm. v. 41,3 m. Z nje je mogoč dober pregled nad dostopom v luko ter tudi nad plovbo ob zunanji strani otoka Žirje. Utrdba meri 100 x 50 m, ima približno obliko peterokotnika z ravno zasnovanimi zidovi, ki pa so v celoti prilagojeni blagemu pobočju (sl. 12.13). S treh strani je dobro naravno zavarovana, najlažji je dostop s severozahoda, kjer jo od višjega grebena loči le nekaj metrov nižje sedlo. Severni zid je zgrajen na vrhu grebena, notranjost utrdbe pa se razprostira po položnem južnem pobočju. Poleg naravno dobro zavarovane lege ima utrdba značilen, 0,80–0,95 m debel obrambni zid, z izstopajo­ KVARNER AND DALMATIA4 Gradina on the island of Žirje It is the most typical and at the same time the best researched military post in this area and enables an in­depth insight into the manner in which Early Byzantine forts were constructed. Gradina is first mentioned by Ćiril Metod Iveković (1927, 49–52). In 1985, Zlatko Gunjača started excavating there and he was followed by Ivo Pedišić. All important fort elements were unearthed in many years of excavation; the fort, which thus presents the only systematically researched site of this type on the East­Adriatic coast, is unfortunately known only from preliminary reports and shorter summaries (Gunjača 1985; Pedišić 2001). The fort was built on the south­eastern cape of theisland of Žirje, above the bay of Vela Stupica, on a smaller hill (41.3m asl). It offers a nice view of the access to the port and also over the sea routes on the outer side of theŽirje island. The fort measures 100 x 50m and is roughly in the form of a pentagon with straightly designed walls but which are completely adjusted to the gentle slope (Fig. 12.13). It is well naturally protected from three sides; the easiest access is from the north­west, where it is separated from the higher ridge by a pass only a few metres lower. The northern wall is built at the top of the ridge, while the interior of the fort stretches over the flat southern slope. Sl. 12.13: Gradina, Žirje. Tloris poznoantične utrdbe (dopolnjeno po Krnčević 1995, 44). Fig. 12.13: Gradina, Žirje. Supplemented ground plan of the late antique fort (sup­plemented after Krnčević 1995, 44). 4 The forts are presented in sequence which is not geo­graphical; those with more similar elements to Korinjski hrib come first. čimi štirimi pravokotnimi in enim pentagonalnim stol­pom. Obrambni zidovi so na nekaterih delih izjemno do­bro ohranjeni (na severni strani celo v višino 6 m, vidne so tudi cine) (sl. 12.14). Leseni mostovž so nosile grede, ki so bile vstavljene v zadnjo vrsto odprtin, razporejenih vzdolž severnega zidu. Glavni vhod je vodil skozi stolp, poleg tega so bili odkriti še trije ožji vhodi (poterne), zgrajeni v neposredni bližini obrambnih stolpov. Vhod zraven severozahodnega stolpa je bil širok 1,12 m in je bil pozneje zazidan. Postojanka je bila dodatno utrjena s proteihizmo v obliki nižjega zidu iz večjih kamnitih blokov, grajenega manj skrbno in brez uporabe malte (Ciglenečki 2003, 271; Ciglenečki 2009–2011, 678). V notranjosti je nekaj manjših zgradb, ki so ohra­njene le v temeljih. Leta 1987 so začeli raziskovati večjo bivalno zgradbo ob jugovzhodnem delu obzidja (Gu­njača 1987, 145–147; Pedišić 2001, 125–127) (sl. 12.15). Odkrili so več prostorov, od katerih sta bila dva ogre­vana, prefurnij in latrino. Kopalnica je bila obložena z marmornimi ploščami. Med stavbo in obzidjem je bila z vodotesno malto ometana shramba za hrano (Pedišić 2001, 126). Glede na kompleksno zasnovo in luksuzno izvedbo zgradbe Pedišić domneva bivališče poveljnika utrdbe. Dimenzije in višina ohranjenih obrambnih stolpov in poveljnikove stavbe dovoljujejo izračun o številu posadke, ki jo Pedišić ocenjuje na 170 mož (Pedišić 2001, 127–129). Gunjača je nastanek utrdbe datiral v čas Justinijanove rekonkviste, dosedanje najdbe potrjujejo zgodnjebizantinsko obdobje (Gunjača 1985, 158; Pedišić 1998, 100–101). Gustjerna na otoku Žirju Utrdba Gjustjerna na otoku Žirju je povsem so­rodna Gradini. Od nje je oddaljena le dva kilometra, a je obrnjena proti kopnemu in je bila tako namenjena predvsem nadzoru nad prometom po notranji strani otoka, pa tudi varstvu luke na južni strani (sl. 12.16). Prvi jo je obširneje opisal Iveković (1927, 45–49). Na južni in vzhodni strani je bila zavarovana s tremi stolpi, ki imajo 0,6 m debele zidove (sl. 12.17). Najbolje ohranjen je stolp na vzhodni strani, ki ima v spodnjem delu vidno obo­kano cisterno (F). Velik je 5,5 x 3,5 m, ostala dva stolpa (G, H) merita 7,5 x 4,5 m. Na severozahodni, najlažje dostopni strani so za obrambo izkopali 4–5 m širok jarek in izkopano kamenje (B) naložili na notranjem robu v širini 2,3 m. Zgrajen je bil močan “kiklopski” zid iz neobdelanih balvanov (D). V oddaljenosti 1 m je bil vzporedno za njim zgrajen ožji, kvalitetno grajen inz malto vezan zid, debel 0,8 m (E), ki je dobro viden predvsem na zahodni strani. Sledov drugih stavb v utrdbi ni (Iveković 1927, 45–49). Naslednji, ki je kratko označil utrdbo in jo pripisal času Justinijanove rekonkviste, je bil Gunjača (1986, In addition to the naturally well­protected position, the fort has typical, 0.80–0.95m thick defence walls with four protruding rectangular towers and a pentagonal one. In some parts the defence walls are extremely well preserved (on the northern side even to the height of 6m, merlons are also visible) (Fig. 12.14). A wooden wall walk was carried by beams inserted into the last row of open­ings distributed along the northern wall. The main en­trance was through a tower; in addition to this one, three narrower entrances (posterns) were discovered, built in the immediate vicinity of defence towers. The entrance by the north­western tower was 1.12m wide and was later walled up. The post was additionally fortified with a pro­teichisma in the form of a lower wall made of larger stone blocks, not very carefully and without the use of mortar (Ciglenečki 2003, 271; Ciglenečki 2009–2011, 678). The interior contains a few smaller buildings which are preserved only in the foundations. In 1987, a larger dwelling construction along the south­eastern part of the defence walls started being researched (Gunjača 1987, 145–147; Pedišić 2001, 125–127) (Fig. 12.15). Several rooms were discovered, two of which were heated, a praefurnium and a latrine. The walls of bathroom were covered with marble slabs. A food storage coated with waterproof mortar was located between this building and the defence walls (Pedišić 2001, 126). Considering the complex design and luxurious execution of the build­ing, Ivo Pedišić supposes the living quarters of the fort’s commander here. The dimensions and the height of the preserved defence towers and commander’s house allow for the calculation of the size of the military crew, which Pedišić estimates around 170 men (Pedišić 2001, 127–129). Gunjača dated the construction of the fort to the time of Justinian’s reconquista, while finds excavated until now confirm the Early Byzantine period (Gunjača 1985, 158; Pedišić 1998, 100–101). Gustjerna on the island of Žirje The fort of Gustjerna on the island of Žirje is com­pletely similar to Gradina. It is located only 2 kilometres away and was thus intended primarily for controlling the sea traffic north of the island, as well as the protec­tion of the port on the south side (Fig. 12.16). It was first extensively described by Iveković (1927, 45–49). On the southern and eastern sides, it was protected by three tow­ers with 0.6m thick walls (Fig. 12.17). The best preserved is the tower on the eastern side which has a vaulted cis­tern visible in the lower part (F). It measures 5.5 x 3.5m, while the measurements of the other two (G, H) are 7.5 x 4.5m. On the north­western side, which is the easiest to access, a 4–5m wide ditch was dug out for protection and the stones from that ditch (B) were piled up along the interior edge in the width of 2.3m. A strong “Cyclops” 126). Glede na velike kupe gradbenih ostankov je do­mneval, da utrdba ni bila v celoti zgrajena. Pri tej utrdbi ostaja odprtih kar nekaj pomembnih vprašanj. Domnevi Gunjače, da ni bila zgrajena v celoti, deloma pritrjuje pomanjkanje najdb na površini, hkrati pa čudi dejstvo, da so bili trije stolpi vendar v celoti zgrajeni, kot dokazuje odlično ohranjen stolp s cister­no. Morda je bila utrdba uporabljena samo občasno ob morebitni nevarnosti ali pa jo je po potrebi zasedel del številčnejše posadke iz utrdbe na bližnji Gradini. Njena lega je dopuščala nadzor nad delom akvatorija, ki iz Gradine ni bil viden. Drug nenavaden element sta dva vzporedna zidova na razdalji 1 m, pri katerem bi zunanjega brez malte in iz večjih kamnov težko tolmačili kot proteihizmo, saj je preblizu notranjega z malto izve­denega obrambnega zidu. Od drugih postojank jo loči tudi to, da med tremi stolpi ni opaziti obrambnega zidu, podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu. Tu se zdi odgovor še najlažji, saj je podobno kot na Korinjskem hribu tudi tu zadostovala naravna obramba, v precejšnjem delu tudi navpične pečine. Sicer pa najdišče s sosednjo Gradino povezuje poleg tlorisne zasnove, dvojnega zidu in po­dobne tehnike gradnje tudi debelina zidu. Že Iveković je postavil domnevo, da je bila Gustjerna opuščena ob koncu rimskega imperija (Iveković 1927, 52). Ker drobno gradivo ni poznano, se je pri dataciji mogoče opreti predvsem na podobnost s sosednjo dobro raziskano Gradino. Gradina na otoku Vrgadi Slabo poznana, a na površini dobro vidna utrdba je s svojo tlorisno zasnovo še posebej pomembna za razumevanje utrdbe na Korinjskem hribu, zato ji po­svečam več prostora. Gradino je prvi omenil Luka Jelić, ki ugotavlja, da so jo bizantinski cesarji posedovali še v 10. st. (Je­lić 1898, 122). Mate Suić jo je leta 1976 uvrstil med zgodnjebizantinske utrdbe in menil, da je nadzorovala vhod v Zadrski kanal. Omenja tudi, da jo je Konstantin Porfirogenet uvrstil med kastrone zgodnjesrednjeveške Dalmacije (to Loumbrikton), vendar sestava in tehnika ohranjenih ostankov nedvoumno kažeta, da gre pri utrdbi za pozno antiko (Suić 1976, 238). Pri obravnavi cerkve sv. Andrije na njenem vznožju je utrdbo kratko predstavil Miljenko Domijan (Domijan 1983, 123). Nekoliko podrobneje jo je opisal Gunjača, ki jo je uvr­stil v svoj pregled zgodnjebizantinskih utrdb in izdelal tudi shematičen načrt ruševin, kjer pa je vrisal le bolje vidno obrambno arhitekturo (Gunjača 1986, 126–127). V svojem opisu omenja, da so zidovi utrdbe na Vrgadi dobro vidni na severni in severozahodni strani, kjer spremljajo konfiguracijo terena v nepravilnem loku, in da je obodni zid v enakomernih razmakih utrjen s petimi pravokotnimi stolpi. Ti so bili grajeni z večjimi kamni­wall was built from unworked boulders (D). At a distance of 1m, a narrower, quality­made, and mortar­bound wall was built parallelly behind it with the thickness of 0.8m (E), which is well visible primarily on the western side. There are no traces of any other structures within the fort (Iveković 1927, 45–49). The next to briefly mark the fort and ascribe it to the time of Justinian’s reconquista, was Zlatko Gunjača (1986, 126). Considering the large piles of building material, he assumed that the fort was never completed. Several important questions remain open regarding this fort. The assumption of Gunjača about it never being finished completely is partly confirmed by the lack of surface finds, while at the same it is surprising that three towers were built to the end, as is proven by the excellently preserved tower with the cistern. Possibly, the fort was used only occasionally upon imminent danger or was, if necessary, occupied by a part of a more numerous crew from the fort at nearby Gradina. Its position allowed for the control over a part of the aquatory which was not visible from Gradina. The second unusual element are the two parallel walls at a distance of 1m; the outer one without mortar and made of larger stones could hardly be interpreted as a proteichisma, since it is situated too close to the inner defence wall made with mortar. It is also distinguished from other posts by the fact that defence walls cannot be noticed between the three towers, which is similar to Korinjski hrib. The answer to this question seems easy enough since, in a similar way as at Korinjski hrib, natural defence sufficed here as well, also due to a great extent to vertical cliffs. In addition to the ground plan design, double wall, and similar construction tech­nique, the site is also connected to neighbouring Gradina by wall thickness. It was Iveković who assumed that Gustjerna was abandoned towards the end of the Roman Empire (Iveković 1927, 52). Since we do not know of any small finds, we need to rely on the similarity with neighbouring, well­researched Gradina for dating. Gradina on the island of Vrgada With its ground plan design this poorly known yet on the surface well visible fort is especially important for the understanding of the fort at Korinjski hrib, and therefore deserves more attention. Gradina was first mentioned by Luka Jelić, who finds that it was owned by the Byzantine emperors until the 10th century (Jelić 1898, 122). In 1976, Mate Suić assigned it among Early Byzantine forts and believed that it protected the entrance into Zadarski kanal. He also mentions that Constantine Porphyrogennetos assigned it among forts of early medieval Dalmatia (to Loumbrikton); neverthe­less, the composition and the technique of the preserved remains undoubtedly indicate that it belongs to late timi bloki, podobno kot zunanje linije utrdb Gradina in Gustjerna na Žirju, obrambni zid pa da ima standardni izgled. V skrajnem zahodnem stolpu je omenjal cisterno, v notranjosti postojanke pa domneval več zgradb. V opis je pritegnil tudi zgodnjekrščanski okenski impost in stebriček, ki sta bila najdena v srednjeveški cerkvici sv. Andrije na vznožju brega in dopuščata domnevo, da je bila na njenem mestu ali pa celo v sklopu utrdbe zgodnjekrščanska cerkev (Domijan 1983, 136; Gunjača 1986, 127). Pri ogledu najdišča leta 1988 in še dvakrat pozneje sem podrobneje pregledal utrdbo in na površini ugotovil nekatere elemente, ki dopolnjujejo podobo tega najdi­šča. S pomočjo satelitskih posnetkov sem tako zasnoval skico, ki nekoliko bolje odraža dejansko stanje na terenu (sl. 12.18). Utrdba leži na najvišjem delu skalnega gre­bena, od koder je bilo mogoče nadzorovati dogajanje v zalivu Sv. Andrije in Luke, in je vizualno obvladovala antiquity (Suić 1976, 238). While discussing the church of St Andrija at its foot, the fort was briefly described by Miljenko Domijan (Domijan 1983, 123). Somewhat later it was discussed by Zlatko Gunjača, who included it in his overview of Early Byzantine forts and made a schematic plan of the ruins, in which he only drew the better visible defence architecture (Gunjača 1986, 126–127). In his de­scription he mentions that the walls of the fort at Vrgada are well visible on the northern and north­western sides, where they follow the configuration of the terrain in an irregular arch, and that the perimeter wall fortified with five rectangular towers at equal distances. The latter were built with larger stone blocks, in a similar way to outerlines of forts Gradina and Gustjerna on Žirje, while the de­fence walls have standard appearance. In the last western tower Gunjača mentioned a cistern and supposed several structures within the post. His description included the Early Christian window impost and a small pillar which akvatorij med Kornati in Zadrom (sl. 12.19). Njena nad­morska višina je 62 m. Najlažje je dostopna na severni in deloma na vzhodni strani, medtem ko jo na južni ter tudi na jugozahodni strani varujejo naravna strmina in skale. Velikost tako omejenega prostora znaša v dolžino 85 in v širino 35 m. Debelina obrambnega zidu je 0,65 m (sl. 12.20). Dva stolpa imata povsem enako širino (6,4 m) kot stolp 2 na Korinjskem hribu. V spodnjem delu stolpa na skrajni zahodni strani utrdbe je zelo dobro vidna cisterna z dvojnim zidom, podobna tistim, ki smo jih raziskali na Korinjskem hribu. Njene zunanje dimenzije stranic znašajo 6,3 m. Na pobočju pred obzidjem je bilo ca. 15 m nižje mogoče zaznati sledove slabo ohranjenega zidu, ki pomeni ostanek proteihizme in leži na obrambno zelo izpostavljenem mestu. Debelina proteihizme je ca. 1 m, deloma so pri njej opazni sledovi malte. Zaradi gosto obraslega terena njenega poteka ni bilo mogoče preveriti v celoti, zelo verjetno je obdajala celotno lažje dostopno pobočje. Nekaj metrov pod njo je na vzhodni strani viden še en krajši del zidu, ki je približno vzporeden s proteihizmo, a njegova funkcija brez dodatnih raziskav ni jasna. V notranjosti je na površini mogoče opaziti sledove nekaj stavb. Približno je bilo mogoče vrisati enoprostor­no zgradbo za stolpom na sredini utrdbe in pa kompleks vsaj treh prostorov, katerih fasado je predstavljal v vi­šino 2 m ohranjen del obrambnega zidu med zadnjima stolpoma na vzhodni strani. Debelina zidov pri njih znaša od 0,50 do 0,65 m. Jugovzhodno od tod so vidni ostanki še ene manjše zgradbe. Položaj stavbe z več prostori ob obzidju, kjer se v notranjosti enega izmed njih nakazuje tudi cisterna, kaže veliko podobnost z zgradbo za posadko in komandanta utrdbe v Gradini na Žirju. Izravnani prostori se navezujejo tudi na južni were found in the medieval church of St Andrija at the foot of the hill and allow for the assumption that an early Christian church was once located in this place or even within the fort (Domijan 1983, 136; Gunjača 1986, 127). During the inspection of the site in 1988 and twice later, I inspected the fort in detail and discovered cer­tain elements on the surface which add to the image of this site. With the help of satellite images, I designed a sketch that better reflects the actual situation in the field (Fig. 12.18). The fort is situated at the highest part of a rocky ridge, from where it was possible to monitor the events happening in the bay of St Andrija and Luka, and visually control the aquatory between Kornati and Zadar (Fig. 12.19). Its altitude is 62m. The access to it is easiest from the northern and partly eastern sides, while on the southern and south­western sides it is protected by natural steepness and rocks. The area limited in this way is 85m long and 35m wide. The defence walls are 0.65m thick (Fig. 12.20). Two towers have a completely identical width (6.4m) as Tower 2 at Korinjski hrib. In the bottom part of the tower at the utmost western side of the fort, a cistern with a double wall is nicely visible and is similar to those researched at Korinjski hrib. The dimensions of its external sides are 6.3m. Traces of a poorly preserved wall are the remains of a proteichisma. They lie on a very exposed part of the slope, about 15m under the defence walls. The thickness of the proteichisma is approx. 1m, and traces of mortar are visible in parts. Due to the thickly overgrown terrain, it was not possible to follow its course to the end, but it probably encompassed the entire easier­to­access slope. A few metres below it, on the eastern side, another shorter part of the wall can be seen, which is roughly parallel to the proteichisma, although its function cannot be clear without additional research. skalni rob utrdbe. Kolikor je mogoče videti na površi­ni, gre za tri prostore, katerih temelji so debeli 0,65 m. Nekoliko izstopa ruševina velike zgradbe v neposredni bližini stolpa s cisterno na zahodni strani utrdbo: voda z njene strehe je polnila bližnjo cisterno. Vhod v utrdbo je dobro viden, širok ca. 3 m in umeščen med zadnji stolp na vzhodni strani in skalni rob na južni strani. V utrdbi in pod njo ležijo fragmenti poznoantičnih amfor in grobe kuhinjske keramike. Južno pod utrdbo so v cerkvici sv. Andrije našli elemente, ki kažejo njen nastanek že v zgodnjekrščan­ski dobi in je tako sočasna z utrdbo nad njo (Domijan 1983, 136). Cerkev v bližini utrdbe ima dobre analo­gije drugod v Kvarnerju in Dalmaciji (npr. Korintija, Veli grad, Tarac idr.) ter kaže na možno pristanišče za romarje (prim. pri Brusić 1993, 231–233; Zaninović 1994, 142–145). Gradina pri Modriću Na zgodnjebizantinsko utrdbo je opozoril leta 1990 Tomičić v svojem pregledu zgodnjebizantinskih utrdb v Velebitskem kanalu (Tomičić 1990, 141–142). Podrobneje jo je kasneje predstavila Martina Dubolnić (2007, 38–39). Utrdba leži na blagem pobočju v notranjosti prazgodovinskega gradišča, ki doseže s 47,8 m svo­jo najvišjo točko (sl. 12.21). Na najlažje dostopnem mestu na severni strani je v celoti izkoristila močan prazgodovinski okop, na katerega so dodatno posta­vili z malto vezan obrambni zid. Ker je utrdba znatno manjša od starejšega gradišča, so v njegovi notranjosti formirali postojanko v obliki nepravilnega trapezoida, ki jo z izjemo že omenjenega severnega zidu, ki sledi prazgodovinskemu nasipu, označuje raven potek zidov (predvsem vzhodni in zahodni) (sl. 12.22). Dolžina postojanke znaša 162 m, širina 122 m. Na južni strani obrambni zid v sredini le nekoliko spremeni smer, da se je bolje prilegal obliki hriba. Ostanki obrambnih zidov dosegajo višino 1,5–2,5 m, široki so 1,6–1,9 m v širino in močno vezani z malto. Spremlja jih ca. 2 m širok ruševinski pas (sl. 12.23). M. Dubolnić omenja ostanke petih stolpov, velikih približno 7 x 6 ali 6 x 6 m. Na južni strani se na zid naslanja še neka časov­no podrobneje neopredeljiva stavba. V notranjosti so vidne ruševine več objektov, ki pa jih brez raziskav ni mogoče natančneje opredeliti ali datirati. Pri terenskih pregledih so našli prazgodovinsko, rimsko in pozno­antično keramiko (Dubolnić 2007, 39). Utrdba je imela odlično strateško lego, saj je nad­zirala prehod skozi Masleničko ždrilo ter plovno pot na severni strani otoka Paga. Domnevati smemo, da so utrdbo v staro gradišče umestili tako, da so prazgodovin­ske okope, ki so bili na treh straneh od utrdbe oddaljeni 30–40 m, izkoristili kot proteihizmo. Zanimivo je, da Traces of a few buildings can be noticed on the sur­face of the fort’s interior. A one­room structure behind the tower in the centre of the fort and a complex of at least three rooms the façade of which was represented by a part of the defence walls preserved 2m high between the last two towers on the eastern side could be roughly drawn. The thickness of their walls is from 0.50 to 0.65m. South­east from here, traces of another smaller structure are vis­ible. The position of the building with several rooms along the defence walls, where a cistern is indicated within one of them, shows great similarity with the building for thecrew and fort’s commander at Gradina on Žirje. Levelled rooms are also linked to the southern rocky edge of the fort. As much as can be discerned on the surface, there are three rooms the foundations of which are 0.65m thick. The ruins of the big building in the immediate vicinity of the tower with the cistern at the western side of the fort stand out somewhat: the water from its roof filled the nearby cistern. The entrance to the fort is clearly visible: it is approx. 3m wide and set between the last tower on the eastern side and the rocky edge on the southern side. Fragments of late antique amphorae and coarse pottery are scattered within the fort and under it. South below the fort, elements were found in the church of St Andrija which indicate that it was built in the Early Christian period and is thus contemporary with the fort above it (Domijan 1983, 136). A church near the fort has good analogies elsewhere in Kvarner and Dal­matia (e.g. Korintija, Veli grad, Tarac, etc.) and indicates a possible port for pilgrims (cf. Brusić 1993, 231–233; Zaninović 1994, 142–145). Gradina near Modrić Željko Tomičić writes about this Early Byzantine fort in his overview of Early Byzantine forts in the strait of Ve­lebitski kanal in 1990 (Tomičić 1990, 141–142). It was later presented in detail by Martina Dubolnić (2007, 38–39). The fort is situated on a gentle slope in the interior of a prehistoric hill fort, the highest point of which reaches to 47.8m (Fig. 12.21). At the easiest­to­access point on the northern side, it completely used the strong prehistoric rampart to which a defence wall bound with mortar was additionally built. Since the fort is significantly smaller than the prehistoric hill fort, a post in the shape of an irregular trapezoid was formed within it which is, with the exception of the above­mentioned northern wall that follows the course of the prehistoric rampart, marked by the straight course of walls (especially of the eastern and the western ones) (Fig. 12.22). The length of the post is 162m and its width 122m. On the southern side, the defence wall slightly changes direction in order to better fit the shape of the hill. Remains of defence walls reach 1.5–2.5m high, 1.6–1.9m wide, and are strongly bound with mortar. They are accompanied by an approx. 2m jugovzhodni stolp ni grajen povsem v vogalu, ampak nekoliko višje na pobočju, podobno kot je opaziti pri stolpih na Velikem Sikavcu pri otoku Pagu. Korintija na otoku Krku Utrdba je bila zgrajena tik nad veliko poznoantično naselbino v Mali Luki (Bosar) pri Baški in je imela odlič­no strateško lego (sl. 12.24). Varovala je zaliva Male in Vele Luke ter nadzirala promet po Velebitskem kanalu. S Korinjskim hribom ima poleg drugih podobnosti sorodno tudi ime Korintija. Na utrdbo in naselbino pod njo (Bosar) je prvi opo­zoril Alberto Fortis že leta 1774 (Fortis 1774). Pozneje so omenjali predvsem najdbe bizantinskih zlatnikov, ki pa so bili odkriti v naselbini pod utrdbo (Sorić 1882; Ljubić1884). Ante Šonje je najdišče v svojem pregledu uvrstil med rimske utrdbe, Gunjača pa v svoj pregled zgodnjebi­zantinskih postojank, kjer je omenil v notranjosti ruševi­ne stavb in cerkve (Šonje 1975, 285; Gunjača 1986, 127). Pri pripravi pregleda poznoantičnih višinskih utrdb na širšem vzhodnoalpskem območju sem najdišče podrob­neje pregledal tudi sam, utrdbo označil kot poznoantič­no in poudaril sorodnost gradnje zidov v utrdbi s tistimi v naselbini spodaj in s tem njuno sočasnost (Ciglenečki wide destruction layer (Fig. 12.23). Dubolnić mentions remains of five towers in the size of approximately 7 x 6 or 6 x 6m. On the south side, a building not possible to precisely define in time leans on the wall. In the interior, ruins of several structures can be seen which without research cannot be precisely defined or dated. During field examinations, prehistoric, Roman, and late antique pottery was found (Dubolnić 2007, 39). The fort had an excellent strategic position since it controlled the passage through Masleničko ždrilo and the sea route on the northern side of the island of Pag. We can assume that the fort was fitted into the old hill fort in such a way that they used the prehistoric ramparts, which were 30–40m distant from the fort on three sides, as a proteichisma. It is interesting that the south­eastern tower is not built totally in the corner but slightly higher up the slope, in a similar way as can be noticed for the towers at Veliki Sikavac near the island of Pag. Korintija on the island of Krk The fort was built immediately above the big late antique settlement in Mala Luka (Bosar) near Baška and had an excellent strategic position (Fig. 12.24). It protected the bays of Mala and Vela Luka and controlled the traffic 1987a, 104–105). Nekako v tem času so potekala tudi že prva podrobnejša topografska raziskovanja območja Bosarja v Mali luki, ki so jih vodili sodelavci Inštituta za arheologijo iz Zagreba pod vodstvom Aleksandre Faberin Željka Tomičića. Njihovo delo je rezultiralo v dveh ločenih prikazih tako naselbine Bosar kot tudi utrdbe Korintija (Faber 1986–1987; Tomičić 1986–1987). Poročili se glede utrdbe na Korintiji razlikujeta, zato ju je treba nekoliko podrobneje predstaviti, saj vsak od njiju ponuja podatke, ki dopolnjujejo podobo utrdbe. Fabrova je napravila sumarno skico celotne utrdbe, pri čemer je utrdbi pripisala dokaj skromne dimenzije (70 x 40 m), a je dobro predstavila obliko in razpored zgradb v notranjosti. Omenja zgradbe iz različnih gradbenih faz, dimenzij 6 x 7 do 7 x 10 m. Posebej opozarja na zgradbe v jugovzhodnem vogalu utrdbe, ki jih je po­drobneje prikazala na posebni skici in dobro odražajo dejansko situacijo na terenu. V tem predelu dominira velik stolp, okrepljen s kontraforom, pri katerem opaža dve fazi gradnje. Glavno funkcijo utrdbe vidi v nadzoru nad plovnimi potmi, ki pa s trdnjave niso vidne. Na najvišji točki v notranjosti omenja osrednji stolp (?). Kot časovno najbolje opredeljen objekt omenja ostanke zgodnjekrščanske cerkve z apsido in lezenami, ki jo stavi on the Velebitski kanal. In addition to other similarities, the names Korintija and Korinjski hrib are also alike. The fort and settlement beneath it (Bosar) were first mentioned by Alberto Fortis in 1774 (Fortis 1774). Later, mostly finds of Byzantine gold coins were mentioned which were discovered in the settlement beneath the fort (Sorić 1882; Ljubić 1884). In his overview, Ante Šonje as­signs the site among Roman forts, while Zlatko Gunjača includes it in his overview of Early Byzantine posts where he mentions ruins of buildings and a church in the inte­rior (Šonje 1975, 285; Gunjača 1986, 127). I survayed the site in detail during the preparation of the overview of late antique hilltop forts in the wider area of the Eastern Alps, classified the fort as late antique, and emphasised the similarity of the construction of walls in the fort with those in the settlement beneath and thus their contem­poraneity (Ciglenečki 1987a, 104–105). At approximately the same time, the first detailed topographic research of the area of Bosar in Mala luka were carried out which were led by the members of the Institute of Archaeologyfrom Zagreb, headed by Aleksandra Faber and Željko Tomičić. Their work resulted in two separate articles of both the Bosar settlement and the Korintija fort (Faber 1986–1987; Tomičić 1986–1987). The two reports differ v drugo polovico 6. st., ko Justinijan širi oblast tudi na vzhodno stran Jadrana. Čeprav tega v tekstu ne omenja, je na skici na sl. 13 rekonstruirala tudi stranski prostor cerkve na južni strani (Faber 1986–1987, 123) (sl. 12.25). Tomičić v svojem prispevku najprej ugotavlja, da predstavljata utrdba in naselbina pod njo sinhron kom­pleks (Tomičić 1986–1987, 149). Njegova ekipa je izrisala geodetski posnetek utrdbe, ki pa se ni povsem posrečil, saj je bila pri tem v tlorisu izkrivljena oblika utrdbe, pa tudi razpored zgradb v notranjosti ne ustreza povsem situaciji na terenu (sl. 12.26). Velikost utrdbe je v primer­javi z dimenzijami Fabrove precej povečal (122 x 45 m). Večje zgradbe za obzidjem tolmači kot obrambne stolpe velikosti 9 x 9, 8 x 10, 9 x 11 m. Omenja večjo cisterno za vodo na vzhodni strani in manjšo, ki je vidna v osred­njem delu postojanke. Ugotovil je tudi lepo ohranjeno strelnico v južnem obzidju. Na osrednjem grebenu utrd­be je prepoznal ostanke več objektov, ki naj bi nakazovali gosto poselitev v notranjosti (Tomičić 1986-1987, 150). Predstavlja tudi ostanke zgodnjekrščanske cerkve, pri če­mer se njegove mere spet razlikujejo od načrta Fabrove. Kot pomemben podatek navaja na zahodni strani cerkve sledove prizidanega narteksa, ki pa ni vrisan v načrt, ne omenja pa stranskega prostora cerkve na južni strani, ki ga je videla Fabrova. V notranjosti in na pobočjih hriba so našli fragmente poznoantične keramike, predvsem amfor. V utrdbi prepoznava zgodnjebizantinsko utrdbo in njen nastanek povezuje z vojaškimi gradnjami, ki so nastale kot posledica Justinijanove rekonkviste (Tomičić 1986–1987, 151). Nadaljevanje raziskav pomeni sondiranje naselbine v Mali luki, ki je z arhitekturo (cerkev) ter drobnimi najdbami potrdilo prej le z novci nakazano starost na­selbine v 6. st. (Šiljeg 2008). Glede na nekatere nasprotujoče si podatke in različna gledanja, ki jih omogoča in tudi otežuje zgolj površinski ogled, skušam ob pomoči dodatnih ogledov in tudi satelitskih posnetkov kratko skicirati dosedanje izsledke. Utrdba leži v povsem odmaknjenem delu otoka Krka, nekaj kilometrov severovzhodno od Baške, in doseže vrh na koti 112 m. S treh strani je naravno odlično zavarovana s strminami, le na vzhodni strani je lažje dostopna. V sklopu ca. 107 x 67 m velike utrdbe je vidno mnogo stavbnih ostankov. Kot izstopajoča bi lahko previdno označili le stolpa na skrajnih koncih utrdbe, in sicer na vzhodni in na južni strani. Manjši stolp na notranji strani obzidja je videti pri manjšem vhodu (poterni) na severozahodni strani utrdbe. Na vrhu, na najlažje dostopnem vzhodnem delu, je velika, masovna poligonalna kamnita struktura, ki je nosila vso težo obrambe. Takoj za njo je dobro vidna cisterna. Na jugovzhodni strani so ob obzidju razvrščene manjše bivalne zgradbe za posadko, ki se navezujejo na obzid­je. Podobne, le manjše, je opaziti delno naslonjene na severovzhodni del obrambnega zidu. Veliko podobnost s Korinjskim hribom kažejo sledovi zgodnjekrščanske concerning the fort at Korintija and thus call for a some­what more detailed presentation, since they both offer data that supplement the image of the fort. Faber made a summary sketch of the entire fort in which she attributed it fairly modest dimensions (70 x 40m), yet presented the shape and distribution of structures in the interior very well. She mentions buildings from various construction phases, of dimensions 6 x 7 to 7 x 10m. She emphasises the buildings in the south­eastern corner of the fort, which are depicted in a separate sketch and reflect the actual situation in the field very well. In this area, a large tower dominates and is fortified by a counterfort, in which two construction phases are noticeable. Faber sees the main function of the fort in the control over the sea routes but which are not visible from the fort. She mentions a central tower (?) at the highest point in the interior. She believes the best time­defined structure to be the remains of the Early Christian church with the apse and lesenes, which she assigns to the second half of the 6th century, when Justinian expands his rule to the eastern side of the Adriatic. Even though it is not mentioned in the text, the sketch on Fig. 13 also reconstructs the church annex on the southern side (Faber 1986–1987, 123) (Fig. 12.25). Tomičić in his contribution first determines that the fort and the settlement beneath it form a synchronous complex (Tomičić 1986–1987, 149). His team made a site plane of the fort, which was not completely successful since in the ground plan the form of the fort got distorted, while the distribution of the structures in the interior does not completely match the situation in the field (Fig. 12.26). In comparison to the dimensions supposed by Faber the size of the fort was significantly enlarged (122 x 45m). He interprets larger buildings behind the defence walls as de­fence towers measuring 9 x 9, 8 x 10, and 9 x 11m. He men­tions a larger water cistern on the eastern side and a smaller one visible in the central part of the post. He also defined a nicely preserved arrowslit in the southern walls. In the central ridge of the fort he recognised remains of several structures which supposedly indicate dense population of the interior (Tomičić 1986–1987, 150). Tomičić also presents remains of the Early Christian church and his measurements again differ from Faber’s plan. As an im­portant piece of information, he mentions traces of added narthex on the western side of the church but which is not drawn on the plan; he does not mention a church annex on the southern side that was seen by Faber. Fragments of late antique pottery, especially amphorae were found in the interior and on the slopes of the hill. Tomičić sees the fort as Early Byzantine and connects its construction with military constructions created as the consequence of Justinian’s reconquista (Tomičić 1986–1987, 151). The continuation of research meant trial trenching in the settlement of Mala luka, which through architecture (the church) and small finds confirmed the dating of the settlement into the 6th century which prior to this wasindicated only by coins (Šiljeg 2008). cerkve na najvišjem delu utrdbe. Gre za preprost eno­Considering the contradictory data and opposite ladijski prostor z apsido, ki skupaj z narteksom meri ca. views that are enabled and at the same time made difficult 16 x 8 m. Na južni strani cerkve se nakazuje še slabše by solely inspection on the surface, I will try to briefly grajen in neznatno ohranjen stranski prostor. Ohranje­sketch the findings so far with the help of additional visits na južna stena cerkve kaže lezene. V zahodnem delu grebena na vrhu hriba sta še dve manjši stavbi (ena dvoprostorna) in manjša cisterna. Na površju ležijo črepinje grobe poznoantične keramike in amfor. Sv. Trojica, Tribanj, Šibuljina Utrdbo sem v primerjavo pritegnil predvsem zaradi obzidja z enakomerno razporejenimi izstopajočimi stol­pi, enako tehniko gradnje ter pomembno strateško lego ob morski in kopenski poti. Najdišče je prvi podrobneje predstavil Ante Glavičić (1984, 19–21), manjša dopolnilasta prispevala Ž. Tomičić (1990, 142–143) in M. Dubol­nić (2007, 39–40). Opis dopolnjujem s svojimi opažanji. Na položnem pobočju hriba s cerkvijo Sv. Trojica, ki najvišjo točko doseže na koti 89,5 m, so ostanki z obzidjem varovanega naselja (sl. 12.27). Na površini izstopajo predvsem odlično ohranjeni ostanki pozno­antičnega obzidja na severni strani s štirimi izstopajo­čimi stolpi (Glavičić 1984, 20) (sl. 9.7; 12.28). Ta zid je dobro ohranjen še v dolžini ca. 120 m. Po Glavičiću je višina zidu 6–8 m, debelina znaša 0,8 m, stolpi naj bi bili med sabo oddaljeni 29 m in ohranjeni v višino 3–4 m. Gomila kamenja in nekatere linije v ruševini nakazujejo and satellite images. The fort is situated in the completely remote part of Krk island, a few kilometres north­east of Baška, and reaches its peak at the bench mark of 112m. It is excellently naturally protected from three sides by steep slopes and is the easiest to access on the eastern side. Many building remains are visible within the approx. 107 x 67m large fort. With some caution, only the towers at the far ends of the fort could be marked as standing out, that is on the eastern and southern sides. A smaller tower on the inner side of the defence walls can be noticed by a smaller entrance (a postern) in the north­western side of the fort. At the top, on the easiest­to­access eastern part, a big, massive polygonal stone structure is seen which carried the entire weight of the defence. Immediately behind it is a well visible cistern. Along the defence walls on the south­eastern side, smaller dwelling buildings for the crew are lined and attached to the walls. Similar but smaller buildings can be noticed partly leaning on the north­eastern part of the defence walls. Great similarity with Korinjski hrib is revealed by the traces of the Early Christian church at the highest part of the fort. It is a simple single­nave room with an apse which, including the narthex, measures approx. 16 x 8m. A poorly built and barely preserved annex is indicated on the southern side of the church. The preserved southern wall of the tudi možen obstoj stolpa v severozahodnem vogalu po­stojanke. Z notranje strani je bilo obzidje okrepljeno s suhim zidom višine 3–4 m in debelino 1,5–2 m. Glavičić domneva, da gre za preostanek spodnjega obrambnega zidu sicer mnogo večjega prazgodovinskega naselja. Na nekaterih mestih so v obzidju vidne odprtine za tramove gradbene konstrukcije. Tudi od vzhodnega stolpa proti jugu so skromnejši sledovi obzidja, kjer Gla­vičić domneva vhod in še en stolp, ki naj bi bil povsem porušen (Glavičić 1984, 20). Danes njegovih ostankov na terenu ni mogoče prepoznati in se zdi v veliki meri vprašljiv. Podrobnejši pregled obzidja na vzhodni strani je pokazal, da v njem ni nikakršnih sledov malte, zato se zdi verjetno, da je bilo obzidje na tej manj izpostavljeni strani grajeno v celoti v suhozidni tehniki. To dobro pokaže tudi profil zidu, ki je nastal ob gradnji ceste, kjer je jasno vidna struktura nasipa s suhim zidom. Celoten zavarovani prostor je razdeljen na 4–5 teras, na katerih so še vidni ostanki zidov, ki pa so močno uničeni. V sredini pobočja je mala cerkev Sv. Trojice in na površini naselja številni ostanki materialne kulture (Glavičić 1984, 20–21). Pri tej utrdbi ni mogoče povsem zanesljivo dokaza­ti, kje je bila južna omejitev zgodnjebizantinske utrdbe, ki je najverjetneje zavzemala manjši areal kot starejše church reveals lesenes. Two smaller structures (one has two rooms) and a smaller cistern are located in the west­ern part of the ridge, at the top of the hill. Sherds of late antique coarse pottery and amphorae can be found lying around on the surface. Sv. Trojica, Tribanj, Šibuljina The fort was included in the comparison primar­ily due to the defence walls with the evenly distributed protruding towers, the same construction technique, and the important strategic position along the sea and land routes. The site was first introduced in detail by Ante Glavičić (1984, 19–21), with smaller supplements fromŽeljko Tomičić (1990, 142–143) and Martina Dubolnić (2007, 39–40). The description is complemented with my own observations. Remains of a settlement protected by defence walls are found on a gentle slope of the hill with the church of the Holy Trinity. The hill reaches its highest point at the bench mark of 89.5m (Fig. 12.27). On the surface, the most prominent are the excellently preserved remains of the late antique defence walls on the northern side with four protruding towers (Glavičić 1984, 20) (Figs. 9.7; rimsko naselje. Tako navaja Glavičić velikost utrdbe 120 x 120 m, Dubolnić pa 170 x 130 m in omenja, da je bila cerkev zgrajena tik ob zunanji strani južnega obzidja (Dubolnić 2007, 40). Tomičić je domneval, da je utrdba segala vse do morske obale (Tomičić 1990, 143). Ker v notranjosti doslej ni bilo večjih raziskav, ni mogoče zanesljivo pritrditi kateri izmed teh možnosti, še najverjetnejša se zdi druga varianta. Glede na najdbe je nesporno, da je bilo na naselbini z dolgo tradicijo v po­znoantičnem času, najverjetneje prav v času Justinijana, postavljeno obrambno obzidje, ki je dodatno zavarovalo del starejšega naselbinskega areala. Svetojanj na otoku Pagu Nedvomno vojaško vlogo je imela postojanka na izredno pomembnem strateškem mestu na najožjem delu Velebitskega kanala (sl. 12.29). Zaradi odlično na­ravno zavarovanega položaja na konici ozkega polotoka obrambni stolpi niso bili potrebni, prisotni pa so ostali obrambni elementi ter tudi preprosta zgodnjekrščanska cerkev v notranjosti. Rimsko utrdbo na Svetojanju je ugotavljal že Ante Šonje (1975, 286), kot zgodnjebizantinsko pa jo je ozna­čil Aleksij Škunca (1989, 27). Podrobneje jo je preiskal Ž. Tomičić in v daljšem poročilu opozoril na bistvene elemente utrdbe (Tomičić 1995). Omenja bivališča po­sadke, prislonjena na obzidje, in dobro vidno cisterno za vodo. Pri obzidju navaja debelino 2 m. Na vrhu utrdbe je prepoznal slabo ohranjene, a dokaj pravilno proti vzhodu orientirane ostanke zgodnjekrščanske cerkve in glede na ohranjeni toponim navaja tudi možni patrocinij (Sv. Agneza) (Tomičić 1995, 302). V pasu kamenja, ki na najožjem delu preči polotok, je prepoznal proteihizmo. V notranjosti utrdbe omenja fragmente keramike vzhod­nomediteranskega izvora. Utrdbo postavlja – podobno kot druge v Kvarnerju – v čas vladanja cesarja Justini­jana I. oziroma v čas vzhodnogotsko­bizantinskih vojn (Tomičić 1995, 300). Po ogledih najdišča in z uporabo različnih satelit­skih ter aeroposnetkov je mogoče nekoliko dopolniti opis terena (sl. 12.30).5 Obzidje in večina stavb je zgraje­nih približno na sredini pobočja 50,5 m visokega skalne­ga čoka. Skromnejši sledovi kažejo, da so bili posamezni objekti zgrajeni še višje na pobočju, na izpostavljenem vrhu pa tudi zgodnjekrščanska cerkev. Debelino zidu, ki jo omenja Tomičić (2 m), na terenu ter tudi na satelit­skih slikah ni mogoče potrditi. Zdi se, da je bil občutno tanjši, kar pa je razumljivo, saj je bila utrdba naravno izjemno dobro zavarovana. Debelina, ki sem jo izmeril, je podobna kot na večini drugih sočasnih utrdb in znaša 0,9 m. Treba je ugotoviti, da je potek zidov dokaj raven in tako v razgibanem terenu na treh straneh nakazuje 5 Za aeroposnetek se zahvaljujem kolegicama Tini Mila­vec in Darji Grosman. 12.28). These walls are well preserved in the length of ap­prox. 120m. According to Glavičić, the height of the wall is 6–8m, thickness 0.8m, while the towers were supposedly 29m apart and are preserved 3–4m high. A pile of stones and some of the lines in the ruins indicate the possible existence of a tower in the north­western corner of the post. From the inside, defence walls were strengthened by a 3–4m high and 1.5–2m thick dry wall. Glavičić as­sumes that this is the remains of the lower defence walls of the otherwise much bigger prehistoric settlement. In places, openings for beams of the building construction can be seen in the defence walls. From the eastern tower towards the south, modest traces of defence walls are also noticeable, where Glavičić assumes the entrance and another tower that was supposedly completely demol­ished (Glavičić 1984, 20). Today, its remains cannot be recognised in the field and thus it seems very question­able. A more detailed inspection of defence walls on the eastern side revealed that there are no traces of mortar and thus it seems probable that the defence walls on this, less exposed side were built completely in the dry­wall technique. This is also nicely shown by the profile of the wall which was made during the construction of the road and where the structure of the rampart with the dry wall is clearly visible. The entire protected area is divided into 4–5 terraces, on which remains of walls are still visible but are strongly decayed. In the middle of the slope is the small church of the Holy Trinity and numerous remains of material culture are found on the surface of the settle­ment (Glavičić 1984, 20–21). It is not possible to certainly prove where the south­ern delimitation of the Early Byzantine fort was, which most probably encompassed a smaller areal than the older Roman settlement. Glavičić believes the fort to measure 120 x 120m and Dubolnić no less than 170 x 130m and mentions that the church was built immediately along the outer side of the southern defence walls (Dubolnić 2007, 40). Tomičić assumed that the fort reached all the way to the seashore (Tomičić 1990, 143). Since the interior has not yet been researched to any great extent, it is not possible to certainly agree with any of these op­tions, even though the second variant seems the most probable. Considering the finds, it is undisputable that in the settlement with a long tradition in the late antique times, most probably in the time of Justinian, defence walls were built which additionally protected a part of the older settlement areal. Svetojanj on the island of Pag The post on the extremely important strategic po­sition at the narrowest point of Velebitski kanal had an indisputably military role (Fig. 12.29). Defence towers were not needed due to the excellently naturally protected position at the point of a narrow peninsula, but there were dokaj ravnolinijsko oblikovan pravokotnik, ki je bil dodatno utrjen s kontrafori. Ob dobro vidni cisterni ob obzidju (sl. 12.31) so vidni sledovi še ene manjše tik pod vrhom kope (morda celo baptisterij?), ki je zbirala vodo s cerkvene strehe. Sledovi stavb so na južni strani dobro vidni, prislonjeni na najbolj izpostavljen južni zid, in so nedvomno služili kot bivališča posadke in hkrati krepili obrambni zid. V tem nizu zgradb je posebej dobro vidna cisterna na zahodni strani. Drug podoben, a slabše viden niz zgradb je ob vzhodnem obzidju, predvsem v njego­vem severnem delu. Na zahodni strani so ob obzidju le sledovi ene stavbe, zato pa je nad njo viden še izredno dobro ohranjen dodaten, notranji obrambni (?) zid. other defence elements present as well as a simple Early Christian church in the interior. The Roman fort at Svetojanj was determined by AnteŠonje (1975, 286) and was classified as Early Byzantineby Aleksij Škunca (1989, 27). It was researched in detailby Željko Tomičić who brought attention to the fort’s essential elements in a longer report (Tomičić 1995). He mentions the crew’s dwellings leaning on the defence walls and a well visible water cistern. For the defence walls he states a thickness of 2m. At the top of the fort he recog­nised poorly preserved, yet fairly regularly east­oriented remains of an Early Christian church and, considering the preserved toponym, states even the possible patron­age (St Agnes) (Tomičić 1995, 302). In the strip of stones that crosses the peninsula at the narrowest part, he recog­nised a proteichisma. Fragments of the potery of Eastern Mediterranean origin are mentioned inside the fort. He assigns the fort—similarly to others in Kvarner—to the time of the rule of emperor Justinian I or to the time of the Ostrogothic­Byzantine Wars (Tomičić 1995, 300). Following the survays of the site and with the use of various satellite and aerial images, the description of the site can be somewhat supplemented (Fig. 12.30).5 The defence walls and most of the buildings are constructed approximately in the middle of the slope of the 50.5m high rocky outcrop. Modest remains indicate that in­dividual structures were built even higher up the slope and an Early Christian church on the exposed top. The thickness of the wall mentioned by Tomičić (2m) is not possible to confirm in the field or on the satellite images. It seems that it was much thinner, which is understand­able since the fort was naturally very well protected. The thickness I measured is similar to those at the majority of other contemporary forts and measures 0.9m. It needs to be said that the course of the walls is fairly straight and thus on a diverse terrain in three sides indicates a quite straight­lined rectangle additionally fortified with counterforts. Along the well visible cistern by defence walls (Fig. 12.31) traces of another smaller one are vis­ible right beneath the top (possibly even a baptistery?), which collected water from the church roof. Traces of structures are well visible on the southern side, which leaned on the most exposed southern wall and were undoubtedly used as dwellings of the crew and simul­taneously strengthened the defence walls. In this series of buildings, the cistern on the western side is especially well visible. Another similar, yet more poorly visible series of structures is along the eastern defence walls, especially in its northern part. On the western side, traces of only one building are present along the walls; however, extremely well preserved additional, internal defence (?) walls are visible above it. 5 I thank my colleagues Tina Milavec and Darja Gros­man for the aerial image. Sveti Juraj nad mestom Pagom Sveti Juraj above the town of Pag Površinski sledovi arhitekture in drobne najdbe omogočajo prepoznavo še ene značilne zgodnje­bizantinske utrdbe na otoku Pagu. Utrdbo so odkrilipri topografski akciji pod vodstvom Ž. Tomičića leta 1988 (Tomičić 1988–1989; 2015). Leži nad mestom Pag, na višini 205 m, na naravno dobro zavarovani legi, ki hkrati omogoča odličen nadzor nad prometom skozi Paška vrata in zaliv ter tudi v Podvelebitskem kanalu (sl. 12.32). Na kamnitem platoju so odkrili ostanke močnega obrambnega obzidja, ki v približno trikotni obliki ob­daja prostor velikosti ca. 83 x 74 m (sl. 12.33). Utrdba je z vseh strani naravno dobro zavarovana s strminami in skalami, njena notranjost pa se od vzhodne strani postopno spušča proti zahodu. Povsem na vzhodu jo varuje ca. 25 m visoka navpična skala s predromansko cerkvijo Sv. Jurja, ki je dala utrdbi ime. Pri dobro vidnem obrambnem zidu je Tomičić ugotovil različno debelino, vse od 0,7 pa do 2 m na najlažje pristopni severni strani (1988-1989, 31). Vidna sta tudi dva izstopajoča stolpa, od katerih je eden trikoten in drugi kvadraten. Obzidje sta na izpostavljenih mestih podpirala kontrafora. V notranjosti omenja sledove zidanih struktur, ki se na­slanjajo na obzidje – Tomičić domneva v njih stolpe, verjetneje pa gre za bivališča posadke, saj so ti prostori na gosto razporejeni na severni in južni strani utrdbe. V notranjosti domneva prostostoječe objekte, ki jih naka­zujejo grmade kamenja in tam najdeni odlomki opeke Surface traces of architecture and small finds enable the recognition of another typical Early Byzantine fort on the island of Pag. The fort was discovered during the topo­graphic action led by Željko Tomičić in 1988 (1988–1989; 2015). It is situated above the town of Pag, 205m asl, in a naturally well protected position that at the same time enables excellent control over the traffic through Paška vrata and the bay as well as in Podvelebitski kanal (Fig. 12.32). On a stone plateau, remains of strong defence walls were discovered, which in a roughly triangular shape surrounds the area measuring approx. 83 x 74m (Fig. 12.33). The fort is naturally well protected from all sides by steep slopes and cliffs, while its interior gradually decreases from the east towards the west. At the utmost eastern side, it is protected by approx. 25m high vertical rock with the pre­Romanic church of St George, which gave the fort its name. In the well­visible defence walls Tomičić discovered that they were of various thickness, from 0.7 to 2m at the easiest­to­access northern side (1988-1989, 31). Two protruding towers are visible, one of which is of triangular shape and the other one square. At the exposed spots the defence walls were supported by two counterforts. In the interior, he mentions traces of stone structures leaning on the defence walls; he supposes them to be towers, but it is more probable that they were crew dwellings, since these quarters were thickly distributed on the northern and southern sides of the fort. Tomičić in keramike, med njimi amfore vzodnega porekla. Vhod vidi na najnižji točki postojanke, v jugozahodnem delu. Tomičić dopušča možnost starejših osnov pod ostanki predromanske cerkve Sv. Jurja, kar je po analo­gijah z drugimi utrdbami zelo verjetno. Cisterna še ni ugotovljena, je pa bila za delovanje utrdbe nujno potreb­na. Tomičić utrdbo datira v čas ekspanzije Bizanca, takoj po uspešno zaključenih gotsko­bizantinskih vojnah (535–539) in osvajanju tega dela Tarsatske Liburnije (Tomičić 1988-1989, 32). Veliki Sikavac pri otoku Pagu Dragocene podatke ponujajo raziskave pred kratkim odkrite utrdbe na otočku v neposredni bližini otoka Paga. Pomembna je zato, ker je bila zgrajena na nizkem, slabše zavarovanem otočku (sl. 12.34) in tako bolje kaže značilno bizantinsko vojaško arhitekturo z ravnolinijskimi obrambnimi zidovi, izstopajočimi stolpi ter zgradbami v notranjosti. Najdišče je odkril Ivo Oštarić leta 2012 in ga skupaj z Anamarijo Kurilić objavil v Arheološki karti otoka Paga leta 2013 (Oštarić, Kurilić 2013, 270–271). Tam sta predstavila prvo skico utrdbe ter najdbe poznoantične keramike. Leta 2013 in 2014 so sledile podrobnejše raziskave pod vodstvom Smiljana Gluščevića iz Arheo­loškega muzeja Zadar in Darje Grosman z Oddelka za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Sl. 12.33: Sveti Juraj, Pag. Tloris poznoantične utrdbe. (po Tomičić 1988-1989, t. 3) Fig. 12.33: Sveti Juraj, Pag. Ground plan of the late antique fort (after Tomičić 1988-1989, Pl. 3). supposes free­standing structures in the interior which are indicated by piles of stones and fragments of bricks and pottery, including amphorae of eastern origin, found there. He sees the entrance at the lowest point of the post, in the south­western part. Tomičić allows for the possibility of older structures under the remains of the pre­Romanic church of St George, which is very probable considering the analogies with other forts. The cistern has not yet been discovered, although it was necessary for the operation of the fort. Tomičić dates the fort to the time of the expansion of Byzantium, immediately after the successfully completed Gothic­Byzantine Wars (535–539) and the conquering of this part of Liburnia Tarsaticensis (Tomičić 1988-1989, 32). Veliki Sikavac near the island of Pag Precious data is offered by the research of a recently discovered fort on an islet in the immediate vicinity of the island of Pag. It is important due to the fact that it was built on a low, poorly protected islet (Fig. 12.34) and thus better reveals the typical Byzantine military architecture with straight­lined defence walls, protruding towers, and structures in the interior. The site was discovered in 2012 by Ivo Oštarić who published it together with Anamarija Kurilić in the Ar­chaeological Map of the island of Pag in 2013 (Oštarić, Kurilić 2013, 270–271). There they presented the first pri katerih so predvsem čistili ruševine, opravili in interpretirali aeroposnetke ter izkopali manjše sonde. Ob tem so ob že prej dobro razpoznavnih izstopajočih stolpih dokumentirali tudi bivalne zgradbe v notranjosti in številne podrobnosti v gradnji ter deloma tudi v kro­nologiji utrdbe. Ugotovitve je mogoče kratko strniti v opis bistvenih elementov utrdbe, ki so z navedenimi deli dokaj prepričljivo podani (Gluščević, Grosman 2015). Na kamnitem otočku, ki ga od ca. 100 m odda­ljenega otoka Paga loči preliv Škarnica, ležijo ostanki bizantinske utrdbe na jugovzhodnem od treh vrhov. Postavljena je na vrhu in na vzhodnem pobočju 13,1 m visoke vzpetine in zavzema površino okoli 5000 m2. Oblika utrdbe je delno prilagojena terenu in je tako mogoče ločiti dva trapezasto oblikovana dela, prvi na vrhnjem zravnanem delu, drugi na pobočju, ki se spu­šča proti obali. Dimenzije utrdbe znašajo ca. 90 x 50 m, obzidje pa je debelo 1,8 m in vezano z močno malto. Vidnih je šest obrambnih stolpov, od katerih sta dva na najvišjem delu (na severozahodni strani) prizidana, ostali štirje so bili grajeni hkrati z obzidjem in so na notranji strani odprti (sl. 12.35). V severnem delu je v notranjosti vidno 23 prostorov povprečne velikosti 4 x 5 m. Objekti so grupirani v štiri večje skupine z jasno prepoznavnimi prehodi. Južni del notranjosti sega vse do obzidja tik ob obali in je organi­sketch of the fort and the finds of late antique pottery. In 2013 and 2014, detailed research led by Smiljan Gluščević from the Archaeological Museum Zadar and Darja Grosman from the Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana followed, in which they primarily cleared the ruins, took and interpreted aerial shots, and excavated smaller trial trenches. During this time, they documented, in addition to previously well recognisable protruding towers, dwelling structures in the interior and numerous details in the construction and partly also the chronology of the fort. Findings can be summarised in the description of essential fort elements which are fairly convincingly presented in the stated works (Gluščević, Grosman 2015). On a small rocky islet, which is separated fromthe approx. 100m distant island of Pag by the Škarnica channel, remains of a Byzantine fort are found at the south­eastern one of the three tops. It is built on the top and eastern slope of the 13.1m high hill and comprises a surface of about 5000m2. The shape of the fort is partly adjusted to the terrain and thus two trapezoid­shaped parts can be distinguished; the first is situated at the top levelled part, while the other is on the slope descending towards the shore. The dimensions of the fort are approx. 90 x 50m; defence walls are 1.8m thick and bound with solid mortar. Six defence towers are visible, two of which ziran v šest vzporednih teras, na katerih so razporejeni objekti – podolgovate stavbe z več prostori (Gluščević, Grosman 2015, 136–138). V notranjosti utrdbe cerkve niso ugotovili, možno pa je, da leži pod ostanki kasnejše srednjeveške cerkvice zunaj obzidja. V notranjosti ter tudi zunaj utrdbe so našli fragmente poznoantične keramike, amfor in steklenih kozarcev. Omeniti je treba izjemno strateško lego utrdbe, ki nadzoruje ozek prehod med kopnim in otokom Pagom v Podvelebitski kanal in je kot taka imela ključ do obalne trase plovbe. Gradina pri Danilu Na hribu nad rimskim mestom Municipium Ridi­tarum so sledovi slabo poznane poznoantične utrdbe (sl. 12.36). Manjše raziskave na vrhu hriba so razkrile številne zidove z malto in suhe zidove ter tudi ostanke številnih v skalo vklesanih hiš pod utrdbo. Glede na pomanjkanje poročil o izkopavanjih je težko podati zanesljivo podobo utrdbe, možna je le splošna označitev po skopih podatkih in avtopsiji terena. Prvi je na hribu izkopaval Josip Korošec in s prvimi sondami dokumentiral predvsem prazgodovinsko gra­dišče (Korošec 1959). Nekaj let pozneje je na Gradini izkopaval Vladimir Mirosavljević v sklopu raziskav mesta Rider, ki jih je vodil Duje Rendić­Miočević in takrat odkril večje število zidov, ki jih je sondiral na nekaj mestih (Rendić­Miočević 1989, 846–847). Iz Sl. 12.35: Veliki Sikavac, Pag. Tloris poznoan­tične utrdbe (Gluščević, Grosman 2015, sl. 11). Fig. 12.35: Veliki Sikavac, Pag. Plan of the late antique fort (Gluščević, Grosman 2015, Fig. 11). are located at the highest part (on the north­western side) and added to the walls, while the other four were constructed simultaneously with the defence walls and are open to the interior (Fig. 12.35). In the northern part, 23 rooms of average size of 4 x 5m can be seen on the inside. The structures form four larger groups with clearly recognisable passages. The southern part of the interior reaches all the way to the defence walls immediately along the coast and is or­ganised in six parallel terraces, on which structures are arranged—these are oblong buildings with several rooms (Gluščević, Grosman 2015, 136–138). In the interior of the fort a church was not discov­ered, although it is possible that it is located under the remains of a later medieval church outside the walls. Fragments of late antique pottery, amphorae, and glasses were found inside and outside the fort. The exceptional strategic position of the fort needs to be mentioned since it controls the narrow passage between the land and the island of Pag into Podvelebit­ski kanal, and as such had the key to the route of sailing along the shore. Gradina near Danilo On the hill above the Roman town of Municipium Riditarum, traces of a poorly known late antique fort can be found (Fig. 12.36). Small­scale research at the top of the hill revealed numerous walls bound by mortar and also dry walls as well as remains of numerous houses cut into objavljenega gradiva o utrdbi je težko izluščiti, katere navedbe o najdbah se nanašajo na utrjeni vrh in katere na obsežno južno pobočje s številnimi stavbami in množico najdb, predvsem grobe keramike, ki je lahko na to mesto prišla tudi z erozijo. Hrib Gradina (ndm. v. 406 m) se visoko dviga nad ravnico, na kateri je v rimskem času nastalo mesto Mu-nicipium Riditarum. Vrh obdaja strmina z vseh strani, dostop je najlažji po južni strani. Na severu je prek sedla povezan z ostalim hribovjem. Na severni strani so odkrili kar tri oziroma štiri vzporedne zidove. Prvi in tretji sta grajena v suhem zidu, drugi imajo posamezne dele utrjene z malto in spolijami. Ravni del zidu na vrhu je zgrajen z malto in ima na nekaj mestih vgrajene kontrafore na notranji strani. Glede na tehniko gradnje bi lahko zidovje z malto, ki je ojačano s kontrafori in stolpi, pripisali poznoantičnemu obdobju. Na sredini južnega pobočja so vidne v steno vklesane stopnice, verjetno ostanek umetno napravljenega dosto­pa v antiki. Po južnih pobočjih so dobro opazni temelji nizov bivališč, ki so bila delno vklesana v skalno osnovo. Redko ohranjeni zidovi pri teh stavbah so grajeni v su­hozidni tehniki. Ugotovili so približno 50 takšnih stavb. V antiki je bil na jugovzhodni strani Gradine blizu vrha sistem več cistern, v katerih se je voda prelivala iz ene v the rock below the fort. Considering the lack of reports about the excavations, it is hard to present a reliable image of the fort; therefore, only a general description following scarce data and autopsy of the site can be given. The first to excavate on the hill was Josip Korošec who documented primarily the prehistoric hill fort in his first trial trenches (Korošec 1959). A few years later, Vladimir Mirosavljević excavated at Gradina within the research of the town of Rider; the research was led by Duje Rendić­Miočević and discovered a larger number of walls which he trenched in several places (Rendić­Miočević 1989, 846–847). It is difficult to discern from the pub­lished material which statements about the finds relate to the fortified top and which to the extensive southern slope with numerous buildings and a plethora of finds, primarily of coarse pottery, which could also have ended up here due to erosion. The hill of Gradina (406m asl) rises high above the plain on which the town of Municipium Riditarum was cre­ated in Roman times. The top is surrounded by steep slopes on all sides; the easiest access is from the south side. It is connected with the rest of the hills by a pass in the north. On the north side, three or four parallel walls were discovered. The first and third are built in the dry wall technique, while others have parts strengthened with mortar and spolia. The flat part of the wall at the top is drugo (pregled izkopanih sond na Gradini pri Brajković et al. 2013, na načrtu na str. 23). Gradina ima strateški položaj in odlično vidljivost, saj dominira nad cesto Salona–Scardona. Marin Zani­nović, ki se je v daljši študiji posvetil temu najdišču, domneva, da je poznoantično utrjevanje treba pripisati justinijanskemu obdobju in času bojev z Goti, ki so bili v bližnji Skardoni premagani leta 537 (Zaninović 1978, 21). Časovno bi to stavo potrjevale kovinske najdbe in tudi novci, ki pa so brez natančnejših lokacij (Brajković et al. 2013, 67). Gradina na otočku Osinj Strateško izredno pomembna je utrdba v delti reke Neretve pri Opuzenu (sl. 12.37). Prvo objavo in hkrati najobsežnejši opis ruševin na otočku je podal don Rado­van Jerković leta 1942, ki je napravil tudi edino do danes znano skico utrdbe (Jerković 1942). Ruševine obramb­nih naprav je pripisal poznejšim obdobjem, pravilno pa je datiral dobro vidne ostanke zgodnjekrščanske cerkve. V precej shematično skico je tako vrisal poleg dokaj ravnolinijskih obrambnih zidov tudi dva stolpa in južno od cerkve daljšo zgradbo z dvema prostoroma (sl. 12.38). built with mortar and has counterforts built into in places on the inside. Considering the construction technique, walls with mortar fortified with counterforts and tow­ers could be attributed to the late antique period. In the middle of the southern slope, stairs carved in the rock can be seen, which are probably the remains of an access artificially made in the antiquity. Foundations of a series of dwellings are well visible on southern slopes which were partly carved into the rocky base. Rarely preserved walls of these buildings are built in the dry wall tech­nique. About 50 such buildings were determined. In the antiquity, a system of several cisterns was constructed at the south­eastern side of Gradina near the top, in which the water ran from one into another (the overview of dug out trial trenches at Gradina in Brajković et al. 2013, on the plan on page 23). Gradina has a strategic position and excellent vis­ibility for it dominates over the Salona–Scardona road. Marin Zaninović, who dealt with this site in a longer study, assumes that the late antique fortification needs to be ascribed to the Justinianian period and the time of fighting with the Goths who were defeated in nearby Scardona in 537 (Zaninović 1978, 21). Chronologically, this classification would be confirmed by metal finds and coins but which lack precise locations (Brajković et al. 2013, 67). Pozneje je Gunjača utrdbo uvrstil v svoj pregled zgodnjebizantinskih utrdb in ji pripisal poznoantično starost. Poleg že prej poznane cerkve omenja več izstopa­jočih stolpov ob obzidju, cisterno in tudi podrobneje ne­opredeljene ruševine drugih zgradb (Gunjača 1986, 125). Naslednje pomembne podatke o postojanki je pri­spevala Jasna Jeličić­Radonić, ki je podrobneje opisala cerkev in številne okrašene elemente njene notranje opreme (Jeličić­Radonić 1997). Gre za enoladijsko cer­kev s polkrožno apsido, okrepljeno s tremi kontrafori in večjimi bočnimi prostori, kjer omenja tudi cisterno. V cerkvi je bila kamnita oltarna pregrada z bogato okraše­nimi pluteji in pilastri. Omenja tudi zidove več zgradb zahodno od cerkve, kjer je opazila veliko obdelanih kamnitih delov, množico tegul in odlomkov amfor. Na osnovi analize najdene skulpture je lahko gradivo in s tem gradnjo cerkve prisodila v sredino 6. st., torej v čas Justinijanove rekonkviste. Gradino, ki je zaradi zaraščenosti in posledične neraziskanosti slabo poznana, je mogoče presojati predvsem po skici, ki jo je napravil don Jerković, ni pa navedel dimenzij utrdbe niti cerkve. Brez merila je predstavljena tudi ista skica pri Gunjači. Jelićić­Rado­nićeva je tej skici dodala merilo, ki kaže, da je celotna utrdba velika le približno 45 x 32 m, cerkev pa je skupaj z narteksom in apsido merila v dolžino le do 10 m. Pri don Jerkoviću vrisane velike podolgovate zgradbe oba naslednja raziskovalca ne omenjata. Gunjača omenja cisterno kot samostojen objekt, Jeličić­Radonićeva jo locira v južni stranski prostor cerkve (dve cisterni?). Gradina on the islet of Osinj Strategically very important is the fort in the delta of the Neretva river near Opuzen (Fig. 12.37). The first publication and at the same time the most extensive description of the ruins on the small island was given by don Radovan Jerković in 1942, who also made the only sketch of the fort known until today (Jerković 1942). He ascribed the ruins of defence equipment to later periods, although he dated the visible remains of the Early Chris­tian church correctly. In a fairly schematic sketch, two towers and a longer building with two rooms south of the church were drawn in addition to fairly straight­lined defence walls (Fig. 12.38). Later, Zlatko Gunjača included the fort in his over­view of Early Byzantine forts and ascribed it to the late antiquity. In addition to the previously known church, he mentions several protruding towers along the defence walls, a cistern, and ruins of other buildings that are not defined in detail (Gunjača 1986, 125). The next important data about the post was con­tributed by Jasna Jeličić­Radonić, who described the church and numerous decorated elements of its furnish­ings in detail (Jeličić­Radonić 1997). It is a single­nave church with a semi­circular apse strengthened by three counterforts and larger annexes where a cistern is also mentioned. The church included a stone altar partition with richly ornamented marble slabs and pilasters. Walls of several buildings west of the church are also mentioned where many worked stone parts, a plethora of tegulae and amphorae fragments were noticed. Based on the analysis of the sculpture found there, she could date the material and thus the construction of the church to the mid­6th century, therefore to the time of Justinian’s reconquista. Due to the fact that it is overgrown with shrubs and consequently poorly researched, Gradina can be judged mostly from the sketch by don Jerković, who did not state the dimensions of either the fort or the church. The same sketch in Gunjača’s overview is also presented without the scale. Jelićić­Radonić added the scale to this sketch. It shows that the entire fort would measure only 45 x 32m, while the church together with the narthex and the apse would be only 10m long. The large oblong building drawn by don Jerković is not mentioned by the other two researchers. Gunjača defines the cistern as an independent structure, while Jeličić­Radonić locates it to the southern annex of the church (two cisterns?). The number of tow­ers is also not completely clear: don Jerković drew two, Tudi število stolpov ni povsem jasno: don Jerković je vrisal dva, Gunjača omenja več stolpov. Zdi se, da bo natančnejši opis obrambnih elementov in objektov v notranjosti mogoč šele po temeljitem čiščenju terena in nadaljnjih raziskavah. Lega 76 m visoke Gradine omogoča na notranji strani otoka nadzor nad vstopom v delto reke Neretve in na zunanji strani pregled nad plovbo po Neretvanskem kanalu, zato je mogoče v njej prepoznati eno ključnih točk v sistemu obrambe plovne poti po vzhodni jadran­ski obali. Njen pomen poudarjajo tudi lepo okrašeni deli notranje opreme v cerkvi, kar je edinstven primer med doslej znanimi jadranskimi utrdbami in kaže morda tudi na njen romarski značaj ob pomembni plovni poti (Brusić 1993, 231–233; Zaninović 1994, 142–145). KONTINENTALNA HRVAŠKA IN BOSNA Crkvišće Bukovlje blizu Generalskog Stola Utrdbo so odkrili pri sondažnih raziskavah prazgo­dovinskega gradišča leta 2010, izkopavanje poznoantič­ne utrdbe pa so začeli leta 2014 in postopno odkrivajo različne elemente dobro ohranjene postojanke (Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014). Utrdba leži v dolini reke Mrežnice na naravno odlično zavarovanem kraju, ki ga poleg umestitve v okljuku reke varujejo strma pobočja in delno skalne while Gunjača writes about more towers. It seems that a precise description of defence elements and structures in the interior will only be possible after a thorough clearing of the terrain and further research. The position of the 76m high Gradina enables on the inner side of the islet the control over the entrance to the delta of the Neretva and on the outer side of the islet the control over the sailing along Neretvanski kanal, hence it can be recognised as one of the key points in the defence system of the sea routes along the eastern Adriatic coast. Its significance is also emphasised by nicely ornamented furnishings inside the church, which is a unique example among Adriatic forts known until today and could also indicate its pilgrim character along an important sailing route (Brusić 1993, 231–233; Zaninović 1994, 142–145). CONTINENTAL CROATIA AND BOSNIA Crkvišće Bukovlje near Generalski Stol The fort was discovered during trial trenching of a prehistoric hill fort in 2010, while the excavation of the late antique fort started in 2014 and various elements of a well­preserved post have gradually been unearthed (Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014). The fort is situated in the valley of the Mrežnica river, at a naturally excellently protected spot, which, in addition to the position in the curve of the river, is also protected by steep slopes and partly rocky cliffs (about 165m asl). An Early Christian church with an apse measuring 15.17 x 7.2m has been researched completely. The church is situated at the highest part of the hill, two rooms of a larger, well­built structure are indicated beside it at the utmost edge of the settlement (excavations from 2017). On the easiest­to­access eastern and south­eastern sides, traces of three protruding towers, the measurements of the middle one of which are approx. 5 x 6m, are outlined on the surface. In the greater part of the generally fairly levelled interior no traces of buildings can be noticed; two individual structures were discovered only along the western edge of the post, while another one with several smaller rooms is indicated in the north­western corner (Fig. 12.39). Visible traces of architecture, the important strate­gic position along the Roman road Romula–Senia (cf. Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014, 167–168), and small finds indicate a military crew most probably only in the second third of the 6th century.6 From the hitherto unprocessed material it is not possible to date the construction of the fort precisely; considering the comparisons, authors roughly assign it to the 5th and 6th centuries. 6 My sincere thanks to my colleague Ana Azinović Be­bek, who enabled me to see the site and presented the most important small finds. stene (ndm. v. ca. 165 m). Doslej so v celoti raziskali zgodnjekrščansko cerkev z apsido, ki meri 15,17 x 7,2 m. Cerkev leži na najvišjem delu vzpetine, poleg nje se povsem ob robu naselbine nakazujeta še dva prostora večje, dobro zidane zgradbe (izkopavanje leta 2017). Na najlažje dostopni vzhodni in jugovzhodni strani se v po­vršini zarisujejo sledovi treh izstopajočih stolpov, mere srednjega znašajo ca. 5 x 6 m. V večjem delu sicer dokaj zravnane notranjosti ni opaziti sledov stavb, posamezni stavbi so odkrili le ob zahodnem robu postojanke, še ena z več manjšimi prostori se nakazuje v severozahodnem vogalu (sl. 12.39). Sledovi arhitekture, pomemben strateški položaj ob rimski cest Romula–Senia (prim. pri Azinović Bebek, Sekulić 2014, 167­168) ter tudi drobno gradivo nakazu­jejo vojaško posadko najverjetneje šele v drugi tretjini 6. st.6 Iz doslej še neobdelanega gradiva ni mogoče podrobneje datirati nastanka utrdbe, avtorji jo okvirno uvrščajo glede na primerjave v 5. in 6. st. Gradina Zecovi pri Čarakovem V današnjem bosanskem prostoru se kot prva analogija nakazuje Gradina Zecovi, ki leži na naravno dobro zavarovanem kraju ob pomembni rimski cesti Salona–Siscia. Zanjo je značilen močan obrambni zid, debel 2 m, s stolpoma na notranji strani (sl. 12.40; 12.41) V notranjosti 125 x 50 m velike utrdbe so doslej raziskali le skromno zgodnjekrščansko cerkev (Čremošnik 1955; 1956; Ciglenečki 1987a, 93; Chevalier 1995, 158). Gradina pri Biogracih Na majhni vzpetini, od koder se odpira odličen pregled nad Mostarskim blatom, je na hribu manjša (velikost 90 x pribl. 40 m), a gosto pozidana pozno­antična utrdba (Čremošnik 1987–1988). O funkciji utrdbe govori položaj ob prometnici, ki je povezovala notranjost z obalo, ter tudi stavbe, razporejene ob no­tranji strani obzidja in naslonjene nanj (sl. 12.42; 12.43). V preliminarni objavi dobro raziskane utrdbe Irma Čremošnikova cerkve ni identificirala, Pascal Chevali­er pa jo prepoznava v stolpu z apsidalno oblikovanim notranjim zaključkom (Čremošnik 1987–1988, 113; Chevalier 1995, 413–414). Morda bi lahko kot paralele za tovrstne miniaturne cerkve navedli manjše utrdbe v Džerdapu, kjer je pri Saldumu, Donjih Butorkah in Ravni videti stolpe, zaključene z apsido. Vendar se zdi domnevana cerkev v Biogracih majhna za tako gosto pozidano trdnjavo! Zahvaljujem se kolegici Ani Azinović Bebek, ki mi je omogočila ogled najdišča in predstavila pomembnejše drob­ne najdbe. Gradina Zecovi near Čarakovo In the present­day Bosnian territory, Gradina Zecovi is indicated as the first analogy, which is situated on a naturally well­protected place along the important Ro­man road Salona–Siscia. It is characterised by strong, 2m thick defence walls with two towers on the inside (Figs. 12.40; 12.41). Only a modest Early Christian church has so far been researched in the interior of the 125 x 50m large fort (Čremošnik 1955; 1956; Ciglenečki 1987, 93; Chevalier 1995, 158). VZHODNI ILIRIK IN TRAKIJA Boljetin Med džerdapskimi utrdbami kaže največ podobnosti s Korinjskim hribom utrdba Boljetin (Zotović 1982–1983) (sl. 12.44). Njene dimenzije (80 x 50 m) kažejo velikost, ki je približno primerljiva z razpoložljivo površino, primerno za bivanje na Korinjskem hribu. Trdnjava, ki je bila zgrajena sicer že v 1. st., je bila v drugi polovici 3. st. temeljito prenovljena in po opustitvi v začetku 5. st. ponovno uporabljena v času zgodnjebizantinske obnove limesa. Takrat so okrepili obzidje, opravili adaptacije pri vhodih in na novo pozidali vse zunanje stolpe (Zotović 1984, 222). V osrednjem delu kastela so postavili eno­ladijsko cerkev z apsido in narteksom, ki je imela notranje mere 15 x 5,5 m. Na notranji strani apside so prizidali klop debeline 0,9 m, na južni zid ladje pa manjši stranski prostor. V notranjosti cerkvene ladje so na južni strani blizu apside prizidali piscino baptisterija, veliko 1,2 x 1 m. V notranjosti utrdbe omenjajo ostanke treh bolje zidanih zgradb (domnevno delavnice) in ostanke manjših pravokotnih prostorov, v katerih domnevajo substrukcije šotorov. Tudi najdeni inventar kaže podoben spekter kot Korinjski hrib: groba in uvožena keramika, poljedelsko orodje, puščice idr. (Zotović 1984, 224). Trdnjava naj bi propadla v močnem požaru v zadnjih letih 6. st. Gradina near Biograci A smaller (90 x approx. 40m), yet densely built­up late antique fort (Čremošnik 1987–1988) (Fig. 12.42) is situated on a small hill, from where there is excellent control over Mostarsko blato. The function of the fort is defined by its position along the road which connected the interior with the coast and structures distributed along the inner side of defence walls and leaning on it (Fig. 12.43). In the preliminary publication of the well­researched fort Irma Čremošnik did not identify a church, while Pascal Chevalier recognises it in the tower with the apsidal inner ending (Čremošnik 1987–1988, 113; Chevalier 1995, 413–414). Smaller forts in Džerdap could possibly be stated as parallels for such miniature churches, where towers ending in apses can be seen in Saldum, Donje Butorke, and Ravna. However, the sup­posed church in Biograci seems small for such a densely built­up fort! EASTERN ILLYRICUM AND THRACE Boljetin Among Džerdap forts, the most similarities to Korinjski hrib are found at the fort of Boljetin (Zotović 1984) (Fig. 12.44). Its dimensions (80 x 50m) indicate a size approximately comparable to the surface appropriate for dwelling at Korinjski hrib. The fort, which was actually built in the 1st century, was thoroughly renovated in the second half of the 3rd century. After its abandonment in the beginning of the 5th century, it was once again used in the time of the Early Byzantine renovation of the limes. At the time, defence walls were renovated, adaptations were made along entrances, and all external towers were newly built (Zotović 1984, 222). A single­nave church with an apse and narthex with internal measurements of 15 x 5.5m was built in the central part of the fort. A 0.9m thick bench was added to the inner side of the apse and a smaller annex to the southern wall of the nave. A baptistery piscina was added inside the church nave, on the south side near the apse, which measured 1.2 x 1m. Remains of three well­built structures (supposedly workshops) and remains of smaller rectangular rooms, in which tent substructures are assumed, are mentioned inside the fort. The inventory found also indicates a simi­lar spectrum as at Korinjski hrib: coarse and imported pottery, agricultural tools, arrows, etc. (Zotović 1984, 224). The fort was supposedly ruined in a big fire in the last years of the 6th century. Veliki Gradac pri Donjem Milanovcu, domnevna Taliata Utrdba je bila zgrajena na izjemno pomembnem strateškem kraju, zato so tudi njene dimenzije večje (134 x 126 m), kar zadošča posadki klasične rimske kohorte (Popović 1982–1983). Prva trdnjava je bila zgra­jena že v 1. st. in so jo v drugi fazi, ki jo Popović datira v drugo polovico 3. st., temeljito prenovili. Po požaru in opustitvi v prvi polovici 5. st. je bila ponovno obnovljena v času Justinijanove utrditve limesa na Donavi (Popović 1984, 273–280) (sl. 12.45). Takrat so popravili obzidje in pravokotne stolpe delno nadzidali. Ohranili so vhod na severni strani, ostale so zazidali. Na vogalih kastela so zgradili nove in večje stolpe krožne oblike. V notranjosti so zgradili horreum in cerkev, tlakovano ulico v smeri sever–jug pa dvignili na višji nivo. Po celotni površini so odkrili sledove nizov manjših bivalnih objektov iz manj obstojnih materialov. Za primerjavo s Korinjskim hribom je posebno pomembna dobro raziskana cer­kev, ki so jo prislonili ob stolp obrambnega zidu. Gre za preprosto enoladijsko zgradbo z apsido, stranskim prostorom, narteksom, v stolpu obzidja pa so zgradili baptisterij. Razločno sta bili opazni dve fazi gradnje. Veliki Gradac near Donji Milanovac, supposed Taliata The fort was built in a very important strategic po­sition which is also the reason for its larger dimensions (134 x 126m), sufficing for the crew of a classic Roman cohort (Popović 1982–1983). The first fort here was built in the 1st century and was in the second phase, dated by Vladislav Popović to the second half of the 3rd century, thoroughly restored. After a fire and abandonment in the first half of the 5th century, it was again renovated in the time of Justinian’s fortification of the Danubian limes (Popović 1984, 273–280) (Fig. 12.45). At the time, defence walls were repaired and rectangular towers were partly raised. The entrance on the northern side was preserved, others were walled in. New and larger circular towers were built in the corners of the fort. Inside it a horreum and a church were built, while the paved street in the direction north–south was raised to a higher level. Along the entire surface, traces of series of smaller dwelling structures made of less durable materials were discovered. The well­researched church which leaned on the defence walls tower is especially important for comparison with Korinjski hrib. It is a simple single­nave construction with an apse, an annex, and a narthex, while the baptistery was Piscina je nepravilne krožne oblike, v njej so vidni sle­dovi dveh premazov. Glede na novec Justina I. v plasti med obema fazama v ladji cerkve sodi tudi zadnja faza v zgodnjebizantinsko obdobje. Sčasoma je prišlo do de­gradacije utrdbe, o čemer priča obnova cerkve in rušenje horreuma, v katerega so vgradili delavnico za obdelavo kovin. Popović ugotavlja, da je v tej zadnji fazi Taliata bolj spominjala na utrjeno vas kot pa na vojaški tabor (Popović 1984, 280). Utrdba je bila uničena v požaru, ki ga Popović povezuje z avarskimi operacijami leta 595/6. Gradina v Vrsenicah Je ena izmed rekih dobro raziskanih in v celoti objavljenih utrdb v Srbiji (Popović, Bikić 2009). Prva faza sega že v čas 2. in 3. st., ko naj bi služila predvsem kot opazovalnica, a so jo v zadnji tretjini 4. st. dogradili v močno vojaško utrdbo. V drugi četrtini ali celo sredini 6. st. naj bi jo znova prenovili: v ta čas sodi predvsem gradnja dodatnega obzidja (proteihizma?) debeline 1,4 m, manjša enoladijska cerkev z apsido in narteksom vel. 15 x 7,6 m, nekaj lesenih stavb v neposredni bližini obzidja in domnevno obnova stolpa (sl. 12.46). Prav postavitev cerkve, njene dimenzije ter lesena arhitektura za obzidjem bi kazali podobnost s Korinjskim hribom. Avtorja domnevata, da je bila utrdba predvsem zatočišče lokalnega prebivalstva, ne izključujeta pa možnosti, da je bila del sistema regionalne obrambe, kot že prej v poznorimskem obdobju (Popović, Bikić 2009, 128; gl. tudi pri Milinkovič 2015, 259). built in the tower of the defence walls. Two construction phases are clearly distinguishable. The piscina is of an irregular circular form and shows traces of two coatings. Considering the coin of Justin I in the layer between both phases in the church nave, the last phase also belongs to the Early Byzantine period. In time, the degradation of the fort occurred which is testified to by the renovation of the church and the demolition of the horreum, into which a workshop for metal processing was built. Popović believes that in the last phase, Taliata looked more like a fortified village than a military camp (Popović 1984, 280). The fort was destroyed in a fire that Popović connects with operations of the Avars in 595/6. Gradina in Vrsenice This is one of the rare well­researched and com­pletely published forts in Serbia (Popović, Bikić 2009). Its first phase reaches to the time of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, when it was supposedly primarily used as an observation post, but was extended to a strong military fort in the last third of the 4th century. It was supposedly renovated again in the second quarter or even the middle of the 6th century: primarily the construction of additional, 1.4m thick defence walls (proteichisma?), a smaller single­nave church with an apse and narthex in the size of 15 x 7.6m, a few wooden buildings in the immediate vicinity of defence walls, and a supposed renovation of a tower belong to this time (Fig. 12.46). The construction of the church, its dimensions, and wooden architecture indicate the similarity to Korinjski hrib. Both authors assume that the fort was primarily the refuge of local inhabitants but do not rule out the possibility that it was part of a system of regional defence, as was the case in the Late Roman period (Popović, Bikić 2009, 128; see also at Milinkovič 2015, 259). Zelenikovo Zelenikovo Ta utrdba predstavlja v množici zgodnjebizantin­skih postojank iz Severne Makedonije dober primer Korinjskemu hribu podobne utrdbe. Označuje jo šest izstopajočih stolpov in cerkev, v notranjosti ob obzidju pa so vidni kazematni prizidki (Mikulčić 2002, 197). Markova Mehana (Prokopijev Stenos?) Povsem na vzhodni meji Ilirika je dobro raziskana vojaška utrdba, ki daje sijajen uvid v izgled zgodnje­bizantinskih vojaških postojank (sl. 12.47–12.49). Le 70 x 36 m velika utrdba je ležala vrh hriba, na meji med pre­fekturama Ilirik in Trakija, ob najpomembnejši kopenski cesti, ki je povezovala vzhod in zahod imperija. Zgrajena je bila sicer že za Anastazija (491 do 518), po domnev­nem potresu pa opuščena in ponovno prenovljena za Justinijana (Mitova­Džonova 1998, 538; Dinchev 2007, 524–525). Zavarovana je bila z dvema pentagonalnima in enim trikotnim stolpom, v notranjosti pa so po celotni dolžini 2,2 m širokega obzidja zasledili odprto galerijo In the plethora of Early Byzantine posts in North­ern Macedonia, this fort presents a good example of one similar to Korinjski hrib. It is marked by six pro­truding towers and a church, while casemate extensions are seen in the interior along defence walls (Mikulčić 2002, 197). Markova Mehana (Procopius’ Stenos?) At the far eastern border of Illyricum, a well­researched military fort is located, which provides an excellent insight into the appearance of Early Byzantine military posts (Figs. 12.47–12.49). The only 70 x 36m large fort was built at the top of a hill, on the border between the prefectures of Illyricum and Thrace, along the most important land road connecting the east and the west of the empire. It was built in the time of Anastasius (491 to 518), and, after a supposed earthquake, abandoned and renovated in the time of Justinian (Mitova­Džonova 1998, 538; Dinchev 2007, 524–525). It was protected by two pentagonal and one triangular tower, along the entire in nad njo bivališča posadke. Osrednji del utrdbe je bil prazen, cerkve v notranjosti niso odkrili. Kaleto pri Izvorovu (Castra Rubra) Zgodnjebizantinska trdnjava leži v jugovzhodnem delu današnje Bolgarije. Postavljena je na neznatno dvi­gnjenem platoju ob pomembni rimski cesti, ki je vodila od Singidunuma v Konstantinopel (via Diagonalis). Utrdba ima obliko pentagona s štirimi pravokotnimi stolpi in vhodom skozi večji pravokotni stolp (sl. 12.50). Izkopavalec Boris Borisov njeno gradnjo postavlja v prvo polovico 6. st. (Borisov 2010a). Dyadovo V vzhodnem delu današnje Bolgarije so na le 18 m visokem hribu (telu) našli zgodnjebizantinsko utrdbo približno pravokotne oblike, obdano z močnim obzidjem in štirimi pentagonalnimi stolpi ter utrjenim vhodom (sl. 12.51). V notranjosti je bila le manjša baraka za posadko. B. Borisov domneva v njej manjšo vojaško posadko za varstvo bližnje ceste in hkrati pribežališče za prebivalce okolnih neutrjenih naselbin (Borisov 2010b). length of the 2.2m wide defence walls in the interior an open gallery was noticed with crew dwellings above it. The central part of the fort was empty, a church was not discovered in the interior. Kaleto near Izvorovo (Castra Rubra) The early Byzantine fort lies in the south­eastern part of present­day Bulgaria. It is situated on a slightly raised plateau, along the important Roman road leading from Singidunum to Constantinopel (via Diagonalis). The fort has the shape of a pentagon with four rectangular towers and the entrance through the larger rectangular tower (Fig. 12.50). The excavator Boris Borisov assigns its construction to the first half of the 6th century (Borisov 2010a). Dyadovo In the eastern part of present­day Bulgaria, on an only 18m high hill, an Early Byzantine fort of roughly rectangular form surrounded by strong defence walls and four pentagonal towers and a fortified entrance was found (Fig. 12.51). Inside only a smaller shack for the crew was built. In the fort, Boris Borisov assumes only a smaller military crew for the protection of the nearby road and simultaneously a refuge for the inhabitants of the surrounding unfortified settlements (Borisov 2010b). IZBRANE PRIMERJAVE IZ OSVOJENIH BIZANTINSKIH OBMOČIJ V SEVERNI AFRIKI Med bolje poznanimi zgodnjebizantinskimi po­stojankami v severni Afriki z jasno izraženim vojaškim značajem je mogoče najti veliko podobnih utrdb, ki pa so poznane največkrat le po dobro vidnih ostankih arhitekture. Kažejo številne podobnosti s Korinjskim hribom, a jih zaradi oddaljenosti, regionalnih posebno­sti in drugačnega značaja vojskovanja v mejnem pasu puščave ni treba navajati. Morda je na tem mestu smi­selno omeniti le dobro znani zgodnjebizantinski tabor v Timgadu z odlično ohranjenimi vojaškimi barakami in cerkvijo (Lassus 1981) (sl. 12.52; 12.53), z ustanovit­venim napisom datirane ostaline utrdbe Anastasiana ter skoraj v celoti ohranjeno manjšo trdnjavo Limisa (Pringle 1981, 181–182, 212–214) (sl. 12.54-12.55). Za vse je značilno predvsem močno obzidje z izstopajočimi stolpi, v notranjosti bivališča posadke, cisterne in za nekatere tudi zgodnjekrščanska cerkev. SELECTED COMPARISONS FROM THE CONQUERED BYZANTINE TERRITORIES IN NORTHERN AFRICA Many similar forts can be found among better­known Early Byzantine posts in Northern Africa with clearly expressed military character, but which are most frequently known only by their well­visible architecture remains. They reveal numerous similarities with Korin­jski hrib; however, due to distance, regional peculiarities, and different character of warfare on the border of the desert, they are not stated here. The ones that should possibly be mentioned are the well­known Early Byzan­tine fort in Timgad with excellently preserved military barracks and church (Lassus 1981) (Figs. 12.52; 12.53), remains of the Anastasiana fort dated by its founding inscription, and almost completely preserved smaller fort of Limisa (Pringle 1981, 181–182, 212–214) (Figs. 12.54–12.55). Characteristic for all are mostly strong defence walls with protruding towers, and in their interior crew dwellings, cisterns, and for some also an Early Christian church. ZAKLJUČEK Povzemimo na kratko doslej ugotovljene značilno­sti obravnavanih utrdb, ki kažejo bistvene podobnosti z utrdbo Korinjski hrib. Najprej je treba poudariti njihovo geostrateško lego: zgrajene so bile ob pomembnejših kopnih in morskih komunikacijah, največkrat na na­ravno dobro zavarovanih vzpetinah. Že bežen pregled pokaže veliko spretnost in prilagodljivost graditeljev, ki so v naglici morali zgraditi dovolj varne utrdbe. Te so bile običajno zgrajene na mestu starejših prazgo­dovinskih in rimskih utrjenih naselbin in prilagojene terenskim danostim. Velikost posadk je bila vedno v razmerju z velikostjo naravno zaščitenega prostora in uporabno površino v notranjosti. To poudarjam zato, ker je bil znotraj utrjenih postojank lahko tudi prostor, kjer poselitev zaradi naravnih ovir (predvsem ostro štrlečih skal) ni bila mogoča, zato zgolj velikost najdišča ni vedno pokazatelj prave velikosti njene posadke, kot nazorno kaže prav Korinjski hrib. Utrdbe z vzhodnoalpskega območja so bile največ­krat zgrajene in uporabljene že v drugi polovici 5. st., najverjetneje proti koncu tega, a je zelo težko ugotoviti, ali so že takrat imele enake vojaške naloge ali pa gre v začetni fazi samo za premik naselbin iz dolin v težje pristopne hribe, največkrat že v prazgodovini uporab­ljena gradišča. Na območju med Siscijo in Akvilejo bi se pri nekaterih utrdbah (npr. Rifnik, Gradec pri Veliki Strmici, Duel, itd.) morda že kazal vpliv vzhodnogotske oblasti pri zavarovanju dohodov v Italijo. Ob tem je treba omeniti podobno situacijo v severni Italiji, kjer je Teoderik ukazal gradnjo kastelov Verucca in Tortona (Guenich, Zotz 2008, 797–800). Pri več postojankah vzhodnoalpskega območja se kaže obnova ali celo nastanek v drugi tretjini 6. st. Ta je že dolgo znana za Duel, v zadnjem času pa dokumenti­rana tudi na Rifniku. Kaže spremembe v poselitvenem vzorcu, ki so bile najverjetneje pogojene s prisotnostjo tuje oblasti in drugačnimi strateškimi in logističnimi potrebami. Poseljenost utrdb v širšem prostoru Ilirika je torej različno dolga, pri čemer je v bolj ogroženem vzhodnoalpskem prostoru opazen nastanek vsaj že ob koncu 5. st., naprej proti vzhodu, v Bosni, Srbiji in Makedoniji, pa šele v času Justinijana. Tudi med po­stojankami ob vzhodni jadranski obali nakazuje dobro raziskana Gradina na Žirju nastanek v času Justini­janove rekonkviste, vendar pa bo šele celovita objava najdišča omogočila natančnejše datiranje in morebitno prepoznavanje večfaznosti utrdbe. Izpostavljene vojaške postojanke v džerdapskem območju limesa naj bi bile zgrajene v zgodnjem delu Justinijanove vlade in pose­ljene vse do konca 6. st. Pri obravnavi puščamo ob strani postojanke, ki so bile poseljene že ob koncu 5. ali začetku 6. st., ker je pri njih kljub legi na večidel istih strateških mestih prema­lo elementov za potrditev zgolj vojaške namembnosti. CONCLUSION Characteristics of the forts discussed revealing sig­nificant similarities to the fort at Korinjski hrib should be summarised here. First, their geostrategic position should be emphasised: they were built along more important land or sea communications, most frequently on naturally well­protected hills. Only a brief look reveals great skill and adaptability of their builders, who had to build safe enough forts in a hurry. They were usually constructed on the spots of older prehistoric and Roman fortified set­tlements and adapted to the characteristics of the terrain. The size of the crews was always in proportion with the size of the naturally protected area and the usable area inside. This is emphasised due to the fact that inside the fortified posts there could have existed a space where settlement was not possible due to natural obstacles (primarily sharply protruding rocks); therefore, the size of the site alone is not always the indicator of the true size of its crew, as is clearly illustrated by Korinjski hrib. Forts in the Eastern Alpine area were most fre­quently built and used in the second half of the 5th century, most probably towards its end. It is very difficult to determine whether they carried out the same military tasks at the time, or is this phase only about the move­ment of settlements from the valleys to more difficult­to­access hills, most frequently to hill forts used in prehistory. In the area between Siscia and Aquileia, some forts (e.g. Rifnik, Gradec near Velika Strmica, Duel, etc.) could possibly reveal the influence of Ostrogothic authority in the protection of accesses to Italy. A similar situation in northern Italy should be mentioned here, where Theodoric ordered the construction of Verucca and Tortona forts (Guenich, Zotz 2008, 797–800). Several posts in the area of the Eastern Alps reveal renovation or even creation in the second third of the 6th century. It has long been known for Duel and has recently been documented also for Rifnik. It shows changes in the settlement pattern which were most probably conditioned by the presence of foreign authority and different strategic and logistic needs. Thus, the population of forts in the wider area of Illyricum is of various lengths of time; in the more endangered area of the Eastern Alps, the construction is noticeable at least at the end of the 5th century, while further to the east, in Bosnia, Serbia, and Northern Macedonia, they were built in the time of Justinian. Among the posts along the eastern Adriatic coast, the well­researched Gra­dina on the island of Žirje reveals its creation in the time of Justinian’s reconquista; however, it will take a compre­hensive publication of the site to enable precise dating and possible recognition of multiple phases of the fort. The military posts discussed in the area of Džerdap limes were supposedly built in the early years of Justinian’s rule and populated until the end of the 6th century. In the discussion, the posts populated at the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century is not addressed, Močneje pa so vojaški elementi izraženi pri utrdbah, ki jih je mogoče okvirno datirati že v drugo tretjino 6. st. Da gre pri gradnji teh postojank velikokrat za sorodno zasnovo in podobno tehniko gradnje, kaže predvsem obrambna in ponekod tudi sakralna arhitektura. Vse to kaže na enoten koncept gradnje in sočasen nastanek, morda celo na iste graditelje ali vsaj arhitekte. Podrob­nejše primerjave bi nedvomno pokazale še več skupnih značilnosti, a manjkajo natančnejše meritve in pri večini vsaj minimalna sondiranja. Preglejmo zato podrobneje le komponente, ki omogočajo boljše razumevanje zna­čaja utrdb. Med obrambnimi elementi je treba najprej omeniti obzidja. Na večini naravno dobro zavarovanih utrdb imajo ta 0,7–1 m debeline. Če je bila naravna zavarova­nost slabša, so zgradili močnejša obzidja. V nasprotju z utrdbami v Džerdapu imajo vzhodnoalpske ter tudi večina tistih ob vzhodnojadranski obali zelo tanko, do 1 m debelo obzidje, ponekod utrjeno s kontrafori in pravokotnimi stolpi ter varovanimi vhodi. Prav zadnja odkrita utrdba ob jadranski plovni poti, Veliki Sikavac, dokazuje pravilnost domneve o velikih razlikah pri de­belini obzidij glede na stopnjo naravne zavarovanosti. Ker utrdba leži tik nad morsko gladino, so bili potrebni močni, 1,8 m debeli obrambni zidovi. Podobno je na Gradini pri Modriču, kjer obrambni zid izpostavljene, slabo naravno zavarovane postojanke prav tako kažedebelino 1,6–1,9 m. Pri Gradini na Žirju so se zaradi mnogo boljše naravne obrambe zadovoljili le z zidovi, debelimi 0,8–1 m. Skrajna primera sta Gustjerna naŽirju in Korinjski hrib, ki sta deloma ali v celoti brez obzidja. Vsi ti podatki se ujemajo s priporočili anonim­nega bizantinskega avtorja, ki v delu De Re Strategica XI, 1-6, poudarja, da je pri mestih, ležečih na odprtem v ravnici, treba posvetiti več skrbi zasnovi in gradnji ob­zidij kot pri tistih, kjer umetni obrambni elementi zgolj povečajo učinkovitost utrdb, postavljenih ob rekah ali naravnih pobočjih. Vzdolž jadranske obale zasledimo kot dodaten obrambni element tudi proteihizmo, ki se kot posebna zgodnjebizantinska značilnost ob Gradini na Žirju nakazuje tudi pri Gustjerni, Svetojanju in Vrgadi, a jo je mogoče pričakovati tudi drugod, kot to nakazuje utrdba Biograci v notranjosti province Dal­macije. Primerjave kažejo, da odsotnost obzidja, kot je primer na Korinjskem hribu, niti ni tako nenavadna: obzidja prav tako nima sočasna višinska postojanka na Invillinu, medtem ko je le delno utrjenost z obzidjem zaznati na Rifniku, Gradcu pri Veliki Strmici, Zidanem gabru, Vrgadi in Gustjerni, kar vse kaže, kako spretno so izbirali mesta za utrdbe. Obrambni stolpi so posebna značilnost obravna­vanih utrdb in pri ostalih sočasnih utrjenih naselbinah niso tako pogosti (glej pogl. 9). Kjer so postojanke bolje raziskane, jih je največkrat pet ali šest. Stolpi so pravo­kotni ali kvadratni in le izjemoma polkrožni, okrogli ali mnogokotni. Dimenzije stolpov se pri vzhodnoalpskih since there are not enough elements for the confirmation of exclusively military purpose despite their position at mostly the same strategic spots. Military elements are more strongly expressed in forts that can be roughly dated to the second third of the 6th century. Primarily defence and sometimes also sacral architecture indicates that the construction of these posts frequently has similar design and similar construction technique. All these indicate the unified concept of construction and contemporary creation, possibly even the same builders or at least architects. Detailed comparisons would undoubtedly reveal even more common characteristics, yet we lack precise measurements and, for most, at least minimal trial trenching. Therefore, we only deal with those components that enable better understanding of the forts’ character. Defence walls are the first that need to be mentioned among defence elements. At the majority of naturally well­protected forts they are 0.7–1m thick. If the fort was not well protected naturally, stronger defence walls were built. Contrary to forts in Džerdap, forts in the area of the Eastern Alps and the majority of those along the eastern Adriatic coast have very thin, up to 1m thick defence walls, fortified in places with counterforts and rectangular towers and protected entrances. The last discovered fort along the Adriatic sea route, Veliki Sikavac, confirms the correctness of the assumption about great differences in the defence walls thickness considering the level of natural protectedness. Since the fort is built right above the sea surface, strong, 1.8m thick defence walls were needed. The situation is similar at Gradina near Modrič, where defence walls of the exposed, naturally poorly protected post are also 1.6–1.9m thick. In Gradina on the islandof Žirje, 0.8–1m thick defence walls suffice due to much better natural protection. Extreme cases are Gustjerna onthe island of Žirje and Korinjski hrib, which are partly or entirely without defence walls. All these data match the recommendations of an annonymus Byzantine author who in his work De Re Strategica XI, 1­6, emphasises that for towns which are situated in the open on the flatland, more care needs to be devoted to the design and construc­tion of defence walls than for those towns where artificial defence elements only increase the efficiency of forts built along rivers or on natural hills. Along the Adriatic coast, a proteichisma can be found as an additional defence element, which, as a special Early Byzantine character­istic in addition to Gradina on the island of Žirje, is also indicated in Gustjerna, Svetojanj, and Vrgada, but can also be expected elsewhere, as is indicated by the Biograci fort in the interior of the province of Dalmatia. Comparisons reveal that the lack of defence walls, such as at Korinjski hrib, is not that unusual: defence walls are also absent at the contemporary hilltop post of Invillino, while only partial fortification with defence walls is noticed at Rifnik, Gradec near Velika Strmica, Zidani gaber, Vrgada, and Gustjerna, all of which indicates how skilfully spots for forts were chosen. in jadranskih utrdbah večkrat približno ujemajo, pone­kod pa kažejo celo povsem identične izmere (prim. Ko­rinjski hrib, Križna gora, Vrgada). Pri večini postojank so izstopali iz obzidja, v nekaterih primerih bili zgrajeni na notranji strani ali pa so, kot pri Velikem Sikavcu, na notranji strani odprti. V bolje raziskanih primerih vemo, da so bili stolpi v spodnjih delih uporabljeni za bivanje in so tako pred­stavljali edina zidana bivališča v utrdbi. Večkrat so bili bivalni prostori odkriti tudi med stolpi, prislonjeni na notranjo stran obzidja ali razvrščeni ob robu postojanke. Pri Korinjskem hribu so sonde in površinski pregledi na­kazali možnost obstoja lesenih zgradb ali šotorov, kar ka­že na podobnost z raziskanimi preprostimi strukturami v džerdapskih kastelih (prim. Boljetin, Veliki Gradac). V sredini oziroma na izpostavljenem mestu so pri večini utrdb sledovi preprostih cerkva, ki največkrat kažejo identično apsidalno tlorisno zasnovo in zelo sorodne dimenzije, proporcionalne z velikostjo utrdbe. Ponekod so bile cerkve odkrite v neposredni bližini utrdb ali stolpov, npr. pri Vrgadi in Toreti (Petricioli 1970; Brusić 1988, 113). Večkrat je bil cerkvam kasneje dograjen narteks in v stranskem prostoru baptisterij. Cisterne so bile odkrite večinoma v neposredni bližini cerkva, pogosto tudi v spodnjih delih obrambnih stolpov. Prokopij omenja, da je Justinijan pri obnovi obzidja An­tiohije poskrbel tudi za cisterne in kopališča, in sicer so v vsakem stolpu izkopali cisterno (Prokopij, De aedificiis II, 10. 2–5, 9–14). Večkrat so bile vojaške posadke nameščene tudi v že obstoječe utrjene civilne naselbine in zato okrepljeno obzidje in dodani stolpi: takšna sta npr. Rifnik in Sv. Trojica pri Šibuljini. Pri prvem je ob številnih drobnih najdbah mogoče prepoznati prvotno zasnovo obzidja brez stolpov, pri Sv. Trojici zaradi neraziskanosti to­vrstni podatki manjkajo, o starejši poseljenosti pričajo predvsem drobne najdbe. Za razumevanje celovite slike strateško razmešče­nih utrdb ob važnih komunikacijah in prehodih je treba upoštevati tudi postojanke manjših dimenzij s pretežno opazovalnimi in signalnimi nalogami, ki sicer niso pred­met tega pregleda, vendar dobro dopolnjujejo podobo sistematične zaščite pridobljenih ozemelj. V večjem delu gre za preproste pravokotne stolpe ali tudi nekoliko večje zgradbe na naravno zaščitenem terenu. Ob jadranski obali omenimo le Toreto na Kornatih (Petricioli 1970) ter stolpa na otočkih Svetac (Kirigin, Milošević 1981) in Palacol (Badurina 1982), med manjšimi kontinentalnimi postojankami pa je najbolje raziskan Lug ins Land v Av­striji (Gostenčnik 2000). Celovit sistem različno velikih in različno oblikovanih utrdb posredno priča o skrbi centralnih oblasti za zaščito poti, predvsem komunikacij vitalnega pomena med vzhodnim delom imperija in ponovno pridobljenimi ozemlji. Čedalje bolje poznana mreža poznoantičnih utrdb ob jadranski obali je spodbudila raziskave vodnih poti, Defence towers are a special characteristic of the forts discussed and are not that frequent with other con­temporary fortified settlements (see Chapter 9). In better researched posts, there are mostly five or six. Towers are rectangular or square, only exceptionally semi­circular, round, or polygonal. Tower dimensions frequently ap­proximately match in eastern­Alpine and Adriatic forts, and sometimes reveal identical sizes (cf. Korinjski hrib, Križna gora, Vrgada). Mostly they protruded from de­fence walls, in some cases they were built on the inside or were, as in Veliki Sikavac, open on the inside. In better researched cases we know that lower parts of towers were used for dwelling and were thus the only stone­built dwellings in the fort. In several instances, dwelling structures were also discovered between towers, leaning on the internal side of defence walls or distributed along the edge of the post. In Korinjski hrib, trial trenches and survays indicated the possibility of the existence of wooden structures or tents, which points to the similarity with simple structures researched in the forts of Džerdap (cf. Boljetin, Veliki Gradac). Traces of simple churches that most frequently reveal the identical apsidal ground plan design and even similar dimensions, proportional to the size of the fort, are found in the centre or in the exposed place of most forts. Occasionally, churches were discovered in the immediate vicinity of forts or towers, e.g. at Vrgada and Toreta on Veliki Kornat (Petricioli 1970; Brusić 1988, 113). Several churches had narthexes and baptisteries in annexes added later. Cisterns were mostly discovered in the immediate vicinity of churches, often also in lower parts of defence towers. Procopius mentions that while renovating defence walls of Antioch Justinian also took care of cisterns and baths, meaning that a cistern was dug out in every tower (Procopius, De aedificiis II, 10. 2–5, 9–14). Frequently, military crews were stationed in the existing fortified civilian settlements which resulted in fortified defence walls and added towers: such are e.g.Rifnik and Sv. Trojica near Šibuljina. In the first, the original design of defence walls without towers can be recognised along numerous small finds, while in the lat­ter such data lacks due to the absence of research. Here, primarily small finds testify to older population. For the understanding of the complete picture of strategically distributed forts along the important communication routes and passages, posts of smaller dimensions with primarily observational and signalling tasks have to be considered, which are not the subject of this overview but nevertheless nicely supplement the image of the systematic protection of acquired territories. Mostly these are simple rectangular towers or slightly bigger constructions on a naturally protected terrain. Along the Adriatic coast, Toreta on Kornati (Petricioli 1970), and towers on the small islands of Svetac near Vis (Kirigin, Milošević 1981) and Palacol in the Kvarner Bay(Badurina 1982) should be mentioned, while Lug ins ki jih je mogoče rekonstruirati s pomočjo lokacij po­sameznih utrdb in praktičnih izkustev pomorščakov iz preteklosti, zabeleženih v opisih plovbe ob vzhodni jadranski obali (Kozličić 1990; 2000; 2012; Badurina 1992; Brusić1993; Zaninović 1994; 2005). Vodne poti z utrdbami vzdolž njih tako odlično dopolnjujejo sistem kopenskih povezav, ki so ob istem času vodile na naj­lažje prehodnem delu Alp proti Italiji in jih označujejo povsem sorodne postojanke. Posebej je treba omeniti že v uvodnem delu na­kazano problematiko značaja posadk v teh utrdbah. V literaturi najdemo zelo različna mnenja o tem, kdo naj bi naseljeval te postojanke: civilisti, domače milice ali oddelki regularne vojske, kmetje, ki so se ob priložno­stih prelevili v vojake, in drugo. Na ta problem, ki je v tesni povezavi s tipologijo utrjenih postojank, je bilo opozorjeno že vse od začetka raziskav in je še danes predmet povsem kontradiktornih polemik (prim. pri Basler 1972, 61 in Basler 1993, 39; Bierbrauer 1985, 498; Mikulčić 1986b, 105–107; Mikulčić 2002, 60; Ciglenečki 1987a, 153–154; Ciglenečki 2003, 272–274; Brogiolo, Gelichi 1996, 9; Curta 2001b, 207; Curta 2017, 449–450; Dunn 2002, 706–707; Dunn 2004, 578; Brogiolo 2006, 9ss; Brogiolo 2014, 152–153; Dinchev 2007, 528; Chri­stie 2007, 566; Milinković 2008, 546–548, 556–557; Milinković 2015, 256–263; Špehar 2008, 598; Whately 2013, 234–236; Ivanišević, Stamenković 2014, 223–225). Kako težko je arheološko ločiti vojaške postojanke od civilnih, potrjuje tudi zapis iz razprave De Re Strategica, ki priporoča, da naj bi sicer možje v utrdbah ne imeli s sabo žena in otrok, dopušča pa to v primeru, če so bile postojanke dobro zavarovane in oskrbovane (Curta 2001a, 182, op. 104). Prepoznavanje značaja utrdb posebej otežuje dej­stvo, da se je v poznoantičnem obdobju povsem zabri­sala meja med vojaškimi in civilnimi postojankami, in prav tako dejstvo, da se je vojska velikokrat zadrževala v mestih. Tako že Codex Theodosianus 7 govori o zameg­litvi meje med civilnim in vojaškim (Curta 2013, 834, 838). V vzhodnoalpskem svetu se to posebej kaže pri problematiki tipologije višinskih utrjenih postojank, kjer so številni zagovarjali tezo, da gre za enoten tip utrjenih pribežališč lokalnega prebivalstva, drugi pa smo v kompleksni podobi množice različnih najdišč skušali ob utrjenih naselbinah in začasnih pribežališčih prepoznati tudi tiste z bolj poudarjeno vojaško vlogo (prim. pri Ciglenečki 1987a, 109–120; Ciglenečki 2008, 490–502). Dober primer ponazoritve tega problema je iz virov (Theophylact Symocatta) znana epizoda rimskega generala Petra v mestecu Asemus ob Donavi, ko se vojaki v utrdbi niso želeli priključiti njegovi vojski (prim. pri Claude 1969, 130–131; Wozniak 1982, 201; Curta 2001c, 51–52; Whitow 2007, 386). Različni avtorji v tej posadki prepoznavajo tako oddelke redne vojske kot tudi zgolj oborožene meščane. Identifikacija poznoantičnega me­Land in Austria is the best researched one among smaller continental posts (Gostenčnik 2000). The comprehensive system of forts of different sizes and forms indirectly testifies to the care of central authorities for the protec­tion of roads, primarily communication routes of vital importance between the eastern part of the empire and re­acquired territories. The increasing knowledge about the network of late antique forts along the Adriatic coast encouraged research of sea routes which can be reconstructed using locations of individual forts and practical experience of mariners from the past, recorded in the description of voyages along the eastern Adriatic coast (Kozličić 1990; 2000; 2012; Badurina 1992; Brusić1993; Zaninović 1994; 2005). Sea routes with forts along them thus perfectly supplement the system of land connections which led in the same time through the part of the Alps that was easiest to pass through towards Italy and are marked by similar posts. The issue of the character of crews in these forts needs to be especially emphasised. In scholarly literature, very different opinions can be found about who sup­posedly inhabited these posts: civilians, local militias, or regular army units, farmers who occasionally turned into soldiers, or somebody else. This problem, which is closely connected to the typology of fortified posts, has been a recurring issue since the beginning of research and remains the subject of contradictory polemics until today (cf. Basler 1972, 61 and Basler 1993, 39; Bierbrauer 1985, 498; Mikulčić 1986 b, 105–107; Mikulčić 2002, 60; Ciglenečki 1987a, 153–154; Ciglenečki 2003, 272–274; Brogiolo, Gelichi 1996, 9; Curta 2001b, 207; Curta 2017, 449–450; Dunn 2002, 706–707; Dunn 2004, 578; Brogiolo 2006, 9ss; Brogiolo 2014, 152–153; Dinchev 2007, 528; Christie 2007, 566; Milinković 2008, 546–548, 556–557; Milinković 2015, 256–263; Špehar 2008, 598; Whately 2013, 234–236; Ivanišević, Stamenković 2014, 223–225). The passage from the discussion entitled De Re Strategica, which recommends that men in the forts do not have women and children with them but allows for this in the event that the posts were well protected and supplied (Curta 2001a, 182, footnote 104), confirms how difficult it is to archaeologically distinguish between military and civilian posts. The recognition of the forts’ character is made espe­cially difficult by the fact that in the late antique period the line between military and civilian posts was completely blurred, as well as by the fact that the army often resided in towns. Thus, Codex Theodosianus 7 speaks about the blurring of the line between the civilian and the military (Curta 2013, 834, 838). In the world of the Eastern Alps, this is especially revealed in the problem of typology of hilltop fortified posts; namely, many defended the thesis that it is a unified type of fortified refuges of local inhabitants, while in addition to settlements and tempo­rary refuges others tried to recognise the ones with the emphasised military role in the complex image of the sta Asemus in novejše raziskave na njem kažejo, da gre za značilno utrjeno višinsko naselbino večjih dimenzij, ki je povsem primerljiva z večjimi utrjenimi naselbinami drugod na Balkanu (Torbatov 2016). Dodaten problem predstavlja vprašanje, kdo je utrdbe zgradil in v kakšen namen (zgolj vojaška, civilna ali večfunkcijska vloga) in kdo jih je v določenem obdob­ju naseljeval. Mnoge na začetku povsem vojaške utrdbe so bile kasneje spremenjene v utrjena naselja, poseljena pretežno s civilisti, ki so avtonomno organizirali svojo obrambo. In obrnjeno, mnoge utrdbe so bile zgrajene na lokalno pobudo, za varnost domačega prebivalstva, a so bile kasneje zaradi spremenjenih logističnih potreb in drugačnih tras komunikacij izkoriščene za vojaške potrebe. Med opisanimi primeri bi kot najznačilnejše predstavnike utrdb z rednimi vojaškimi oddelki lahko prepoznali Gradino na Žirju, Veliki Sikavac in Mar­kovo Mehano, ki z močno utrditvijo, razporedom in oblikovanostjo bivališč ter lego tik ob najvažnejših komunikacijah ne kažejo znakov civilne prisotnosti. Kot dodatno posebnost je pri njih treba opozoriti na odsotnost zgodnjekrščanskih cerkva. Morda se prav s temi značilnostmi nakazuje možnost prepoznave zadnjih utrdb redne vojske. Cerkve prav tako niso bile odkrite pri postojankah Gornji Vrbljani in Koštur pri Dabrici (Ciglenečki 2009–2011). Pri zadnjih dveh pa so bile v sklopu utrdbe prav tako kot na Gradini naŽirju odkrite večje stanovanjske stavbe, deloma celo z uporabo centralnega ogrevanja, kar pritrjuje domnevam raziskovalcev, ki v njih vidijo poslopje komandanta oziroma delno tudi posadke (Bojanovski 1979, 112–116; Pedišić 2001, 125–126). Tej maloštevilni skupini sledijo utrdbe s poudar­jenimi obrambnimi elementi, prav tako pomembno strateško lego, v nasprotju s prvo skupino pa je tu prisot­na še slabše grajena bivalna arhitektura (koče, barake, šotori) in cerkve. Ti dodatni elementi bi utegnili kazati na drugačno, mešano posadko: torej lokalna milica z družinami in ob morebitni potrebi oddelki redne vojske. V to skupino bi med obravnavanimi sodili poleg Ko­rinjskega hriba še Duel, Hoischhügel, Korintija, Vrgada, Svetojanj, Osinj. S prvo skupino jih povezuje predvsem lega ob pomembnih poteh in podobna obrambna arhi­tektura, ki kaže na enoten koncept in podobno gradnjo. Tudi za te utrdbe bi smeli domnevati, da so dela vodili ob pomoči državnih arhitektov in morda delno tudi z državno finančno podporo. Zelo ilustrativen primer tovrstne pomoči je znan prav iz balkanskega prostora: arhitekt Viktorinos je v justinijanskem obdobju gradil utrdbe v Meziji, Iliriku, Skitiji in Trakiji (Feissel 1988; 2000) in, kot pričajo napisi pri mestu Byllisu, tudi mest­no utrditev. Brez zanesljivih (predvsem epigrafskih) virov ni mogoče natančneje označiti vsebine in funkcije posameznih utrdb v ožjih časovnih segmentih, zato bo ta problematika še dolgo predmet razprav in kontroverz, multitude of different sites (cf. Ciglenečki 1987, 109–120; Ciglenečki 2008, 490–502). A good example of an illustration of this problem is an episode known from Theophylact Symocatta about Roman general Peter in the town of Asemus along the Danube, when soldiers in the fort did not want to join his army (cf. Claude 1969, 130–131; Wozniak 1982, 201; Curta 2001c, 51–52; Whitow 2007, 386). Different authors recognise in this crew both regular army units and simply armed townsmen. The identification of the late town of Asemus and recent research there indicate that it was a typical fortified hilltop settlement of bigger dimensions, which is completely comparable to bigger fortified settle­ments elsewhere in the Balkans (Torbatov 2016). An additional problem is represented by the ques­tion of who built these forts and for what purpose (solely military, civil or multifunctional role) and who resided in them in a certain period. Numerous initially explicitly military forts were later turned into fortified settlements, populated primarily with civilians who organised their defence autonomously. Vice versa, many forts were constructed on local incentive, for the protection of lo­cal inhabitants, but, due to changed logistic needs and altered routes of communication, were later used for military purposes. Among the described examples, the most charac­teristic representatives of forts with regular military unitswould be Gradina on the island of Žirje, Veliki Sikavac, and Markova Mehana, which with strong fortification, distribution and form of dwellings, as well as the position immediately by the most important communications routes do not display signs of civilian presence. Addition­ally, the lack of Early Christian churches is another of their peculiarities. These characteristics could be the possibility of recognition of the last forts occupied by regular army. Churches were not discovered in posts at Gornji Vrbljani and Koštur near Dabrica either (Ciglenečki 2009–2011).In the latter two, just like at Gradina on the island of Žirje, bigger dwellings were discovered within the fort which were partly even equipped with central heating and that agrees with the assumptions of the researchers who see in them the house of the commander or partly also of the crew (Bojanovski 1979, 112–116; Pedišić 2001, 125–126). This small group is followed by forts with emphasised defence elements, and also important strategic position, but in contrast to the first group, poorly constructed dwelling architecture (cottages, barracks, tents) and churches are present here. These additional elements could indicate a different, mixed crew: a local militia with families and, when needed, regular army units. Besides Korinjski hrib, this group includes the following forts discussed above: Duel, Hoischhügel, Korintija, Vrgada, Svetojanj, and Osinj. Their position along important routes and similar defence architecture that indicates a unified concept and similar construction connects them to the first group. We could assume for these forts, too, that the works were headed ki jih bodo lahko razrešila le nadaljnja sistematična raziskovanja posameznih trdnjav. Opisanima skupinama z delno ali ponekod celo stalno vojaško prisotnostjo sledi obsežna in raznolika skupina utrjenih postojank, naselbin in pribežališč, pri katerih obrambni elementi niso tako vešče zgrajeni in tako obsežni, v notranjosti pa je zaslediti enakomer­nejšo razporeditev zgradb po večjem delu notranjosti ter tudi eno ali celo več cerkva. Seveda tudi pri njih ni mogoče povsem izključiti občasne navzočnosti vojske, vendar gradnja in razpored stavb kažeta, da niso nastale po enotni zasnovi in da velikokrat sodijo že v čas pred justinijansko gradnjo (npr. Gradec pri Prapretnem, Ajdna, Ajdovski gradec nad Vranjem, Tonovcov grad, Sv. Hema, Bakinci pri Banja Luki). Nedvomno pa so jim v času Justinijanove rekonkviste posvetili dodatno pozornost, ki se kaže predvsem v cerkveni arhitekturi. Pri kastelih v Džerdapu, torej na izjemno ogro­ženi meji imperija, je mogoče v 6. st. opazovati enake tendence pri gradnji in dopolnjevanju poznorimskih vojaških postojank. Vsa pozornost je bila osredotoče­na na popravke ali dogradnjo obzidja ter dodelave ali celo iz temelja novo postavitev obrambnih stolpov, ki so bili večji in višji. V notranjosti večjih utrdb, kot so Čezava, Boljetin in Donji Milanovac – Veliki Gradac, so zgradili preproste cerkve z baptisterijem, sicer pa njih prevladujejo slabše grajena bivališča, kvalitetneje grajene zgradbe pa so redke (Vasić 1982–1983, 91–122; Zotović 1982–1983, 211–225: Popović 1982–1983, 265–282). Tako pri objavi najdišča Veliki Gradac Popović omenja, da je zgodnjebizantinska Taliata v zadnji fazi bila bolj podobna utrjeni vasi kot pa vojaškemu taboru (Popović1982–1983, 280). Podobno Perica Špehar pri pregledu materialne kulture podonavskih kastelov ugotavlja pri­sotnost kmečkega prebivalstva (Špehar 2010, 146–151, 154). Seveda pa so bili ob teh večjih tudi manjši ka­steli brez cerkva, npr. Bosman (Kondić 1982–1983a, 137–145), Ravna (Kondić 1982–1983b, 233–251), v katerih je mogoče domnevati vsaj začasno navzočnost regularnih oddelkov. Na območju Bolgarije loči Ventzislav Dintchev med militariziranim prebivalstvom v utrjenih naselbi­nah in regularnimi oddelki armade v vojaških taborih (Dintchev 2007, 528). Po njegovem mnenju je prav nastanek militariziranega prebivalstva, ne pa prisotnost regularnih oddelkov, imel osrednjo vlogo pri obrambi meja. Torej gre za povsem enako sliko, kot jo opažamo pri utrdbah ob važnejših komunikacijah v večjem delu Balkana pa vse do Alp. V grški Makedoniji pa je Ar­chibald Dunn pri višinskih utrjenih postojankah ločil vojaške od “komunalnih” utrdb, vendar pa niso toliko poznane, da bi jih lahko primerjali z opisanimi (Dunn 2002, 706–707). Primeri zgodnjebizantinskih utrdb iz severne Afrike kažejo številne manjše utrdbe z značilnimi stolpi (quadriburgia), kjer je podobno kot pri naših utrdbah by state architects and possibly partly even with the state’s financial support. A very illustrative example of such help is known from the Balkans: in the Justinianian period, the architect Viktorinos built forts in Moesia, Illyricum, Scythia, and Thrace (Feissel 1988; 2000), and, as testified by inscriptions near the town of Byllis, also the town’s forti­fication. Without reliable (primarily epigraphic) sources it is not possible to precisely define the content and function of individual forts in narrow time segments; therefore, the issue will for a long time remain the subject of debates and controversies that can only be solved by further systematic research of individual forts. The groups described, with occasional or even per­manent military presence, are followed by an extensive and diverse group of fortified posts, settlements, and refuges, the defence elements of which are no longer as skilfully constructed and as extensive, while their inte­rior reveals a more even distribution of structures along the greater part of the fort as well as one or even more churches. By no means occasional presence of the army cannot be completely excluded here, yet the construction and distribution of buildings indicate that they were not made according to a unified design and that frequently they belong to the time prior to the Justinianian period (e.g. Gradec near Prapretno, Ajdna, Ajdovski gradec above Vranje, Tonovcov grad, Hemmaberg, Bakinci near Banja Luka). Undoubtedly, additional attention was de­voted to them in the time of Justinian’s reconquista and which is revealed primarily in the church architecture. In the 6th century, with the forts in Džerdap, therefore at the extremely endangered border of the empire, the same tendencies in construction and supplementation of Late Roman military crews can be noticed. All the attention was focused on repairs or additions to defence walls and repairs of even completely new building of defence towers which were now bigger and higher. In the interior of bigger forts, such as Čezava, Boljetin, and Donji Milanovac – Veliki Gradac, simple churches with a baptistery were built; in general, poorly built dwellings prevail, while quality­made buildings are rare (Vasić 1982–1983, 91–122; Zotović 1982–1983, 211–225: Popović 1982–1983, 265–282). Thus, in the publication of the site of Veliki Gradac Vladislav Popović mentions that Early Byzantine Taliata in the last phase resembled more of a fortified village than a militarycamp (Popović 1982–1983, 280). Similarly, Perica Špehar in his inspection of material culture of Danubian fortsdetermines the presence of peasant population (Špehar 2010, 146–151, 154). Naturally, these bigger forts were also accompanied by smaller ones without churches, e.g. Bosman (Kondić 1982–1983a, 137–145), Ravna (Kondić 1982–1983b, 233–251), in which at least temporary pres­ence of regular units can be assumed. In the territory of Bulgaria, Ventzislav Dintchev distinguishes between militarised population in forti­fied settlements and regular units of the army in military camps (Dintchev 2007, 528). He believes that it was the prve skupine poudarek le na močnem obrambnem zidu s stolpi in delno vojaškimi barakami, manjkajo pa cerkve. Takšna je izjemno ohranjena in tudi že dobro raziskana utrdba Limisa (Belkhodja 1968; Pringle 1981, 212–214). Slabše poznane, a na terenu dobro razvidne so tudi npr. Agbia, Tubernuc, Diana Veteranorum, Gastal, Tignica (Pringle 1981, 253–254, 249–250, 256–258, 258–259, 270–272). Velikost posadk v teh utrdbah, ki imajo sicer manjšo površino, a v nadstropja grajeno arhitekturo, ustreza velikosti posadk, ki jih smemo pričakovati v večini prej obravnavanih utrdb. Drugače je le pri dobro raziskani veliki in pravilno grajeni zgodnjebizantinski utrdbi na robu mesta Timgad, kjer je tudi manjša cerkev (Lassus 1981, 147–167; Pringle 1981, 232–236). Denys Pringle omenja cerkve le v treh vojaških utrdbah, in sicer v že omenjenem Timgadu in morda tudi v Macta­risu in Thuggi (Pringle 1981, 164). Seveda gre pri vseh treh za trdnjave v nekdanjih mestih ali zraven njih, ki so po potrebi lahko ponudile zavetje tudi meščanom. Pri bizantinski utrdbi v Timgadu Jean Lassus, Denys Pringle in Arnold Walter Lawrence domnevajo, da je bila cerkev namenjena vojaškim posadkam (Lassus 1981, 156; Pringle 1981, 164; Lawrence 1983, 189). Opredelitev značaja prebivalstva v tovrstnih po­stojankah je brez eksplicitnih pisnih virov nezanesljiva. Za čas ob koncu 5. st. se na Korinjskem hribu zdi, da gre za domače romanizirano prebivalstvo, ki so mu bili primešani morda drobci barbarov, ki so zasedli ta pro­stor v času vzhodnogotske zasedbe Italije in Dalmacije (fibula ptice roparice, t. 1: 4, fibula konjenika, t. 32: 11). Za obdobje srednje tretjine 6. st. je prisotnost žensk ugotovljena v drobnem gradivu, ženski skeletni ostanki pa so bili najdeni tudi v grobnici v cerkvi. V kasnejši fazi, po postavitvi stolpov, je mogoče govoriti o manjši vojaški posadki. Verjetno gre za vojake z družinami ali romansko milico, pri kateri je opaziti nekatere vzhodne elemente (fibula z nazaj zavihano nogo, obokana grob­nica), ki na drugih sočasnih postojankah pretežno naselbinskega značaja manjkajo ali pa so vsaj zelo redki. V predstavljeni mreži utrdb s posebnimi vojaško­kontrolnimi nalogami je mogoče razumeti tudi vlogo utrdbe na Korinjskem hribu, ob upoštevanju dejstva, da je bila optimalno prilagojena legi na 728 m visokem in naravno izjemno zavarovanem mestu z odličnim pregledom nad dogajanjem v širši okolici. Zato je v na­selbinski sliki vzhodnoalpskega območja tik pred vrati Italije imela vsaj v določenem segmentu 6. st. drugačno funkcijo kot večina ostalih poznoantičnih postojank. occurrence of militarised inhabitants and not the presence of regular units of the army that had the central role in the defence of the borders. This would be the completely iden­tical image as noticed in forts along the more important communications routes in the greater part of the Balkans all the way to the Alps. In Greek Macedonia, Archibald Dunn distinguished between military and “communal” forts in hilltop posts, but these are not known well enough to allow for the comparison with the above­described (Dunn 2002, 706–707). Examples of Early Byzantine forts from Northern Africa reveal numerous smaller forts with typical towers (quadriburgia), where in a similar way to forts of our first group the emphasis is only on the strong defence walls with towers and partly military barracks, while churches are missing. Such is the exceptionally well preserved and well­researched fort of Limisa (Belkhodja 1968; Pringle 1981, 212–214). Less known, yet well visible in the field are also e.g. Agbia, Tubernuc, Diana Veteranorum, Gastal, Tignica (Pringle 1981, 253–254, 249–250, 256–258, 258– 259, 270–272). The size of crews in these forts, which are smaller in size but whose architecture is built in storeys, corresponds with the size of crews that can be expected in the majority of the forts discussed above. Only a well­researched and correctly constructed Early Byzantine fort at the edge of the town of Timgad is different which also includes a small church (Lassus 1981, 147–167; Pringle 1981, 232–236). Denys Pringle mentions churches only in three military forts, i.e. in above­mentioned Timgad and possibly also in Mactaris and Thugga (Pringle 1981, 164). All three are forts in former towns or right beside them which could offer shelter to townspeople when needed. For the Byzantine fort in Timgad, Jean Lassus, Denys Pringle, and Arnold Walter Lawrence assume that the church was intended for military crews (Lassus 1981, 156; Pringle 1981, 164; Lawrence 1983, 189). Without explicit written sources the definition of the character of inhabitants in such posts is unreliable. It seems for the time at the end of the 5th century at Ko­rinjski hrib this is local Romanised population, possibly mixed with a few barbarians who occupied this area in the time of Ostrogothic occupation of Italy and Dalmatia (a bird­of­prey­shaped fibula, Pl. 1: 4, a horse­rider­shaped fibula, Pl. 32: 11). For the period of the middle third of the 6th century, the presence of women is established from small finds, while female skeletal remains were also found in a tomb in the church. In the later phase, after the construction of towers, we can speak about a smaller military crew. They were probably soldiers with families or a Romanized militia, with whom some eastern ele­ments can be noticed (a fibula with inverted foot, vaulted tomb), which are lacking or are at least very rare at other contemporary posts of prevalently settlement character. In the network of forts with special military­control duties presented, the role of the fort at Korinjski hrib can also be understood, bearing in mind the fact that it was AZINOVIĆ BEBEK, A., P. SEKULIĆ 2014, Kasnoantičko nalazište Crkvišće Bukovlje kod Generalskog Stola (The late ancient site of Crkvišće Bukovlje near Generalski Stol). – Starohrvatska prosvjeta 3, 41, 165–175. 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SAGADIN, M. 1999, Late Antique Glass Workshop in Kranj. – Instrumentum 9, 27. SAGADIN, M. 2004, Poznoantična steklarska delavnica (?) v Kranju (A Late Roman glass workshop (?) in Kranj) – V / In: Drobci antičnega stekla/ Fragments of ancient glass, Koper, 107–114. SAGADIN, M. 2008: Od Karnija do Kranja. Arheološki podatki o razvoju poselitve v antičnem in zgodnjesrednjeveškem obdobju. – Doktorska disertacija / PhD thesis, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Oddelek za arheologijo (neobjavljeno / unpublished). SAGADIN, M. 2017, Prva cerkev v luči arheoloških razis­kav. – V / In: Župnijska cerkev Sv. Kancijana v Kranju, Ljubljana, 35–57. SANTORO BIANCHI, S. 1992, I risultati dello scavo. – V / In: Castelraimondo. Scavi 1988–1990, I. Lo scavo, 125–227. SARANTIS, A. 2013a, Waging War in Late Antiquity. – V / In: A. Sarantis, N. Christie (ur. / eds), War and Warfare in Late Antiquity, Leiden, Boston, 1–98. SARANTIS, A. 2013b, Military encounters and diplomatic affairs in the north Balkans during the reigns of Anastasius and Justinian. – V / In: A Sarantis, N. Christie (ur. / eds), War and Warfare in Late Antiquity, Leiden, Boston 2013, 759–808. SARANTIS, A. 2016, Justinian‘s Balkan Wars: Campaigning, Diplomacy and Development in Illyricum, Thrace and the Northern World A.D. 527-65. – ARCA: Classical and Me­dieval Texts, Papers and Monographs 53. SCHMID, W. 1943, Das ostgotische Haus von Reihenegg. – Das Joanneum 6, 276. SORIĆ, M. 1882, Starinski zlatan novac. – Pozor, Zagreb, 184–193. SOUTHERN, P., K. R. DIXON 1996, The Late Roman Army. – London. STARE, V. 1980, Kranj. Nekropola iz časa preseljevanja ljudstev. – Katalogi in monografije 18. STEINKLAUBER, U. 1990, Der Duel und seine Kleinfunde. – Carinthia I 180, 109–136. STEINKLAUBER, U. 2013, Fundmaterial spätantiker Höhen­siedlungen in Steiermark und Kärnten. 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Hoeper (ur. / eds.), Höhensiedlungen zwischen Antike und Mittelalter von den Ardennen bis zur Adria, Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 58, Berlin, New York, 559–594. ŠPEHAR, P. 2010, Materijalna kultura iz ranovizantijskih utvrđenja u Đerdapu. – Cahiers des Portes de Fer, Mono­graphies 7, Beograd. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 1986–1987, Novija ranosrednjovjekovna istra­živanja Odjela za arheologijo. – Prilozi. Institut za povijesne znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Odjel za arheologiju, 3/4, 141–174. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 1988–1989, Arheološka svjedočanstva o rano­bizantskom vojnom graditeljstvu na sjevernojadranskim otocima. – Prilozi. Institut za povijesne znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Odjel za arheologiju, 5–6, 29–53. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 1990, Materijalni tragovi ranobizantskog vojnog graditeljstva u Velebitskom podgorju. – Vjesnik arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu 23, 135–162. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 1995, Svetojanj ­ kasnoantička utvrda kraj Stare Novalje na otoku Pagu. – Arheološki radovi i rasprave 12 (1996), 291–305. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 1996, Auf der Spur der Reconquista Iustiniana: spätantike Befestigungsanlagen an der Nordküste Kro­atiens. – Prilozi Odjela za arheologiju 10, 1993, 103–116. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 2014, Daljinskom interpretacijom do arhe­oloških spoznaja o ponekim nalazištima na istočnojad­ranskom arhipelagu i priobalju. – Archaeologia Adriatica 8, 81–99. TOMIČIĆ, Ž. 2015, Kasnoantička utvrda na položaju crkvice Sv. Jurja iznad Paga. Prinos arheološkom istraživanju ge­neze grada Paga. – Diadora 29, 107–120. TORBATOV, S. 2016, Anasamus/Ansamus/Asemous/Asemos (The Roman, Late Roman and Early Byzantium settlement and fortification remains near the Osam River’s mouth). – Bulgarian e-Journal of Archaeology 6, 21–79. UREK, M. 2013, Kranj. – Varstvo spomenikov. Poročila 48, 105–106. URLEB, M. 1968, Križna gora in okolica v antiki. – Arheološki vestnik 19, 473–484. URLEB, M. 1974, Križna gora pri Ložu. Halštatska nekropola. – Katalogi in monografije 11. VASIĆ, M. 1982–1983, Čezava ­Castrum Novae. – Starinar 33–34, 91–122. VASIĆ, M., 1994–1995, Le limes protobyzantin dans la pro­vince de Mésie Premiere, Starinar 45–46, 41–53. VASIĆ M., V. KONDIĆ 1986, Le limes romain et paleobyzantin des Portes de Fer. – V / In: Studien zu den Militärgrenzen Roms III, 542–560. VINSKI, Z. 1980, Ovrednotenje grobnih pridatkov. – V / In: V. Stare, Kranj. Nekropola iz časa preseljevanja ljudstev. Katalogi in monografije 18, 17–32. WHATELY, C. 2013,War in Late Antiquity; Secondary Works, Literary Sources and Material Evidence. – V / In: A. Sa­rantis, N. Christie (ur. / eds), War and Warfare in Late Antiquity, Leiden, Boston, 101–151. WHITBY, M. 2007, The Late Roman Army and the Defence of the Balkans. – V / In: A. Poulter (ur. / ed.), The Transition to Late Antiquity, on the Danube and Beyond, Proceedings of the British Academy vol. 141, 35–161. WHITOW, M. 2007, Nicopolis ad Istrum: Backward and Bal­kan? – V / In: A. Poulter (ur. / ed.), The Transition to Late Antiquity, on the Danube and Beyond, Proceedings of the British Academy vol. 141, 375–389. WILKES, J. 2013, The Archaeology of War: Homeland Security in the South­west Balkans (3rd­6th C. A.D.). – V / In: A. Sarantis, N. Christie (ur. / eds.), War and Warfare in Late Antiquity. Current Perspectives, 735–757. WOZNIAK, F. 1982, The Justinianic Fortification of interior Illyricum. – V / In: R. L. Hohlfeld (ur. / ed.), City, Town and Countryside in the Early Byzantine Era, 199–209. ZAGERMANN, M., E. CAVADA 2014, …in locis firmissi­mis… Ausgrabungen auf dem Monte San Martino di Lun­do/Lomaso in den äußeren judikarischen Tälern (Trentino, Italien). – Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 79, 195–218. ZANINOVIĆ, M. 1978, Gradina u Danilu i Tor nad Jelsom. Dva gradinska naselja u srednjoj Dalmaciji. – Materijali 15, 19–23. ZANINOVIĆ, M. 1994, Ranokršćanske crkve kao postaje plovnog puta duž istočnog Jadrana. – Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 86, 125–146. ZANINOVIĆ, M. 2005, Apsorus i Crexa na jadranskom putu. – Senjski zbornik 32, 5–24. ZOTOVIĆ, L. 1982–1983, Boljetin (Smorna), rimski i ranovi­zantijski logor. – Starinar 33–34 (1984), 211–225. 13.PRAZGODOVINSKE SLEDI NA KORINJSKEM HRIBU IN PRI MALEM KORINJU 13.PREHISTORIC TRACES AT KORINJSKI HRIB AND NEAR MALI KORINJ Lucija GRAHEK Korinjski hrib (na kartah tudi Ciganov vrh) je kot prazgodovinsko najdišče poznan vse od odkritij Jerneja Pečnika konec 19. stoletja.1 Kasneje je bil vključen v obsežen in sistematičen raziskovalni projekt Inštituta za arheologijo ZRC SAZU Utrjena prazgodovinska naselja na Dolenjskem.2 Rezultati sondiranja, ki je bilo opravljeno l. 1983 pod vodstvom Janeza Dularja soča­sno z raziskavami poznoantične utrdbe, pa so bili že objavljeni.3 Sondiranje je bilo izvedeno na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2 (sl. 13.1), za katero je bilo videti, da je poznoantična poselitev ni poškodovala. Kljub temu so bili rezultati skromni. Dosedanje poznavanje prazgodovinskih ostalin na tem hribu in okolici dopolnjujemo s še neobjavljenimi najdbami, ki v največji meri izvirajo iz premešanih plasti, odkritih pri izkopavanju poznoantičnih ostalin, ali pa so bile najdene z uporabo detektorja (t. 13.2-13.6) in nimajo natančnejših lokacijskih podatkov. NAJDBE IZ BAKRENE IN BRONASTE DOBE V bakreno dobo sodijo dve ploščati bakreni sekiri tipa Altheim in fragment keramike z vrezanim okrasom (t. 13.1: 1–3).4 Bržkone lahko s človekovo dejavnostjo v bakreni ali bronasti dobi povezujemo tudi retuširano klino iz belega roženca, ki je bila najdena v skalni razpoki pod ognjiščem latenske hiše, odkrite v sondi na seve­rozahodnem delu na terasi pod vrhom. Gre za starejši infiltrat ob poznejšem planiranju terase.5 Podobno velja za preostale kamnite artefakte (t. 13.2: 1–7), za katere natančni podatki o mestu najdbe niso znani ali pa izvi­rajo iz premešanih poznoantičnih plasti. 1 Pečnik 1889, 41, 43; 1894, 11 s. Prim. ANSL, 235; Dular et al. 1995, 92 s; Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, 226 s. 2 Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 278. 3 Dular et al. 1995. 4 Dular et al. 1995, 95; Dular 2001, 93. Prim. Velušček, Greif 1998, 40 s. 5 Dular et al. 1995, 95, 122, t. 1: 15. Korinjski hrib (mapped also as Ciganov vrh) as a prehistoric site has been known since the discoveries of Jernej Pečnik at the end of the 19th century.1 Later, it was included into the extensive and systematic research project by the Institute of Archaeology / Inštitut za arhe­ologijo ZRC SAZU entitled Prehistoric Fortified Settle­ments in South-Eastern Slovenia.2 Results of the trenching, performed in 1983 under the supervision of Janez Dular simultaneously with the research of late antique fort, were published in 1995.3 The trenching was performed at the terrace between Towers 1 and 2 (Fig. 13.1), for which it seemed that it was undamaged by late Roman occupation. Nevertheless, the results were modest. Previous knowledge about the prehistoric remains at this hill and its surroundings have been supplemented with until now unpublished finds, which mostly origi­nate from mixed layers discovered during the excavation of late Roman remains, or were found by using a metal detector (Figs. 13.2-13.6) and do not have more precise data about the location. FINDS FROM THE COPPER AND BRONZE AGES Two copper axe blades of Altheim type and a frag­ment of pottery with incised decoration (Pl. 13.1: 1–3) belong to the Copper Age.4 Most probably connected to the human activity in the Copper or Bronze Age is also the retouched blade made of white chert that was found in the rock crevice under the hearth of a Late La Tene house discovered in the trench at the north-western part of the terrace under the top. It is an older infiltration upon the later levelling of the terrace.5 Similar also goes 1 Pečnik 1889, 41, 43; 1894, 11 s. Cf. ANSL, 235; Dular et al. 1995, 92 s; Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, 226 s. 2 Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 278. 3 Dular et al. 1995. 4 Dular et al. 1995, 95; Dular 2001, 93. Cf. Velušček, Greif 1998, 40 s. 5 Dular et al. 1995, 95, 122, Pl. 1: 15. Več sledi je ohranjenih iz mlajše bronaste dobe. for other stone artefacts (Pl. 13.2: 1–7), for which precise V ta čas sodi danes v večini izgubljen depo, o katerem data of their findspot is unknown or they originate from Pečnik poroča, da je bil najden na vzhodni strani hri-mixed late Roman layers. ba.6 Od najverjetneje velikega depoja mešane sestave, There are more traces preserved from the Younger ki so značilni predvsem za čas Ha A,7 je ohranjena le and Late Bronze Age (BA C2/D–Ha B). Today mostly lost hoard for which Pečnik reports that it was found at 6 Pečnik 1889, 41, 43; 1894, 11 s. Prim. ANSL, 235; Dular the eastern side of the hill belongs to this time.6 Only a et al. 1995, 92 s; Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, 226 s. 7 Turk 1996, 102, 109 s; Čerče, Turk 1996, 18 ss. 6 Pečnik 1889, 41, 43; 1894, 11 s. Cf. ANSL, 235; Dular et tordirana bronasta ovratnica (t. 13.1: 9).8 Enako datacijo omogočajo druge, z izkopavanj na Korinjskem hribu že poznane kovinske (t. 13.1: 4–8) in keramične najdbe, ki kažejo, da je bil vrh obljuden v času Bd D in Ha A.9 V mlajšo bronasto dobo lahko datiramo tudi šte­vilne bronaste predmete, najdene večinoma z uporabo detektorja. Med njimi prevladujejo odlomki srpov (t. 13.2: 8–14), sulic (t. 13.2: 26–30) in sekir (t. 13.3: 1–4). Med slednjimi kaže opozoriti na fragmenta (t. 13.3: 3,4), ki najverjetneje pripadata uhatima sekirama. Te so obravnavane kot italski tip ingotov ali “orodno plačilno sredstvo” in so v času med 10. in 8. stol. pr. n. št. razširjene predvsem na Apeninskem polotoku, od koder se je njihova uporaba razširila proti Vzhodnim Alpam.10 Kot pokazatelja povezav in komunikacije z italskim prostorom moramo bržkone obravnavati tudi dva odlomka rezil mečev (t. 13.2: 24,25).11 Najverjetneje gre za fragmenta jezičastoročajnih mečev, ki pa ju zgolj na podlagi preseka in širine rezil ne moremo podrobneje tipološko opredeliti.12 Bolj je lahko pomenljivo, da je bil jezičastoročajni meč tipa Tenja najden v Žlebiču pri Ribnici,13 od koder poznamo naselbinske keramične najdbe, ki sodijo v okvir horizonta Oloris-Podsmreka; odlomke rezil mečev pa zasledimo tudi v bližnjih depojih s širšega območja reke Krke, to je velikih depojih mešane sestave iz Jurke vasi in Črmošnjic.14 Za kronološko opredelitev sta najbolj izpovedni fragmentirani igli. Pri prvi gre za z vrezi okrašeno glavo igle tipa Wetzleindorf (t. 13.2: 16). Te po Hänslu sodijo med vodilne tipe stopnje MD II in datirajo še v čas Bd B1 po Reinckeju,15 ki ga pri nas označuje horizont zgodnje srednje bronaste dobe ali kultura bronastodobnih go­mil.16 Mlajša je z vrezi bogato okrašena igla s prisekano bikonično glavo (t. 13.2: 17), ki ji še najboljšo primerjavo predstavlja igla iz Dubicka na Moravskem.17 Skupaj s podobnimi je uvrščena v dolgoživo skupino igel z bikonično glavo, pri čemer so tiste s prisekano glavo da­tirane predvsem v čas Ha A2 in B1.18 Podobno bržkone velja za bronast gumb s fragmentirano zanko in dvema luknjicama (t. 13.2: 15). Kalotaste gumbe z luknjicama sicer zasledimo že v grobovih (praviloma otroških) iz 8 Prim. Vasić 2010, 36 ss, t. 21: 143. 9 Dular et al. 1995, 95. Za srp (t. 13.1: 7) glej tudi Šinkovec 1995, 126: 10, t. 144: 10. 10 Teržan 2008, 296 ss, sl. 48; Pavlin, Turk 2014, 44 ss. Fragmenta je kot dela uhatih sekir prepoznal Primož Pavlin, za kar se mu najlepše zahvaljujem. 11 Prim. Pavlin et al. 2019, 16 s, sl. 5. 12 Prim. Dular 1974; Harding 1995, 20 ss, t. 5–27, 28: 223–227; 37: 278–297, 38–43. 13 Dular 1974, 15, t. 1: 6; Teržan 1995, 106 s, t. 30: 210. 14 Teržan 1995, 197 ss, t. 89: (7–)11; 148 ss, t. 51: 6. 15 Hänsel 1968, 85 ss, 165 s. 16 Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 679. 17 Řihovsky, 1979, 116 ss, t. 34: 647. 18 Müller-Karpe 1959, Abb. 37:6; Breddin 1989, 124, Abb. 16:3,4. Prim. Kubach 1984, t. 6: 3–5,7,12,15–17,21. twisted bronze torc (Pl. 13.1: 9)7 remains of a probably large hoard of mixed composition, which are typical mostly of the time of Ha A.8 The same dating is also enabled by other metal (Pl. 13.1: 4–8) and pottery finds already known from excavations at Korinjski hrib, which indicate that the hill was inhabited in the time of BA D and Ha A.9 Numerous bronze objects, mainly found with the use of a metal detector, can also be dated to the Late Bronze Age (Ha A–Ha B). Prevalent among them are fragments of sickles (Pl. 13.2: 8–14), spears (Pl. 13.2: 26–30), and axes (Fig. 5: 1–4). Among the latter, the two fragments (Pl. 13.3: 3,4) that most probably be­long to shaft-hole axes are worth pointing out. Such axes are interpreted as the Italic type of ingots or “pre-monetary means of payment” and were common in the time between the 10th and 8th century BC, primarily at the Apennine Peninsula, from where their use spread towards the Eastern Alps.10 Two fragments of sword blades (Pl. 13.2: 24,25) should also probably be discussed as indicators of connections and communication with the Italic territory.11 These are most probably fragments of tanged swords but which cannot be more precisely typologically delimited solely on the basis intersection and blade width.12 It could be more illustrative that the tanged sword of Tenja type was found at Žlebič near Ribnica,13 from where pottery founds are known that belong to the Oloris – Podsmreka horizon, while sword blade fragments are also found in nearby depots from the wider area of the Krka River, i.e. large hoards of mixed composition from Jurka vas and Črmošnjice.14 For the chronological definition, the two frag­mented pins are the most expressive. The first one is a pin head decorated by incisions of Wetzleindorf type (Pl. 13.2: 16). According to Hänsel, these belong among the leading types of phase MD II and date to the time Bz B1 according to Reincke,15 which in Slovenian territory is marked by the horizon of the Middle Bronze Age or the culture of Bronze-Age tumuli.16 Younger is a pin richly decorated by incisions and with a biconical, on top flattened head (Pl. 13.2: 17), which has the best pos­ al. 1995, 92 s; Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, 226 s. 7 Cf. Vasić 2010, 36 ss, Pl. 21: 143. 8 Turk 1996, 102, 109 s; Čerče, Turk 1996, 18 ss. 9 Dular et al. 1995, 95. For the sickle (Pl. 13.1: 7) see also Šinkovec 1995, 126: 10, Pl. 144: 10. 10 Teržan 2008, 296 ss, Fig. 48; Pavlin, Turk 2014, 44 ss. Fragments were as parts of –shaft-hole axes recognised by Primož Pavlin, for which we thank him most sincerely. 11 Cf. Pavlin et al. 2019, 16 s, Fig. 5. 12 Cf. Dular 1974; Harding 1995, 20 ss, Pls. 5–27, 28: 223–227; 37: 278–297, 38–43. 13 Dular 1974, 15, Pl. 1: 6; Teržan 1995, 106 s, Pl. 30: 210. 14 Teržan 1995, 197 ss, Pl. 89: (7–)11; 148 ss, Pl. 51: 6 15 Hänsel 1968, 85 ss, 165 s. 16 Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 679. časa stopnje Bd B2/C1,19 a so gumbi z zanko mnogo bolj razširjeni v mlajših grobovih iz časa Ha A2/B1.20 Poleg omenjenih je bilo na območju Korinjskega hriba najdenih še nekaj obročkov (t. 13.2: 20–23) in več drugih fragmentov bronastih predmetov ter kosov bronastih zlitin (t. 13.2: 18,19,31–33; 13.3: 5–8). Na prvi pogled je videti, da vsi omenjeni bronasti predmeti lahko predstavljajo ostanke velikega depoja mešane sestave, vendar pa je iz skromnih lokacijskih podatkov mogoče razbrati, da so bile najdbe izkopane razpršeno na približno hektar velikem območju in jih, bolj kot ne, moramo obravnavati kot naključne najdbe.21 Keramične najdbe omogočajo številne primerjave z gradivom z najdišč horizonta Oloris-Podsmreka, da­tiranih v čas od Bd B2/C1 do Ha A1.22 Zanje so namreč značilni lonci s stožčastim ali valjastim vratom ter (betiča­sto) odebeljenim robom izvihanega ustja (t. 13.4: 2,3,7)23 ali vodoravno izvihanim, nemalokrat okrašenim robom ustja (t. 13.4: 5,6 (in 4)).24 Gre za lonce tipa L10–L12 po Dularjevi tipologiji keramike iz Dolnjega Lakoša oziro-ma za lonce tipa (L8 in) L9.25 Mnogo bolj so razširjeni trebušasti ali kroglasti lonci z lijakasto izvihanim ustjem, lahko tudi ročaji, ki povezujejo ustje z rameni (t. 13.4: 8–10; 13.5: 3).26 Ti se po Dularjevi tipologiji uvrščajo k tipom L3–L7. Omeniti je treba še nizke sklede z lijakasto izvihanim ustjem (t. 13.5: 11), vrče (t. 13.5: 2,4,5) in pa lonce s fasetiranim ustjem (t. 13.5: 1). Poleg trakastih in tunelastih ročajev (t. 13.5: 16,17) je za keramiko hori­zonta Oloris-Podsmreka zelo značilen okras največkrat okroglih bradavic, obdanih s kaneluro (t. 13.5: 18–21), še pogosteje je zastopan raznolik nalepljen okras gladkih ali razčlenjenih reber (t. 13.6: 1–3). Na več fragmentih zasledimo barbotin (t. 13.6: 9,10).27 Redkeje se pojavlja vrezan okras in žlebljenje (t. 13.6: 4–6), ki velja za mlajšo obliko okrasa. Z razširitvijo latvic kot najpogostejše oblike nizkega posodja je žlebljen okras bolj značilnost v Ha A1–A2/B1 datiranega horizonta Rogoza-Orehova vas.28 19 Hänsel, Kalicz 1987, 64, t. 1: 10a; 2: 9h; 3; 5: 26c,l; 8: 47g; 9: 66u. 20 Kalicz-Schreiber 2010, 274, t. 5: 2; 6: 5; 18: 9; 24: 5; 34: 11; 38: 8; 45: 9; 49: 6; 55: 2; 60: 6,17; 64: 9; 67: 6,12; 68: 10; 76: 7; 80: 1; 83: 1; 84; 85: 10; 96: 6; 106: 8; 114: 14; 117: 8; 119: 16; 126: 5; 155: 14; 189: 5. Prim. Hänsel, Kalicz 1987, t. 7: 48d; Velušček 2005, 76, t. 2: 8. 21 Prim. Čerče, Turk 1996, 9 ss; Pavlin, Turk 2014, 52. 22 Dular et al. 2002; Teržan 2010, 160; Dular 2011, 130; Murgelj 2013; 2014a; 2014b; Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 681 ss. Prim. Grahek 2017, 108 ss, sl. 6. 23 Glej tudi Dular et al. 1995, t. 1: 10. 24 Glej tudi Dular et al. 1995, t. 1: 16. 25 Dular et al. 2002, 147 ss, sl. 5,6. Prim. Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 683 s. 26 Glej tudi Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 12. 27 Prim. Grahek 2017, 105; Velušček 2005, 75, t. 2: 10,11; Dular et al. 2002, t. 20: 5,6. 28 Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 685, 691 ss. Prim. Dular et al. 1995, 95, t. 1: 5; 3: 1,2. sible comparison in the pin from Dubicko in Moravia.17 Together with similar ones it is assigned to the long-lived group of pins with biconical head, and within this group the ones with the head flattened on top are dated primar­ily to the time of Ha A2 and B1.18 Similar is probably true for the bronze button with a fragmented loop and two holes (Pl. 13.2: 15). Dome-shaped buttons with two holes can be found in graves (generally children’s) from the time of the Bz B2/C1 phase,19 but buttons with a loop are much more widespread in younger graves from the time of Ha A2/B1.20 In addition to the ones mentioned above, a few rings (Pl. 13.2: 20–23) and several other fragments of bronze artefacts and pieces of bronze alloys (Pls. 13.2: 18,19,31–33; 13.3: 5–8) were found at Korinjski hrib. At first glance it could be said that all of the bronze artefacts mentioned represent the remains of a large hoard of mixed composition; nevertheless, from the modest location data it can be discerned that the finds were scattered at the approximately 1 hectare big area and should, more than not, be treated as chance finds.21 Pottery finds enable numerous comparisons with the material from the sites of the Oloris – Podsmreka horizon, which are dated to the time span from Bz B2/ C1 to Ha A1.22 Namely, typical for these are jars with the conical or cylindrical neck and thickened edge of the everted rim (Pl. 13.4: 2,3,7)23 or horizontally everted, frequently decorated rim (Pl. 13.4: 5,6 (and 4)).24 These are pots of the L10–L12 types according to Dular’s typol­ogy of pottery from Dolnji Lakoš or pots of (L8 and) L9 type.25 Much more widespread are spherical or globular pots with the funnel-shaped everted rim, possibly also handles that connect the rim to the shoulders (Pls. 13.4: 8–10; 13.5: 3).26 These are attributed to Types L3–L7 according to Dular’s typology. Especially mentioned should also be low bowls with the funnel-shaped everted rim (Pl. 13.5: 11), jugs (Pl. 13.5: 2,4,5), and pots with the faceted rim (Pl. 13.5: 1). In addition to strap- and 17 Řihovsky, 1979, 116 ss, Pl. 34: 647. 18 Müller-Karpe 1959, Abb. 37:6; Breddin 1989, 124, Abb. 16:3,4. Cf. Kubach 1984, Pl. 6: 3–5,7,12,12,15–17,21. 19 Hänsel, Kalicz 1987, 64, Pls. 1: 10a; 2: 9h; 3; 5: 26c,l; 8: 47g; 9: 66u.20 Kalicz-Schreiber 2010, 274, Pls. 5: 2; 6: 5; 18: 9; 24: 5; 34: 11; 38: 8; 45: 9; 49: 6; 55: 2; 60: 6,17; 64: 9; 67: 6,12; 68: 10; 76: 7; 80: 1; 83: 1; 84; 85: 10; 96: 6; 106: 8; 114: 14; 117: 8; 119: 16; 126: 5; 155: 14; 189: 5. Cf. Hänsel, Kalicz 1987, Pl. 7: 48d; Velušček 2005, 76, Pl. 2: 8. 21 Cf. Čerče, Turk 1996, 9 ss; Pavlin, Turk 2014, 52. 22 Dular et al. 2002; Teržan 2010, 160; Dular 2011, 130; Murgelj 2013; 2014a; 2014b; Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 681 ss. Cf. Grahek 2017, 108 ss, Fig. 6. 23 See also Dular et al. 1995, Pl. 1: 10. 24 See also Dular et al. 1995, Pl. 1: 16. 25 Dular et al. 2002, 147 ss, Fig. 5,6. Cf. Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 683 s. 26 See also Dular et al. 1995, Pl. 2: 12. NAJDBE IZ ŽELEZNE DOBE STAREJŠA ŽELEZNA DOBA Vse od prve objave rezultatov raziskav prazgo­dovinskega naselja na Korinjskem hribu se postavlja vprašanje, ali je to živelo tudi v času pozne bronaste dobe (Ha B) in nato v starejši železni dobi.29 Trdnih dokazov za to ni. V čas stopnje Ha B morda datirajo nekatere bronaste najdbe, ki na magnet (močno) reagirajo (t. 13.2: 22,28,32,33; 13.3: 2–5), kar kaže na večjo vsebnost železa. S spektrometričnimi raziskavami najdb iz pozne bronaste dobe je bilo namreč ugotovljeno, da so bakrene zlitine z več nečistočami v obliki železovih sulfidov in oksidov bolj značilne za čas Ha B.30 Dokaz človekove navzočnosti v tem času ali v starejšem halštatskem obdobju bi lahko videli v keramičnih najdbah latvic, ki so vodoravno fasetirane ali imajo poševno nažlebljena ramena.31 Enako velja za lonec z nizkim valjastim vra-tom in kaneliranim okrasom (t. 13.6: 7), ki mu sicer najdemo primerjave med keramiko, datirano v Ha A2/ B1 (primerjamo ga lahko z lonci tipa 3 po Dularju), celo še boljše primerjave pa mu najdemo med keramiko stopnje Poštela 2 (in 3), datirano v Ha C.32 Zanesljivejše je dokazana človekova navzočnost v mlajšem halštatskem obdobju, in sicer z naključno od­kritima bronastima najdbama. To sta fragment certoške fibule X. vrste po Teržanovi (t. 13.3: 10)33 in stiliziran antropomorfni obesek (t. 13.3: 11), kakršni so bolj kot na območju dolenjskega kulturnega kroga razširjeni v Posočju, Furlaniji, Venetu in tudi Istri.34 V mlado­halštatsko obdobje morda sodi tudi fragment valovite pločevine z zakovicami (t. 13.3: 9), ki bi lahko pripadal narebreni cisti;35 podobno datacijo omogoča tudi nekaj keramičnih najdb. Gre za plitko skledo s profiliranim robom ustja (t. 13.5: 12), ki je primerljiva z latvicami tipa 15a iz Stične,36 fragment navpično nažlebljene posode (t. 13.6: 5), podobne skledam tipa 4 po Dularju,37 in pa fragment ustja t. i. svetolucijskega pitosa (t. 13.6: 8).38 29 Dular et al. 1995, 95 s; Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 71, 278, sl. 24. 30 Trampuž Orel 1996, 198 ss, 210, sl. 8,9. 31 Dular et al. 1995, 95, t. 1: 5; 3: 1,2. Prim. Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 691; Grahek 2016, 215, 204 s; Dular 1982, 75 ss, 85 s. 32 Kalicz-Schreiber 2010, 249 ss, Typentafel 3: III.A3a; Črešnar 2010, t. 4: 2; Grahek 2016, 231 s, sl. 68: 47 t. 40: 6 (opis pod t. 40: 7!); Dular 1982, 29 s, t. 7: 49; Teržan 1990, 32 ss, t. 40–42. 33 Teržan 1976, 331 ss. 34 Nascimbene 2009, 199 ss. 35 Prim. Jereb 2016, 77 ss. 36 Grahek 2016, 153, sl. 46: La 15a in 237 ss, sl. 70: 55. Prim. Dular 1982, 76 s, t. 26: 258–262. 37 Dular 1982, 70 s, t. 24: 219–225. Prim. Grahek 2016, 158 s, sl. 47: Sk 4a. 38 Grahek 2016, 111, sl. 37: Pi 2 in 234 ss, sl. 70: 1; Dular tunnel-shaped handles (Pl. 13.5: 16,17), the decoration of most frequently round knobs, surrounded by a groove (Pl. 13.5: 18–21), is characteristic for the pottery of the Oloris – Podsmreka horizon, even more frequently represented is the diverse, applied decoration of cordons and ribs, which are plain or with impressions (Fig.5. 8: 1–3). On several fragments, barbotine can be noticed (Pl. 13.6: 9,10).27 Incised decoration and grooving appear rarely (Pl. 13.6: 4–6), both are considered a later man­ner of decoration. The widening of shallow bowls as the most frequent form of shallow vessels, also the grooved decoration is more characteristic for in Ha A1–A2/B1 dated horizon Rogoza – Orehova vas.28 FINDS FROM THE IRON AGE EARLY IRON AGE Ever since the first publication of the results of the research of the prehistoric settlement at Korinjski hrib, the question has persisted of whether the settlement lived on in the time of the Late Bronze Age (Ha B) and on to the Early Iron Age.29 There is no solid evidence to confirm it. Some of the bronze finds that (strongly) react to the magnet (Pls. 13.2: 22,28,32,33; 13.3: 2–5), which indicates greater presence of iron, could possibly belong to the time of the Ha B phase. Namely, spectrometric research of finds from the Late Bronze Age discovered that copper alloys with more impurities in the form of iron sulphides and oxides are more typical for the time of Ha B.30 The indicator of human presence in this time or in the Early Hallstatt Period could also be seen in the pottery finds of shallow bowls, which are faceted horizontally or have diagonally grooved shoulders.31 The same goes for the pot with the low cylindrical neck and fluted decoration (Pl. 13.6: 7), for which analogies can be found among pottery dated to Ha A2/B1 (it can also be compared to pots of Type 3 according to Dular), and even better comparisons are found among pottery of phase Poštela 2 (and 3), dated to Ha C.32 Human presence in the Late Hallstatt Period is more reliably proven, that is with two bronze chance finds. These are a fragment of a Certosa fibula type X 27 Cf. Grahek 2017, 105; Velušček 2005, 75, Pl. 2: 10,11; Dular et al. 2002, Pl. 20: 5,6. 28 Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 685, 691 ss. Cf. Dular et al. 1995, 95, Pls. 1: 5; 3: 1,2. 29 Dular et al. 1995, 95 s; Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 71, 278, Fig. 24. 30 Trampuž Orel 1996, 198 ss, 210, Fig. 8,9. 31 Dular et al. 1995, 95, Pls. 1: 5; 3: 1,2. Cf. Črešnar, Teržan 2014, 691; Grahek 2016, 215, 204 s; Dular 1982, 75 ss, 85 s. 32 Kalicz-Schreiber 2010, 249 ss, Typentafel 3: III.A3a; Črešnar 2010, Pl. 4: 2; Grahek 2016, 231 s, sl. 68: 47 Pl. 40: 6 (description under Pl. 40: 7!); Dular 1982, 29 s, Pl. 7: 49; Teržan 1990, 32 ss, Pl. 40–42. Omenjene najdbe sicer ne kažejo na neko trajnejšo poselitev (zlasti ne v pozni bronasti in starejši železni dobi), nedvomno pa pričajo, da je bil Korinjski hrib obljuden, saj je imel zelo pomembno nadzorno-komu­nikacijsko vlogo. Temu so pritrdili že rezultati sistema­tične, interdisciplinarne analize poselitve jugovzhodne Slovenije v železni dobi.39 MLAJŠA ŽELEZNA DOBA Indici poseljenosti Korinjskega hriba v mlajši železni dobi so bili odkriti s sondiranjem na terasi na severozahodnem delu pod vrhom (sl. 13.1). V sondi, veliki 2,5 x 6 m, ki je segala največ meter globoko do žive skale, so bile odkrite štiri zelo tenke plasti ter skromni ostanki latenskega objekta z ognjiščem (sl. 13.2) in nekaj odlomki keramike.40 Jasno datacijo latenske poselitve v stopnjo LT D1 oz. Mokronog IIIa omogoča poleg že objavljenih kovinskih najdb (t. 13.1: 10–12) tudi nekaj kovinskih predmetov (t. 13.3: 12–17) in fragmentov značilne keramike (t. 13.6: 11–14; po sestavi lončarske gline tudi 16), ki so bili najdeni ob izkopavanju pozno­antičnih objektov.41 Če fragment peresovine železne fibule ne omogoča natančnejše datacije, je ta povsem jasna pri fragmentu loka bronaste fibule tipa Jezerine (t. 13.3: 13,14). Te so značilne za stopnjo LT D2 ali Mokronog IIIb po Božiču.42 Nekoliko starejše najdbe, ki jih lahko datiramo še v stopnjo LT D1 oz. Mokronog IIIa,43 so bronasti jagodi z ušescem (t. 13.3: 16,17) in pa narebren bronast gumb lečaste oblike z vdolbeno zadnjo stranjo z zanko (t. 13.3: 15). Tovrstni gumbi (in jagode) se pojavljajo na več poznolatenskih najdiščih mokro­noškega kulturnega kroga skupaj z votlimi stožčastimi gumbi (t. 13.3: 12).44 1982, 21 s, sl. 6: 2; 10; t. 3: 10,11. Prim. Tecco Hvala 2012, 63 s, sl. 22: e. 39 Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 225, 143ss. 40 Dular et al. 1995, t. 1: 1–4,6–8,11–14. 41 Dular et al. 1995, 95 s; Božič 1999, 212 (glej pogl. 5). 42 Božič 2008, 146 s, tab. 5. Prim. Guštin 1991, 41 s, Božič 2011, 259 s; Drnić 2013. 43 Božič 1999, 198 s. Prim. Božič 2008, 115 s, t. 2: 8,9; Breščak, Dular 2002, 109. 44 Votli stožčasti gumbi (skupaj z jagodami) so poznaniše iz Novega mesta (Božič 2008, t. 2: (8,9),11,12), Šumenja pri Podturnu (Breščak, Dular 2002, sl. 18: (10),19,20), Pančičevega vrha, Gradišča pri Dunaju idr. Skupaj z narebrenimi lečastimi gumbi so bili najdeni tudi v Stični, Sv. Ani nad Vrhpečjo in Kincljem nad Trbincem. Pri veliki večini gre za naključne, še neobjavljene najdbe, na katere me je opozoril D. Božič, Inštitut za arheologijo ZRC SAZU. Za vso pomoč in nasvete se mu iskreno zahvaljujem. according to Teržan (Pl. 13.3: 10)33 and a stylised an­thropomorphic pendant (Pl. 13.3: 11), which are more widespread in Posočje, Friuli, Veneto, and Istria than in the area of the Dolenjska cultural circle.34 A fragment of an undulating tin sheet with rivets (Pl. 13.3: 9) could also belong to the Late Hallstatt Period, and could belong to a ribbed cist;35 similar dating is also enabled by a few pottery finds. These are a shallow bowl with a profiled rim (Pl. 13.5: 12), which is comparable to dishes with an inturned rim of type 15a from Stična,36 a fragment of a vertically grooved vessel (Pl. 13.6: 5) similar to bowls of Type 4 according to Dular,37 and a fragment of the lip of the so-called Sv. Lucija pithos (Pl. 13.6: 8).38 The finds mentioned do not indicate a permanent settlement at Korinjski hrib (especially not in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages), but nevertheless they reveal dwelling activities, most probably connected with a very important surveillance-communication role. This was also agreed upon by the results of the systematic, inter­disciplinary analysis of the settlement of south-eastern Slovenia in the Iron Age.39 LATE IRON AGE Indications of settlement at Korinjski hrib in the Late Iron Age were revealed in the trench on the terrace at the north-western part under the top (Fig. 13.1). The trench, measured 2.5 x 6m and reached not more than one metre deep into the bedrock, revealed four very thin layers and modest remains of a La Tene period structure with a hearth (Fig. 13.2) and a few pottery fragments.40 They date to the La Tene phase LT D1 or Mokronog IIIa, as testify the previously published metal finds (Pl. 13.1: 10–12), as well as a few metal artefacts (Pl. 13.3: 12–17) and fragments of typical pottery (Pl. 13.6: 11–14; considering the fabrics also 16), which were discovered during the excavation of late antique structures.41 If the fragment of the iron fibula’s spring does not allow a pre­cise dating, the date is clear for the fragment of a bronze fibula’s bow of the Jezerine type (Pl. 13.3: 13,14). These fibulae are typical of the LT D2 phase or Mokronog IIIb according to Božič.42 Somewhat older finds, which can 33 Teržan 1976, 331 ss. 34 Nascimbene 2009, 199 ss. 35 Cf. Jereb 2016, 77 ss. 36 Grahek 2016, 153, Fig. 46: La 15a and 237 ss, Fig. 70: 55. Cf. Dular 1982, 76 s, Pl. 26: 258–262. 37 Dular 1982, 70 s, Pl. 24: 219 –225. Cf. Grahek 2016, 158 s, Fig. 47: Sk 4a. 38 Grahek 2016, 111, Fig. 37: Pi 2 and 234 ss, Fig. 70: 1; Dular 1982, 21 s, Fig. 6: 2; 10; Pl. 3: 10,11. Cf. Tecco Hvala 2012, 63 s, Fig. 22: e. 39 Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 225, 143ss. 40 Dular et al. 1995, Pl. 1: 1–4,6–8,11–14. 41 Dular et al. 1995, 95 s; Božič 1999, 212 (see Chapter 5). 42 Božič 2008, 146 s, Tab. 5. Cf. Guštin 1991, 41 s, Božič POSELITEV PRI MALEM KORINJU be dated to phase LT D1 or Mokronog IIIa,43 are two bronze beads with a loop (Pl. 13.3: 16,17) and a ribbed, Severovzhodno od vasi Veliki Korinj ob vzhodnih lenticular-shaped bronze button with a hollowed back obronkih Korinjskega hriba leži vas Mali Korinj. Med že side with a loop (Pl. 13.3: 15). Such buttons (and beads) poznanimi najdbami nekje z območja Malega Korinja je appear at several Late La Tene sites of the Mokronog bronasta tulasta sekira (sl. 13.3).45 Severno od vasi, na 2011, 259 s; Drnić 2013. 43 Božič 1999, 198 s. Cf. Božič 2008, 115 s, Pl. 2: 8,9; 45 Šinkovec 1995, 70, t. 18: 107; prim. Šinkovec 1996, 136 s. Breščak, Dular 2002, 109. manjšem sedlu med Korinjskim hribom, Volčjim vrhom in Bovljekom (sl. 13.4), so bile spomladi leta 2013 ob zemeljskih delih na delu trase vodovoda pobrane prve najdbe keramike, ki so le še podkrepile domneve o tam-kajšnjem najdišču. Konec leta 2014 so bila tu opravljena manjša arheološka izkopavanja pod vodstvom Primoža Stergarja,46 ki so jim leta 2015 sledile geofizikalne meri­tve v izvedbi Jureta Sokliča.47 REZULTATI IZKOPAVANJ Izkopavanja konec leta 2014 so obsegala 60 m dolgo in do 4 m široko območje tik ob lokalni cesti Mali Ko-rinj–Krka, na zemljišču št. 1496, k. o. Veliko Globoko, ki sicer obsega večino manjše terase med okoliškimi hribi. Nad geološko osnovo, to je arheološko sterilno ilovnato plastjo, ki v večjem delu prekriva apnenčasto skalno osnovo, je bila odkrita do 50 cm debela plast, bogata z najdbami. V njej so bile odkrite sledi kurišča s premerom 40–45 cm. Plast z najdbami je prekrila zgolj še do 40 cm debela plast nekdanje ornice z rušo. 46 Stergar 2015, 42. Grahek, L., J. Soklič, 2015, Poročilo o geofizikalnih raziskavah na najdišču Mali Korinj – Arheološko območje, EŠD 15889, Ljubljana. – Neobjavljeno poročilo, hrani arhiv Inštituta za arheologijo ZRC SAZU in ZVKDS OE Ljubljana. Sl. 13.3: Mali Korinj, bronasta sekira. M. 1:2 (po Šinkovec 1995, t. 18: 107). Fig. 13.3: Mali Korinj, bronze axe. Scale 1:2 (after Šinkovec 1995, Pl. 18: 107) cultural circle together with hollow conical buttons (Pl. 13.3: 12).44 SETTLEMENT NEAR MALI KORINJ The hamlet of Mali Korinj is situated north-east of the village Veliki Korinj, along the eastern edges of Ko­rinjski hrib. Among the previously known finds from the area of Mali Korinj is a bronze socketed axe (Fig. 13.3).45 North of the hamlet, at a smaller pass between Korinjski hrib, Volčji vrh, and Bovljek (Fig. 13.4), the first pottery finds were gathered in spring 2013 during earth works at a part of the water supply route, finds which further supported the assumptions about the site located there. At the end of 2014, smaller archaeological excavations were performed here under the supervision of Primož 44 Hollow conical buttons (together with beads) are also known from Novo mesto (Božič 2008, Pl. 2: (8,9,)11,12), Šumenje near Podturn (Breščak, Dular 2002, Fig. 18: (10),19,20), Pančičev vrh, Gradišče near Dunaj etc. Together with ribbed lenticular-shaped buttons they were found also in Stična, Sv. Ana above Vrhpeč, and Kincelj near Trbinc. The great majority are chance, still unpublished finds, to which my attention was drawn by D. Božič from the Institute of Archaeology of ZRC SAZU. I sincerely thank him for all his help and advice. 45 Šinkovec 1995, 70, Pl. 18: 107; cf. Šinkovec 1996, 136 s. Ob zahodnem robu izkopnega polja je bil v njej doku­mentiran del novodobnega vkopa, povezanega s cestno infrastrukturo (sl. 13.5). Številne tu odkrite keramične najdbe jasno ka­žejo na poseljenost območja v mlajši bronasti dobi. Večino predstavljajo fragmenti velikih loncev oziroma pitosov, ki jih lahko dobro primerjamo z gradivom iz Podsmreke48 ali Olorisa pri Dolnjem Lakošu. 49 To velja tako za številne odlomke izvihanih ustij loncev (t. 13.8; 13.9: 3,7,9,10,12–14), ki so redkeje rahlo fasetirana (t. 13.8: 15,16; 13.9: 9), kot tudi fragmente izvihanih ustij, okrašenih z vtisi konice prsta (t. 13.9: 15) ali vodoravno nalepljenimi rebri (t. 13.9: 16,17,19). Enako dobre pri­merjave med gradivom z eponimnih najdišč horizonta Oloris-Podsmreka imajo tudi lonci z navznoter na­gnjenimi rameni (t. 13.9: 1,2,5,6,18), fragment trikotno odebeljenega ustja (t. 13.9: 11) in pa fragment navzven 48 Murgelj 2013, 26 ss, sl. 30a–30c. 49 Dular et al. 2002, 145 ss, sl. 4: L1, L3–4; 5: L5–7. Stergar,46 and were followed in 2015 by geophysical measurements performed by Jure Soklič.47 EXCAVATION RESULTS Excavations at the end of 2014 included a 60m long and up to 4m wide area immediately along the local road Mali Korinj–Krka, at the plot no. 1496, cadastral unit Veliko Globoko, which generally encompasses the ma­jority of a smaller terrace among the surrounding hills. Above the natural geological base of clayey layer, which mostly covers the limestone rock, an up to 50cm thick layer rich in finds was discovered. Traces of a fireplace with the diameter of 40–45cm were found in it. The layer with finds was covered only with the up to 40cm thick former plough layer with turf. Along the western edge of the excavation field, a part of the Modern Age entrenchment connected to the road infrastructure was documented in it (Fig. 13.5). Numerous pottery finds discovered here clearly indicate that the area was populated in the Younger Bronze Age. The majority is represented by fragments of large vessels or pithoi, which can be compared to the material from Podsmreka48 or Oloris near Dolnji Lakoš.49 This is true for both numerous fragments of everted pot rims (Pls. 13.8; 13.9: 3,7,9,10,12–14), which are rarely slightly faceted (Pls. 13.8: 15,16; 13.9: 9), and fragments of everted rims decorated with im­pressed fingertips (Pl. 13.9: 15) or with horizontally appliqued cordons (Pl. 13.9: 16,17,19). Similarly good comparisons among the material from the eponymous sites of the Oloris – Podsmreka horizon also have pots with inwards-inclined shoulders (Pl. 13.9: 1,2,5,6,18), a fragment of a triangularly thickened rim (Pl. 13.9: 11), and a fragment of the pulled-out lip with a flat rim (Fig. 14: 4).50 Considering the rim shape, a somewhat better preserved jug (Pl. 13.10: 4) can also be compared to Type L8 jars according to Dular’s typology of pottery from Dolnji Lakoš. Together with other fragments of rims with handles (Pl. 13.10: 3,5) it belongs among those forms that are compared to bowls of Type Sk 3 from Podsmreka.51 Numerous other band-shaped handles (Pl. 13.10: 8–12) belong to similar bowls, jugs, or pitch­ 46 Stergar 2015, 42. 47 Grahek, L., J. Soklič, 2015, Poročilo o geofizikalnih raziskavah na najdišču Mali Korinj – Arheološko območje, EŠD 15889, Ljubljana. – Unpublished report, kept in the ar­chives of the Institute of Archaeology of ZRC SAZU and the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, administra­tive unit of Ljubljana (Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije, Območna enota Ljubljana). 48 Murgelj 2013, 26 ss, Figs. 30a-30c. 49 Dular et al. 2002, 145 ss, Figs. 4: L1, L3–4; 5: L5–7. 50 Dular et al. 2002, 147, Fig. 6: L9–10; Murgelj 2013, 28 ss, Fig. 30d. 51 Murgelj 2013, 25, Fig. 29a: Sk 3. izvlečenega ustja z ravnim robom (t. 13.9: 4).50 Po obliki ustja lahko z lonci tipa L 8 po Dularjevi tipologiji ke­ramike iz Dolnjega Lakoša primerjamo tudi nekoliko bolje ohranjeno ročko (t. 13.10: 4). Skupaj z drugimi fragmenti ustij z ročaji (t. 13.10: 3,5) sodi med oblike, ki jih primerjamo s skledami tipa Sk 3 iz Podsmreke.51 Podobnim skledam oziroma skodelam, vrčem ali roč­kam pripadajo številni drugi ročaji trakaste oblike (t. 13.10: 8–12), medtem ko fragmenti z držaji (t. 13.11: (8,10),11–14; 13.12: 1–6) bržkone pripadajo velikim loncem ali pitosom. Omeniti je treba še najdbo sklede s klekom na trebuhu (t. 13.10: 1)52 in bolje ohranjen lonec z okrasom vodoravnih vrezov na ramenih in pod njim z dvojnim topim vrezom obdane neizrazite bradavice (t. 13.12: 7). Slednjega lahko še najbolje primerjamo z loncem iz jame/zgostitve 10 iz Podsmreke.53 Podobno je okrašen še lonec iz tamkaj izkopanega groba 1, med-tem ko najdemo v grobu 2 dobre primerjave dvoročajni skledi z vodoravno profiliranimi rameni in pod njimi okrasom niza bradavic, obdanih s kaneluro (t. 13.7: 2).54 Po okrasu je dvoročajna skleda sicer bolj podobna loncu iz prej omenjene radiokarbonsko datirane jame.55 Manjšim oblikam loncev, ročk oziroma vrčev ali skled bržkone pripadajo fragmenti ostenj z okrasom bradavic, večkrat obdanih s topim vrezom ali plitko ka­neluro (t. 13.12: 7–10). Sicer so najpogostejši okras, ki ga zasledimo na keramiki z Malega Korinja, različno obli­kovana nalepljena rebra (t. 13.9: 16–23; 13.11: 1–10).56 Dobro ohranjena dvoročajna skleda z bradavica-mi, obrobljenimi s kaneluro, je bila izkopana skupaj z ostanki pitosa (sl. 13.5: 2; t. 13.7: 1,2). Komplet spomi­nja na sestav grobnega inventarja,57 vendar ob njem ni bilo sledi vkopa z žganinskimi ostanki, zato tudi njima pripisujemo naselbinski značaj. Poleg značilnih kosov keramike, kot so fragment cedila, svitek in vretence (t. 13.12: 14–16), potrjujejo naselbinski izvor najdb z Male-ga Korinja še kosi hišnega ometa in pa domnevno terilni kamen iz peščenjaka. Bolj na obrtniško kot bivanjsko dejavnost pa morebiti kaže plitek lonček s fragmentarno ohranjenim, masivnim, svitkastim držajem oglatega preseka (t. 13.7: 3), odkrit v južnem delu izkopnega polja (sl. 13.5: 1). Po obliki se namreč približuje livarskemu posodju,58 vendar na njem ni bilo sledi ne naknadne 50 Dular et al. 2002, 147, sl. 6: L9–10; Murgelj 2013, 28 ss, sl. 30d. 51 Murgelj 2013, 25, sl. 29a: Sk 3. 52 Prim. Murgelj 2013, 23, sl. 29a: Sk 1/3. 53 Murgelj 2013, 42, 138s: G481 in 316, sl. 39. 54 Murgelj 2013, 298s: G1094, 300 s: G1102; Murgelj 2014a, 444 s, sl. 24.6:1, 24.11. 55 Murgelj 2013, 136 s: G480. 56 Prim. Dular et al. 2002, 155 ss, sl. 11; Murgelj 2013, 37 ss, sl. 33. 57 Prim. Dular et al. 2002, 177 ss, sl. 22: 10–11; 23–24; Murgelj 2013, 12 s, 58 s, 298 ss: G1093–G1120.58 Prim. Velušček, Greif 1998, sl. 1, 2. ers, while fragments with lugs (Pls. 13.11: (8,10),11–14; 13.12: 1–6) most probably belong to large jars or pithoi. The find of a dish with a carination on the belly (Pl. 13.10: 1)52 is also worth mentioning as well as a better-preserved pot decorated with horizontal incisions on the shoulders and under this with the double blunt-incision encircled plain knobs (Pl. 13.12: 7). The latter can best be compared to the pot from Pit/Concentration 10 from Podsmreka.53 Similar ornamentation also appears on the pot from Grave 1 excavated there, while in Grave 2 good comparisons can be found for the double-handled dish with horizontally profiled shoulders and under them the decoration of a string of knobs surrounded by a groove (Pl. 13.7: 2).54 Considering the ornament, the double-handled dish is more similar to the pot from the above-mentioned radiocarbon dated pit.55 Fragments of walls decorated with knobs and fre­quently surrounded with a blunt incision or a shallow groove (Pl. 13.12: 7–10) most probably also belong to smaller forms of pots, jugs or pitchers or dishes. Gener­ally, the most frequent ornament appearing on the pot­tery from Mali Korinj is the variously shaped appliqued cordons (Pls. 13.9: 16–23; 13.11: 1–10).56 A well-preserved double-handled dish with knobs surrounded by a groove was excavated together with the remains of a pithos (Fig. 13.5: 2; Pl. 13.7: 1,2). The set resembles the composition of a funerary inventory,57 although alongside it there were no traces of burnt re­mains, so they are also ascribed a settlement character. In addition to typical pieces of pottery, such as a fragment of a strainer, a ceramic ring, and a spindle whorl (Pl. 13.12: 14–16), the settlement origin of the finds from Mali Korinj is also confirmed by pieces of clay daub and supposedly a ground stone made of sandstone. A shallow cup with a fragmentarily preserved massive coil-shaped handle of square cross section (Pl. 13.7: 3), which was discovered in the southern part of the excavation field (Fig. 13.5: 1), reveals possibly more crafts-oriented than dwelling activities. Namely, in form it nears foundryware,58 but displays no traces of subsequent exposure to fire and no traces of (bronze) melt on its interior surface.59 52 Cf. Murgelj 2013, 23, Fig. 29a: Sk 1/3. 53 Murgelj 2013, 42, 138s: G481 and 316, Fig. 39. 54 Murgelj 2013, 298s: G1094, 300 s: G1102; Murgelj 2014a, 444 s, Figs. 24.6:1, 24.11.55 Murgelj 2013, 136 s: G480. 56 Cf. Dular et al. 2002, 155 ss, Fig. 11; Murgelj 2013, 37 ss, Fig. 33. 57 Cf. Dular et al. 2002, 177 ss, Figs. 22: 10-11; 23-24; Murgelj 2013, 12 s, 58 s, 298 ss: G1093 – G1120.58 Cf. Velušček, Greif 1998, Figs. 1, 2. 59 The analysis with the scanning electronic microscope as well as the preliminary inspection and definition of iron ore was done by Adrijan Košir, ZRC SAZU, Paleontološki inštitut Ivana Rakovca / Ivan Rakovec Institute of Palaeontology, for which I extent my sincerest thanks. ab 60 m 60 m < 50 < 100 51–115 101–500 116–150 501–1000 > 150 kosov / pieces > 2500 g • 1 posebna najdba / special find Sl. 13.6: Mali Korinj. Karta razprostranjenosti keramike po številu (a) in železove rude po teži (b). Fig. 13.6: Mali Korinj. Distribution map of pottery by number of pieces (a) and iron ore by weight. izpostavljenosti ognju niti ne sledi (bronaste) taline na notranji površini.59 Domnevno livarski lonček (t. 13.7: 3) izvira iz plasti, ki je s keramičnimi najdbami povsem jasno da­tirana v mlajšo bronasto dobo in povezuje Mali Korinj z naseljem na Korinjskem hribu ter drugimi najdišči horizonta Oloris-Podsmreka. Ker pa je bilo v plasti, bogati z bronastodobnimi najdbami, izkopana tudi večja Analizo z vrstičnim elektronskim mikroskopom ter tudi preliminarni pregled in opredelitev železove rude je opravil Adrijan Košir, Paleontološki inštitut Ivana Rakovca, ZRC SAZU, za kar se mu najlepše zahvaljujem. What is presumed to be a foundry pot (Pl. 13.7: 3) originates from the layer which is clearly dated through pottery finds to the Younger Bronze Age and connects Mali Korinj to the settlement on Korinjski hrib and other sites of the Oloris – Podsmreka horizon. Furthermore, since a bigger amount of limonite iron ore was excavated from the layer rich in Younger Bronze Age finds, we tried to confirm by geophysical research the possible use of the plateau at Mali Korinj for metallurgical activities. Even though pieces of limonite ore here are of completely natural origin, excavations indicated that pieces of ore could have been intentionally collected which can also količina limonitne železove rude, smo morebitno upo­rabo platoja na Malem Korinju za metalurške dejavnosti skušali preveriti z geofizikalnimi raziskavami. Čeprav so kosi limonitne rude tu povsem naravnega nastanka, se je pri izkopavanjih nakazovalo, da bi kosi rude lahko bili celo namensko kopičeni, kar je delno razvidno tudi iz kartiranja njihove distribucije (sl. 13.6: b). GEOFIZIKALNE RAZISKAVE Geofizikalni pregled je bil opravljen vzhodno od območja izkopavanj leta 2014. Raziskan je bil ves ravninski, travniški del do gozdne meje; to je območje v dolžini 60 m in do 49,5 m širine. Opravljene so bile meritve geoelektrične upornosti in magnetometrija.60 Boljše rezultate je dala magnetna metoda. Višje vredno­sti magnetizacije so bile vidne na severozahodu območja meritev. Ker ta del lahko povežemo z območjem velike koncentracije keramičnih najdb z izkopavanj (sl. 13.6: a) in ker se izrisujejo približno pravokotne oblike, domne­vamo, da gre za obrise objekta iz mlajše bronaste dobe. Vprašanje pa je, ali lahko tudi bolj ali manj pravokotne linijske obrise, ugotovljene v osrednjem delu izmerjene­ga območja, povezujemo s prazgodovinsko poselitvijo. Južno od njih sta bili ugotovljeni še dve večji magnetni anomaliji, ki morda kažeta na obstoj peči za taljenje že­lezove rude, morebiti že iz mlajše železne dobe; medtem ko številne druge manjše anomalije bržkone kažejo na posamične kovinske (lahko tudi novodobne) najdbe ali večjo količino železove rude (sl. 13.7).61 Terenski podatki in najdbe iz opravljenih izko­pavanj podpirajo interpretacijo rezultatov skromnih geofizikalnih raziskav pri Malem Korinju. Nedvomno je bila z novimi raziskavami na platoju ob vasi odkrita po­selitev v mlajši bronasti dobi, medtem ko je uporaba tega prostora v mlajši železni dobi s keramičnimi najdbami (t. 13.12: 17) slabše podprta. Kljub temu lahko z dobršno mero previdnosti na podlagi rezultatov magnetometrije in zavoljo veliko izkopane železove rude domnevamo, da so bile v tem času tu morda postavljene topilniške peči.62 Za geoelektrično kartiranje z uporabo metode elektrodnih dvojčkov (Twin probes) (cf. Mušič 1996, 91) je bilo območje razdeljeno na kvadrante 20 x 20 m, meritve pa smo izvajali po prečnicah z 0,5 m medsebojno razdaljo. Pri meritvah z magnetometrom (cf. Mušič 2009, 10 s) so si očitki gostote magnetnega polja sledili na vsakih 15 cm v smeri profila, pri čemer je bila razdalja med posameznimi profili 0,5 m. Za podrobnejši opis metod glej: Grahek, L., J. Soklič, 2015 (op. 41), 8. 61 Prim. Mele, Mušič 2007, 349 ss. 62 Prim. Mušič, Orengo 1998; Križ, Dular 2004, 228 ss. partially be discerned from the mapping of their distri­bution (Fig. 13.6: b) GEOPHYSICAL RESEARCH The geophysical survey was performed east of the excavation area of 2014. The entire flat, meadow part up to the tree line was researched; this is a 60m long and up to 49.5m wide area. Measurements of geoelec­tric resistivity and magnetometry were done.60 Better results were yielded by the magnetic method. Higher values of magnetisation were visible at the north-west of the measurement area. Since this part can be con­nected to the area of great concentration of pottery finds from the excavations (Fig. 13.6: a) and since ap­proximately rectangular shapes are being discerned, we assume that this is an outline of a structure from the Younger Bronze Age. Nevertheless, the question remains whether the more or less rectangular outlines of lines, which were determined in the central part of the measured area, can be connected to the prehis­toric population. South of them, two bigger magnetic anomalies were also determined, which could possibly indicate the existence of a furnace for the melting of iron ore, possibly even from the Late Iron Age; while numerous other smaller anomalies probably indicate individual metal (possibly also contemporary) finds or a greater amount of iron ore (Fig. 13.7).61 Data and finds from the field from the performed excavations support the interpretation of the results of modest geophysical research near Mali Korinj. Beyond doubt, the inhabitation remains from the Younger Bronze Age was discovered with new research at the pla­teau by the village, while the use of this space in the Late Iron Age with pottery finds (Pl. 13.12: 17) is less certain. Nevertheless, based on the results of magnetometry and due to the concentration of iron ore, we can say with a great degree of caution that we assume that in this time melting furnaces were located here.62 60 For the purpose of geoelectric mapping with the use of Twin probes (cf. Mušič 1996, 91) the area was divided into squares of 20 x 20m, while the measurements were done according to trajectories with spacing of 0.5m. For measurements with the magnetometer (cf. Mušič 2009, 10 s), readings of the magnetic field density followed at every 15cm in the direction of the profile, where the distance between individual profiles was 0.5m. For a more detailed description of methods see: Grahek, L., J. Soklič, 2015 (footnote 41), 8. 61 Cf. Mele, Mušič 2007, 349 ss. 62 Cf. Mušič, Orengo 1998; Križ, Dular 2004, 228 ss. kovinski predmeti / metal objects potencialne arheološke ostaline / potential archaeological remains 0 5 10 m recentno, infrastruktura / contemporary, infrastructure SKLEP S pregledom vseh prazgodovinskih najdb s Korinj­skega hriba smo poskušali dopolniti in jasneje osvetliti dosedanjo sliko tega najdišča. Najstarejše najdbe kažejo na obljudenost v bakreni dobi, najverjetneje povezano z izkoriščanjem kovinskih mineralov v okolici.63 O človekovi navzočnosti v mlajši bronasti dobi pričajo CONCLUSION With the review of all prehistoric finds from Ko­rinjski hrib we tried to supplement and illuminate the recent image of this site. The oldest finds indicate that the site was inhabited in the Copper Age, most probably in connection with the exploitation of metal minerals in the vicinity.63 Numerous finds that rank Korinjski hrib 63 63 Prim. Velušček, Greif 1998, 33, karta 1; Velušček 2004, Cf. Velušček, Greif 1998, 33, Map 1; Velušček 2004, 300, sl. 7.1.1. 300, Fig. 7.1.1. številne najdbe, ki Korinjski hrib uvrščajo med višinska najdišča horizonta Oloris-Podsmreka.64 Šibkejše so sledi iz pozne bronaste dobe in starejšega halštatskega obdobja, zato ostaja odprto vprašanje, ali je bil v tem času poseljen. Tudi najdbe, ki jih lahko zanesljivo datiramo v mlajše halštatsko obdobje, ne dajejo zadostne opore za domnevo o obstoju naselbine v železni dobi, ker doslej še niso bile ugotovljene naselbinske strukture. Morda bi jih lahko povezali z nadzorno funkcijo ali občasno postojanko na tem hribu ob pomembni poti, ki je pote­kala med osrednjo Dolenjsko in Notranjsko naprej proti Italiji. Naselbinske ostaline (hiša z ognjiščem), odkrite na terasi v sondi severozahodno pod vrhom, pričajo, da je bil vrh poseljen v poznem latenskem obdobju, v času stopnje LT D, tako v fazi Mokronog IIIa kot IIIb.65 Pomembne podatke o prazgodovinski poselitvi tega prostora prinašajo nove raziskave pri Malem Korinju (severovzhodno od Velikega Korinja). Tu je z najdbami dobro izpričana še vedno višinska, najdišču v Žlebiču66 primerljiva poselitev v času mlajše bronaste dobe. Glede na velike količine limonitne železove rude in rezultate geofizikalnih meritev bi lahko domnevali, da se je tu izvajala metalurška dejavnost, morda že v poznem latenskem obdobju. Mali Korinj tako sodi med redka in mnogo slabše raziskana neutrjena naselja iz mlajše (in pozne) bronaste ter morebiti železne dobe na Dolenjskem.67 *** Prispevek je nastal v okviru raziskovalnega programa P6­0064 Arheološke raziskave in temeljnega raziskovalnega projekta J6-9363 Skupnosti mrtvih, družbe živih. Pozna bronasta doba vzhodne Slovenije, ki ju je sofinancirala Javna agencija za razi­skovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proračuna. KATALOG Vse predstavljene keramične najdbe so prostoročno oblikovane, razen če ni drugače zapisano. Najdbe s Korinjskega hriba so shranjene v Narod­nem muzeju Slovenije (NMS), najdbe z izkopavanj pri Malem Korinju pa (bodo) v MGLM, Mestnem muzeju Ljubljana. among hilltop sites of the Oloris – Podsmreka horizon testify to human presence in Younger Bronze Age.64 Traces from the Late Bronze Age and Early Hallstatt period are weaker, thus the question remains whether the area was also settled in those times. The finds that can be dated to the Late Hallstatt period with certainty do not present enough support for the assumption that a settlement existed here in this period, since settlement structures have not yet been found out. Possibly they could be connected to the function of surveillance or an occasional post on this hill along an important route running between the central Dolenjska and Notranjska regions on towards Italy. Settlement remains (a house with a hearth), which were discovered on the terrace in a trench north-west under the top, testify that the hill was populated in the Late Iron Age, in the LT D phase, i. e. in phases Mokronog IIIa and IIIb.65 New research near Mali Korinj, situated north-east of Veliki Korinj, also brings significant information about the prehistoric settlement of this area. Here, still a hill­top settlement comparable to the one at Žlebič66 in the time of Younger Bronze Age is well attested with finds. Considering great amounts of limonite iron ore and the results of geophysical measurements, we could assume that metallurgic activities were carried out here, possibly no later than in the Late La Tene period. Mali Korinj thus belongs among rare and very poorly researched unforti­fied settlements from the Younger (and Late) Bronze and possibly Iron Ages in the Dolenjska region.67 *** The contribution was made within the framework of the research program P6-0064 Archaeological Research and the basic research project J6-9363 Communities of the Dead, Societies of the Living.Late Bronze Age of Eastern Slovenia, co-financed by the Slovenian Research Agency. CATALOGUE All pottery finds presented here were made free­hand, unless stated differently. Finds from Korinjski hrib are kept at the National Museum of Slovenia (NMS), while finds from the exca­vations near Mali Korinj (will) form part of the collec­tions of MGLM, the City Museum of Ljubljana. 64 Prim. Grahek 2017, 108 ss, sl. 6. 64 Cf. Grahek 2017, 108 ss, Fig. 6. 65 Prim. Božič 1999, 200 s. 65 Cf. Božič 1999, 200 s. 66 Puš 1989. 66 Puš 1989. 67 Prim. Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 119 ss, sl. 69 in 212 ss, 67 Cf. Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007, 119 ss, Figs. 69 and 212 sl. 124; Vojakovič et al. 2014. ss, Fig. 124; Vojakovič et al. 2014. Tabla 13.1 1. Bakrena ploščata sekira; slučajna najdba na zahodnem pobočju; inv. št. NMS: P 29864; objava: Ciglenečki 1984, 155: 4; Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 1. 2. Fragment bakrene ploščate sekire; slučajna najdba na vzhodnem pobočju med cerkvijo in skalnim robom; inv. št. NMS: P 29865; objava: Ciglenečki 1984, 155: 3; Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 2. 3. Fragment ostenja z vrezanim okrasom; slučajna najdba; inv. št. NMS: P 29866; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 3. 4. Fragmentirana bronasta igla; slučajna najdba na pobočju severno od stolpa 1; inv. št. NMS: P 29869; objava: Cigle­nečki 1984, 155: 2; Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 4. 5. Fragmentirana bronasta igla; slučajna najdba na zahodnem pobočju; inv. št. NMS: P 29870; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 5. 6. Bronast nož; stolp 5, ruševinska plast; inv. št. NMS: P 29871; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 6. 7. Fragment ročaja bronastega srpa; sonda 3; inv. št. NMS: P 29872; objava: Ciglenečki 1984, 155: 1; Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 7. 8. Bronast srp; slučajna najdba na pobočju severno od stolpa 1;inv. št. NMS: P 29873; objava: Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, t. 144: 10; Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 8. 9. Bronasta tordirana ovratnica; depojska najdba; inv. št. NMS:P 3393; objava: Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, t. 127: B 1. 10. Fragment železne fibule; slučajna najdba na pobočju med stolpoma 4 in 5; inv. št. NMS: P 29874; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 3: 8. 11. Fragment bronastega obročka; slučajna najdba; inv. št. NMS: P 29875; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 3: 9. 12. Fragmentiran bronast gumb; slučajna najdba na platoju med cerkvijo in stolpom 3; inv. št. NMS: P 29876; objava: Dular et al. t. 3: 10. Tabla 13.2 1. Klina s ploskovno retušo iz roženca rjave barve. Vel. 4,0 x 1,7 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29892; brez podatkov o mestu najdbe. 2. Odlomek kline z nekaj uporabnimi retušami ob straneh iz roženca rdečerjave barve. Vel. 2,2 x 1,2 x 0,4; inv. št. NMS: P 29893; brez podatkov o mestu najdbe. 3. Odbitek iz roženca svetlo rožnate barve. Vel. 2,1 x 0,9 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29894; stolp 1. 4. Odlomek klinice s strmo retušo iz sivega roženca. Vel. 1,3 x 0,8 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29978; slučajna najdba na vzhodnem pobočju. 5. Odbitek iz roženca temno zelene barve. Vel. 2,2 x 1,1 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29979; slučajna najdba med stol­poma 1 in 2. 6. Odbitek iz roženca svetlo rožnate barve. Vel. 2,0 x 1,9 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29895; slučajna najdba. 7. Odbitek prodnika roženca temno sive barve. Vel. 4,1 x 4,1 x 1,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29896; brez podatkov o mestu najdbe. 8. Fragment rezila bronastega srpa s poševno narezanim hrb­tnim rebrom in enim ojačitvenim rebrom. Vel. 7,3 x 2,2 x 0,2 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29958; slučajna najdba jugovzhodno pod stolpom 5. 9. Fragment rezila bronastega srpa s hrbtnim in enim ojačitve­nim rebrom. Vel. 2,0 x 2,7 x 0,1 cm: inv. št. NMS: P 29959; slučajna najdba jugovzhodno pod stolpom 5. 10. Fragment rezila bronastega srpa s hrbtnim in dvema oja-čitvenima rebroma. Vel. 3,3 x 2,4 x 0,2 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29960; slučajna najdba. 11. Fragment rezila bronastega srpa s hrbtnim in enim ojači­tvenim rebrom. Vel. 2,7 x 1,6 x 0,2; inv. št. NMS: P ; brez podatkov o mestu najdbe. 12. Fragment rezila bronastega srpa s hrbtnim in dvema oja-čitvenima rebroma. Vel. 2,6 x 3,1 x 0,2 cm: inv. št. NMS: P 29961; slučajna najdba jugovzhodno od vrha, na terasi med stolpoma 4 in 5. 13. Fragment rezila bronastega srpa z vtisnjenimi jamicami na hrbtnem rebru. Vel. 3,8 x 3,3 x 0,6 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29900; slučajna najdba. 14. Fragment ročaja bronastega srpa s trnom in tremi gladkimi rebri. Vel. 3,2 x 2,8 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29962; slučajna najdba jugovzhodno pod stolpom 5. 15. Pločevinast bronast gumb z dvema luknjicama in fragmen­tiranim kavljem za pripenjanje. Vel. 1,2 x 1,1 x 0,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29897; slučajna najdba pri stolpu 2. 16. Fragment bronaste igle s ploščato glavo okrogle oblike, okrašeno z vrezi. Vel. 1,6 x 1,4 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29956; slučajna najdba. 17. Fragmentirana bronasta igla z bikonično glavo, okrašeno z vrezi in drobno nasvitkanim zgornjim delom igle. Vel. 5,8 x 1,0 (0,3) cm; inv. št. NMS: P 20607; slučajna najdba. 18. Fragment bronaste igle (?) ovalnega preseka. Vel. 2,4 x 0,6 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29898; slučajna najdba. 19. Fragment bronastega obroča ovalnega preseka. Vel. 3,8 x 0,5 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29901; slučajna najdba. 20. Bronast obroček nepravilnega rombičnega preseka. Vel. 1,4 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29902; slučajna najdba. 21. Bronast obroček ovalnega preseka. Vel. 0,9 x 0,5 x 0,4; inv. št. NMS: P 19986; slučajna najdba. 22. Bronast obroč nepravilnega rombičnega preseka. Močno reagira na magnet. Vel. 2,0 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29903; slučajna najdba. 23. Bronast obroč okroglega preseka. Vel. 2,1 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19985; slučajna najdba. 24. Fragment rezila bronastega meča lečastega preseka z vzporednima ostrinama in po enim žlebom, ki poteka vzporedno z ostrino. Vel. 6,9 x 2,2 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19819; slučajna najdba. 25. Fragment rezila bronastega meča z vzporednima ostri­nama in širokim sredinskim rebrom. Robovi so močno obrabljeni. Vel. 3,1 x 2,7 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29904; slučajna najdba med stolpom 4 in cerkvijo. 26. Fragmentirana bronasta sulična ost z rebrom. Robovi so obrabljeni. Vel. 6,9 x 2,4 x 1,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29905; slučajna najdba. 27. Fragment lista bronaste sulične osti z zgornjim delom tula. Robovi so obrabljeni. Vel. 2,7 x 3,3 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 27463; slučajna najdba. 28. Fragment lista bronaste sulične osti. Robovi so močno obrabljeni, rahlo reagira na magnet. Vel. 1,4 x 1,4 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29906; slučajna najdba. 29. Fragment lista bronaste sulične osti z rebrom na zgornjem delu tula. Robovi so obrabljeni. Vel. 1,5 x 2,4 x 0,6 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19983; slučajna najdba. 30. Fragment lista bronaste sulične osti z zgornjim delom tula in žebovoma vzporednima z ostrino. Robovi so obrabljeni. Vel. 4,2 x 3,7 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19982; slučajna najdba. 31. Fragment vlite bronaste pločevine s štirimi rebri. Robovi so nekoliko obrabljeni. Vel. 4,0 x 3,0 x 0,3 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29899; slučajna najdba. 32. Fragment brona z vzporednima, globokima vrezoma. Močno reagira na magnet. Vel. 1,8 x 1,4 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29907; slučajna najdba. 33. Fragment debele bronaste pločevine z odebeljenim robom. Prelomni robovi so obrabljeni. Reagira na magnet. Vel. 3,3 x 2,1 x 0,3 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29908; slučajna najdba. Tabla 13.3 1. Fragment bronaste plavutaste sekire. Robovi so obrabljeni. Vel. 2,8 x 1,8 x 1,3 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19383; slučajna najdba. 2. Fragment rezila sekire. Reagira na magnet. Vel. 2,9 x 2,2 x 1,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29909; pri stolpu 2. 3. Fragment bronaste (uhate) sekire z obrabljenimi robovi. Reagira na magnet. Vel. 2,0 x 1,6 x 0,6 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29910; slučajna najdba. 4. Fragment temena bronaste uhate sekire. Rahlo reagira na magnet. Vel. 3,9 x 2,8 x 1,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29911; slučajna, površinska najdba. 5. Fragment bronaste surovine. Reagira na magnet. Vel. 2,8 x 1,9 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29912; pri stolpu 2. 6. Fragment bronaste surovine. Robovi so obrabljeni. Vel. 2,7 x 3,2 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 21816; slučajna najdba. 7. Bronast vlivni zatič. Vel. 3,2 x 2,1 x 1,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19382; slučajna najdba. 8. Fragmentiran kos bronastega surovca zaobljeno pravokotne oblike. Vel. 13,1 x 8,9 x 4,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19820; slučajna najdba. 9. Fragment narebrene bronaste posode s parom zakovic (ciste?). Vel. 4,5 x 3,1 x 0,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 27464; slučajna najdba. 10. Fragment noge bronaste certoške fibule z vrezanim V motivom. Vel. 3,3 x 1,2 x 1,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19984; slučajna najdba. 11. Bronast stiliziran antropomorfni obesek z železnim trnom. Vel. 2,5 x 2,6 x 0,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29913; slučajna najdba. 12. Fragmentiran stožčast bronast gumb. Vel. 2,5 x 1,7 x 0,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29914, slučajna najdba. 13. Fragment peresovine železne fibule. Vel. 1,7 x 1,1 x 1,2 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29915; pri stolpu 4. 14. Fragmentirana bronasta fibula tipa Jezerine. Vel. 3,8 x 1,3 x 0,3 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29916; slučajna najdba, severno od stolpa 4 . 15. Narebren bronast gumb podolgovate oblike, s fragmenti­ranim kavljem in vbočeno spodnjo stranjo. Vel. 3,8 x 1,5 x 1,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29917; slučajna najdba. 16. Bronast obesek s fragmentiranim ušescem. Vel. 1,7 x 0,7 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 19384; slučajna najdba. 17. Profiliran bronast obesek z ušescem. Vel. 2,2 x 1,1 x 1,1 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29918; slučajna najdba. Tabla 13.4 1. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina rdečerjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 6,2 x 5,5 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29877; sonda (1983), zgornja plast. 2. Fragment znotraj vodoravno fasetiranega ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; zglajena, rahlo porozna površina zu­naj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,8 x 3,8 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29919; cerkev, pod nivojem tlaka. 3. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcij­sko žgano. Vel. 3,1 x 3,2 x 1,0 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29878; sonda (1983), spodnja plast. 4. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj temno rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,8 x 2,8 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29920; stolp 2, zunaj severnega roba. 5. Fragment ustja lonca s plitkima kanelurama na zgornjem robu iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,2 x 2,2 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29879; pri stolpu 4. 6. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksida­cijo. Vel. 5,1 x 3,0 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29921; stolp 2. 7. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,2 x 3,8 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29922; stolp 2. 8. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina temno rjave barve, lisasta; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,3 x 3,5 x 1,0 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29923; stolp 2. 9. Fragment (ustja in) ostenja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 7,5 x 5,9 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29924; pri stolpu 3. 10. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka po­vršina zunaj svetlo rjava, lisasta, znotraj sivočrne barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,4 x 3,9 x 1,0 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29925; stolp 3, zgornja, ruševinska plast. 11. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; površina sivordeče barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 4,0 x 4,7 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29926; stolp 1, zunaj vzhodne stene. 12. Fragment ustja (lonca) iz drobnozrnate gline; glajena, rahlo porozna površina zunaj rjave, znotraj rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,2 x 6,1 x 1,2 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29927; pri stolpu 4. Tabla 13.5 1. Fragment znotraj vodoravno fasetiranega ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina temno sivorjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 9,0 x 5,2 x 1,0 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29928; stolp 4. 2. Fragment ustja lonca iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina rdečerjave barve; trda ; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 2,2 x 2,4 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29929; stolp 3. 3. Fragment ustja lonca z odlomljenim ročajem iz drobnozr­nate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina zunaj sivočrna, lisasta, znotraj rjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 5,3 x 2,9 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29930; cerkev, pri narteksu. 4. Fragment ustja (skodele/amfore?) iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina temno rjave barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 2,5 x 3,5 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29931; cerkev, stranska ladja. 5. Fragment ustja (skodele/amfore?) s fragmentiranim ročajem iz finozrnate gline; zglajena površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 2,6 x 2,8 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29932; cerkev, pod nivojem tlaka. 6. Fragment ustja lonca z navpično nalepljenima rebroma, razčlenjenima z vtisi (prsta) iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina zunaj sivočrne, znotraj temno rjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,2 x 4,8 x 1,2 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29933; stolp 4. 7. Fragment ustja (sklede) z vodoravno kaneluro iz drobno­zrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,3 x 2,7 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29934; stolp 1, zunaj vzhodne stene. 8. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,5 x 3,0 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29880; stolp 1. 9. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj peska; gladka površina zunaj sivočrne, znotraj temno rjave barve; zelo trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,5 x 3,7 x 0,4; inv. št. NMS: P 29881, pri stolpu 4. 10. Fragment ustja sklede iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj pe-ska; gladka površina rjave barve, lisasta; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 4,7 x 4,0 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29935; stolp 1, zunaj ob južni steni. 11. Fragment ustja sklede iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka po­vršina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj rdečerjave barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijske žgano s končnim dimljenjem. Vel. 2,3 x 3,6 x 0,6 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29882; stolp 1. 12. Fragment ustja sklede iz finozrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina rjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,7 x 2,6 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29883; stolp 1, ob zahodni steni. 13. Fragment ustja skodele s profiliranim ročajem z na vrhu izvlečenim(a) rog(oma) iz finozrnate gline z nekaj peska; gladka, rahlo porozna površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,4 x 4,6 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29936; cerkev, v zasipu. 14. Fragment ostenja skodele s fragmentiranim ročajem iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina zu­naj temno rjava, lisasta, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,0 x 4,5 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29937; stolp 2. 15. Fragment ostenja skodele s fragmentiranim ročajem iz finozrnate gline z redkim grobim peskom; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 2,5 x 3,2 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29884; stolp 1. 16. Fragment ostenja (pitosa) z ročajem iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 7,7 x 3,9 x 1,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29938; zunanja stran stolpa 3, pod rušo. 17. Fragment ročaja vrča iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka povr­šina rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,6 x 2,2 x 1,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29939; stolp 5, pod rušo. 18. Fragment ostenja lonca z aplicirano bradavico, spodaj obdano s plitko kaneluro in okrasom vbodov iz drobno­zrnate gline z redkim grobim peskom; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano, prežgano. Vel. 4,5 x 4,5 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29885; sonda 2 (poskusni izkop 1982 na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2), zgornja plast; objava stare risbe: Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 16. 19. Fragment ostenja lonca z aplicirano bradavico iz drobno­zrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 2,7 x 2,5 x 0,8 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29940; cerkev, pod nivojem tlaka. 20. Fragment ostenja sklede z aplicirano bradavico, zgoraj obda-no s plitko kaneluro iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,7 x 5,9 x 0,7 cm: inv. št. NMS: P 29886; sonda 2 (poskusni izkop 1982 na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2), zgornja plast; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 15. 21. Fragment ostenja lonca z aplicirano bradavico iz drobno­zrnate gline; gladka, rahlo porozna površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 2,1 x 3,3 x 0,6 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29941; cerkev, ob južnem zidu apside. Tabla 13.6 1. Fragment ostenja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta razčlenjenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka, rahlo porozna površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,1 x 4,5 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29887; sonda 8. 2. Fragment ostenja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z redkim grobim peskom; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj rjave barve; trda; re-dukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,5 x 5,3 x 1,1; inv. št. NMS: P 29888; sonda 2 (poskusni izkop 1982 na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2), spodnja plast; objava: Dular et al. 1995, t. 3: 5. 3. Fragment ostenja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta razčlenjenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj svetlorjave barve, lisasta, znotraj fragmen­tirano; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,7 x 3,3 x 0,3 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29942; cisterna. 4. Fragment ostenja lonca z vodoravno nažljebljenimi rameni iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka, rahlo porozna površina zunaj rjava, lisasta, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,1 x 3,6 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29943; cerkev, pod nivojem tlaka. 5. Fragment ostenja (sklede) z okrasom navpičnih plitkih kanelur iz drobnozrnate gline; zglajena površina rdečesi­ve barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,3 x 2,6 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29944; stolp 2. 6. Fragment ostenja (lonca) z okrasom vodoravnih topih vre­zov iz finozrnate gline; zglajena površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,1 x 3,8 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29945; cerkev, pod nivojem tlaka. 7. Fragment ustja lonca s cilindričnim vratom in okrasom para vodoravnih ter snopom poševnih kanelur na ramenih iz finozrnate gline; zglajena površina zunaj temno rdečerjava, lisasta, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 7,1 x 7,3 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29946; cerkev, ob južnem zidu. 8. Fragment ustja pitosa s sledmi črnega premaza na zgornji stra­ni; oblikovano na počasnem vretenu iz drobnozrnate gline z veliko peska; gladka površina rjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 4,5 x 2,2 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29947; sonda 2 (poskusni izkop 1982 na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2). 9. Fragment dna in ostenja lonca z okrasom barbotina iz drob­nozrnate gline; glajena, rahlo porozna površina rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,6 x 4,7 x 0,8 in 5,2 x 4,0 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29948; cerkev, pod nivojem tlaka. 10. Fragment dna lonca z okrasom babotina iz drobnozrnate gline; glajena površina rjava barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,6 x 4,5 x 0,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29949; cerkev, vzhodno od narteksa. 11. Fragment ustja glinenke; oblikovano na vretenu iz zelo finozrnate gline; gladka površina temno sive barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano s končnim dimljenjem. Vel. 3,4 x 2,8 x 0,6 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29950; cerkev, predprostor, ruševinska plast. 12. Fragment ustja glinenke; oblikovano na vretenu iz zelo finozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno sive, znotraj temno sivorjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano s končnim dimljenjem; inv. št. NMS: P 29889; sonda 2 (poskusni izkop 1982 na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2), zgornja plast. 13. Fragment ustja lonca; dodelano na lončarskem vretenu iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, porozna površina temno rdeče rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,6 x 2,1 x 0,5 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29951; stolp 2. 14. Fragment ustja lonca s slabo vidnim okrasom metličenja; dodelano na vretenu iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka, moč­no porozna površina zunaj sivočrne, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 7,8 x 4,6 x 0,7 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29890; sonda 2 (poskusni izkop 1982 na terasi med stolpoma 1 in 2), zgornja plast. 15. Vretence z utori od preje na robu predrtine iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina sive barve; trda; nepopolno oksida­cijsko žgano s končnim dimljenjem. Vel. 3,0 x 1,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29952; stolp 3, ob severni steni. 16. Fragmentirano vretence z utori od preje na robu predrtine iz zelo finozrnate gline; gladka površina sivo rjave barve, lisasta; zelo trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano s končnim dimljenjem. Vel. 2,9 x 1,3 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29953; brez podatkov o mestu najdbe. 17. Fragment vretenca z okrasom vtisov prsta z nohtom iz finozrnate gline s peskom; gladka površina svetlo rjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 3,6 x 1,4 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29954; sonda 8. 18. Piramidalna utež z vrezanim okrasom mreže. Založeno. 19. Piramidalna utež. Založeno. 20. Kos hišnega ometa. Vel. 8,6 x 4,8 x 3,9 cm; inv. št. NMS: P 29955; stolp 2, ruševinska plast. Tabla 13.7 1. Fragmentiran pitos z ročajema iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj temno rjava, lisasta, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Pr. u. 22,5 cm, rekon. Pr. d. 13,5 cm, rekon. viš. 52,5 cm, deb. 1,2 cm; PN 2/1; 40-45 m. 2. Fragmentirana dvoročajna skleda, na ramenih okrašena s tremi vodoravnimi, plitvimi žlebovi in pod njimi nizom nalepljenih bradavic, obdanih s plitko kaneluro iz drob­nozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjava, lisasta, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Pr. u. 15,8 cm, rekon. Pr. d. 8,0 cm, rekon. viš. 13,7 cm; PN 2/2; 40-45 m. 3. Fragmentiran (livarski) lonček iz drobnozrnate gline; gla­jena površina temno rjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,3 x 5,2 x 3,7 cm, Pr. u. 8,5 cm; PN 1; 5,6 m. Tabla 13.8 1. Fragmenta ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka povr­šina zunaj temno rdečerjava, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 30,8 cm; R 64; 50-55 m. 2. Fragmenti ustja lonca iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksi­dacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 23,1 cm; R 42; 30-35 m. 3. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 21,7 cm; R 75; 55-60 m. 4. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 21,3 cm; R 14; 10-15 m. 5. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj temno rjava, lisasta, znotraj rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 17,0 cm; R 15; 15-20 m. 6. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj sivočrne, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcij­sko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 15,0 cm; R 71; 50-55 m. 7. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; zglajena povr­šina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 13,0 cm; R 101; slučajna najdba. 8. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcij­sko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 14,1 cm; R 31; 25-30 m. 9. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; hrapava površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,9 x 6,4 x 0,7 cm; R 62; 50-55 m. 10. Fragment ustja lonca iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,9 x 4,7 x 1,0 cm; R 85; 55-60 m. 11. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka po­vršina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano s končnim dimljenjem. Vel. 4,8 x 7,0 x 1,0 cm; R 57; 40-45 m. 12. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka povr­šina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,3 x 3,7 x 1,2 cm; R 49; 30-40 m. 13. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,1 x 4,6 x 1,4 cm; R 84; 55-60 m. 14. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; hrapava po­vršina zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,9 x 5,0 x 1,5 cm; R 10; 10-15 m. 15. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; hrapava površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivorjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,0 x 3,8 x 0,8 cm; R 58; 40-45 m. 16. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; hrapava površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,8 x 4,7 x 1,1 cm; R 40; 30-35 m. 17. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površi­na zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,4 x 3,2 x 0,7 cm; R 52; 35-40 m. 18. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka povr­šina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 3,2 x 3,5 x 0,7 cm; R 66; 50-55 m. 19. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka povr­šina rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,3 x 2,3 x 0,7 cm; R59; 40-45 m. 20. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka po­vršina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,2 x 4,2 x 1,1 cm; R 55; 35-40 m. Tabla 13.9 1. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površi­na sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 20,4 cm; R 6; 5-10 m. 2. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 15,0 cm; R 25; 25-30 m. 3. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; hrapava površina temno rjave barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 13,9 cm; R 103; slučajna najdba. 4. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; hrapava površi­na rdečerjave barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 19,5 cm; R 5; 35-40 m. 5. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,0 x 4,1 x 0,8; cm; R 70; 50-55 m. 6. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcij­sko žgano. Vel. 6,1 x 5,1 x 1,1 cm; R 32; 25-30 m. 7. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,9 x 3,8 x 1,0 cm; R 29; 25-30 m. 8. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,6 x 5,2 x 1,1 cm; R 61; 50-55 m. 9. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka zunanja površina rdečerjava, lisasta, notranja površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,6 x 3,6 x 1,0 cm; R 12; 10-15 m. 10. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksi­dacijo. Vel. 4,8 x 2,8 x 0,8 cm; R 65; 50-55 m. 11. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površi­na zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,0 x 3,1 x 0,9 cm; R 13; 10-15 m. 12. Fragment ustja lonca iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; hrapava površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,4 x 5,8 x 1,1 cm; R 39; 30-35 m. 13. Fragment ustja lonca iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,8 x 2,6 x 0,7 cm; R 35; 25-30 m. 14. Fragment ustja lonca iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,0 x 2,2 x 0,5 cm; R 50; 30-40 m. 15. Fragment ustja lonca, razčlenjenega z odtisi prstaiz drob­nozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 2,9 x 2,6 x 1,0 cm; R 47; 30-35 m. 16. Fragment ustja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj temno rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 2,5 x 2,4 x 0,8 cm; R 46; 30-35 m. 17. Fragment ustja lonca z vodoravno izvlečenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,7 x 5,3 x 1,1 cm; R 30; 25-30 m. 18. Fragment ustja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina temno rjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,5 x 7,2 x 1,1 cm; R 21; 20-25 m. 19. Fragment ustja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,3 x 4,5 x 1,1 cm; R 17; 15-20 m. 20. Fragmenti ostenja lonca z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. 24,5 cm, ohr. viš. 5,5 cm, deb. 0,8 cm; R 33; 25-30 m. 21. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drob­nozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,3 x 4,6 x 0,8 cm; R 82; 55-60 m. 22. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; hrapava površina svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 7,9 x 6,4 x 1,3 cm; R 24; 20-25 m. 23. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim rebrom iz drob­nozrnate gline; hrapava površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,7 x 5,6 x 1,1 cm; R 16; 15-20 m. Tabla 13.10 1. Fragment ostenja iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. 18,6 cm, ohr. viš. 4,5 cm, deb. 0,7 cm; R 69; 50-55 m. 2. Fragment ostenja z izvlečenim vodoravnim rebrom na rame­nih iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj sivočrne, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,4 x 3,8 x 1,2 cm; R 37; 25-30 m. 3. Fragment ustja z ročajem iz finozrnate gline; gladka povr­šina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 19,1 cm; R 18; 15-20 m. 4. Fragmenti ustja in ostenja ročke iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s konč­no oksidacijo. Rekon. Pr. u. 17,5 cm, ohr. viš. 8,3 cm, deb. 0,8 cm; R 36; 25-30 m. 5. Fragment ustja z ročajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,1 x 5,5 x 0,9 cm; R 48; 30-35 m. 6. Fragment ostenja z ročajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj rjava, lisasta, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 5,5 x 5,7 x 1,2 cm; R 87; 55-60 m. 7. Fragment ostenja z ročajem iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,2 x 5,7 x 2,1 cm; R 86; 55-60 m. 8. Fragmentiran ročaj iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina svetlo sivordeče barve; mehka; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano, prežgano. Vel. 5,1 x 3,7 x 1,0 cm; R 74; 50-55 m. 9. Fragmenta ročaja iz drobnozrnate gline; hrapava površina rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,5 in 3,5 x 4,1 x 0,9 cm; R 23; 20-25 m. 10. Fragment ročaja iz drobnozrnate gline; hrapava površina rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,9 x 4,2 x 0,7 cm; R 22; 20-25 m. 11. Fragment ročaja iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,8 x 3,9 x 0,8 cm; R 19; 15-20 m. 12. Fragment ročaja iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina svetlo rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,2 x 3,3 x 0,5 cm; R 28; 55-60 m. 13. Fragment ročaja iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina svetlo rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 3,5 x 4,5 x 0,8 cm; R 68; 50-55 m. 14. Fragment ročaja iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 5,1 x 2,9 x 0,9 cm; R 53; 35-40 m. Tabla 13.11 1. Fragment ostenja z okrasom vodoravno nalepljenega, z od­tisi prstov razčlenjenega rebra iz drobnozrnate gline; hra­pava površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 7,7 x 4,7 x 1,2 cm; R 8; 5-10 m. 2. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim, s šilom nareza­nim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline; gladka površina zunaj rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,7 x 3,1 x 0,6 cm; R 89; 45-50 m. 3. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta razčlenjenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj rdeče, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,2 x 4,3 x 1,1 cm; R 81; 55-60 m. 4. Fragment ostenja s poševno nalepljenim z odtisi prsta raz-členjenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; hrapava površina svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,0 x 4,8 x 1,0 cm; R 72; 50-55 m. 5. Fragment ostenja s polkrožno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta razčlenjenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 6,0 x 6,0 x 1,2 cm; R 80; 55-60 m. 6. Fragment ostenja s poševno nalepljenim z odtisi prsta razčle­njenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,0 x 5,6 x 1,4 cm; R 41; 30-35 m. 7. Fragment ostenja z okrasom poševno nalepljenega, z odtisi prstov razčlenjenega rebra iz drobnozrnate gline ; hrapava površina zunaj rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,5 x 5,2 x 1,4 cm; R 9; 5-10 m. 8. Fragment ostenja s poševno in vodoravno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta razčlenjenim rebrom ter iz vodoravnega rebra izvlečenim jezičastim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 7,6 x 5,7 x 1,1 cm; R 79; 55-60 m. 9. Fragment ostenja s poševno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta raz-členjenim rebrom iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno sive barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 7,3 x 5,9 x 1,3 cm; R 60; 40-45 m. 10. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim, z odtisi prsta razčlenjenim rebrom in iz njega modeliranim jezičastim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj svetlo rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 7,6 x 5,2 x 1,4 cm; R 43; 30-35 m. 11. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim, z odtisom prsta modeliranim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; hrapava površina svetlo rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 8,4 x 7,2 x 1,1 cm; R 63; 50-55 m. 12. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rjave, znotraj sivorjave barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 5,5 x 7,5 x 0,9 cm; R 77; 55-60 m. 13. Fragment ostenja z vodoravno nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj temno rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,9 x 4,4 x 1,3 cm; R 76; 55-60 m. 14. Fragmentiran jezičast držaj iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina svetlo rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,1 x 3,3 x 1,3 cm; R 67; 50-55 m. 15. Fragmentiran, vodoravno preluknjan držaj iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina svetlo rjave barve; mehka; nepo­polno oksidacijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 2,5 x 2,1 x 1,7 cm; R 56; 35-40 m. 16. Fragment profiliranega ročaja iz drobnozrnate gline ; glad-ka površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 2,6 x 2,1 x 1,7 cm; R 54; 35-40 m. Tabla 13.12 1. Fragment ostenja z nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,1 x 2,5 x 1,3 cm; R 44; 30-35 m. 2. Fragment ostenja z nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; hrapava površina svetlo rdečerjave barve, lisasta; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 4,8 x 4,2 x 0,8 cm; R 11; 10-15 m. 3. Fragment ostenja z nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; hrapava površina rdečer­jave barve; trda; nepopolno oksidacijsko žgano. Vel. 3,9 x 2,9 x 1,1 cm; R 27; 55-60 m. 4. Fragment ostenja z nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno sive barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 6,5 x 5,8 x 1,3 cm; R 51; 30-40 m. 5. Fragment ostenja z nalepljenim držajem iz drobnozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina zunaj rdečer­jave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,4 x 2,9 x 0,8 cm; R 78; 55-60 m. 6. Fragment ostenja z nalepljenim jezičastim držajem iz grobo­zrnate gline z nekaj zelo grobega peska; hrapava površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 8,4 x 4,7 x 1,3 cm; R 100; 40-45 m. 7. Fragmenti ustja in ostenja lončka, na ramenih okrašenega s tremi vodoravnimi, topimi vrezi in pod njimi izvlečeno bradavico, obdano z dvojnim topim vrezom; iz finozrnate gline z nekaj grobega peska; gladka površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Rekon. Pr. u. 13,0 cm, ohr. viš. 6,4, deb. 0,6 cm; R 34; 25-30 m. 8. Fragment ostenja sklede z nalepljeno bradavico, obdano s kaneluro iz finozrnate gline z nekaj drobnega peska; gladka ANSL = Arheološka najdišča Slovenije, Ljubljana 1975. BORGNA, E. 2016, Sklepna beseda o predmetih iz pločevine / Osservazioni conclusive sui materiali in lamina. – V/In: B. Teržan, E. Borgna, P. Turk (ur. / eds.), Depo iz Mušjejame pri Škocjanu na Krasu. Depojske najdbe bronaste in železne dobe na Slovenskem III / Il ripostiglio della Grotta delle Mosche presso San Canziano del Carso: ripostigli delle eta del bronzo e del ferro in Slovenia III. – Katalogi in monografije 42, 187–192. BOŽIČ, D. 1999, Die Erforschung der Latenezeit in Slo­wenien seit Jahr 1964 / Raziskovanje latenske dobe na Slovenskem po letu 1964. – Arheološki vestnik 50, 189–213. BOŽIČ, D. 2008, Late La Tene-Roman cementery in Novo mesto. Ljubljanska cesta and Okrajno glavarstvo. Studies on fibulae and on the relative chronology of the Late La Tene period / Poznolatensko-rimsko grobišče v Novemmestu. Ljubljanska cesta in Okrajno glavarstvo. Študija o fibulah in o relativni kronologiji pozne latenske dobe. – Katalogi in monografije 39. BOŽIČ, D. 2011, Prazgodovinske najdbe s Tonovcovega gradu in železnodobna kultna mesta v Posočju / Pre­površina sive barve; mehka; redukcijsko žgano, prežgano. Vel. 5,8 x 5,0 x 0,6 cm; R 73; 50-55 m. 9. Fragment ostenja z nalepljeno bradavico, obdano s plitkim žlebom iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,8 x 4,8 x 0,7 cm; R 26; 25-30 m. 10. Fragment ostenja z nalepljeno bradavico iz finozrnate gline; gladka površina temno sive barve; mehka; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 3,9 x 3,2 x 0,6 cm; R 7; 5-10 m. 11. Izčrepinjska utež iz fragmenta ostenja z vodoravnim klekom; iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka, rahlo porozna površina sivo-rjave barve; mehka; redukcijsko žgano, prežgano. Vel. 4,8 x 5,1 x 0,6 cm; R 104; slučajna najdba. 12. Dno lonca iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina zunaj rjave, znotraj sivočrne barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Pr. d. 8,4 cm; R 88; 45-50 m. 13. Dno lončka iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina zunaj svetlo rdečerjave, znotraj temno rjave barve; trda; reduk­cijsko žgano s končno oksidacijo. Vel. 5,6 x 5,1 x 0,6 cm; R 45; 30-35 m. 14. Fragment cedila - dna iz drobnozrnate gline ; hrapava površina zunaj sive, znotraj svetlo rdečerjave barve; mehka; redukcijsko žgano, ožgano. Vel. 2,8 x 2,4 x 0,6 cm; R 102; slučajna najdba. 15. Fragment svitka iz drobnozrnate gline ; gladka površina svetlo rdečerjave barve; trda; stihijsko žgano. Vel. 5,8 x 3,8 x 3,7 cm; R 38; 25-30 m. 16. Vretence iz drobnozrnate gline ; hrapava površina temno rjave barve; trda; redukcijsko žgano. Vel. 4,0 x 2,9 cm; R 83; 55-60 m. 17. Fragmenti dna in ostenja glinenke; izdelano na lončarskem vretenu iz zelo finozrnate gline ; gladka površina zunaj temno sive, znotraj svetlo rjave barve; trda; oksidacijsko žgano s končnim dimljenjem. Rekon. Pr. d. 13,0 cm, ohr. viš. 8,2 cm, deb. 0,6 cm; R 20; 20-25 m. historic finds from Tonovcov grad and Iron Age cult places in the Posočje area. – V / In: Z. Modrijan, T. Milavec, Poznoantična utrjena naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu. Najdbe / Late Antique fortified settlement Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Finds. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 24, 239–277. BREDDIN, R. 1989, Die bronzezeitlichen Lausitzer Gräber­felder von Tornow, Kr. Calau. Teil I. – V /I n: Veröffentli­chungen des Museums für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Potsdam Bd. 23, 97–145. BREŠČAK, D., J. DULAR 2002, Prazgodovinsko in pozno­antično naselje Šumenje pri Podturnu (The prehistoricand late Roman settlement of Šumenje near Podturn). – Arheološki vestnik 53, 101–115. ČERČE, P., I. ŠINKOVEC 1995, Katalog depojev pozne bronaste dobe / Catalogue of hoards of the urnfield culture. – V/In: B. Teržan (ur./ed.) 1995, 129–232. ČERČE, P., I. P. TURK 1996, Depoji pozne bronaste dobe - najdiščne okoliščine in struktura najdb / Hoards of the Late Bronze Age - The Circumstances of their Discovery ant the Structure of the Finds. – V / In: B. Teržan (ur./ed.) 1996, 7–30. ČREŠNAR 2010, New research on the Urnfield period of Eastern Slovenia. A case study of Rogoza near Maribor (Nova spoznanja o pozni bronasti dobi vzhodne Slovenije na primeru naselja Rogoza pri Mariboru). – Arheološki vestnik 61, 7–119. ČREŠNAR, M., B. TERŽAN 2014, Absolutno datiranje bronaste dobe na Slovenskem / Absolute dating of the Bronze Age in Slovenia. – V/In: B. Teržan, M. Črešnar (ur./eds.), Absolutno datiranje bronaste in železne dobe na Slovenskem / Absolute dating of Bronze and Iron Ages in Slovenia. – Katalogi in monografije, 40, 661-702. DRNIĆ, I. 2013, Fibule tipa Jezerine s prostora jugoistočne Panonije / Fibulae of the Jezerine-type from southe­astern Pannonia. – Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu 30, 45–68. DULAR, J. 1982, Halštatska keramika v Sloveniji (Die Grabkeramik der älteren Eisenzeit in Slowenien). – Dela 1. razreda SAZU 23. DULAR, J. 2001, Neolitska in eneolitska višinska naselja v osrednji Sloveniji (Neolithische und äneolithische Höhensiedlungen in Zentralslowenien). – Arheološki vestnik 52, 89–106. DULAR, J., S. TECCO HVALA 2007, South-Eastern Slovenia in the Early Iron Age. Settlement – economy – society / Jugovzhodna Slovenija v starejši železni dobi. Poselitev – gospodarstvo – družba. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 12. DULAR, J., B. KRIŽ, D. SVOLJŠAK, S. TECCO HVALA 1995, Prazgodovinska višinska naselja v Suhi krajini (Vorgeschichtliche Höhensiedlungen in der Suha kra­jina). – Arheološki vestnik 46, 89–168. DULAR, J., I. ŠAVEL, S. TECCO HVALA 2002, Bronasto­dobno naselje Oloris pri Dolnjem Lakošu / Bronzezeitli­che Siedlung Oloris bei Dolnji Lakoš. – Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 5. GRAHEK, L. 2016, Stična. Železnodobna naselbinska ke­ramika / Iron Age settlement pottery.– Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 32. GRAHEK, L. 2017, Iška Loka in grob iz Matene – nova odkritja o pozni bronsti dobi na Ljubljanskem barju / Iška Loka and the Grave from Matena – New Findings on the Late Bronze Age in the Ljubljana Marshes. – Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu 34, 101–121. GUŠTIN, M. 1991, Posočje. Posočje in der jüngeren Eisen­zeit / Posočje. Posočje v mlajši železni dobi. – Katalogi in monografije 27. HÄNSEL, B. 1968, Beiträge zur Chronologie der mittleren Bronzezeit im Karpatenbecken. - Beiträge zur ur-und frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie des Mittelmeer-Kultur­raumes 7-8, 1968. HÄNSEL, B., N. KALICZ 1987, Das bronzezeitliche Gräberfeld von Mezőcsát, Kom. Borsod, Nordostungarn. – Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 67, 5–87. JEREB, M. 2016, Die Bronzegefäße in Slowenien. – Prähisto­rische Bronzefunde Abt. II, 19. KALICZ-SCHREIBER, R. 2010, Ein Gräberfeld der Spät­bronzezeit von Budapest–Békásmegyer. – Budapest.KRIŽ, B., J. DULAR 2004, Železnodobno naselje na Cvingerju pri Dolenjskih Toplicah (Eisenzeitliche Siedlung auf dem Cvinger bei Dolenjske Toplice). – Arheološki vestnik 55, 207–250. KUBACH, W. 1984, Die Stufe Wölfersheim im Rhein-Main-Gebiet. – Prähistorische Bronzefunde Abt. XXI, 1. MELE, M., B. MUŠIČ 2007, Naselbinske structure iz starejše železne dobe na Hajndlu pri Ormožu – arheološka izkopavanja in geofizikalne raziskave (Prähistorische Siedlung Hajndl bei Ormož – Autobahnausgrabungen und Geophysik). – V / In: Scripta Praehistorica in Honorem Biba Teržan, Situla 44, 341–356. MÜLLER-KARPE, H. 1959, Beiträge zur Chronologie der Urnenfelderzeit nördlich und südlich der Alpen. – Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 22. MURGELJ, I. 2013, Podsmreka pri Višnji Gori. – Arheologija na avtocestah Slovenije 42. MURGELJ, I. 2014a, Podsmreka pri Višnji Gori. – V / In: B. Teržan, M. Črešnar (ur./eds), Absolutno datiranje bronaste in železne dobe na Slovenskem / Absolute da­ting of Bronze and Iron Ages in Slovenia. – Katalogi in monografije 40, 437–450. MURGELJ, I. 2014b, The beginning of the Virovitica cul­tural group in Dolenjska - the example of Podsmreka 2. – V/In: D. Ložnjak Dizdar (ur./ed.), The beginning of the Late Bronze Age between the Eastern Alps and the Danube : proceedings of the international conference in Osijek, October 20-22. 2011. – Zbornik Instituta za arheologiju 1, 17–28. MUŠIČ, B. 1996, Geofizikalne raziskave antičnega pode­želja v Sloveniji / Geophysical research of the Roman countryside in Slovenia. – V / In: M. Guštin, P. Nova­ković, D. Grosman, B. Mušič, M. Lubšina-Tušek, Rimsko podeželje / Roman countryside. – Razprave Filozofske fakultete, 83–138. MUŠIČ, B. 2009, Geofizikalne raziskave. – V / In: G. Tica, B. Mušič, Spodnja Senarska pri Lenartu. – Zbirka Ar-heologija na avtocestah Slovenije 10, 9–14. MUŠIČ, B., L. ORENGO 1998, Magnetometrične razis­kave železnodobnega talilnega kompleksa na Cvingerju pri Meniški vasi (Magnetic Investigation of the Iron Age-Smelting Complex at Cvinger nesr Meniška vas) – Arheološki vestnik 49, 157–186. NASCIMBENE, A. 2009, Le Alpi Orientali nell´ eta del Ferro. – Fondazione “Antonio Colluto” 15, Venezia. PEČNIK, J. 1889, rk. Beschreibung der Karte Weixelburg und Zirknitz aus prähistorische Zeit. – Arhiv Slovenije, Fond Pečnik, Priv. XXXIX, fasc. 3; prepis hrani Inštitut za arheologijo ZRC SAZU. PEČNIK, J. 1894, Pogled na kranjska gradišča. – Izvestja muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 4, 6–12. ŘÍHOVSKÝ, J. 1979, Die Nadeln in Mähren und im Ostalpen­gebiet (von der mittleren Bronzezeit bis zur älteren Eisenzeit). – Prähistorische Bronzefunde Abt. XIII, 5. ŠINKOVEC, I. 1995, Katalog posameznih kovinskih najdb bakrene in bronaste dobe / Catalogue of Individual Metal Finds from the Eneolithic and Bronze Ages. – V / In: B. Teržan (ur./ed.) 1995, 29–127. ŠINKOVEC, I. 1996, Posamezne kovinske najdbe bakrene in bronaste dobe / Individual Metal Finds from the Eneolithic and Bronze Ages. – V / In: B. Teržan (ur./ ed.) 1996, 125–163. TECCO HVALA, S. 2012, Magdalenska gora. Družbena struktura in grobni rituali železnodobne skupnosti / Magdalenska gora. Social structure and burial rites of the Iron Age community. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 26. TERŽAN, B. 1976, Certoška fibula (Die Certosafibel). – Arheološki vestnik 27, 317–443. TERŽAN, B. 1990, Starejša železna doba na SlovenskemŠtajerskem / The Early Iron Age in Slovenian Styria. – Katalogi in monografije 25. TERŽAN B. (ur. / ed.) 1995, Depojske in posamezne kovin­ske najdbe bakrene in bronaste dobe na Slovenskem 1 / Hoards and individual metal finds from the eneolithic and bronze ages in Slovenia 1. – Katalogi in monografije 29. TERŽAN, B. (ur./ed.) 1996, Depojske in posamezne kovin­ske najdbe bakrene in bronaste dobe na Slovenskem 2 / Hoards and individual metal finds from the eneolithic and bronze ages in Slovenia 2. – Katalogi in monografije 30. TERŽAN, B. 2010 Diskusijski prispevek o srednji bronasti dobi v Prekmurju (Diskussionsbeitrag zur mittleren Bronzezeit im Prekmurje). – Zbornik soboškega muzeja 15, 151–171. TRAMPUŽ OREL, N. 1996, Spektrometrične raziskave depojskih najdb pozne bronaste dobe / Spectrometric Research of the Late Bronze Age Hoard Finds. – V / In: Teržan (ur. / ed.) 1996, 165–242. TURK, P. 1996, Datacija poznobronastodobnih depojev / The dating of late bronze age hoards. – V / In: B. Teržan (ur./ed.) 1996, 89–124. VASIĆ, R. 2010, Die Halsringe im Zentralbalkan. – Prähisto­rische Bronzefunde Abt. XI, 7. VELUŠČEK, A. 2004, Hočevarica in začetki uporabe bakra v Sloveniji / Hočevarica and the onset of copper use in Slovenia. – V/In: A. Velušček (ur. / ed.), Hočevarica : eneolitsko kolišče na Ljubljanskem barju / an eneolithic pile dwelling in the Ljubljansko barje. – Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 8, 297–306. VELUŠČEK, A. 2005, Iška Loka – bronastodobno naselje na obrobju Ljubljanskega barja / Iška Loka – a Bronze Age settlement on the edge of the Ljubljansko barje. – Arheološki vestnik 56, 73–89. VELUŠČEK, A., T. GREIF 1998, Talilnik in livarski kalup z Maharskega prekopa na Ljubljanskem barju (Crucible and casting mould from Maharski prekop on the Lju­bljana moor). – Arheološki vestnik 49, 31–53. VOJAKOVIĆ, P., S. PORENTA, B. TOŠKAN 2014, Novo odkritje prazgodovinske poselitve ob vznožju gradišča Sv. Marjeta na Libni (New discovery of a prehistoric dwelling below the hillfort of Sv. Marjeta on Libna). – Arheološki vestnik 65, 101–121. T. 13.1: Korinjski hrib, izbor najdb iz bakrene (a), mlajše bronaste (b) in mlajše železne dobe (c). 1,2 baker, 4–9,11,12 bron, 10 železo, 3 keramika. M. 1:2, 3 1:3. (1–8, 10–12 po Dular et al. 1995, t. 2: 1–8; 3: 8–10; 9 po Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, t. 127 B: 1; 180 A: 1) Pl. 13.1: Korinjski hrib, selection of finds from Copper Age (a), Younger Bronze Age (b) and Late Iron Age. 1,2 copper, 4–9,11,12 bronze, 10 iron, 3 pottery. Scale 1:2, 3 1:3. (1–8, 10–12 after Dular et al. 1995, Pls. 2: 1–8; 3: 8–10; 9 after Čerče, Šinkovec 1995, Pls. 127 B: 1; 180 A: 1) T. 13.2: Korinjski hrib, 1–7 kamen, 8–30 bron. M. 1:2. Pl. 13.2: Korinjski hrib, 1–7 stone, 8–33 bronze. Scale 1:2. T. 13.3: Korinjski hrib,1–12, 14-17 bron, 13 železo. M. 1: 2. Pl. 13.3: Korinjski hrib, 1–12, 14–17 bronze, 13 iron. Scale 1:2. T. 13.4: Korinjski hrib, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.4: Korinjski hrib, all pottery. Scale 1:3. T. 13.5: Korinjski hrib, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.5: Korinjski hrib, all pottery. Scale 1:3. T. 13.6: Korinjski hrib, 1–19 keramika, 20 ožgana glina. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.6: Korinjski hrib, 1–19 pottery, 20 clay daub. Scale 1:3. T. 13.7: Mali Korinj, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.7: Mali Korinj, all pottery. Scale 1:3. T. 13.8: Mali Korinj, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.8: Mali Korinj, all pottery. Scale 1:3. T. 13.9: Mali Korinj, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.9: Mali Korinj, all pottery. Scale 1:3 T. 13.10: Mali Korinj, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.10: Mali Korinj, all pottery. Scale 1:3. T. 13.11: Mali Korinj, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.11: Mali Korinj, all pottery. Scale 1:3. T. 13.12: Mali Korinj, vse keramika. M. 1:3. Pl. 13.12: Mali Korinj, all pottery. Scale 1:3. 14.STARA CERKEV SV. JURIJA PRI MALEM KORINJU 14.THE OLD CHURCH OF ST GEORGE (SV. JURIJ) NEAR MALI KORINJ Tina MILAVEC, Darja GROSMAN, Julijana VISOČNIK Danes skoraj uničena cerkev leži nad vasjo Mali Korinj, na pobočju pod vrhom Korinjskega hriba (sl. 14.1–14.3). Spomenik ni zabeležen v registru kul­turne dediščine, leži pa na območju EŠD 9353 Veliki Korinj-Arheološko najdišče.1 Nižje ležeča in še delujoča cerkev sv. Jurija v Malem Korinju je evidentirana kot EŠD 1946 Mali Korinj-Cerkev sv. Jurija. Spada v žup­nijo Krka. V registru kulturne dediščine je za to cerkev navedeno, da je v osnovi starejša in temeljito predelana v 19. st. Glede na arhivske vire (glej spodaj) je cerkev na novo postavljena v 19. st., po tem, ko naj bi oktobra leta 1842 udar strele uničil staro cerkev, ki je bila predmet naše raziskave. Stara cerkev je v pisnih virih presenetljivo malo omenjena, prva znana omemba je v popisu Antona Koblarja Kranjske cerkvene znamenitosti iz leta 1526.2 EŠD = evidenčna št. enote dediščine (zbirka RKD) [https://www.gov.si/teme/register-kulturne-dediscine/].2 Koblar, IMK 5, 1895, št. 6, 237: Koren (Corain). The today almost completely demolished church is located above the village of Mali Korinj, on the slope under the top of Korinjski hrib (Figs. 14.1–14.3). The monument is not recorded in the national register of cultural heritage (EŠD), but is situated in area EŠD 9353 Veliki Korinj-Arheološko najdišče.1 The church of St George (Sv. Jurij), which is still in operation, is situated lower down in the village of Mali Korinj and is recorded as EŠD 1946 Mali Korinj-Cerkev sv. Jurija. It belongs to the Krka parish. The register of cultural heri­tage reads that in its foundation this church is older and was thoroughly rebuilt in the 19th century. Considering the archival sources (see below), the church was newly built in the 19th century, after the old church, which is the subject of our study, was supposedly destroyed by lightening in October 1842. The old church is surpris­ 1 EŠD = Heritage Register Number (database RKD) [https://www.gov.si/teme/register-kulturne-dediscine/]. Ruševina cerkve leži pod skalnatim platojem, ki predstavlja vrh hriba Korinjski hrib (sl. 14.3–14.5), na manjši terasi, ki je verjetno delno umetno prirejena in podprta s suhozidnim podzidom. Mimo nje na vrh hriba teče pohodniška pot, ki pride iz vasi Veliki Korinj na južni strani in na severni poteka navzdol v vas Laze. Med skalami vrhnjega platoja je viden vsekan vhod na plato. Na vrhu platoja arheoloških najdb ni bilo odkritih, poselitev je skoncentrirana na stopnici pod platojem, ki je lepo vidna v reliefu hriba že od daleč. Hrib je sicer ingly little mentioned in written sources; its first known mention is found in the inventory of Anton Koblar entitled Kranjske cerkvene znamenitosti from 1526.2 Ruins of the church are found beneath a rocky plateau representing the top of the hill of Korinjski hrib (Figs. 14.3–14.5), on a smaller terrace which is probably partly artificially transformed and supported by a dry­wall under-wall. A hiking trail leads past it to the top of 2 Koblar, IMK 5, 1895, no. 6, 237: Koren (Corain). zelo skalnat in prostora za zgradbe je izredno malo. the hill, which comes from the village of Veliki Korinj Predvidevamo lahko, da je bil tudi prostor za cerkev on the south side and runs down the northern side to dodatno nasut in utrjen. Sedanji podzid je bil, kot kaže, the village of Laze. The cut-out entrance to the plateau urejen zaradi poti, ne cerkve, in je bil verjetno izdelan is visible in the rocks of the top plateau. Archaeologi­iz ruševine cerkve.cal finds were not discovered at the top of the plateau: V steno cerkve naj bi bil vzidan nagrobnik deku-the settlement was concentrated on the ledge under riona Lucija Marcija Blanda iz 1.–2. st., ki ga je Jernej the plateau which, even from afar, is nicely visible in Pečnik leta 1885 odstranil in odnesel v Narodni muzej the relief of the hill. The hill is very rocky and has little Sl. 14.7: Korinjski hrib, stari Sv. Jurij, zvonik, zidovi SE 12, 13 in 14 z vzhoda. Fig. 14.7: Korinjski hrib, old St George, bell tower, walls 12, 13 in 14 from the east. space for buildings. It can be assumed that the place for the church was additionally levelled and reinforced. The present under-wall was, it seems, made for the path and not the church, and was probably made from the ruins of the church. A tombstone for decurion Lucius Marcius Blandus from the 1st–2nd century, removed by Jernej Pečnik in 1885 and carried to the National Museum of Slovenia, was supposedly immured into the church wall (see Chapter 1). Indeed, a place can be seen in the wall of the bell tower (wall SU 13) where this inscribed slab could have been immured (Fig. 14.6, 14.7).3 3 Lovenjak 1998, no. 63, 139–141. Slovenije (glej pogl. 1). Res je v zidu zvonika (zid SE 13) viden prostor, kamor bi lahko bil vzidan ta napisni kamen (sl. 14.6, 14.7).3 Gre za cerkveno zgradbo s triosminsko apsido (sl.14.5, 14.8, 14.9), pravokotno ali kvadratno ladjo in kvadratnim zvonikom na zahodni strani (sl. 14.5–14.7). Na zunanji strani zidov so vidni ostanki ometa, tudi barvanega na zvoniku (sl. 14.10). Na notranji strani zidov apside so vidni ostanki barvanega ometa ali fresk (sl. 14.11). Glede na triosminsko apsido cerkev najver­jetneje spada v obdobje pozne gotike, kar potrjuje tudi prva znana omemba iz leta 1526. ARHIVSKI VIRI Današnja cerkev sv. Jurija v Velikem Korinju je podružnična cerkev župnije Krka. Prvotno cerkev, ki je bila postavljena na pobočju nekoliko izven vasi, prav tako posvečeno sv. Juriju, je leta 1842 v noči na 21. oktober razdejala strela, ki je udarila v njen zvonik.4 V veliki meri je uničila zvonik in streho, tako da so po natančnem pregledu ugotovili, da bi bili stroški za popravilo te cerkve enaki tistim, ki bi jih potrebovali za zidavo nove. Soseska sv. Jurija pa si je želela novo cerkev z dvema zvonikoma. Zaradi izpostavljenosti strelam so se odločili graditi nižje.5 Sedanjo cerkev so tako postavili precej nižje od prvotne, zidati pa so jo začeli leta 1857 in jo dokončali leta 1859.6 O stari cerkvi na Korinju v Nadškofijskem arhivu Ljubljana skoraj ni mogoče najti podatkov,7 razen omembe o udaru strele in odločitvi za zidavo nove na drugem, primernejšem mestu. Drobec, ki ga je mogoče dodati, je: da je bilo zraven stare cerkve še neko majhno poslopje iz lesa in krito s slamo.8 3 Lovenjak 1998, št. 63, 139–141. V isti noči je strela udarila tudi v župnijsko cerkev v Krki (NŠAL, ŠAL/Ž, Krka, šk. 151: glej dokumente iz leta 1844). 5 NŠAL, ŽA Krka, Razni spisi, fasc. 2. 6 NŠAL, NŠAL 19, šk. 4 (Popis cerkva 1954). 7 Pregledani fondi: NŠAL, Ža Krka, Razni spisi, fasc. 2; NŠAL, NŠAL 573, šk. 385 (Zapuščina Markič).NŠAL, NŠAL 572, šk. 377 (Zapuščina Pokorn).NŠAL, NŠAL 14, Vizitacije, šk. 9 – vizitacije škofa Wolfa. 8 NŠAL, NŠAL 16, Župnijski inventarji, šk. 29 (za leto 1847). It is a church with the three-eighth apse (Fig. 14.5, 14.8, 14.9), a rectangular or square nave, and a square bell tower on the western side (sl. 14.5–14.7). Remains of plaster, coloured on the bell tower, are visible on the outside of the walls (Fig. 14.10). On the inside of the apse walls, remains of coloured plaster or frescoes can be seen (Fig. 14.11). Based on the three-eighth apse, the church most probably belongs to the Late Gothic period which is also confirmed by the first known mention from 1526. ARCHIVAL SOURCES The present church of St George (sv. Jurij) in the village of Mali Korinj is a filial church of the Krka parish. On the night of 21st October 1842, the original church, which was built on the slope slightly outside the village and was also dedicated to St George, was destroyed by lightning which struck its bell tower.4 Most of the bell tower and roof were demolished; following a detailed inspection it was determined that the cost of repairs for this church would be the same as the cost of building a new one. The neighbourhood of St George wanted a new church with two bell towers. Since the location was exposed to lightning, they decided to build lower down.5 Thus, the present-day church was constructed much lower down the hill than the original one; the construction began in 1857 and was finished in 1859.6 Almost no data can be found about the old church in Korinj in the Archdiocesan Archives Ljubljana,7 except for the information about the lightning strike and the decision to build a new church in a different, more ap­propriate location. A detail that can be added is that a small structure made of wood and covered by straw was built beside the old church.8 4 In the same night, the lightning also struck the par­ish church in Krka (NŠAL, ŠAL/Ž, Krka, box 151: see docu­ments from 1844). 5 NŠAL, ŽA Krka, Razni spisi, folder 2. 6 NŠAL, NŠAL 19, box 4 (Popis cerkva 1954). 7 Inspected fonds: NŠAL, Ža Krka, Razni spisi, folder 2; NŠAL, NŠAL 573, box 385 (Zapuščina Markič).NŠAL, NŠAL 572, box 377 (Zapuščina Pokorn).NŠAL, NŠAL 14, Vizitacije, box 9 – vizitacije škofa Wolfa. 8 NŠAL, NŠAL 16, Župnijski inventarji, box 29 (for 1847). KOBLAR, A. 1895, Kranjske cerkvene dragocenosti l. 1526. – Izvestja muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 5, št. 6, 237–259. LOVENJAK, M. 1998, Inscriptiones Latinae Sloveniae 1 (Ne-viodunum). – Situla 37, Ljubljana. Arhivski viri (Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana) NŠAL, ŠAL/Ž, Krka, šk. 151.NŠAL, ŽA Krka, Razni spisi, fasc. 2.NŠAL, NŠAL 14, Vizitacije, šk. 9.NŠAL, NŠAL 16, Župnijski inventarji, šk. 29.NŠAL, NŠAL 19, Popis cerkva 1954, šk. 4.NŠAL, NŠAL 572, šk. 377 (Zapuščina Pokorn).NŠAL, NŠAL 573, šk. 385 (Zapuščina Markič). 15.KRONOLOGIJA POSELITVE KORINJSKEGA HRIBA 15.SETTLEMENT CHRONOLOGY OF KORINJSKI HRIB Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Tina MILAVEC, Zvezdana MODRIJAN Daleč vidna in naravno izjemno dobro zavarovana postojanka je bila zanimiva za poselitev v vseh nemirnih obdobjih prazgodovine, antike in zgodnjega srednjega veka. Določevanje časovnih obdobij poselitev hriba je v mnogočem oteženo in problematično, saj so bila izko­pavanja osredotočena na vidne ostanke arhitekture, ki pa so v precejšnji meri uničili starejše plasti. Tako je bilo mogoče kolikor toliko zanesljivo stratigrafijo starejših plasti dobiti predvsem v sondi 2 (sl. 2.2), ki smo jo s prav tem namenom napravili na delu naselbine, kjer ni bilo vidnih antičnih ruševin (Dular et al. 1995). Najzgodnejša poselitev sodi v čas bakrene dobe (glej pogl. 13). To potrjujeta značilni bakreni ploščati sekiri in kos keramike z značilnim vrezanim okrasom (t. 13.1:a), najdeni tik pod vrhnjim delom hriba (Ciglenečki 1984, 149; Dular et al. 1995, 95). Obdobje, ki je izpričano s številnejšimi najdbami, je obdobje mlajše bronaste dobe. Nekateri časovno bolje opredeljivi kovinski predmeti, kot so igle, srpa in nož (t. 13.1: b), dokazujejo poselitev hriba v mlajši bronasti dobi (horizonta Bd D in Ha A). V Ha A je postavljen tudi depo mešane sestave (domnevno šest suličnih osti, štiri sekire in več ovratnic, od katerih je danes ohranjena le ena bronasta ovratnica; Pečnik 1894, 12; Šinkovec 1995, 126, 226) (glej pogl. 13). Poselitve v pozni bronasti dobi (Ha B) in v sta­rejšem halštatskem obdobju za zdaj ni uspelo z goto-vostjo potrditi – nanjo morda kaže nekaj odlomkov keramike (Ciglenečki 1984, 150–151; Dular et al. 1995, 91–96, 122–123) in nekatere kovinske najdbe z močno vsebnostjo železa (glej pogl. 13; t. 13.2: 22,28,32,33; 13.3: 2–5). Nekaj najdb kaže na človekovo navzočnost v mlaj­šem halštatskem obdobju. To so npr. fragment certoške fibule X. vrste po Teržanovi (t. 13.3: 10), antropomorfni obesek (t. 13.3: 11), fragment valovite pločevine z za­kovicami (t. 13.3: 9) in nekaj keramičnih najdb (t. 13.5: 12, 13.6: 5,8) (glej pogl. 13). Mnogo intenzivnejšo poseljenost nakazujejo najd-be iz poznolatenskega obdobja. V sondi 2 sta bila namreč odkrita tlak in ognjišče prazgodovinske hiše. Datacijo poselitve hriba v stopnji LT D oziroma Mokronog III The visible from afar and naturally extremely well protected post was interesting for settlement in all rest­less periods of prehistory, antiquity, and the early Mid­dle Ages. In many respects determining chronological periods of the hill’s settlement is made difficult and problematic because excavations were focused on visible remains of architecture which destroyed older layers to a great extent. Therefore, a relatively reliable stratigraphy of older layers was possible to get primarily in trial trench 2 (Fig. 2.2), which was made for this purpose in the part of the settlement where there were no visible antique ruins (Dular et al. 1995). The earliest population belongs to the time of the Copper Age (see Chapter 13). This is confirmed by the two copper axe blades and a pottery fragment with a typical incised ornament (Pl. 13.1: a), found right beneath the top part of the hill (Ciglenečki 1984, 149; Dular et al. 1995, 95). The period attested with numerous finds is the Bronze Age. Some of the chronologically better definable metal objects, such as pins, two sickles, and a knife (Pl. 13.1: b), prove the settlement of the hill in the Younger Bronze Age (horizons BA D and Ha A). The depot of mixed composition (supposedly six spear points, four axes, and several torcs, of which only one bronze one is preserved today, is also set into Ha A; Pečnik 1894, 12;Šinkovec 1995, 126, 226) (see Chapter 13). Settlement in the Late Bronze Age (Ha B) and in the Early Hallstatt Period is not yet possible to confirm with certainty; it could be indicated by a few pottery fragments (Ciglenečki 1984, 150–151; Dular et al. 1995, 91–96, 122–123) and some metal finds with strong iron content (see Chapter 13; Pls. 13.2: 22,28,32,33; 13.3: 2–5). A few finds indicate human presence in the late Hallstatt Period, such as e.g. a fragment of a Certosa fibula of type X according to Biba Teržan (Pl. 13.3: 10), an anthropomorphic pendant (Pl. 13.3: 11), a fragment of an undulating tin sheet with rivets (Pl. 13.3: 9), and a few pottery finds (Pls. 13.5: 12, 13.6: 5,8) (see Chapter 13). A much more intensive settlement is indicated by finds from the Late La Tene period. Namely, in trial trench 2, the pavement and a hearth of a prehistoric house were poleg že objavljenih kovinskih (t. 13.1: 10–12) in ke­ramičnih najdb (Dular et al. 1995, 94) omogočajo tudi drugi kovinski predmeti (glej pogl. 13; t. 13.3: 12–17) in fragmenti značilne keramike (t. 13.6: 11–14). Najdbe iz tega časa, tako keramične kot kovinske, so bile odkrite tudi v premešanih plasteh ob poznoantičnih objektih in tako kažejo na poznolatensko poseljenost na celotnem območju kasnejše poznoantične poselitve. Obljudenost naselja v pozni latenski dobi potrjujejo tudi štirje keltski novci iz 1. st. pr. Kr. (glej pogl. 5; sl. 5.1). Problematična je poselitev oziroma obiskanost hriba v rimskem obdobju. Prva znana najdba iz nepo­sredne okolice Korinjskega hriba je bil rimski nagrobnik (AIJ 1938, 227 = CIL III 10791), ki je bil vzidan v danes podrti cerkvi sv. Jurija tik pod skalnim robom naselja (glej pogl. 14) in ga je Pečniku nato uspelo spraviti v tedanji Deželni muzej (podrobneje pri Lovenjak 1998, 139). Ta najdba je vzbujala pozornost, saj omenja oficirja Blanda in dopušča tako možnost zadrževanja vojaških enot na najdišču oziroma v njegovi bližini kot tudi zgolj pokop tu naseljenega veterana. Zadnje analize nagrobnik datirajo v 1. oziroma 2. st. (Lovenjak 1998, 139). Od drobnega gradiva, odkritega v poznoantični naselbini, sodi v ta čas devet primerkov močno profiliranih fibul 1. in 2. st., ki kažejo znake dolgotrajne uporabe (t. 3: 3; 13: 8; 31: 10,13–18). Te fibule so stalnica na poznoan­tičnih višinskih naselbinah in ne dokazujejo nujno tudi poselitve v tem obdobju. Za mogočo poselitev v sedemdesetih letih 3. st. go-vori predvsem analiza novcev, ki kaže prvi enoten porast v tem obdobju (glej pogl. 5, sl. 5.2, 5.3). To smo večkrat ugotovili pri številnih drugih sorodnih postojankah v vzhodnoalpskem prostoru (Ciglenečki 1990, 155–156; Ciglenečki 2008, 486–487). V širši razpon 3. st. bi bilo mogoče postaviti tudi nekaj drugih kovinskih najdb (tri ali štiri fibule, srebrn obesek, dva kosa pasnega okovja, t. 31: 11–12,19; 32: 1,15; 33: 2–3). Nekaj slabo ohranjenih odlomkov fine namizne keramike (npr. t. 2: 3) bi na podlagi fakture sicer lahko sodilo že v ta čas, vendar pa se podobna lahko pojavlja tudi še v 4. st. Morda bi v ta čas lahko uvrstili tudi lonček t. 23: 17. Drobno gradivo torej nakazuje le skromno obiskanost hriba v drugi po­lovici 3. st. Ker tudi naselbinski ostanki niso bili odkriti, ostaja vprašanje prisotnosti prebivalstva (vojske?) na hribu v tem času odprto. Morda bi smeli pomisliti na prvo kontrolo ceste, ki jo posredno nakazuje v sklopu sistema Claustra Alpium Iuliarum zgrajena zapora pri Robu (Ciglenečki 1985, 267–270), pa tudi intenziviranje novčnega obtoka v utrdbah Hrušica in Ajdovščina (Kos 2012, tab. 1, sl. 2). Močneje je zastopano poznorimsko obdobje oziro-ma čas druge polovice 4. in prvih desetletij 5. st. Večina naselbinskih ostankov iz tega obdobja je bila sicer uniče­na ob gradnji stolpov in cerkve, kar kaže mešanje prazgo­dovinskih, poznorimskih in najdb iz 6. st. v ruševinskih plasteh stolpov in cerkve. Tako stratigrafski odnosi ne discovered. In addition to previously published metal (Pl. 13.1: 10–12) and pottery finds (Dular et al. 1995, 94), the dating of the hill’s settlement in stage LT D or Mokronog III is also enabled by a few metal objects (see Chapter 13; Pl. 13.3: 12–17) and fragments of typical pottery (Pl. 13.6: 11–14). Finds from this time, both pottery and metal, were discovered in mixed layers along the late antique structures, too, and thus indicate the Late La Tene set­tlement in the entire area of later late antique settlement. Population of the settlement in the Late La Tene period is also confirmed by four Celtic coins from the 1st century BC (see Chapter 5; Fig. 5.1). The population or visits to the hill in the Roman period is problematic. The first known find from the immediate vicinity of Korinjski hrib was a Roman tombstone (AIJ 1938, 227 = CIL III 10791), which was immured in the today ruined church of St George (Sv. Jurij) right under the cliffy edge of the settlement (see Chapter 14) and which J. Pečnik then managed to get to the then Regional museum (Deželni muzej; in detail in Lovenjak 1998, 139). This find attracted attention since it mentions the officer named Blandus and allows both for the possibility of a military crew station at the site or in its vicinity and only a burial of a veteran living here. The most recent analyses date the tombstone into the 1st or the 2nd century (Lovenjak 1998, 139). From small finds discovered in the late antique settlement, nine strongly profiled fibulae of the 1st and 2nd centuries belong to this time, which reveal signs of long-lasting use (Pls. 3: 3; 13: 8; 31: 10,13–18). These fibulae are a constant at late antique hilltop settlements and do not necessarily also prove settlement in this period. It is primarily the analysis of coins that speaks in favour of possible population in the 270s and indicates the first growth in this period (see Chapter 5, Figs. 5.2, 5.3). This has been determined several times with numerous other similar posts in the area of the south-eastern Alps (Ciglenečki 1990, 155–156; Ciglenečki 2008, 486–487). Some other metal finds (three or four fibulae, a silver pendant, two pieces of belt fittings, Pls. 31: 11–12,19; 32: 1,15; 33: 2–3) could also be set into the wider span of the 3rd century. A few poorly preserved fragments of fine tableware (e.g. Pl. 2: 3) could, based on fabric, belong to this time, although similar ones can also appear in the 4th century. Small pot Pl. 23: 17 could possibly also be assigned to this time. Thus, small finds indicate only scarce visits to the hill in the second half of the 3rd century. Since settlement remains were not discovered either, the question of the presence of inhabitants (army?) at the hill in this time remains open. Possibly, we could think about the first control of the road which is indirectly indicated by the barrier at Rob built within the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum system (Ciglenečki 1985, 267–270), as well as the intensification of money flow in the forts of Hrušica and Ajdovščina (Kos 2012, Pl. 1, Fig. 2). pomagajo k časovni opredelitvi drobnih najdb, ampak smo odvisni od tipološko-kronološke analize. Edini ohranjeni ostanek stavbe, ki morda sodi v to obdobje, je ostanek skromnega lesenega objekta pod stolpom 2 (glej pogl. 2; sl. 2.14), ki morda kaže, da so bili v tej fazi zgrajeni nekateri leseni objekti (Ciglenečki 1984, 154). Tudi na utrjeni poznoantični naselbini Tonovcov grad so ležali ostanki stavb iz 4. in začetka 5. st. pod objekti iz 6. st. (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 70–110). Numizmatična analiza je pokazala najmočnejši dotok denarja v valentinijanskem obdobju (glej pogl. 5, sl. 5.2, 5.3), kar je verjetno povezano z začetkom stalne uporabe utrdbe. Temu pritrjujejo številne kovinske in keramične najdbe. Med drobnimi najdbami se v ta čas uvršča sedem primerkov ali le odlomkov fibul s čebuličastimi glavicami, dve obročasti fibuli, suličast jermenski zaključek s klinastim vrezom, pravokotni pasni okov, odlomek tako imenovanega nomadskega ogledalca, svinčen pečat in trije odlomki poznorimskih steklenih kozarcev (t. 1: 3; 16: 11; 23: 8; 32: 2–8; 33: 4–5; 36: 17; 39: 2–3). Vse te najdbe je mogoče povezati z nošo in oskrbo predstavnikov vojaškega oddelka na hribu. Najdba pasnega jezička v tehniki klinastega vreza bi po mnenju Veronike Pflaum potrjevala celo prisotnost pomembnejše vojaške posadke (Pflaum 2002, 272, 276). Med keramično gradivo, ki ga je mogoče zanesljiveje opredeliti v ta čas, sodi predvsem glazirano posodje (sl. 4: 2; t. 4: 22–23, 20: 5, 23: 15, 24: 10, 25: 5–8), nekaj ožje neopredeljenih odlomkov afriških amfor (sl. 4.5) in nekaj tipološko ožje neopredeljenih kosov afriške sigilate proizvodnje D. Od grobe keramike bi sem lahko uvrstili nekatere sklede (t. 25: 15,16, 26: 12) in lonce (t. 2: 7, 5: 1, 24: 1). Odprto ostaja vprašanje obstoja utrditve posto­janke v tem obdobju. Ali je morda zadoščala že loka­cija na naravno zavarovanem hribu s prazgodovinskim okopom in je bila postojanka uporabljana predvsem kot opazovalna in signalna točka? Določnejši odgovor na to vprašanje bodo lahko dale le dodatne raziskave v notranjosti utrdbe. Spekter najdb je proporcionalno povsem soroden tistemu iz vojaških postojank, ki veči­noma ležijo blizu prometnih poti. Namembnosti utrdbe v poznorimskem obdobju ni mogoče zagotovo določiti: najverjetneje gre za kratko­trajno uporabljeno vojaško postojanko, ki je bila morda občasno uporabljena tudi kot pribežališče. Utrdbo bi smeli povezovati z obrambnim sistemom Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, ki je v skrajnih predelih zahodnega Ilirika v več pasovih zapornih zidov, okrepljen z utrd­bami in stražarnicami, zapiral dohode v Italijo (Šašel, Petru 1971; Kos 2014; Poulter 2013; Ciglenečki 2016). Ena pomembnejših komunikacij, ki so jo ti zidovi zapirali, je bila prav cesta, ki je od odcepa v Ivančni Gorici mimo Korinjskega hriba in Limberka vodila proti zapori v Robu, eni največjih v celotnem sistemu zidov. Prav raziskave Korinjskega hriba so veliko prispevale k The Late Roman period or the time of the second half of the 4th and the first decades of the 5th century is more strongly represented. The majority of settlement remains from this period was destroyed during the construction of towers and the church, which indicates the mixing of prehistorical, Late Roman, and 6th century finds in the destruction layers of towers and the church. Hence, stratigraphic relations do not help in chronologi­cal definition of small finds, rather we have to rely on the typological-chronological analysis. The only preserved remains of the building that could belong to this period is the remnant of a modest wooden structure beneath tower 2 (see Chapter 2; Fig. 2.14), which could indicate that some wooden structures were built in this phase (Ciglenečki 1984, 154). At the fortified late antique set­tlement of Tonovcov grad, remains of buildings from the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century were lying under the structures from the 6th century (Ciglenečki, Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 70–110). The numismatic analysis revealed the strongest in­flux of money in the Valentinianian period (see Chapter 5, Figs. 5.2, 5.3), which is probably connected to the begin­ning of the permanent use of the fort. This is confirmed by numerous metal and pottery finds. Among small finds, seven examples or only fragments of crossbow fibulae, two annular fibulae, a spear-shaped strap end with chip carv­ing, a rectangular belt buckle, a fragment of a so-called nomadic mirror, a lead seal, and three fragments of Late Roman beakers with a cut rim belong to this time (Pls. 1: 3; 16: 11; 23: 8; 32: 2–8; 33: 4–5; 36: 17; 39: 2–3). All these finds can be connected with the costume and the supply of representatives of the military unit at the hill. The find of the chip-carved strap end could, according to Veronika Pflaum, confirm even the presence of a more significant military crew (Pflaum 2002, 272, 276). Pottery material that can be more reliably assigned to this time includes mostly glazed vessels (Fig. 4: 2; Pls. 4: 22–23, 20: 5, 23: 15, 24: 10, 25: 5–8), a few narrowly undetermina­ble fragments of African amphorae (Fig. 4.5), and a few typologically narrowly undetermined pieces of African Red Slip Ware of production D. From coarse ware, a few bowls (Pls. 25: 15,16, 26: 12) and pots (Pls. 2: 7, 5: 1, 24: 1) could be assigned here. The question of the post’s fortification in this period remains open. Was its location on the naturally protected hill with a prehistorical trench enough and the post was primarily used as an observation and signalling point? A more definite answer to this question can only be provided by additional research in the fort’s interior. The spectrum of finds is proportionally completely similar to the one from military posts which are mostly located near traffic roads. The purpose of the fort in the Late Roman period is not possible to determine certainly: it was most probably a short-term military post that could also have been oc­casionally used as a refuge. The fort could be connected rekonstrukciji poteka te poti, ki je pridobila pomen še posebej v drugi polovici 5. in v 6. st., po opustitvi ceste čez Hrušico (Ciglenečki 1985, 267–270; Ciglenečki 1997, 186, 188–189). Poznoantični poselitvi iz časa od konca 5. st. pa okvirno vse do druge polovice 6. st., ko imamo na hribu najintenzivnejše sledove poselitve in zidano arhitekturo, smo posvetili posebno poglavje. Tu lahko le znova opo­zorimo na dilemo, ki se pojavlja že od začetka raziskav: ali nastane zidana arhitektura v času, ki glede na številne najdbe in po analogiji z drugimi sorodnimi utrdbami sodi v zadnje desetletje 5. st., ali pa je bila zgrajena šele v času Justinijanove obnove imperija? V vzhodnoalpskem prostoru se nakazuje nastanek večine utrjenih višinskih postojank že v drugi polovici 5. st. Ta kronološki okvir je mogoče zožiti s pomočjo že raziskanih, nekaterim višinskim naseljem pripadajočih grobišč (Kranj, Rifnik, Vranja Peč, Zasavska gora), kjer ni zaslediti elementov, ki bi jih bilo mogoče zanesljivo datirati v čas pred koncem 5. st. (Vinski 1980; Bierbrauer 1984, 52–59; Ciglenečki 1999, 295–297). Za Korinjski hrib predvidevamo, da v ta čas sodijo gradnja prve faze cerkve in iz slabo obstojnih materialov zgrajeni bivalni objekti. Analogije za zidano obrambno arhitekturo v ob-širnem prostoru Mediterana in še posebej Kvarnerja in Dalmacije so pokazale, da je gradnjo stolpov na Korinjskem hribu mogoče datirati v čas Justinijanove rekonkviste, torej v obdobje po letu 536 (glej pogl. 12). To potrjuje tudi raziskava poznoantičnega obzidja na Rifniku. Tu so ugotovili, da je bila pri gradnji stolpa 2 porušena hiša 6 ob obzidju, ki je, glede na drobno gra­divo, obstajala še v začetku 6. st. (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 38; Bausovac 2011, 23). Poglejmo še bistvene datacijske elemente, ki jih je prispevala analiza novcev, kovinskih, steklenih in keramičnih izdelkov. Dva vzhodnogotska novca (glej pogl. 5; sl. 5.4: 3,4) dobro potrjujeta poseljenost hriba v prvi polovici 6. st., dva bizantinska (glej pogl. 5; sl. 5.4: 1,2) pa v tretji četrtini 6. st. Nekeramično gradivo, ki ga lahko časovno ožje opredelimo, je najpogosteje iz časa med koncem 5. in začetkom 7. st., nekaj predmetov pa vsaj glede na čas izdelave lahko zamejimo tudi znotraj tega obdobja. Fibula ptice roparice, dva presegajoča trna pasne spone, dva majhna celičena okova spone, obesek uhana z vlo­ženimi stekli, tavširana železna pasna spona in jagoda z nataljenimi steklenimi pikami kažejo izraziteje na čas konca 5. in začetka 6. st. (t. 1: 4; 13: 2; 23: 9; 32: 25; 33: 7–8,10–11). Te najdbe lahko nakazujejo nekoliko zgod­nejši čas (vsaj izdelave), glavno obdobje uporabe, ki ga lahko povežemo s stavbami, pa je verjetneje druga po­lovica 6. st., kot nakazuje tudi Justinijanov novec, odkrit v plasti v stolpu 4 (glej pogl. 8). Drug sklop predmetov se zgoščuje v drugi polovici 6. in morda še na začetku 7. st.: fibula jezdeca, dve fibuli v obliki goloba, okrogla to the defence system of Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, which in the furthest parts of western Illyricum in several lines of barrier walls, strengthened by forts and guardhouses,closed accesses to Italy (Šašel, Petru 1971; Kos 2014; Poulter 2013; Ciglenečki 2016). One of the most important com­munication routes these walls closed was the road which led from the turning in Ivančna Gorica past Korinjski hrib and Limberk towards the barrier in Rob, one of the biggest in the entire system of walls. It was the research of Korinjski hrib that greatly contributed to the reconstruction of this road’s route, which gained importance especially in the second half of the 5th and in the 6th century, after the road over Hrušica was abandoned (Ciglenečki 1985, 267–270; Ciglenečki 1997, 186, 188–189). The late antique settlement from the time from the end of the 5th century and approximately to the second half of the 6th century, when the hill reveals the most intense traces of settlement and architecture made of stone, was devoted a special chapter. Here we can only bring attention to the dilemma appearing ever since the research began: was the stone architecture built in a time which, according to numerous finds and the analogy with other similar forts, belongs to the last decade of the 5th century, or was it built in the time of Justinian’s renovation of the empire? In the area of the south-eastern Alps, the construction of the majority of fortified hilltop settle­ments is indicated in the second half of the 5th century. This chronological framework can be narrowed with the help of previously researched cemeteries belonging to some of the hilltop settlements (Kranj, Rifnik, Vranja Peč, Zasavska gora), where no elements can be found that could certainly be dated to the time prior to the end of the 5th century (Vinski 1980; Bierbrauer 1984, 52–59; Ciglenečki 1999, 295–297). For Korinjski hrib it is assumed that the construction of the first phase of the church and dwelling structures built from poorly durable materials belong to this time. Analogies for the defence architecture built of stone in the vast area of the Mediterranean and especially Kvarner and Dalmatia revealed that the construction of towers at Korinjski hrib can be dated to the time of Jus­tinian’s reconquista, therefore to the period after 536 (see Chapter 12). This is also confirmed by the research of late antique defence walls at Rifnik. There it was discovered that during the construction of tower 2 house 6 along the defence walls was demolished, which, according to small finds, still existed in the beginning of the 6th century (Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 38; Bausovac 2011, 23). A few words should be written about the crucial ele­ments for dating which were contributed by the analysis of coins, metal, glass, and pottery artefacts. Two Ostrogothic coins (see Chapter 5; Fig. 5.4: 3,4) well attest the population of the hill in the first half of the 6th century, and two Byzantine coins (see Chapter 5; Fig. 5.4: 1,2) the population in the third quarter of the 6th century. fibula, dve fibuli z nazaj zavito nogo, igla s širokim vra-tom, mali jermenski jeziček, majhna spona s križem, dve puščici s pravokotnim in ena s piramidalnim presekom vrha, lamela oklepa in stekleni kozarci na visoki nogi (t. 1: 1–2,10; 13: 19; 20: 4; 22: 4; 32: 9–13; 33: 17,20; 39: 7). Od vseh teh predmetov jih je le malo umeščenih v kontekste. Fibula ptice roparice iz prve skupine in puščica s piramidalnim vrhom ter igla iz druge skupine sta ležali skupaj za vzhodnim zidom zunaj stolpa 1. Na tleh istega stolpa je bila najdena sponka s križem. Zunaj stolpa 4 je bila odkrita lamela oklepa. Tudi večina keramičnega gradiva sodi v 6. st. V njegov začetek lahko od uvožene keramike uvrstimo odlomek afriške sigilate Hayes 87B (sl. 4.1) ter večino amfor. S precejšnjo gotovostjo je prepoznana oblika LRA 1, morda je zastopana tudi LRA 2 (sl. 4.6: 5–12). Obe se v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru pojavljata predvsem v 6. st. V to obdobje lahko uvrstimo tudi oba miniaturna spatejona (sl. 4.6: 1–4). Tovrstne amforice se na obravnavanem območju pojavljajo predvsem v zadnjih plasteh naselbin, torej v drugi polovici in na koncu 6. st. V konec 6. in v 7. st. datiran fragment egejske kuhinjske keramike potrjuje vsaj občasne stike z bizan­tinskim prostorom v tem času (glej pogl. 4). Zgodnjesrednjeveška in – kot je mogoče ugotavljati po dosedanjih najdbah – zadnja poselitev je bila zelo kratkotrajna in jo dokazujeta le pločevinast prstan z rombično razširitvijo in križni razdelilec (t. 32: 22; 33: 18). Datirana sta v 9. st. in kažeta na kratkotrajno poseli­tev hriba, kakršna je bila ugotovljena tudi na več drugih višinskih naseljih. Pri vseh je bilo mogoče opaziti, da so bili pozni predmeti najdeni v zgornjem delu antičnih ruševin, kar dokazuje, da so se priseljenci naselili v že porušene hiše (o problematiki poselitve poznoantičnih utrdb v poznejših obdobjih glej tudi Milavec 2012 in Modrijan 2011). To posebej lepo ilustrira prav primer poznih najdb na območju velike poznoantične stano­vanjske hiše na Tonovcovem gradu, ki so bile odkrite povsem na vrhu ruševinske plasti (Milavec 2020). Non-pottery finds that can narrowly be defined in time are most frequently from the time between the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 7th century, while, based on the time they were made, a few artefacts can be delimited precisely within this period. The bird-of-prey-shaped fibula, two overreaching prongs of a belt buckle, two small cloisonné decorated belt fittings, a pendant of an earring with inserted pieces of glass, damascened iron belt buckle, and a bead with glass shards more distinctly indicate the time of the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century (Pls. 1: 4; 13: 2; 23: 9; 32: 25; 33: 7–8,10–11). These finds could indicate a somewhat earlier time (at least of production), while their main period of use that can be connected to the buildings is most probably the second half of the 6th century, as is revealed by the Justin­ian’s coin discovered in a layer in tower 4 (see Chapter 8). The second set of artefacts clusters in the second half of the 6th and possibly also in the beginning of the 7th century: a horse rider-shaped fibula, two pigeon-shaped fibulae, a round fibula, two fibulae with an inverted foot, a wide-necked pin, a small strap tongue, a small buckle with a cross, two arrows with a rectangular and one with a pyramidal cross section of the top, an armour lamella, and stemmed goblets (Pls. 1: 1–2,10; 13: 19; 20: 4; 22: 4; 32: 9–13; 33: 17,20; 39: 7). Only a few of all these artefacts are assigned into contexts. The bird-of-prey-shaped fibula from the first group, the arrow with the pyramidal top, and the pin from the second group were found together lying behind the eastern wall outside tower 1. On the floor of the same tower, a buckle with a cross was found. The armour la-mella was discovered outside tower 4. Most of the pottery also belongs to the 6th century. To its beginning, from the imported pottery a fragment of African Red Slip Ware Hayes 87B (Fig. 4.1) and the majority of amphorae can be assigned. With a high degree of certainty, form LRA 1 is recognised, possibly LRA 2 is also represented (Fig. 4.6: 5–12). Both appear in the area of the south-eastern Alps primarily in the 6th century. Both miniature spatheia can also be assigned to this period (Fig. 4.6: 1–4). Such small amphorae appear in the discussed area primarily in the last layers of settlements, therefore in the second half and at the end of the 6th century. The fragment of the Aegean kitchenware is dated to the end of the 6th and into the 7th century and confirms at least occasional contacts with the Byzantine territory in this time (see Chapter 4). The early medieval and—as can be determined from finds discovered until now—the last settlement was very brief and is proven only by a tinsheet ring with rhombic widening and a cross-shaped strap divider (Pls. 32: 22; 33: 18). They are dated to the 9th century and reveal a brief population of the hill, such as was also determined at several other hilltop settlements. It was noticeable with all of them that late artefacts were found in the upper part of antique ruins, which proves that newcomers occupied AIJ 1938 = V. Hoffiller, B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugo­slavien. Heft I: Noricum und Pannonia Superior. – Zagreb. BAUSOVAC, M. 2011, Študija poznoantične lončenine izutrjene višinske naselbine Rifnik pri Šentjurju. – Doktorska disertacija / PhD thesis, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Oddelek za arheologijo (neobjavljeno / unpu­blished). BAUSOVAC, M., D. PIRKMAJER 2012, Late Roman glazed pottery from Rifnik near Celje. – Acta Rei Cretariae Roma-nae Favtorum 42, 33–39. BIERBRAUER, V. 1984, Jugoslawien seit dem Beginn der Völkerwanderung bis zur slawischen Landnahme: die Synthese auf dem Hintergrund von Migrations- und Landnahmevorgängen. – V / In: Jugoslawien. 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CIGLENEČKI, S. 1990, K problemu datacije nastanka rimsko­dobnih višinskih utrdb v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru / Zum Datierungsproblem der Entstehung der romerzeitli­chen Höhenbefestigungen im Südostalpenraum. – Arheo­loški vestnik 41, 147-176. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1997, Die wichtigsten Völkerwanderungs­zeitlichen Einfallstrassen von Osten nach Italien im Licht der neuesten Forschungen. – V / In: Peregrinatio Gothica, Jantarová stezka, Supplementum ad Acta Musei Moraviae, Scientiae sociales 82, 179-191. CIGLENEČKI, S. 1999, Results and problems in the archae­ology of the late antiquity in Slovenia / Izsledki in problemi poznoantične arheologije v Sloveniji. – Arheološki vestnik 50, 287–309. CIGLENEČKI, S. 2016, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, tractus Italiae circa Alpes and the defence of Italy in the final part of the Late Roman period (Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, tractus Italiae circa Alpes in problem obrambe Italije v zaključnem poznorimskem obdobju). – Arheološki vestnik 67, 409–424. CIGLENEČKI, S., Z. MODRIJAN, T. MILAVEC 2011, Po­znoantična utrjena naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu. Naselbinski ostanki in interpretacija / Late antique fortified the ruined houses (about the topic of settlement of late antique forts in the later period see also Milavec 2012 and Modrijan 2011). This is especially well illustrated by the example of late finds in the area of the big late antique house at Tonovcov grad, which were discovered at the very top of the destruction layer (Milavec 2020). settlement Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Settlement remains and interpretation. – Opera Instituti Archaeologici Slove­niae 23. DULAR, J., B. KRIŽ, D. SVOLJŠAK, S. TECCO HVALA 1995, Prazgodovinska višinska naselja v Suhi krajini (Vorges­chichtliche Höhensiedlungen in der Suha krajina). – Ar-heološki vestnik 46, 89–168. KOS, P. 2012, The construction and abandonment of the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum defence system in light of the numismatic material / Gradnja in opustitev obrambnega sistema Claustra Alpium Iuliarum v luči numizmatičnega gradiva. – Arheološki vestnik 63, 265–300. KOS, P. 2014, Barriers in the Julian Alps and Notitia Digni­tatum / Zapore v Julijskih Alpah in Notitia Dignitatum. – Arheološki vestnik 65, 409–422. LOVENJAK, M. 1998, Inscriptiones Latinae Sloveniae I. Nevi-odunum. – Situla 25.  MILAVEC, T. 2012, Sacred places?: eighth century graves near sixth century churches at Tonovcov grad (Slovenia). - V / In: M. Salamon (ur. / ed.), Rome, Constantinople and newly-converted Europe: archaeological and historical evidence, (U źródeł Europy Śodkowo-Wschodniej), Leipzig, 475–487. MILAVEC T. 2020, Early Medieval finds from the hilltop settlement of Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. – V / In: K. Winckler, M. Diesenberger, S. Eichert (ur. / eds.), Der Ostalpenraum im Frühmittelalter – Herrschaftsstrukturen, Raumorganisation und archäologisch-historischer Vergleich, v tisku / forthcoming. MODRIJAN, Z. 2011, Continuity in late antiquity Slovenian fortified hilltop settlements. – V / In: Keszthely-Fenékpuszta im Kontext spätantiker Kontinuitätsforschung zwischen Noricum und Moesia, Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 2, 157–171. PEČNIK, J. 1894, Pogled na kranjska gradišča. – Izvestja mu-zejskega društva za Kranjsko 4, 12. POULTER, A. 2013, An indefensible frontier: the claustra Alpium Iuliarum. – Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäo­logischen Instituts in Wien 81, 97–126. ŠAŠEL, J., P. PETRU 1971, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum I, Fontes. –Katalogi in monografije 5. ŠINKOVEC, I. 1995, Katalog posameznih kovinskih najdb bakrene in bronaste dobe / Catalogue of Individual Metal Finds from the Eneolithic and Bronze Ages. – V / In: B. Teržan (ur. / ed.), Depojske in posamezne kovinske najdbe bakrene in bronaste dobe na Slovenskem 1 / Hoards and individual metal finds from the eneolithic and bronze ages in Slovenia 1, Katalogi in monografije 29, 126, 226. VINSKI, Z. 1980, Ovrednotenje grobnih pridatkov. – V / In: V. Stare, Kranj. Nekropola iz časa preseljevanja ljudstev, Katalogi in monografije 18, 17–32. 16.POVZETEK 16.SUMMARY Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC Vzpetina Korinjski hrib (728 metrov n. m.) leži severno od vasi Mali in Veliki Korinj v zahodnem delu Suhe krajine. Na vzhodni in severovzhodni strani jo omejujejo prepadne skalne stene. Lažje dostopna so pobočja na severni, zahodni in južni strani in tu je bilo v poznoantičnem obdobju postavljenih pet obrambnih stolpov. S stolpi in stenami zavarovano območje je veliko pribl. 180 × 100 m, v njegovem osrednjem delu pa so ležali ostanki zgodnjekrščanske cerkve. Utrjeno višinsko naselbino Korinjski hrib je leta 1886 odkril Jernej Pečnik in ji pripisal pomembno mesto med kranjskimi gradišči, a je najdišče kmalu padlo v pozabo. V času prvih slovenskih raziskav poznoantič­nih najdišč je hrib leta 1975 obiskal Slavko Ciglenečki, ki je na njem poleg prazgodovinskih ostalin v dobro vidnih arhitekturnih ostankih prepoznal tudi sledove poznoantičnega obdobja. Sledila sta čiščenje terena in geodetski posnetek ruševin, leta 1982 pa sondiranje utrdbe in izkop že prej delno odkopanega obrambnega stolpa. Pridobljeni rezultati so bili tako spodbudni, da je komisija Arheološkega društva predlagala nadalje­vanje akcije, s katero naj bi raziskali vso na površini vidno zidano arhitekturo. Večji del izkopavanj je bil opravljen v letu 1983, manjši del in dokumentiranje pa leta 1984, nakar so bili izkopani ostanki arhitekture ponovno zasuti. Leta 2014 so študentje Oddelka za ar­heologijo Filozofske fakultete v Ljubljani pod vodstvom Darje Grosman in Tine Milavec dokumentirali ostanke cerkve Sv. Jurija tik pod utrdbo. Najdišče se je v literaturi hitro uveljavilo, saj je predstavljalo drugačen koncept poznoantične postojanke, kot je bil znan do takrat na jugovzhodnoalpskem območju. Korinjski hrib je bil zaradi svoje naravno izredno dobro zavarovane lege zanimiv za poselitev v vseh nemirnih obdobjih prazgodovine, antike in zgodnjega srednjega veka. Skromni sledovi poselitve so znani iz časa bakrene dobe, mlajše bronaste dobe in mlajšega halštatskega obdobja. Prva stalnejša naselitev se naka­zuje v poznolatenskem obdobju, ko je gradišče zaživelo v celotnem obsegu. Problematična je poselitev oziroma obiskanost hriba v rimskem obdobju. Številne drobne najdbe in novci iz 1. in 2. st. kažejo znake dolgotrajne The hill of Korinjski hrib (728m a.s.l.) is situated north of the villages of Mali and Veliki Korinj in the western part of Suha Krajina. It is delimited by precipitous rock walls on the eastern and north-eastern sides. It is easier to access over the slopes on the northern, western, and southern sides hence five defence towers were built here in the late antique period. The approx. 180 × 100m large area was protected by towers and rocks, remains of an Early Christian church were found in its central part. In 1886, the fortified hilltop settlement of Korinjski hrib was discovered by Jernej Pečnik who assigned it an important place amidst Carniolan hill forts; however, the site was soon forgotten. In 1975, in the time of the first Slovenian research of late antique sites, the hill was visited by Slavko Ciglenečki, who, in addition to prehistorical remains, also recognised traces of the late antique period in the well-visible architectural remains. This was followed by the clearing of the terrain and preparing a land survey plan of the ruins; in 1982, the trial trenching and the ex­cavation of the previously partly unearthed defence tower was done. The results acquired were so encouraging that the commission of the Archaeological Society suggested to continue and research the entire stone architecture visible on the surface. The majority of the excavations was done in 1983, and a smaller part and documenting in 1984, after which time the remains of architecture were re-covered by soil. In 2014, students of the Department of Archaeology of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana, led by Darja Grosman and Tina Milavec, documented the remains of the church of St George right beneath the fort. The site was soon established in archaeological literature, since it presented a different concept of a late antique settlement than was known until then in the area of the south-eastern Alps. Due to its naturally well-protected position, Korinj-ski hrib was interesting for settlement in all turbulent periods of prehistory, antiquity, and the Early Middle Ages. Modest traces of settlement are known from the time of the Copper Age, Late Bronze Age, and Late Hallstatt period. The first more permanent settlement is indicated in the Late La Tene period, when the hill fort lived in its entire scope. The population or visitation of uporabe, zato je mogoče sklepati, da gre za rezidualne najdbe. Za mogočo kratkotrajno poselitev v sedemdesetih letih 3. st. govorijo predvsem analiza novcev in nekatere kovinske najdbe, tri ali štiri fibule, srebrn obesek in dva kosa pasnega okovja. V tem času je utrdba verjetno nadzorovala rimsko cesto v dolini. Močnejšo vojaško postojanko je zanesljivo mogoče dokazati v valentinijanskem obdobju, ko je pridobila pomen cesta, ki jo posredno nakazuje v sklopu sistema Claustra Alpium Iuliarum zgrajena zapora pri Robu. Od kovinskih najdb na to kažejo fibule s čebuličastimi glavi­cami, dve obročasti fibuli, suličast jermenski zaključek s klinastim vrezom, odlomek t. i. nomadskega ogledalca in svinčen pečat. Na vojaško navzočnost kažejo tudi ostanki glaziranega posodja. Utrdbo bi smeli povezovati z obrambnim sistemom Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, a je bila morda ob nevarnostih uporabljena tudi kot pribe­žališče za okoliško prebivalstvo. V času od konca 5. st. pa do druge polovice 6. st. imamo na hribu najintenzivnejše sledove poselitve. V ta čas sodi že izgradnja preproste enoladijske cerkve s široko apsido in številne drobne najdbe. V moški noši so zastopane poleg značilnih romaniziranih elementov tudi nekatere germanske in bizantinske komponente, relativno veliko število puščičnih osti ter razmeroma malo sledov noše, ki bi jo pripisali ženskam. Uporabni predmeti in orodje kažejo na poljedelstvo, obdelavo lesa in kamna in druge drobne obrti. Nabor steklenega posodja je dokaj omejen (kozarci, steklenice, okensko steklo), analize sestave pa so pokazale podobne zna-čilnosti kot na postojankah ob spodnji Donavi. Med keramičnimi najdbami prevladuje groba keramika, relativno slabo je zastopana uvožena (redki odlomki vzhodnosredozemskih amfor). Na osnovi analogij za zidano obrambno arhitekturo v obširnem prostoru Mediterana in glede na drobne najdbe v stolpih je mogoče njihovo gradnjo datirati v čas Justinijanove rekonkviste, v drugo tretjino 6. st. V ta čas sodi tudi prenova cerkve, ki so ji na severni in zahodni strani prizidali dva prostora. Tisti na severni strani je služil kot krstilnica, v njem je bil ohranjen krstilni ba­zenček. V zahodnem prizidku, ki je služil kot narteks, je bila odkrita kamnita grobnica z ostanki več pokojnikov. Korinjska cerkev s široko apsido, nanjo prizidano klopjo in stranskima prostoroma na severni in zahodni strani kaže predvsem na vpliv ilirskega prostora (tako Dalmaci­je in njenega zaledja kot tudi provinc severnega Ilirika). Tisto, kar utrdbo na Korinjskem hribu posebej označuje, so zidani prostostoječi obrambni stolpi, ki so varovali severni in zahodni del naselbine. Največji je stolp 2 z dvojnimi zidovi, tako dno kot stene so bili premazani z vodoodpornim ometom. Zelo podobno grajen, vendar nekoliko manjši, je stolp 1. Močni dvojni zidovi stolpov in večplasten vodoodpor­ni omet v stolpih 1 in 2 kažejo, da sta bila v spodnjem the hill in the Roman period is problematic. Numerous small finds and coins from the 1st and 2nd centuries reveal signs of long-term use, therefore it can be assumed that these are residual finds. Primarily the analysis of coins and certain metal finds, three or four fibulae, a silver pendant, and two parts of belt fittings speak in favour of possible short-term population in the 270s. In that time, the fort probably watched over the Roman road in the valley. A stronger military post can certainly be proven in the Valentinian period when the road, indirectly indicated by a barrier wall at Rob within the system of Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, gained importance. Among metal finds, crossbow fibulae, two penannular fibulae, a spear-shaped strap end with chip carving, a fragment of a so-called nomadic mirror, and a lead seal indicate this. Military presence is also indicated by remains of glazed vessels. The fort could be connected to the defence system of Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, but could have also been used as a refuge for local inhabitants pending possible danger. In the time from the end of the 5th century to the second half of the 6th century, the hill reveals the most intense traces of population. The construction of the simple single-nave church with a wide apse and numer­ous small finds belong to this time. In addition to typical Romanised elements, certain Germanic and Byzantine components are present in the male costume, there is a relatively high number of arrowheads, and relatively few traces of costume that could be attributed to women. Use­ful objects and tools indicate agriculture, wood and stone processing, and other crafts. The collection of glass vessels is fairly limited (goblets, beakers, bottles, window glass), while the composition analyses have revealed similar characteristics to posts along the lower Danube. Coarse pottery prevails among pottery finds, while imported pottery is relatively poorly represented (rare fragments of Eastern Mediterranean amphorae). Based on analogies for the stone defence architecture in the wider area of the Mediterranean and considering small finds in the towers, their construction can be dated to the time of Justinian’s reconquista, i.e. the second third of the 6th century. The renovation of the church, to which two annexes were added on the northern and western sides, also belongs to this time. The one on the north­ern side was used as a baptistery, a baptismal font was preserved there. In the western annex, which served as a narthex, a stone tomb with remains of several skeletons was discovered. The church at Korinjski hrib with a wide apse, a bench attached to it, and annexes on the northern and western sides reveals primarily the influence of the Illyrian area (both Dalmatia with its hinterland and the provinces of northern Illyricum). The characteristic that especially marks the fort at Korinjski hrib are free-standing stone defence towers which protected the northern and western parts of the settlement. delu uporabljena kot cisterni za vodo, zgoraj pa je bil obrambni in morda tudi bivalni del. Po dimenzijah in obliki so si med seboj podobni tudi stolpi 3, 4 in 5. Vsi imajo enojne zidove in prva dva tudi ohranjen vhod. Tako podobnosti v načinu gradnje kot logična razpo­reditev stolpov kažejo, da so bili narejeni hkrati in po enotnem načrtu. V množici poznoantičnih najdišč vzhodnoalpskega območja so gosto razporejeni stolpi značilnost le neka­terih redkih postojank. Kot analogije so predstavljeni le tisti, ki zanesljivo sodijo v 5. in 6. st. Največja podobnost je bila ugotovljena pri stolpih na Rifniku. Obsežno sku­pino najdišč s sorodnimi stolpi je mogoče ugotavljati ob vzhodni jadranski obali. Tu izstopajo predvsem dobro raziskani stolpi z Gradine na otoku Žirju, dobro pa so razpoznavni tudi primerljivi stolpi z drugih utrdb na otokih in v zaledju jadranske obale. Stolpi imajo predv­sem obrambno funkcijo, na Korinjskem hribu pa so bili v njih odkriti tudi zanesljivi znaki bivanja. Med drobnim gradivom je v čas druge polovice 6. st. mogoče datirati fibulo jezdeca, dve fibuli v obliki goloba, okroglo fibulo, dve fibuli z nazaj zavito nogo, iglo s širokim vratom, mali jermenski jeziček, majhno spono s križem, dve puščici s pravokotnim in eno s piramidalnim presekom vrha ter lamelo oklepa. Redki uvoženi kosi (pozni spatejoni, poznoantična egejska kuhinjska keramika) kažejo povezavo naselbine z bizantinskim prostorom še v drugi polovici 6., morda celo na začetku 7. st. Poseben problem pri raziskavi Korinjskega hriba je predstavljala določitev funkcije postojanke, kakršna se kaže v podobi iz sredine 6. st., predvsem z razpore­ditvijo in oblikovanostjo stolpov ter preprosto zgodnje­krščansko cerkvijo v sredini. Tako koncipirana zasnova utrdbe je imela na jugovzhodnoalpskem območju malo primerjav, zato je bilo treba pregledati širše območje rimskega imperija. Ob tem se je jasno nakazala skupina utrdb s sorodnimi elementi, ki jo je mogoče povezati z obdobjem cesarja Justinijana in so bile zgrajene vzdolž pomembnejših kopenskih in vodnih komunikacij. Obravnavane utrdbe, ki kažejo vojaški značaj, je mogoče okvirno datirati že v drugo tretjino 6. st. Ob-rambna in ponekod tudi sakralna arhitektura kažeta na sorodno zasnovo in podobno tehniko gradnje in s tem na enoten koncept in sočasen nastanek. V pregledu utrdb so tako izpostavljene tiste, ki kažejo precejšnje podob­nosti s Korinjskim hribom. Pri tem so bili za določitev funkcije upoštevani vsi obrambni elementi (naravna zavarovanost, obzidje, stolpi, jarek, proteihizma), gostota in značaj poselitve v notranjosti (solidneje grajene ali le provizorične zgradbe, cerkve) ter še posebej umešče­nost postojanke (strateška lega, bližina pomembnejših komunikacij). Prepoznavanje značaja utrdb posebej otežuje dejstvo, da se je v poznoantičnem obdobju povsem za­brisala meja med vojaškimi in civilnimi postojankami. The biggest is tower 2 with double walls; both the floor and walls were coated with waterproof plaster. Very similarly built, albeit somewhat smaller, is tower 1. Strong double walls of towers and multi-layered waterproof plaster in towers 1 and 2 indicate that in their lower parts they were used as water cisterns, while at the top they had a defence and possibly also a dwelling purpose. Towers 3, 4, and 5 resemble each other in dimensions and form. They all have single walls and the first two also a preserved entrance. Both the similarities in the construction manner and the logical distribution of towers indicate that they were made simultaneously and according to a unified plan. In the multitude of late antique sites of the eastern Alpine area, thickly distributed towers are a character­istic of only a few rare posts. Analogies are present only those which reliably belong to the 5th and 6th centuries. The greatest similarity was determined with the towers at Rifnik. An extensive group of sites with similar towers can be found along the eastern Adriatic coast. Standing out here are primarily the well-researched towers fromGradina on the island of Žirje, while well-recognisable are also towers from other forts on the islands and in the hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Towers have a primarily defence function, while at Korinjski hrib reliable signs of dwelling were also discovered in them. Among small finds, a horse-rider-shaped fibula, two pigeon-shaped fibulae, a circular fibula, two fibulae with inverted foot, a pin with a wide neck, a small strap-end, a small buckle with a cross, two arrows with a rectangular and one with a pyramidal cross section of the head, and an armour lamella can be dated to the time of the second half of the 6th century. Rare important pieces (late spatheia, late antique Aegean cooking pots) also indicate the connection of the settlement with the Byzantine area in the second half of the 6th, possibly even in the beginning of the 7th century. A special problem in the research of Korinjski hrib was how to determine the post’s function as it is revealed in the image of the mid-6th century, primarily through the distribution and shape of the towers and the simple Early Christian church in the centre. Thus, the planned fort design had few comparisons in the area of the south­eastern Alps, hence the wider territory of the Roman Em­pire needed to be inspected. A group of forts with similar elements was clearly drawn during this inspection and can be connected to the period of the Emperor Justinian, while the forts were built along the more important land and water communication routes. The discussed forts that reveal military character can be roughly dated to the second third of the 6th century. The defence and in some places also sacral architecture reveal a similar design and similar technique of construction and thus a unified concept and simultaneous construc­tion. The overview of forts hence emphasises those that reveal greater similarities with Korinjski hrib. All defence elements (natural protection, defence walls, towers, a Med v študiji opisanimi primeri je bilo kot najznačil­nejše predstavnike utrdb z rednimi vojaškimi oddelki mogoče prepoznati Gradino na Žirju, Veliki Sikavac in Markovo Mehano, ki z močno utrditvijo, razporedom in oblikovanostjo bivališč ter lego tik ob najpomembnejših komunikacijah ne kažejo znakov civilne prisotnosti. Tej maloštevilni skupini sledijo utrdbe s poudar­jenimi obrambnimi elementi, prav tako pomembno strateško lego, v nasprotju s prvo skupino pa so tu pri­sotne še slabše grajena bivalna arhitektura (koče, barake, šotori) in cerkve. Ti dodatni elementi bi utegnili kazati na drugačno, mešano posadko: torej lokalna milica z družinami in ob morebitni potrebi oddelki redne vojske. V to skupino bi sodili poleg Korinjskega hriba še Rifnik, Duel, Hoischhügel, Korintija, Vrgada, Svetojanj in Osinj. Opisanima skupinama z delno ali ponekod celo stalno vojaško prisotnostjo sledi obsežna in raznolika skupina utrjenih postojank, naselbin in pribežališč, ki tu niso bile obravnavane. Obrambni elementi pri njih niso tako vešče zgrajeni in tako obsežni, razporeditev zgradb v notranjosti je enakomernejša, imajo tudi eno ali celo več cerkva. Tudi pri njih ni mogoče povsem izključiti občasne navzočnosti vojske, vendar gradnja in razpored stavb kažeta, da niso nastale po enotni zasnovi in da velikokrat sodijo že v čas pred justinijansko gradnjo. Brez eksplicitnih pisnih virov, ki bi natančneje označili značaj posadk v tovrstnih postojankah, je nji­hova opredelitev vprašljiva in nanjo ne moremo povsem zanesljivo odgovoriti. Na Korinjskem hribu smemo v času po postavitvi stolpov govoriti o manjši vojaški posadki (verjetno vojaki z družinami) ali romanski milici, ki so se ji ob morebitni potrebi lahko pridružili še pribežniki. V predstavljeni mreži utrdb s posebnimi vojaško-kontrolnimi nalogami je mogoče razumeti tudi vlogo utrdbe na Korinjskem hribu, ki je bila optimalno prilagojena legi na naravno izjemno zavarovanem mestu. Zato je v naselbinski sliki vzhodnoalpskega območja tik pred vrati Italije imela vsaj v določenem delu 6. st. drugačno funkcijo kot večina ostalih že raziskanih poznoantičnih postojank. Zadnja, zgodnjesrednjeveška poselitev hriba je bila verjetno zgolj občasna in jo dokumentira le nekaj kovinskih najdb iz 9. st. ditch, a proteichisma), density and character of popula­tion within (solidly built or only temporary structures, churches), and especially the position of the post (strategic location, closeness to important communication routes) were considered for the determination of their function. The recognition of the posts’ character is made especially difficult by the fact that in the late antique period the boundary between military and civilian posts was completely blurred. Among examples described inthe study, Gradina on Žirje, Veliki Sikavac, and Mar-kova Mehana could be recognised as the most typical representatives of forts with regular military units. With their strong fortification, distribution and shape of the dwellings, and their position immediately by the most important communication routes they do not show signs of civilian presence. This small group is followed by forts with empha­sised defence elements, and also an important strategic position, while unlike the first group this one has poorly built dwelling architecture (huts, barracks, tents) and churches. These additional elements could indicate a dif­ferent, mixed crew: thus, a local militia with families and when necessary also units of regular army. In addition to Korinjski hrib, this group would also include Rifnik, Duel, Hoischhügel, Korintija, Vrgada, Svetojanj, and Osinj. The described groups with partial or in some places even permanent military presence are followed by a vast and diverse group of fortified posts, settlements, and refuges, which were not discussed here. Their defence elements are not as skilfully made and as vast, while the distribution of structures in the interior is more even and they also contain one or more churches. It is not possible to completely rule out the occasional presence of the army here either, yet the construction and the distribution of structures indicate that they were not made according to a unified plan and that they frequently belong to the time prior to Justinian construction. Without explicit written sources, which would pre­cisely define the character of crews in such posts, their definition is questionable and cannot be reliably answered. At Korinjski hrib, we can talk about a smaller military crew (probably soldiers with families) or a Romanised militia in the time after the towers were constructed, which were joined by fugitives when necessary. In the rep­resented network of forts with special military-controlling tasks, the role of the fort at Korinjski hrib can also be understood, which was optimally adapted to the position at the naturally extremely well protected place. Therefore, in the settlement picture of the area of the south-eastern Alps, right at the threshold of Italy, at least in a certain part of the 6th century it had a different function than the majority of other late antique posts. The last, Early Medieval population of the hill was probably only occasional and is documented by a few metal finds from the 9th century. 17.KATALOG 17.CATALOGUE Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC V katalogu so zbrane kovinske, roževinaste, stekle­ne in keramične najdbe. Opisi kovinskih predmetov: Vrsta najdbe; material; mere; ID; št najdbe; inven­tarna št. NMS; lokacija najdbe (objekt ali sonda, plast). Objave. Opisi steklenih predmetov: Vrsta najdbe; material; barva; ID; št najdbe; in­ventarna št. NMS; lokacija najdbe (objekt ali sonda, plast). Objave. Opisi keramičnih posod (glej tudi pogl. 4): Vrsta posode (vrsta keramike); ohranjenost; barva; primesi (vrsta, pogostost); dodatki; luknjičavost; površi­na; tehnološka skupina (TS); okras; velikost; št. najdbe; lokacija najdbe (objekt ali sonda, plast). Objave. *** Nekatere najdbe so že bile objavljene, literatura za navedene citate se nahaja v pripadajočih poglavjih obravnave gradiva. Najdbe, označene z “brez konteksta” so najdbe, pridobljene z detektorjem kovin pred in po izkopavanju. Okrajšave: d. - dolžina db. - debelina ker. – keramika L – lonec P - pokrov povr. – površina pr. - premer prazg. - prazgodovina S - skleda TS – tehnološka skupina v. - višina vel. - velikost In the catalogue metal, antler, glass and pottery finds are assembled. Metal finds: Find type; material; measurements; ID; find num­ber; inventory number NMS; location of find (structure or trench, layer). Previous publications. Glass finds: Find type; material; colour; ID; find number; inven­tory number NMS; location of find (structure or trench, layer). Previous publications. Pottery vessels (see also Chapter 4): Vessel type (ceramic type); state of preservation; col­our; inclusions (type, frequency); porosity; surface; tech­nological group; decoration; size; find number; location of find (structure or trench, layer). Previous publications. *** Some finds have already been published. The publications references can be found in the chapters where these finds are discussed. Finds marked with “no context” are finds obtained with a metal detector before and after excavations. Abbreviations: d. – dolžina / length db. – debelina / thickness ker. – keramika / pottery L – lonec / pot P – pokrov / lid povr. – površina / surface pr. – premer / diameter prazg. – prazgodovina / prehistory S – skleda / bowl TS – tehnološka skupina / technological group v. – višina / height vel. – velikost / size Tabla 1 1. Igla; bron; d. 10,2 cm; 19; 1982; stolp 1, plast 1; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 9: 16. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 7. 2. Okov pasne spone; železo; d. 3 cm; 12; 1982/4; stolp 1, na tleh stolpa. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 6; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 6. 3. Fibula; bron; v. 3 cm; 14; 1982/120; stolp 1, plast 1. 4. Fibula; bron; v. 2,9 cm; 298; 1982; S 3004; stolp 1, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 1; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 2. 5. Nož; železo; d. 4,1 cm; 20; 1982; stolp 1, plast 1. 6. Puščična ost; železo; v. 5,2 cm; 22; 1982/12; stolp 1, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 9: 17; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15. 7. Konica; železo; d. 10,2 cm; 15; 1982/120; stolp 1, plast 1. 8. Nedoločen predmet; železo; v. 5,8 cm; 266; 1982/116; stolp 1, plast 1. 9. Okov; železo; v. 6,7 cm; 253; 1982/91; stolp 1, plast 1. Ci­glenečki 1985, t. 2:36. 10. Puščična ost; železo; d. 6,2 cm; 23; 1982/13; stolp 1, plast 1. 11. Konica; železo; v. 7,3 cm; 270; 1982/92; stolp 1, plast 1. 12. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 8,7 cm; 21; 1982/14; stolp 1, plast 1. 13. Konica; železo; d. 6,4 cm; 17; 1982/120; stolp 1, plast 1. 14. Nož; železo; d. 17,3 cm; 11; 1982/11; stolp 1, plast 1. 15. Nož; železo; d. 14,5 cm; 13; 1982/10; stolp 1, plast 1. Ci­glenečki 1985, t. 2: 29. 16. Brus; kamen; d. 10,2 cm; 229; 1982/20; stolp 1, plast 1. 17. Polizdelek; kost; v. 6,4 cm; 231; 1982/56; stolp 1, plast 1. 18. Pločevina; svinec; v. 2 cm; 16; 1982/120; stolp 1, plast 1. 19. Pločevina; svinec; d. 3 cm; 24; 1982/49; stolp 1, plast 1. 20. Polizdelek; kost; najv. d. 6,7 cm; 236; 1982/53; stolp 1, plast 1. 21. Okensko steklo; steklo; v. 2,1 cm; 272; 1982/29; stolp 1. 22. Okensko steklo; steklo; v. 2,2 cm; 272; 1982/30; stolp 1. Tabla 2 1. Ustje kozarca; steklo; v. 0,8 cm; 272; 1982/27; stolp 1, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, 1: 55. 2. Ustje kozarca; steklo; v. 1,5 cm; 272; 1982/28; stolp 1. Ci­glenečki 1985, 1: 53. 3. Vrč (navadna namizna ker.); del ostenja; barva: oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka, prašna; pr. vratu: 6 cm; 66; stolp 1, notranjost. 4. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip S 1; pr. 12 cm; 122; stolp 1 zunaj, ob južni steni. 5. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 6; tip S 4; pr. 14 cm; 115; stolp 1 zunaj, ob južni steni. 6. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 4; ostenje: dve enolinijski valovnici, ločeni s kaneluro; ustje: niz vtisov; pr. 16 cm; 101; stolp 1 - zunaj, ob vzhodni steni; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 64 7. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (groba, zelo redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); drobno do grobo luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 1; horizontalno metličenje; pr. 10 cm; 77; stolp 1, notranjost. 8. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; enolinijska valovnica; pr. 14 cm; 100; stolp 1, zunaj, ob vzhodni steni. 9. Lonec (groba ker.); deli ustja, ostenja in dna; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; dve prepletajoči se enolinijski valovnici, navzkrižno metličenje; pr. 14 cm; 114; stolp 1 zunaj, ob južni steni. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 65. 10. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 3; pr. 15 cm; 108; stolp 1. 11. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; drobno luknji­čava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 3; pr. 14 cm; 70; stolp 1, notranjost. 12. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: temno siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjiča­vost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 4; navzkrižno metličenje, enolinijska valovnica; pr. 14 cm; 58_16; stolp 1, zunaj, ob vzhodni steni. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; nedefinirani delci (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); grobo luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 1; tip L 3; pr. 14 cm; 82; stolp 1, notranjost. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; svetlo rjava zunaj, oranžna znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; TS 4; tip L 4; vo­doravno metličenje, niz vbodov; pr. 12 cm; 121; stolp 1, zunaj, ob južni steni. 15. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, siva znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 6; pr. 14 cm; 83_81; stolp 1, notranjost; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 7: 77. 16. Pokrov (groba ker.); držaj z ostenjem; barva: rumena zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 2; tip P 2; pr. 12 cm; 44_45; stolp 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 7: 78. 17. Pokrov (groba ker.); držaj z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in v prelomu, črna znotraj; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), kremen (drobna, zmerna); sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; pr. 3,5 cm; 98; stolp 1, zunaj, ob vzhodni steni. 18. Vrč (groba ker.); del ročaja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; 57; stolp 1, notranjost. Tabla 3 1. Pasna spona; železo; v. 3,3 cm; 30; 1983/545; stolp 2. 2. Peresovina; železo; d. 3 cm; 37; 1983/548; stolp 2. 3. Fibula; bron; v. 2 cm; 36; 1983/547; stolp 2. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 9: 1. 4. Glavnik; roževina; d. 5,8 cm; 35; 1983; stolp 2, plast 7. Ci­glenečki 1985, t. 1: 12. 5. Ključ; železo; v. 12 cm; 40; 1983; stolp 2. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 48. 6. Puščična ost; železo; d. 4,8 cm; 32; 1983/535; stolp 2. 7. Puščična ost; železo; d. 6,7 cm; 39; 1983; stolp 2. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 16. 8. Kavelj; železo; d. 5,8 cm; 43; 1984/8433; stolp 2. 9. Okov; železo; d. 2,1 cm; 43; 1984/8435; stolp 2. 10. Okov; bron, železo; d. 10,5 cm; 46; 1983/544; stolp 2. 11. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 13 cm; 47; 1983/562; stolp 2. 12. Nož; železo; d. 13,5 cm; 45; 1983/543; stolp 2. 13. Nož; železo; d. 17 cm; 41; 1983/527; stolp 2. 14. Obroč; železo; pr. 2,8 cm; 43; 1984/8432; stolp 2. 15. Obroč; železo; pr. 3,6 cm; 31; 1983/546; stolp 2. 16. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 12 cm; 29; 1983/573; stolp 2. 17. Nedoločen predmet; kost; v. 1,8 cm; 27; 1983/558; stolp 2. 18. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 3 cm; 49; 1983/550; stolp 2. 19. Nedoločen predmet; kost; d. 6,7 cm; 27; 1983/556; stolp 2. 20. Nedoločen predmet; kost; d. 13 cm; 27; 1983/555; stolp 2. 21. Nedoločen predmet; železo; v. 1,9 cm; 29; 1983/574; stolp 2. 22. Nedoločen predmet; kost; d. 4,1 cm; 27; 1983/557; stolp 2. 23. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 2,7 cm; 49; 1983/551; stolp 2. Tabla 4 1. Rog; roževina; d. 9,1 cm; 48; 1983/561; stolp 2. 2. Kamen; kamen; d. 5,2 cm; 52; 1984; stolp 2. 3. Brus; kamen; d. 3,2 cm; 422; 1983/522; stolp 2, plast 1; 4. Nedoločen predmet; bron; v. 3,5 cm; 49; 1983/552; stolp 2. 5. Konica; železo; d, 7,8 cm; 47; 1983/563; stolp 2. 6. Konica; železo; d. 5,6 cm; 38; 1983/549; stolp 2. 7. Konica; železo; d. 5,7 cm; 43; 1984/8434; stolp 2. 8. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 2,8 cm; 26; 1983/541; stolp 2. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3,5 cm; 26; 1983/542; stolp 2. 10. Pločevina; svinec; v. 3,2 cm; 43; 1984/8452; stolp 2. 11. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3 cm; 264; 1984/8483; stolp 2, plast 1. 12. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 2,8 cm; 26; 1983/540; stolp 2. 13. Pločevina; svinec; d. 2 cm; 264; 1984/8488; stolp 2. 14. Pločevina; svinec; d. 2,6 cm; 28; 1983/559; stolp 2. 15. Pločevina; svinec; d. 2,1 cm; 28; 1983/560; stolp 2. 16. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4,9 cm; 51; 1983/537; stolp 2. 17. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4 cm; 51; 1983/536; stolp 2. 18. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3,6 cm; 26; 1983/539; stolp 2. 19. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3,7 cm; 51; 1983/538; stolp 2. 20. Ustje steklenice; steklo; v. 1 cm; 415; 1983/523; stolp 2, plast 7. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 56. 21. Krožnik (afriška sigilata); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: 2,5 YR 5/8 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka, slabo ohranjen, rahlo sve­tleč premaz (2,5 YR 5/8) zunaj in znotraj; Hayes 87 B; pr. 32 cm; 441; stolp 2, zunaj. Prottel 1996, t. 6: 11. 22. Skleda (glazirana ker.); del ustja; barva: svetlo oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; zelena glazura čez rdeč premaz; pr. 24 cm; 579; stolp 2. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: b. 23. Skleda (glazirana ker.); del ostenja; barva: svetlo oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; zelena glazura; 483; stolp 2, zunaj. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: c. 24. Vrč (fina ker.); del ustja z ročajem; barva: oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; mehka; 512; stolp 2. 25. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 1; pr. 18 cm; 499; Stolp 2, ob JV zunanji strani. Tabla 5 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 1; pr. 10 cm; 584; stolp 2. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 16 cm; 451; stolp 2, zunaj. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), sljuda ( zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 14 cm; 589; stolp 2. 4. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; mnogolinijska valovnica, ki prehaja v motiv smrekovih vejic; pr. 14 cm; 578; stolp 2. 5. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 17 cm; 496; stolp 2, zunaj. 6. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 16 cm; 468; stolp 2, zunaj. 7. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 16 cm; 491; stolp 2, zunaj. 8. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 16 cm; 454; stolp 2, zunaj. 9. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 16 cm; 472; stolp 2, zunaj. 10. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 4; enolinijska valovnica in kanelure na trebuhu, enoli­nijska valovnica na robu ustja; pr. 14 cm; 585_581; stolp 2. 11. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; pr. 16 cm; 466; stolp 2, zunaj. 12. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; pr. 15,5 cm; 469; stolp 2 - zunaj. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; pr. 16 cm; 580; stolp 2. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 7; mno­golinijska valovnica, horizontalno metličenje; pr. 16 cm; 467; stolp 2, zunaj. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 6: 68. 15. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; dve mno­golinijski valovnici, horizontalno metličenje; pr. 14 cm; 587; stolp 2. 16. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec fina, zmerna); luknjiča­vost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 09; pr. vratu: 14 cm; 458; stolp 2, zunaj. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 6: 72. 17. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; enolinijska valovnica, kanelura; 606; stolp 2. Tabla 6 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), sljuda zelo fina; zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; pr. trebuha: 18 cm; 583; stolp 2. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; vodoravno metličenje, večlinijska valovnica; pr. vratu: 12 cm; 455; stolp 2, zunaj. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 6: 70. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del dna z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; horizon­talno in poševno metličenje na zunanji in notranji strani ostenja in dna; pr. 10 cm; 600; stolp 2. 4. Lonec (groba ker.); del dna z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do gro­ba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; nepravilne zareze na dnu; pr. 14 cm; 596; stolp 2. 5. Lonec (groba ker.); del dna z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; horizontalno in poševno metličenje; pr. 12 cm; 598; stolp 2. 6. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 3; pr. 15 cm; 452_456; stolp 2, zunaj. 7. Jagoda; steklena pasta; db. 1,6 cm; 75; 1983/732; stolp 3, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t.1: 21. 8. Puščica; železo; v. 2,8 cm; 66; 1983/710; stolp 3, plast 5. 9. Žebelj; železo; v. 1,2 cm; 96; 1983/714; stolp 3. 10. Kosa; železo; d. 4,6; 80; 1983/707; stolp 3. 11. Objemka; železo; v. 2,6 cm; 296; 1983/699; stolp 3; plast 3 12. Glavnik; roževina; v. 4,3 cm; 73; 1983/752; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985 t. 1: 10. 13. Glavnik; roževina; d. 11,2 cm; 220; 1983/754; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 14. 14. Glavnik; roževina; d. 102, cm; 221; 1983/753; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 13. 15. Skoba; železo; d. 5,5 cm; 97; 1983/715; stolp 3. 16. Skoba; železo; d. 4,3 cm; 76; 1983/713; stolp 3, plast 5. 17. Skoba; železo; d. 5,4 cm; 84; 1983/712; stolp 3, plast 5. 18. Posoda; kamen; d. 3,3 cm; 233; 1983/618; stolp 3, plast 1. Tabla 7 1. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 18 cm; 74; 1983/729; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 46. 2. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 18 cm; 83; 1983; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 43. 3. Ključ; železo; d. 19,5 cm; 87; 1983/728; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 47. 4. Nož; železo; d. 12 cm; 86; 1983/755; stolp 3, plast 5. 5. Škarje; železo; v. 9,6 cm; 70; 1983/730; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 3:40. 6. Dleto; železo; d. 16,5 cm; 92; 1984; stolp 3, plast 1. 7. Dleto; železo; d. 11,6 cm; 72; 1983/706; stolp 3, plast 5. 8. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 13,9 cm; 98; 1983/716; stolp 3. Tabla 8 1. Okov; železo; d. 11,5 cm; 69; 1983/727; stolp 3, plast 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 35. 2. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 9,3 cm; 79; 1983/701; stolp 3, plast 1. 3. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 8,4 cm; 85; 1983/717; stolp 3, plast 1. 4. Okov; železo; v. 3 cm; 71; 1983/708; stolp 3; planum 1. 5. Šilo; železo; d. 3,4 cm; 81; 1983/704; stolp 3; ob zidu. 6. Pločevina; bron; d. 3 cm; 66; 1983/709; stolp 3. 7. Pasna spona; bron; v. 3,7 cm; 295; 1983/705; stolp 3, plast 1. 8. Trak; železo; d. 5,8 cm; 77; 1983/700; stolp 3; ob zidu. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3 cm; 1983/718; stolp 3. 10. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 7,5 cm; 82; 1983/703; stolp 3, plast 4. 11. Kladivo; železo; d. 19,5 cm; 278; 1983/767; stolp 3, prag. 12. Kamen; kamen; d. 4,2 cm; 282; 1983/764; stolp 3, plast 5. 13. Rog; roževina; d. 6,5 cm; 280; 1983/722; stolp 3. 14. Kos roga; roževina; d. 4,8 cm; 332; 1983/630; stolp 3, planum 1. 15. Utež; svinec; pr. 2,3 cm; 89; 1983/757; stolp 3, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1:17. 16. Pločevina; svinec; v. 2,3 cm; 91; 1983/759; stolp 3, plast 1. 17. Pločevina; svinec; v.2,4 cm; 90; 1983/758; stolp 3, plast 1. Tabla 9 1. Ralo; železo; v. 22 cm; 333; 1983/760; brez konteksta. Cigle­nečki 1984, 157: 28; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 3: 41. Tabla 10 1. Brus; kamen; d. 19 cm; 281; 1983/770; stolp 3, prag. 2. Kamen; kamen; d. 15,5 cm; 279; 1983/742; stolp 3. 3. Brus; kamen; v. 12,6 cm; 283; 1983/769; stolp 3. 4. Brus; kamen; d. 10,6 cm; 234; 1983/619; stolp 3, plast 5. 5. Krogla; kamen, železo; pr. ca. 6 cm; 277; 1983/768; stolp 3. Tabla 11 1. Vrč (glazirana ker.); del ročaja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; zelena glazura; 720; stolp 3, notranjost. 2. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 1); del oste­nja; barva: 5 YR 6/8 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); povr.: mehka; gosto narebrena; pr. trebuha: 22 cm; 798; stolp 3, notranjost. Modrijan 2015, sl. 5: 3. 3. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 1); del ostenja; barva: 7,5 YR 7/4 zunaj, 5 YR 6/5 znotraj in v prelomu; do­datki: apnenec (drobna do groba), sljuda (zelo fina, redka; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; gosto narebren; vel. 4,2 x 2,1 cm; 719; stolp 3, notranjost. Modrijan 2014, t. 3: 10. 4. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip S 4; pr. 18 cm; 750; stolp 3 zunaj, ob J zidu. 5. Skleda (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 3; horizontalni ka­neluri; pr. 20 cm; 678; stolp 3, notranjost, poglabljanje pl. 1. 6. Krožnik ( groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; pr. 14 cm; 685; stolp 3, notranjost, poglabljanje pl. 1. 7. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 1; mnogolinijska valovnica; pr. 10 cm; 721; stolp 3, čiščenje Z zidu. 8. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; enolinijska valovnica, poševno metličenje; pr. 14 cm; 634; stolp 3, notranjost, pl. 3. 9. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 14 cm; 641; stolp 3, notranjost, plast 3. 10. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; enolinijska valovnica, poševno metličenje; pr. 13 cm; 620; stolp 3, notranjost; 11. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna; redka; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; poševno metli­čenje; pr. 16 cm; 762; stolp 3. 12. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 14 cm; 621; stolp 3, zunaj. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, rjava v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna; zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 2; tip L 3; pr. 14 cm; 745; stolp 3, zunaj, ob J zidu, 1. plast pod rušo. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 14 cm; 670; stolp 3, notranjost, poglabljanje pl. 1. 15. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; pr. 16 cm; 791; stolp 3, notranjost. 16. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna; zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; pr. 14 cm; 746; stolp 3 zunaj, ob J zidu, pod rušo. 17. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 7; pr. 13 cm; 624; stolp 3, zunaj. 18. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba), obilna; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 7; pr. 14 cm; 690; stolp 3, odkopavanje Z stene stolpa do 3 m od J zidu. 19. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; apnenec (fina do groba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 7; pr. 14 cm; 735; stolp 3, notranjost, humus in ruševina. 20. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; pr. vratu: 14 cm; 687; stolp 3, notranjost, poglabljanje pl. 1. 21. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; črna zunaj in znotraj, rjava v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava na notranji strani; povr.: trda; TS 3; vodoravno in poševno metličenje, enolinijska valovnica; 632; stolp 3, notranjost, plast 3. 22. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obilna; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; horizontalno metličenje, dve mnogolinijski valovnici; 638; stolp 3, zunaj. Tabla 12 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: rjava zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (fina do drobna, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; TS 2; mnogolinijska valovnica; 744; stolp 3, notranjost, plast 5. 2. Vrč (groba ker.); del ročaja in ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; stolp 3. 3. Vrč (groba ker.); del ročaja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; metličenje; 724; stolp 3, zunaj, ob S zidu, 1, plast pod rušo. 4. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja, ostenja in dna; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; pr. 30 cm; 631; stolp 3, notranjost, plast 3. 5. Pekva (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), sljuda (fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 9; tip P 1; pr. 32 cm; 771; stolp 3, notranjost. 6. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; pr. 19 cm; 795; stolp 3, notranjost. 7. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 2; pr. 18 cm; 660; stolp 3, notranjost. 8. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 2; pr. 20 cm; 786; stolp 3, notranjost. 9. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip P 2; pr. 18 cm; 661; stolp 3, notranjost. 10. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2;tip P 3; 644; stolp 3. Tabla 13 1. Pasna spona; železo; v. 3,5 cm; 184; 1983/966; stolp 4, SV vogal zunaj. 2. Jagoda; steklo; pr. 1,6 cm; 151; 1983; stolp 4, plast 1; Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 1: 20. 3. Jagoda; steklo; d.1,72 cm; 148; 1984; stolp 4, plast 1. 4. Uhan; bron; v. 3,6 cm; 153; 1983; stolp 4; pod pragom. Ci­glenečki 1985, t. 1: 5; Ciglenečki 1994, t. 9: 13; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 13. 5. Zapestnica; železo; pr. 4,6 cm; 186; 1983/968; stolp 4, plast 1. 6. Peresovina; bron; d. 2,2 cm; 145; 1983; stolp 4, plast 1. 7. Fibula; bron; pr. 2 cm; 152; 1983; stolp 4, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 4; Ciglenečki 1994, t. 9: 13; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 3. 8. Fibula; bron; d. 3,1 cm; 147; 1983; stolp 4, plast 1. 9. Spona torbice; železo; d. 9,9 cm; 150; 1983; stolp 4, plast 12. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 3: 37. 10. Glavnik; roževina; d. 3,1 cm; 187; 1983/1005; stolp 4, zunaj ob pragu. 11. Glavnik; roževina; d. 2,4 cm; 187; 1983/1006; stolp 4. 12. Glavnik; roževina; d. 1,3 cm; 187; 1983/1007; stolp 4. 13. Glavnik; roževina; d. 0,7 cm; 187; 1983/1008; stolp 4. 14. Glavnik; roževina; d. 0,7 cm; 187; 1983/1009; stolp 4. 15. Puščična ost; železo; d. 6,2 cm; 181; 1983/962; stolp 4, pod pragom. 16. Puščična ost; železo; d. 6,2 cm; 159; 1983/1026; stolp 4. 17. Puščica; železo; d. 7 cm; 137; 1984/8464; stolp 4, plast 1. 18. Orodje; železo; d. 6,1 cm; 144; 1983; stolp 4, plast 1. Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 3: 38. 19. Lamela oklepa; železo; d. 8,8 cm; 174; 1983/976; stolp 4. 20. Vretence; kost; pr. 4 cm; 143; 1983; stolp 4, plast 2. Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 1: 15. 21. Okov; železo; d. 5,8 cm; 198; 1983/1000; stolp 4, plast 2. 22. Okov; železo; d. 3,6 cm; 188; 1983/989; stolp 4, plast 2. 23. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5,9 cm; 195; 1983/998; stolp 4, plast 2. Tabla 14 1. Nož; železo; d. 24 cm; 254; 1983/1029; stolp 4. 2. Nož; železo; d. 14,8 cm; 183; 1983/965; stolp 4, plast 1. 3. Nož; železo; d. 13,8 cm; 185; 1983/967; stolp 4, plast 1. 4. Nož; železo; 11,9 cm; 255; 1983/1030; stolp 4. 5. Nož; železo; d. 8,3 cm; 149; 1984/8441; stolp 4, plast 1. 6. Nož; železo; d. 9,5 cm; 199; 1983/1001; stolp 4, na vhodu. 7. Nož; železo; d. 13 cm; 197; 1983/999; stolp 4, JV vogal. 8. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3,4 cm; 137; 1984/8468; stolp 4. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 6,2 cm; 171; 1983/983; stolp 4, ob vhodu. 10. Pločevina; svinec; d. 2,2 cm; 149; 1984/8442; stolp 4. 11. Zvitek; svinec; d. 1,6 cm; 145; 1983; stolp 4. 12. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 1,5 cm; 149; 1984/8443; stolp 4. 13. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 7,5 cm; 196; 1983/997; stolp 4, plast 1. 14. Glavnik; železo; najv. d. 9,2 cm; 158; 1983/1028; stolp 4. 15. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 5,5 cm; 149; 1984/8444; stolp 4. 16. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5 cm; 149; 1984/8445; stolp 4. 17. Pločevina; bron; d. 3,2 cm; 137; 1984/8465; stolp 4. Tabla 15 1. Ročaj; železo; pr. 26 cm; 158; 1983/1028; stolp 4. 2. Spona; železo; pr. 4,4 cm; 167; 1983/987; stolp 4, plast 2. 3. Pločevina; svinec; v. 2 cm; 168; 1983/978; stolp 4, plast 1. 4. Kos železa; železo; d. 4,2 cm; 175; 1983/977; stolp 4. 5. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5,3 cm; 165; 1983/971; stolp 4, planum 1. 6. Kavelj; železo; d. 5,6 cm; 189; 1983/990; stolp 4, plast 1. 7. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 9,3 cm; 203; 1983/1004; stolp 4, plast 2. 8. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 8,6 cm; 257; 1983/1031; stolp 4. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 9,5 cm; 257; 1983/1032; stolp 4. 10. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 13,2 cm; 257; 1983/1033; stolp 4. Tabla 16 1. Sveder; železo; d. 29 cm; 141; 1983; stolp 4. 2. Sveder; železo; d. 18,3 cm; 164; 1983/970; stolp 4, plast 12. 3. Spatula; železo; d. 17 cm; 160; 1983/1025; stolp 4. 4. Sveder; železo; d. 5,5 cm; 163; 1983/969; stolp 4, plast 12. 5. Sveder; železo; d. 4,9 cm; 147; 1983; stolp 4. 6. Okov; železo; d. 9,6 cm; 200; 1983/1002; stolp 4, plast 1. 7. Okov; železo; d. 13 cm; 209; 1982/331; stolp 4. 8. Brus; kamen; v. 3,2 cm; 235; 1983/866; stolp 4. 9. Kamen; kamen; v. 4,3 cm; 211; 1982/326; stolp 4. 10. Brus; kamen; v. 3 cm; 142; 1983/1048; stolp 4, plast 1. 11. Ustje kozarca; steklo; v. 1,4 cm; 191; 1983/992; stolp 4. Tabla 17 1. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 1); del ostenja; barva: 5 YR 7/4 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (fina do zelo fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; narebreno ostenje; vel. 4,4 x 3,4 cm; 928; stolp 4, zunaj. 2. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 1; dve enolinijski valovnici; pr. 15 cm; 35; stolp 4. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec; sljuda; drobna do groba; obilna; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; horizontalno metličenje, enolinijska valovnica; pr. vratu: 7 cm; 859; stolp 4, zunaj. 4. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; organske snovi (groba, zmerna); drobno do grobo luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 8; tip S 1; pr. 13,5 cm; 922; stolp 4, zunaj. 5. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; organske primesi drobna do groba, zmerna), zdrobljena ker. (groba, redka); drobno do grobo luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 8; pr. 23 cm; 915; stolp 4, zunaj. 6. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 2; pr. 11 cm; 894; stolp 4, zunaj. 7. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 2; pr. 14 cm; 947; stolp 4, zunaj. 8. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; tip S 4; pr. 16 cm; 313; sonda 4 (pri stolpu 4). 9. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 14 cm; 883; stolp 4, zunaj. 10. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, obilna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 2; pr. 13 cm; 920; stolp 4, zunaj. 11. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 15 cm; 881; stolp 4, zunaj. 12. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 19 cm; 821; stolp 4, ruševinska plast, V stran. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zu­naj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); drobno do grobo luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 3; pr. 14,5 cm; 945; stolp 4, zunaj. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 18 cm; 946; stolp 4, zunaj. 15. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; mnogolinijska valovnica; pr. 16 cm; 878; stolp 4, zunaj. 16. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 15 cm; 832; stolp 4, ruševinska plast. 17. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 13 cm; 856; stolp 4, zunaj. Tabla 18 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del dna z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; neidentificirana rjava zrnca (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); grobo luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 8; narebren rob dna; pr. 12 cm; 1034; stolp 4. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; zunaj sivorjava, znotraj in v prelomu črna; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obil­na), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; navzkrižno metlilčenje; pr. trebuha: 23 cm; 948; stolp 4, zunaj. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; horizontalno metličenje, mnogolinijska valovnica; pr. vratu: 8 cm; 849; stolp 4, notranjost. 4. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; siva zunaj in znotraj, rjava v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; 846; stolp 4, notranjost. 5. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; pr. vratu: 10 cm; 850; stolp 4, zunaj. 6. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomua; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; poševno metličenje; 941; stolp 4, zunaj. 7. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; enolinijska valovnica; 954 stolp 4, zunaj. 8. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; mnogolinijska valovnica; 953; stolp 4, zunaj. 9. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec; sljuda; drobna do groba; fina do zelo fina; zmerna; zmerna; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 2; pr. 18 cm; 887; stolp 4, zunaj. 10. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; tip P 1; pr. 16,5 cm; 884; stolp 4, zunaj. 11. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), zdrobljena ker. (zelo groba, redka); drobno do grobo luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 2; tip P 2; pr. 23 cm; 911; stolp 4, zunaj. 12. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; organske primesi (drobna do groba, zmerna); drobno do grobo luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; tip P 1; pr. 12,5 cm; 913; stolp 4, zunaj. 13. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 3; pr. 11 cm; 855; stolp 4, zunaj. 14. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: nedefinirana zrnca (drobna, redka), organske primesi (drobna do groba, zmerna); drobno do grobo luknjičava; mehka; TS 8; tip P 3; pr. 13,5 cm; 917, 919; stolp 4, zunaj. Tabla 19 1. Pasna spona; železo; v. 3,5 cm; 115; 1983/1205; stolp 5, SZ vogal. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 8. 2. Trak; bron; d. 4,1 cm; 118; 1983/1077; stolp 5, plast 2. 3. Prstan; bron; pr. 2,2 cm; 120; 1984/8451; stolp 5, SV vogal. 4. Puščična ost; železo; v. 4,8 cm; 116; 1983/1206; stolp 5, plast 1. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 15. 5. Puščična ost; železo; v. 10,1 cm; 113; 1983/1207; stolp 5. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 28; Ciglenečki 1994, t. 9: 22; Cigle­nečki 2008, sl. 15: 21. 6. Orodje; železo; d. 9,1 cm; 114; 1983/1146; stolp 5, SZ vogal. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 44. 7. Polizdelek; roževina; v. 9,3 cm; 331; 1982/346; stolp 5. 8. Žebelj; železo; d. 7,6 cm; 124; 1983/1078; stolp 5, plast 1. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4,3 cm; 249; 1982/349; stolp 5. 10. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 3,7 cm; 252; 1982/352; stolp 5. 11. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 3 cm; 251; 1982/351; stolp 5. 12. Nedoločen predmet; bron; v. 1,9 cm; 250; 1982/350; stolp 5. 13. Okov; železo; d. 15,5 cm; 244; 1983/347; stolp 5. 14. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 6,3 cm; 248; 1982/348; stolp 5. 15. Plošča; kamen; d. 6,3 cm; 247; 1982/343; stolp 5. 16. Brus; kamen; d. 9,5 cm; 286; 1983/1189; stolp 5. 17. Brus; kamen; d. 8,1 cm; 285; 1983/1188; stolp 5. Tabla 20 1. Kamen; kamen; d. 7,8 cm; 284; 1983/1126; stolp 5. 2. Pol kamnite krogle; kamen; pr. 4,8 cm; 245; 1982/344; stolp 5. 3. Kamen; kamen; d. 7,4 cm; 246; 1982/345; stolp 5. 4. Noga kozarca; steklo; v. 2,4 cm; 112; 1983/1204; stolp 5, plast 2. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 59. 5. Melnica (glazirana ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna), zmleta ker. (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; zelena glazura čez rdeč premaz; pr. 28 cm; 1093; stolp 5, zunaj. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: a. 6. Amfora (vzhodnomediteranska, verjetno LRA 1); del ročaja; barva: 10 YR 8/3 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka, prašna povr.; 1080; stolp 5, notranjost. Modrijan 2014, t. 5: 7. 7. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 1; mnogo­linijska valovnica, navzkrižno metličenje; pr. 14 cm; 1127; stolp 5, notranjost. 8. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 1; pr. 17 cm; 1145; stolp 5. 9. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obilna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 6; tip S 4; pr. 14 cm; 1098; stolp 5, zunaj. 10. Skleda (groba ker.); deli ustja, ostenja in dna; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 4; enolinijska valovnica na ostenju, kratki vrezi na ustju; pr. 17 cm; 1167; stolp 5, notranjost. 11. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 4; enolinijska valovnica na ostenju, kratki vrezi na ustju; pr. 14 cm; 1070; stolp 5. Tabla 21 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), kremen (groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 14 cm; 340; sonda 5. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 18 cm; 1097; stolp 5, zunaj. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 10 cm; 337; sonda 5. 4. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 4; eno­linijska valovnica, niz vbodov na notranjem robu ustja; pr. 14 cm; 338; sonda 5. 5. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 4; hori­zontalne kanelure; pr 17,5 cm; 1115; stolp 5, notranjost. 6. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; siva zunaj in zno­traj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 5; mnogolinijska valovnica; pr. 9 cm; 1069; stolp 5. 7. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 5; enolinijska valovnica; pr. 10 cm; 339; sonda 5. 8. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; enolinijska valovnica; pr. vratu: 13 cm; 1129; stolp 5, notranjost. 9. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna), sljuda; (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 6; navpično metličenje, dve enoliniski valovnici; vel. 5,3 x 3,4 cm; 1159; stolp 5, zunaj. 10. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; horizon­talno metličenje, enolinijski valovnici; 1181; stolp 5, zunaj. 11. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, zmerna), sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; pr. 20 cm; 1193; stolp 5, zunaj. 12. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; pr.15 cm; 1102; stolp 5, zunaj. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknji­čavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; mnogolinijska valovnica; vel. 5,4 x 3,5 cm; 1081_1082; stolp 5, zunaj. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmer­na), sljuda (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; dve mnogolinijski valovnici; vel. 4,2 x 5 cm; 1128; stolp 5, notranjost; 15. Posoda (groba ker.); del dna; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; križ - lon­čarski znak na dnu; 4,5 x 3,4 cm; 1072; stolp 5. 16. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna; redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 4; vbodi na notranji strani ustja; pr. 22 cm; 3; sonda 1. 17. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; dvolinijska va­lovnica, vodoravno metličenje; pr. vratu: 12 cm; 5; sonda 1. Tabla 22 1. Ustje kozarca; steklo; 273; 1982/174; v. 1,6 cm; sonda 2. 2. Ustje kozarca; steklo; 273; 1982/175; v. 2,2 cm; sonda 2. 3. Ustje kozarca; steklo; 225; 1983; v. 1,7 cm; sonda 2, planum 1. 4. Noga kozarca; steklo; 222; 1983; v. 3,5 cm; sonda 2 plast 1. 5. Noga kozarca; steklo; 214; 1983; pr. 9,7 cm; sonda 2 plast 1. 6. Pločevina; bron; d. 4,5 cm; 213; 1983; sonda 2. 7. Svinec s keramiko; svinec, keramika; pr. 3,5 cm; 418; 1983; 1490; sonda 2. 8. Zapestnica; bron; d. 2,1 cm; 215; 1983; sonda 2. 9. Lonec (egejska keramika); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: temno siva zunaj in znotraj, temno rjava v prelomu; dodatki: kre­men (drobna, redka), sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; pr. 13 cm; 195; sonda 2. 10. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; tip S 3; pr. 26 cm; 187; sonda 2. 11. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; oranžen premaz zunaj in znotraj; TS 3; tip S 2; pr. 16 cm; 186; sonda 2. 12. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; svetlo rjava zu­naj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, redka); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 6; tip S 4; pr. 16 cm; 167; sonda 2. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 1; pr. 23 cm; 132; sonda 2. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 14 cm; 147; sonda 2. 15. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; temno rjava zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 2; 160; sonda 2. 16. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do gro­ba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 4; pr. 13,5 cm; 165; sonda 2. 17. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do gro­ba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 3; pr. 20 cm; 166; sonda 2. 18. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; rjava zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 6; tip L 3; pr. 19 cm; 162; sonda 2. 19. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; črna zunaj in zno­traj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 5; pr. 13,5 cm; 149; sonda 2. 20. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna; zmerna; povr.: mehka; luknjičavost: ne; TS 1; tip L 6; pr. 15 cm; 152; sonda 2. 21. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec ( fina; zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 6; pr. 16 cm; 161; sonda 2. 22. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; tip L 6; pr. 15,5 cm; 143; sonda 2. Tabla 23 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 1; tip L 6; pr. 19 cm; 141; sonda 2. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 8; dve enolinijski valovnici, kanelura; 158; sonda 2. 3. Krožnik (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka); drob­no luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; pr. 15,5 cm; 194; sonda 2. 4. Krožnik (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem in dnom; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: kremen (drobna, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 9; pr. 18 cm; 191; sonda 2. 5. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; rahlo metličenje; pr. 22 cm; 128; sonda 2. 6. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; pr. 15 cm; 131; sonda 2. 7. Pokrov (groba ker.); držaj z delom ostenja; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 5; pr. 6 cm; 236; sonda 2, spodnja plast. 8. Fibula; bron; d. 6,3 cm; 2; 1982/291; sonda 3. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 2. 9. Pasna spona; železo; v. 3,7 cm; 1; 1982/293; sonda 3. Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 1: 7. 10. Okov; železo; razpadel; 3; 1982/292; sonda 3. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 9. 11. Skoba; železo; d. 6 cm; 206; 1982/276; sonda 3. 12. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 2,6 cm; 206; 1982/275; sonda 3. 13. Puščična ost; železo; d. 5,7 cm; 206; 1982/274; sonda 3. 14. Glavnik; roževina; d. 1,4 cm; 208; 1982/785; sonda 3, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 11. 15. Vrč (glazirana ker.); del ročaja; barva: oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, redka), zdrobljena opeka (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; glazura; 279; sonda 3. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: i. 16. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 1); del ustja in ostenja; barva: 5 YR 6/6 zunaj; 2,5 YR 6/8 znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina do fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka, prašna; široko narebrena; 272; sonda 3. 17. Lonček (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: temno siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 1; tip L 1; kratki poševni vrezi; pr. 6 cm; 280; sonda 3. Tabla 24 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: temno siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 1; pr. 20 cm; 282; sonda 3. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sl­juda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; dve enolinijski valovnici; pr. 13 cm; 277; sonda 3. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna), sljuda (fina, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 3; pr. 16 cm; 287; sonda 3. 4. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; pr. 15 cm; 284; sonda 3. 5. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; enolinijska valovnica, poševno metli­čenje; pr. 16 cm; 283; sonda 3. 6. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; pr. 20 cm; 288; sonda 3. 7. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka); sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 6; 13 cm; 281; sonda 3. 8. Konica; železo; d. 7,5 cm; 9; 1982/354; sonda 6. 9. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 5 cm; 10; 1982/355; sonda 6. 10. Melnica (glazirana ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; 7,5 YR 7/6 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; glazura na zunanji površini; pr. 24 cm; 359; sonda 6. 11. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; pr. 20 cm; 358; sonda 6. 12. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 5; tip S 1; pr. 16 cm; 364; sonda 7. 13. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 8 cm; 259; 1982/399; son­da 8. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 45. 14. Nedoločen predmet; železo; v. 8,1 cm; 271; 1982/396; sonda 8. 15. Vretence; svinec; pr. 2,5 cm; 267; 1982/398; sonda 8. 16. Pločevina; bron; d. 3,6 cm; 258; 1982/394; sonda 8. Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 1: 22. 17. Pločevina; bron; v. 4,1 cm; 261; 1982/416; sonda 8. 18. Pločevina; bron; v. 6,8 cm; 258; 1982/395; sonda 8. Tabla 25 1. Kamen; kamen; v. 5 cm; 226; 1982/409; sonda 8. 2. Brus; kamen; v. 4,1 cm; 228; 1982/378; sonda 8. 3. Kamen; kamen; v. 6,2 cm; 230; 1982/393; sonda 8. 4. Nedoločen predmet; železo; v. 6,4 cm; 260; 1982/415; sonda 8. 5. Lonček (glazirana ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjiča­vost: ne; povr.: mehka; zelena glazura zunaj in znotraj; 407; sonda 8. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 62, Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: d. 6. Vrč (glazirana ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; temno zelena glazura znotraj; pr. 4,5; 369; sonda 8. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: f. 7. Skleda (glazirana ker.); del dna z ostenjem; barva: oranžna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; zelena glazura znotraj; pr. 9 cm; 383; sonda 8. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: e. 8. Posoda (glazirana ker.); del ročaja; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; temno zelena glazura; 391; sonda 8. Modrijan 2009, sl. 2: h 9. Vrč (navadna namizna ker.); del ročaja; barva: 5 YR 7/6 zu­naj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda, raskava; 408; sonda 8. 10. Vrč (navadna namizna ker.); del ročaja; barva: rumena (7,5 YR 8/2) zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; 382; sonda 8. 11. Amfora (mali spatejon); ustje in del vratu; barva: 5 YR 6/6 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; pr. 7,5 cm; 368; sonda 8. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 66; Knific 1994, t. 7: 2. 12. Amfora (mali spatejon); del ostenja; barva: zunaj in v prelo­mu 5 YR 6/8 do 5 YR 8/2, znotraj 5 YR 6/8; sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; pr. 6 cm; 380; sonda 8. 13. Amfora (mali spatejon); konica; barva: 2,5 YR 6/6 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; 370; sonda 8. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 67; Knific 1994, sl. 7: 3. 14. Amfora (mali spatejon); konica; barva: 5 YR 8/2 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, redka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; 376; sonda 8. 15. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip S 3; horizontalni kaneluri; pr. 27 cm; 367; sonda 8. 16. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip S 4; pr. 26 cm; 366; sonda 8. 17. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjam; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; pr. 13,5 cm; 388; sonda 8. 18. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjam; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, redka); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 2; tip L 2; pr. 13 cm; 386; sonda 8. 19. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: trda; TS 2; pr. 11 cm; 404; sonda 8. 20. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 6; tip L 6; pr. 12 cm; 385; sonda 8. Tabla 26 1. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), kremen (groba, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip P 1; pr. 19 cm; 389; sonda 8. 2. Pokrov (groba ker.); čep z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, zno­traj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka); drob­no luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; pr. 6 cm; 375; sonda 8. 3. Pokrov (groba ker.); čep z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; sljuda (drobna, obilna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 6; tip P 2; pr. 29 cm; 373; sonda 8. 4. Konica in obroč; železo; pr. 5,3 cm; 204; 1982/130; sonda 9. 5. Žebelj; železo; d. 6,1 cm; 204; 1982/130; sonda 9. 6. Žebelj; železo; d. 2,8 cm; 204; 1982/130; sonda 9. 7. Konica; železo; d. 4,7 cm; 204; 1982/130; sonda 9. 8. Nož; železo; d. 11,7 cm; 336; 1982/420; sonda 10. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 4: 52. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5,2 cm; 7; 1982/418; sonda 10. 10. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5,3 cm; 6; 1982/417; sonda 10. 11. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4,8 cm; 8; 1982/419; sonda 10. 12. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja in dva dela ostenja; barva: rjava zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 6; tip S 4; široka rebra; pr. 14 cm; 422_423_426; sonda 10. 13. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 1; tip L 2; enolinijska valovnica, horizontalno metličenje; pr. 11 cm; 421; sonda 10. 14. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; TS 6; tip L 4; pr. 14 cm; sonda 10. 15. Skleda (glazirana ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; brez vidnih primesi; luknji­čavost: ne; povr.: trda; zelena glazura zunaj in znotraj; pr. 13,5 cm; 428; sonda 10. Tabla 27 1. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7,8 cm; 368; 1209; cerkev, plast 1. 2. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7.3 cm; 367; 1208; cerkev, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 26; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 19. 3. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7,7 cm; 289; 1983/1289-1290; cerkev; stranski prostor, nad skalo. 4. Puščična ost; železo; d. 9 cm; 380; 1495; cerkev; na tlaku ladje. 5. Nož; železo; d. 7,3 cm; 224; 1983; cerkev. 6. Šivanka; železo; d. 5,9 cm; 411; 1560; cerkev, plast 1. Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 2: 31. 7. Konica; železo; d. 3,2 cm; 224; 1983; cerkev. 8. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5,8 cm; 412; 1561; cerkev, plast 1. 9. Ploščica; bron; š. 1,8 cm; 413; 1562; cerkev, plast 1. 10. Žeton ali okras; steklo; ni določljiva; pr. 1,5 cm; 414; 1563; cerkev, plast 1. 11. Zvitek; svinec; d. 2 cm; 410; 1558; cerkev, plast 1. 12. Vretence; svinec; pr. 2,6 cm; 484; 1501; cerkev; apsida, plast 1. 13. Obroč; železo; pr. 4,2 cm; 400; 1544; cerkev, plast 1. 14. Obroč; železo; pr. 4,1 cm; 388; 1520; cerkev, plast 1. 15. Šilo; železo; d. 5,9 cm; 394; 1530; cerkev, plast 1. 16. Šilo; železo; d. 5,7 cm; 403; 1548; cerkev; pod tlakom ladje. 17. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 4,2 cm; 377; 1487; cerkev; grobnica. 18. Škarje; železo; d. 11,2 cm; 56; 1983; cerkev. 19. Trikotno rezilo; železo; ohr. d. 9,4 cm; 399; 1535; cerkev; na tlaku ladje. 20. Palica; železo; d. 12,3 cm; 401; 1546; cerkev, plast 1. Cigle­nečki 1985, t. 2: 32. 21. Konica; železo; d. 19 cm; 378; 1488; cerkev; grobnica. Tabla 28 1. Nedoločen predmet; železo; v. 5,8 cm; 379; 1492; cerkev; severni stranski prostor, skalna tla. 2. Spona; železo; d. 5,9 cm; 393; 1529; cerkev, plast 1. 3. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 6,3 cm; 387; 1518; cerkev; apsida, plast 1. 4. Tečaj; železo; d. 4,7 cm; 407; 1552; cerkev, plast 1. 5. Tečaj; železo; d. 4,3 cm (spona); 383; 1498; cerkev, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 3: 39. 6. Tečaj; železo; d. 4,5 cm; 373; 1474; cerkev, apsida, pod tlakom. 7. Tečaj; železo; d. 5,1 cm; 374; 1475; cerkev, ladja, na tlaku. 8. Tečaj; železo; d. 4,9 cm; 402; 1547; cerkev, ladja, pod tlakom. 9. Konica; železo; d. 3,6 cm; 406; 1551; cerkev, ladja, pod tlakom. 10. Konica; železo; najv. d. 5 cm; 408; 1553; cerkev, plast 1. 11. Konica; železo; d. 3,6 cm; 408; 1556; cerkev. 12. Konica; železo; d. 3,4 cm; 409; 1557; cerkev, plast 1. 13. Konica; železo; d. 4,2 cm; 408; 1554; cerkev. 14. Konica; železo; d. 4,2 cm; 408; 1555; cerkev. 15. Tečaj; železo; d. 12,1 cm; 397; 1533; cerkev, plast 1. 16. Klin; železo; d. 10,7 cm; 392; 1527; cerkev, severni stranski prostor. 17. Klin; železo; d. 15,1 cm; 398; 1534; cerkev, plast 1. 18. Žebelj; železo; d. 13,5 cm; 369; 1467; cerkev, zunaj apside. 19. Žebelj; železo; d. 13,1 cm; 370; 1468; cerkev, ladja, pod tlakom. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 52. 20. Žebelj; železo; d. 13,8 cm; 371; 1469; cerkev, ladja, pod tlakom. 21. Žebelj; železo; d. 14,3 cm; 382; 1497; cerkev, severni stranski prostor. Tabla 29 1. Okov; železo; d. 6,7 cm; 375; 1478; cerkev, prag med sever­nim stranskim prostorom in ladjo. 2. Obročast predmet; železo; d. 6,4 cm; 404; 1549; cerkev, ladja, pod tlakom. 3. Konica; železo; d. 9,5 cm; 396; 1532; cerkev, plast 1. 4. Žebelj; železo; d. 9,1 cm; 372; 1473; cerkev, prezbiterij, pod tlakom. 5. Žebelj; železo; d. 8,7 cm; 395; 1531; cerkev, plast 1. 6. Konica; železo; d. 5 cm; 405; 1550; cerkev, ladja, pod tlakom. 7. Konica; železo; d. 5,4 cm; 383; 1498; cerkev. 8. Konica; železo; d. 6 cm; 383; 1498; cerkev. 9. Konica; železo; d. 4 cm; 383; 1498; cerkev. 10. Konica; železo; d. 3,4 cm; 383; 1498; cerkev. 11. Kamen; kamen; d. 11,6 cm; 241; 1983/1225; cerkev. 12. Kamen; kamen - apnenec; v. 9,5 cm; 240; 1983/1214; cerkev. 13. Brus; kamen; d. 5,5 cm; 287; 1983/1437; cerkev. 14. Kamen; kamen; d. 6,7 cm; 243; 1983/1215; cerkev. 15. Brus; kamen; d. 22 cm; 242; 1983/1216; cerkev. Tabla 30 1. Ustje čaše; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 1,7 cm; 357; 1516; cerkev. 2. Ustje kozarca; steklo; močno zelenkasto; v. 0,8 cm; 362; 1536; cerkev, plast 1. 3. Ustje kozarca; steklo; v. 0,5 cm; 363; 1537; cerkev, plast 1. 4. Ustje kozarca; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 1,1 cm; 359; 1523; cerkev. 5. Ustje kozarca; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 1,7 cm; 354; 1509; cerkev. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 54. 6. Ustje kozarca; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 2 cm; 344; 1484; cerkev. 7. Ustje kozarca; steklo; v. 1,7 cm; 359; 1517; cerkev. 8. Ustje kozarca; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 2,1 cm; 358; 1521; cerkev, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 53. 9. Ustje kozarca; steklo; rumenkasto; v. 1,8 cm; 351; 1504; cerkev, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 55. 10. Dno kozarca; steklo; zelenkasto; d. 2,3 cm; 342; 1481; cerkev, prag med severnim stranskim prostorom in ladjo. 11. Ustje vrča; steklo; vijoličasto; d. 2,8 cm; 365; 1542; cerkev, plast 1. 12. Dno kozarca; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 2,7 cm; 337; 1210; cerkev, severni stranski prostor. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 57. 13. Vrat; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 2,1 cm; 357; 1515; cerkev. 14. Ročaj vrča; steklo; vijoličasto; v. 4,6 cm; 339; 1212; cerkev, plast 1. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 61. 15. Ostenje; steklo; vijoličasto; d. 3,9 cm; 338; 1211; cerkev, severni stranski prostor. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 5: 60. 16. Okensko steklo; steklo; rjavkasto; d. 4 cm; 59; 1983/1239; cerkev, plast 1. 17. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 2); del os­tenja; barva zunaj in v prelomu 7,5 YR 7/4, znotraj 7,5 YR 7/4–2,5 YR 6/8-7,5 YR 7/4; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, redka), nedefinirana raznobarvna zrnca (fina, red­ka); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; ozka plitva rebra; 1294; cerkev, za severnim zidom severnega prizidka. Modrijan 2014, t. 5: 11, Modrijan 2015, sl. 5: 6. 18. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 2); del os­tenja; barva: 7,5 YR 7/4 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; široka globoka rebra; 1282; cerkev, za južnim zidom narteksa; Modrijan 2014, t. 5: 8. 19. Amfora (vzhodnosredozemska, verjetno LRA 2); 2 dela ostenja; barva: 5 YR 6/6 zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: mehka; 1601; cerkev. 20. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 1; vodoravno in poševno metličenje; pr. 17 cm; 1337; cerkev, apsida. 21. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip S 1; dvolinijska valovni­ca, horizontalno metličenje; pr. 12 cm; 1257; cerkev, apsida. 22. Skleda (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; svetlo rjava in črna zunaj in znotraj, črna v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; tip S 1; pr. 24 cm; 1499; cerkev, baptisterij, v žganinski plasti. 23. Lonec (groba ker.); deli ustja, ostenja in dna; barva: oranž­norjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna do groba, obilna), sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjiča­vost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 1; pr. 18 cm; 1277; cerkev zunaj, vzhodno od JV vogala narteksa. 24. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, obilna), sljuda (zelo fina, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 2; enolinijska valovnica; pr. 13,5 cm; 1605; cerkev. Tabla 31 1. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj, svetlo siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (fina do groba, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 2; horizontalno metličenje, enolinijska valovnica; pr. 14 cm; 1604; cerkev. 2. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj, svetlo siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 3; vodoravno in poševno metličenje, enolionijska valovnica; 15 cm; 1602; cerkev. 3. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: siva zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; pr. 24 cm; 1268; cerkev, apsida zunaj. 4. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in v prelomu, rjava in črna lisasta znotraj; dodatki: apnenec (fina do drobna, zmerna), zdrobljena ker. (fina, redka); drobno luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; tip L 3; rahlo metličenje; pr. 12 cm; 1260; cerkev, severni prizidek. 5. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: črna zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, obilna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; tip L 3; dve mnogolinijski valovnici; pr. 18 cm; 1603; cerkev. 6. Lonec (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: svetlo rjava zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, redka), sljuda (zelo fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 4; tip L 5; pr. 12,5 cm; 1368; cerkev, apsida. 7. Pokrov (groba ker.); del ustja z ostenjem; barva: rjava zunaj, znotraj in v prelomu; dodatki: apnenec (drobna, obilna); grobo luknjičava; povr.: mehka; TS 2; tip P 1; horizontalno metličenje; pr. 14 cm; 1411; cerkev. 8. Lonec (groba ker.); del ostenja; barva: črna zunaj in znotraj, siva v prelomu; dodatki: dodatki: apnenec (drobna, zmerna), sljuda (fina, zmerna); luknjičavost: ne; povr.: trda; TS 3; enolinijska valovnica, vodoravno metličenje; 1317; cerkev. 9. Fibula; bron; d. 5,9 cm; R 19381; brez konteksta; Karo 1999, omenjena kot 1997/35­8. 10. Fibula; bron; d. 4,8 cm; 126; 1986; brez konteksta. 11. Fibula; bron; d. 4,4 cm; 133; 9574; brez konteksta. 12. Fibula; bron; d. 3,2 cm; 443; 9176; brez konteksta. 13. Fibula; bron; d. 3,2 cm; 129; 1995/9577; brez konteksta. 14. Fibula; bron; d. 2,3 cm; 290; 8536; brez konteksta. 15. Fibula; bron; d. 2,2 cm; 265; 84115; brez konteksta. 16. Fibula; bron; d. 1,2 cm; 448; 9308; brez konteksta. 17. Fibula; bron; š. 2,1 cm; 482; 9231; cerkev. 18. Fibula; bron; d. 2 cm; 219; 1983; brez konteksta. 19. Fibula; bron; d. 3,9 cm; 469; brez konteksta. Tabla 32 1. Fibula; bron; d. 3,6 cm; 472; brez konteksta. 2. Fibula; bron; d. 2,8 cm; 455; 9223; brez konteksta. 3. Fibula; bron; pr. 2,5 cm; 96a; brez konteksta. 4. Fibula; noga; bron; d. 3,5 cm; 63; 1983/131; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1:3. 5. Fibula; bron; d. 4,5 cm; 447; 9307; brez konteksta. 6. Fibula; bron; pr. 1,5 cm; 475; brez konteksta. 7. Fibula; čebulica; bron; pr. 1,1 cm; R 17849; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, 28. 8. Fibula; bron; d. 2,2 cm; 451; 9313; brez konteksta. 9. Fibula; bron; d. 4,3 cm; S 3328; brez konteksta. Bitenc, Knific 2012, sl. 1: 6. 10. Fibula; bron; d. 4 cm; S 6730; brez konteksta. Bitenc, Knific 2012, sl. 1: 4. 11. Fibula; srebro; d. 3,7 cm; 297; 1984; S 3003; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 1: 1; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 1. 12. Fibula; bron; d. 7,54 cm; S 2562; brez konteksta; Karo 1999, t. 1: 4. 13. Fibula; bron; d. 5 cm; S 2691; brez konteksta. Bitenc, Knific 2001, kat. št. 169, stran 58; Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 5. 14. Peresovina; bron; d. 1,2 cm; 290; 8537; brez konteksta. 15. Obesek; srebro; pr. 2,3 cm; /; brez konteksta. 16. Tulec; bron; v. 1,2 cm; /; brez konteksta. 17. Kavelj; srebro; v. 3 cm; 442; 8914; brez konteksta. 18. Igla; železo; v. 4,5 cm; 217; 1982/126; brez konteksta. 19. Prstan; bron; pr. 1,8 cm; 492; brez konteksta. 20. Prstan; bron; pr. 2 cm; 453; brez konteksta. 21. Prstan; železo; pr. 2 cm; S 6878; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 7. 22. Prstan; srebro; pr. 2 cm; 452; 9911; brez konteksta. Cigle­nečki 1994, t. 9: 14. 23. Zapestnica; bron; d. 3,9 cm; R 18747; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 6. 24. Jagoda; steklo; pr. 1,2 cm; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 1: 19. 25. Uhan; bron; v. 1 cm; 458; 9185; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 12. 26. Okov; bron; v. 2,3 cm; 477; brez konteksta. 27. Nedoločen predmet; bron; v. 1,9 cm; 490; brez konteksta. Tabla 33 1. Gumb; bron; pr. 2,1 cm; R 18743; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 8. 2 Gumb; bron; pr. 1 cm; 294; 1995/9553; brez konteksta. 3. Okov; bron in železo; d. 2,2 cm; 457; 1989; brez konteksta. 4. Okov; bron; d. 3 cm; R 17851; brez konteksta. Pflaum 2000, kat. št. 83. 5. Pasni jeziček; bron; d. 4,3 cm; R 17850; brez konteksta. Pflaum 2000, kat. št. 84. 6. Okov pasne spone; železo; v. 4,4 cm; 130; 1986; brez kon­teksta. 7. Trn spone; bron; d. 3 cm; 440; brez konteksta. 8. Trn spone; bron; d. 2,7 cm; 456; D 9310; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 8. 9. Trn spone; bron; d. 2,8 cm; 98; brez konteksta. 10. Okov pasne spone; bron; v. 1,7 cm; 476; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 11. 11. Okov spone; bron; v. 2 cm; 460; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 9; 12. Okov spone; bron; d. 1,9 cm; 491; brez konteksta. Cigle­nečki 2008, sl. 15: 4. 13. Okov spone; bron; v. 4,6 cm; 437; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 5. 14. Okov; bron; v. 2,2 cm; brez konteksta. 15. Obroč pasne spone; bron in železo; v. 2,5 cm; 435; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 10. 16. Obroč pasne spone; železo; v. 2,6 cm; 436; 1993; brez konteksta. 17. Pasni jeziček; bron; d. 3,25 cm; S 2645; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 1: 3. 18. Razdelilec; bron; v. 3,5 cm; 454; 9221; brez konteksta. 19. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7,75 cm; S 2704; brez konteksta; Karo 1999, t. 1: 5. Ciglenečki 2008, sl. 15: 20. 20. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7,8 cm; 146; 1983; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 27; Ciglenečki 1994, t. 9: 20; Cigle­nečki 2008, sl. 15: 17. 21. Puščična ost; železo; d. 6,4 cm; 218; 1983; brez konteksta. 22. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7,8 cm; 420; brez konteksta. 23. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7,2 cm; S 2705; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 1: 6. 24. Puščična ost; železo; d. 7 cm; 128; 1986; brez konteksta. 25. Pečat; svinec; v. 1,6 cm; 461; brez konteksta. Tabla 34 1. Sekira; železo; d. 18,2 cm; 497; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 1984, 156: 23; Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 33. 2. Kosa; železo; d. 40 cm; 496; brez konteksta. 3. Škarje; železo; d. 17 cm; 212; 1984; brez konteksta. 4. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4,4 cm; S 6877; brez kon­teksta; Karo 1999, t. 1: 9. 5. Kosir; železo; pr. 4,3 cm; 290; 8539; brez konteksta. 6. Rezilo; železo; v. 4,5 cm; brez konteksta. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 34. 7. Sveder; železo; d. 5,2 cm; R 18744; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 1: 8. Tabla 35 1. Sveder; železo; d. 11,25 cm; R 18745; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 1: 7. 2. Žebelj; železo; d. 2,6 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 3. Žebelj; železo; d. 5,3 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 4. Žebelj; železo; d. 6 cm; 326; brez konteksta. 5. Žebelj; železo; d. 7 cm; 325; brez konteksta. 6. Nedoločen predmet; bron; š. 3 cm; 478; brez konteksta. 7. Zvonec; bron in železo; v. 2,3 cm; 441; 8912; brez konteksta. 8. Zvonec; bron; v. 6,1 cm; R 18749; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 5. 9. Šilo; železo; d. 14 cm; brez konteksta. 10. Šilo; železo; d. 10,3 cm; 127; 1982/126; brez konteksta. 11. Kembelj; bron; v. 3,9 cm; 470; 9396; brez konteksta. 12. Ingot; bron; d. 4,1 cm; 65; 1983/131; brez konteksta. 13. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 1,2 cm; 486; brez konteksta. 14. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 1,9 cm; 487; brez konteksta. 15. Nedoločen predmet; srebro; d. 1,3 cm; 489; 93119; brez konteksta. 16. Nož; železo; d. 14 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 17. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4 cm; 223; 1983; brez kon­teksta. Ciglenečki 1985, t. 2: 30. 18. Nož; železo; d. 13,9 cm; 419; brez konteksta. 19. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 8,8 cm; 467; 9228; brez konteksta. 20. Okov; železo; d. 5,2 cm; 134; 1984/8461; brez konteksta. 21. Žebelj; železo; d. 1,5 cm; 138; 1984/8458; brez konteksta. 22. Žebelj; železo; d. 0,4 cm; 138; 1984/8459; brez konteksta. 23. Žebelj; bron; d. 1,3 cm; 9534; brez konteksta. Tabla 36 1. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 6 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 2. Trak; železo; d. 3,7 cm; 112; brez konteksta. 3. Konica; železo; d. 2,6 cm; 113; brez konteksta. 4. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 6,7 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 5. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 3,5 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 6. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 5,3 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 7. Nedoločen predmet; bron; d. 4,7 cm; 290; 8538; brez kon­teksta. 8. Okov; železo; d. 8,6 cm; 468; 9227; brez konteksta. 9. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 4 cm; 224_5; brez konteksta. 10. Gumb; bron; pr. 2,1 cm; 224_7; brez konteksta. 11. Kosir; železo; pr. 5 cm; 224_8; brez konteksta. 12. Konica; železo; d. 4,6 cm; 217; 1982/127; brez konteksta. 13. Konica; železo; v. 9,1 cm; 466; brez konteksta. 14. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 6,2 cm; 94; 1984; brez konteksta. 15. Nedoločen predmet; železo; d. 7,8 cm; 131; 1986; brez konteksta. 16. Brus; kamen; d. 7 cm; 324; brez konteksta. 17. Ogledalo; bron; d. 3 cm; S 3264; brez konteksta. Pflaum 2000, kat. št. 85. 18. Nedoločen predmet; roževina; d. 2,4 cm; 262; brez kon­teksta. 19. Nedoločen predmet; roževina; d. 4 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 20. Ključ; železo; d. 14,3 cm; 445; 9178; brez konteksta. 21. Ključ; železo; v. 12, 1 cm; 473; brez konteksta. Tabla 37 1. Rog; roževina; d. 10 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 2. Ingot; svinec; d. 7,8 cm; 329; brez konteksta. 3. Nedoločen predmet; svinec; pr. 2,7 cm; 438; 1989; brez konteksta. 4. Nedoločen predmet; svinec; v. 2,3 cm; 459; 1989; brez konteksta. 5. Nedoločen predmet; svinec; pr. 3,1 cm; 439; 1993; brez konteksta. 6. Nedoločen predmet; svinec; d. 3,1 cm; 64; 1983/131; brez konteksta. 7. Utež; železo; pr. 2,6 cm; 446; 9305; brez konteksta. 8. Krogla; svinec; pr. 2 cm; 291; 1995; brez konteksta. 9. Utež; svinec; š. 1,6 cm; 474; brez konteksta. 10. Nedoločen predmet; svinec; pr. 3,3 cm; R 18748; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 1. 11. Pločevina; svinec; d. 3,2 cm; 138; 1984/8460; brez konteksta. 12. Zvitek; svinec; d. 2,2 cm; 290; 8540; brez konteksta. 13. Zvitek; svinec; d. 3,8 cm; 290; 8541; brez konteksta. 14. Zvitek; svinec; v. 2,9 cm; S 6874; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 2. 15. Zvitek; svinec; v. 2,2 cm; S 6875; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 3. 16. Zvitek; svinec; v. 2,6 cm; S 6876; brez konteksta. Karo 1999, t. 2: 4. 17. Zvitek; svinec; d. 2,6 cm; 480; brez konteksta. 18. Ingot; svinec; d. 20 cm; 330; brez konteksta. Tabla 38 1. Zvitek; svinec; d. 2,8 cm; 479; brez konteksta. 2. Zvitek; svinec; d. 3,2 cm; 479; brez konteksta. 3. Zvitek; svinec; d. 2,4 cm; 479; brez konteksta. 4. Nedoločen predmet; svinec; d. 2,5 cm; 479; brez konteksta. 5. Zvitek; svinec; d. 4,1 cm; 479; brez konteksta. 6. Zvitek; svinec; d. 3,3 cm; 479; brez konteksta. 7. Ingot; svinec; v 10,5 cm; 212; 1984; brez konteksta. 8. Pločevina; bron; pr. 3,8 cm; 449; 9312; brez konteksta. 9. Ročaj; bron; š. 4,3 cm; 450; 9311; brez konteksta. 10. Ustje posode; železo; d. 3 cm; 493; brez konteksta. 11. Trak; bron; v. 4,9 cm; 485; brez konteksta. 12. Pločevina; bron; d. 2 cm; 224_3; 1984; brez konteksta. 13. Pločevina; bron; d. 2,5 cm; 224_3; 1984; brez konteksta. 14. Pločevina; bron; d. 1,6 cm; 134; 1984/8463; brez konteksta. 15. Pločevina; bron; v. 2,3 cm; 134; 1984/8462; brez konteksta. 16. Utež; svinec, železo; pr. 2,1 cm; 217; 1982/127; brez kon­teksta. 17. Pločevina; bron; d. 2,5 cm; 217; 1982/127; brez konteksta. 18. Pločevina; bron in železo; d. 2 cm; brez konteksta. 19. Pločevina; bron; d. 2,6 cm; 262; brez konteksta. Tabla 39 1. Črtalo; železo; d. 50 cm; 495; brez konteksta. 2. Ustje čaše; steklo; v. 4 cm; R19; brez konteksta. 3. Ustje čaše; steklo; v. 2,9 cm; R18; brez konteksta. 4. Ustje čaše; steklo; modro; v. 1,9 cm; 262; brez konteksta. 5. Ustje kozarca; steklo; v. 1,6 cm; R15; brez konteksta. 6. Ustje kozarca; steklo; rumenkasto; v. 0,8 cm; 262; brez kon­teksta. 7. Noga kozarca; steklo; rumenkasto; pr. 3,2 cm; 265; 84114; brez konteksta. 8. Okensko steklo; steklo; v. 2,3 cm; R16; brez konteksta. 9. Okensko steklo; steklo; v. 2 cm; R17; brez konteksta. 10. Pokrov; steklo; zelenkasto; v. 1,6 cm; 262; brez konteksta. T. 1: Korinjski hrib, stolp 1. 1,3–4 bron; 2,5–15 železo; 16 kamen; 17,20 roževina; 18–19 svinec; 21–22 steklo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 1: Korinjski hrib, Tower 1. 1,3–4 bronze; 2,5–15 iron; 16 stone; 17,20 antler; 18–19 lead; 21–22 glass. Scale = 1:2. T. 2: Korinjski hrib, stolp 1. 1–2 steklo; 3–18 keramika. M. 1–2 = 1:2; 3–18 = 1:3. Pl. 2: Korinjski hrib, Tower 1. 1–2 glass; 3–18 pottery. Scale 1–2 = 1:2; 3–18 = 1:3. T. 3: Korinjski hrib, stolp 2. 1–2,5–16,21 železo; 3,18,23 bron; 4 bron in roževina; 17,19–20, 22 roževina. M. = 1:2. Pl. 3: Korinjski hrib, Tower 2. 1–2,5–16,21 iron; 3,18,23 bronze; 4 bronze and antler; 17,19–20,22 antler. Scale = 1:2. T. 4: Korinjski hrib, stolp 2. 1 roževina; 2–3 kamen; 4 bron; 5–9,11–12,16–19 železo; 10,13–15 svinec; 20 steklo; 21–25 keramika. M. 1–20 = 1:2; 21–25 = 1:3. Pl. 4: Korinjski hrib, Tower 2. 1 antler; 2–3 stone; 4 bronze; 5–9,11–12,16–19 iron; 10,13–15 lead; 20 glass; 21–25 pottery. Scale 1–20 = 1:2; 21–25=1:3. T. 5: Korinjski hrib, stolp 2. Vse keramika. M. = 1:3. Pl. 5: Korinjski hrib, Tower 2. All pottery. Scale = 1:3. T.6: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. 1–6 keramika; 7 steklo; 8–11,15–17 železo; 13–14 bron in roževina; 18 kamen. M. 1–6 = 1:3; 7–18 = 1:2. Pl. 6: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. 1–6 pottery; 7 glass; 8–11,15–17 iron; 13–14 bronze and antler; 18 stone. Scale 1–6 = 1:3; 7–18 = 1:2. T. 7: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. Vse železo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 7: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. All iron. Scale = 1:2. T. 8: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. 1–5,8–11 železo; 6–7 bron; 12 kamen; 13–14 roževina; 15–17 svinec. M. = 1:2. Pl. 8: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. 1–5,8–11 iron; 6–7 bronze; 12 stone; 13–14 antler; 15–17 lead. Scale = 1:2. T. 9: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. 1 železo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 9: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. 1 iron. Scale = 1:2. T. 10: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. Vse kamen. M. = 1:2. Pl. 10: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. All stone. Scale = 1:2. T. 11: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. Vse keramika. M. = 1:3. Pl. 11: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. All pottery. Scale = 1:3. T. 12: Korinjski hrib, stolp 3. Vse keramika. M. = 1:3. Pl. 12: Korinjski hrib, Tower 3. All pottery. Scale = 1:3. T. 13: Korinjski hrib, stolp 4. 1,5,9,15–19,21–23 železo; 2–3 steklo; 4,6–8 bron; 10–12 železo in roževina; 13–14,20 roževina. M. 1–2,4–23 = 1:2; 3 = 1:1. Pl. 13: Korinjski hrib, Tower 4. 1,5,9,15–19,21–23 iron; 2–3 glass; 4,6–8 bronze; 10–12 iron and antler; 13–14,20 antler. Scale 1–2,4–23 = 1:2; 3 = 1:1. T. 14: Korinjski hrib, stolp 4. 1–9,13–14,16 železo; 10–11 svinec; 12,15,17 bron. M. = 1:2. Pl. 14: Korinjski hrib, Tower 4. 1–9,13–14,16 iron; 10–11 lead; 12,15,17 bronze. Scale = 1:2. T. 15: Korinjski hrib, stolp 4. 1–2,4–10 železo; 3 svinec. M. = 1:2. Pl. 15: Korinjski hrib, Tower 4. 1–2,4–10 iron; 3 lead. Scale = 1:2. T. 16: Korinjski hrib, stolp 4. 1–7 železo; 8–10 kamen; 11 steklo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 16: Korinjski hrib, Tower 4. 1–7 iron; 8–10 stone; 11 glass. Scale = 1:2. T. 17: Korinjski hrib, stolp 4. Vse keramika. M. = 1:3. Pl. 17: Korinjski hrib, Tower 4. All pottery. Scale = 1:3. T. 18: Korinjski hrib, stolp 4. Vse keramika. M. = 1:3. Pl. 18: Korinjski hrib, Tower 4. All pottery. Scale = 1:3. T. 19: Korinjski hrib, stolp 5. 1,4–6,8–9,3–14 železo; 2–3,10–12 bron; 7 roževina; 15–17 kamen. M. = 1:2. Pl. 19: Korinjski hrib, Tower 5. 1,4–6,8–9,13–14 iron; 2–3,10–12 bronze; 7 antler; 15–17 stone. Scale = 1:2. T. 20: Korinjski hrib, stolp 5. 1–3 kamen; 4 steklo; 5–11 keramika. M. 1–4 = 1:2; 5–11 = 1:3. Pl. 20: Korinjski hrib, Tower 5. 1–3 stone; 4 glass; 5–11 pottery. Scale 1–4 = 1:2; 5–11 = 1:3. T. 21: Korinjski hrib, 1–15 stolp 5; 16–17 sonda 1. Vse keramika. M. = 1:3. Pl. 21: Korinjski hrib, 1–15 Tower 5; 16–17. Trench 1. All pottery. Scale = 1:3. T. 22: Korinjski hrib, sonda 2. 1–5 steklo; 6,8 bron; 7 svinec in keramika; 9–22 keramika. M. 1–8 = 1:2; 9–22 = 1:3. Pl. 22: Korinjski hrib, Trench 2. 1–5 glass; 6,8 bronze; 7 lead and pottery; 9–22 pottery. Scale 1–8 = 1:2; 9–22 = 1:3. T. 23: Korinjski hrib, sonda 3. 1–7,15–17 keramika; 8 bron; 9–13 železo; 14 roževina. M. 1–7,15–17 = 1:3; 8–14 = 1:2. Pl. 23: Korinjski hrib, Trench 3. 1–7,15–17 pottery; 8 bronze; 9–13 iron; 14 antler. Scale 1–7,15–17 = 1:3; 8–14 = 1:2. T. 24: Korinjski hrib, 1–7 sonda 3; 8–12 sonda 6; 13–18 sonda 8. 1–7,10–12 keramika; 8,13–14 železo; 9,6–17 bron; 15 svinec. M. 1–7,10–12 = 1:3; 8–9,13–18 = 1:2. Pl. 24: Korinjski hrib, 1–7 Trench 3; 8–12 Trench 6; 13–18 Trench 8. 1–7,10–12 pottery; 8,13–14 iron; 9,16–17 bronze; 15 lead. Scale 1–7,10–12 = 1:3; 8–9,13–18 = 1:2. T. 25: Korinjski hrib, sonda 8. 1–3 kamen; 4 železo; 5–20 keramika. M. 1–4 = 1:2; 5–20 = 1:3. Pl. 25: Korinjski hrib, Trench 8. 1–3 stone; 4 iron; 5–20 pottery. Scale 1–4 = 1:2; 5–20 = 1:3. T. 26: Korinjski hrib, 1–3 sonda 8; 4–7 sonda 9; 8–15 sonda 10. 1–3,12–15 keramika; 4–11 železo. M. 1–3,12–15 = 1:3; 4–11 = 1:2. Pl. 26: Korinjski hrib, 1–3 Trench 8; 4–7 Trench 9; 8–15 Trench 10. 1–3,12–15 pottery; 4–11 iron. Scale 1–3,12–15 = 1:3; 4–11 = 1:2. T. 27: Korinjski hrib, cerkev. 1–8,13–16,18–21 železo; 9,17 bron; 10 steklo; 11–12 svinec. M. = 1:2. Pl. 27: Korinjski hrib, church. 1–8,13–16,18–21 iron; 9,17 bronze; 10 glass; 11–12 lead. Scale = 1:2. T. 28: Korinjski hrib, cerkev. Vse železo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 28: Korinjski hrib, church. All iron. Scale = 1:2. T. 29: Korinjski hrib, cerkev. 1–10 železo; 11–15 kamen. M.= 1:2. Pl. 29: Korinjski hrib, church. 1–16 iron; 11–15 stone. Scale = 1:2. T. 30: Korinjski hrib, cerkev. 1–16 steklo; 17–24 keramika. M. 1–16 = 1:2; 17–24 = 1:3. Pl. 30: Korinjski hrib, church. 1–16 glass; 17–24 pottery. Scale 1–16 = 1:2; 17–24 = 1:3. T. 31: Korinjski hrib, 1–8 cerkev; 9–19 brez konteksta. 1–8 keramika; 9–19 bron. M. 1–8 = 1:3; 9–19 = 1:2. Pl. 31: Korinjski hrib, 1–8 church; 9–19 no contexts. 1–8 pottery; 9–19 bronze. Scale 1–8 = 1:3; 9–19 = 1:2. T. 32: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1–14,16,19–20,23,25–27 bron; 15,17,22 srebro; 18,21 železo; 24 steklo. M. 1–23,25–27 = 1:2; 24 = 1:1. Pl. 32: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1–14,16,19–20,23,25–27 bronze; 15,17,22 silver; 18,21 iron; 24 glass. Scale 1–23,25–27 = 1:2; 24 =1:1. T. 33: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1–2,4–5,7–14,17–18 bron; 3,15 bron in železo; 6,16,19–24 železo; 25 svinec. M. 1–24 = 1:2; 25 = 2:1. Pl. 33: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1–2,4–5,7–14,17–18 bronze; 3,15 bronze and iron; 6,16,19–24 iron; 25 lead. Scale 1–24 = 1:2; 25 = 2:1. T. 34: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. Vse železo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 34: Korinjski hrib, no context. All iron. Scale = 1:2. T. 35: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1–5,9–10,16–22 železo; 6,11–14,23 bron; 7–8 bron in železo; 15 srebro. M. = 1:2. Pl. 35: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1–5,9–10,16–22 iron; 6,11–14, 23 bronze; 7–8 bronze and iron; 15 silver. Scale = 1:2. T. 36: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1–6,8–9,11–15,20–21 železo; 7,10,17 bron; 18–19 roževina; 16 kamen. M. = 1:2. Pl. 36: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1–6,8–9,11–15,20–21 iron; 7,10,17 bronze; 18–19 antler; 16 stone. Scale = 1:2. T. 37: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1 roževina; 2–18 svinec. M. = 1:2. Pl. 37: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1 antler; 2–18 lead. Scale = 1:2. T. 38: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1–7 svinec; 8–15,17,19 bron; 16 svinec in železo; 18 bron in železo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 38: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1–7 lead; 8–15,17,19 bronze; 16 lead and iron; 18 bronze and iron. Scale = 1:2. T. 39: Korinjski hrib, brez konteksta. 1 železo; 2–10 steklo. M. = 1:2. Pl. 39: Korinjski hrib, no context. 1 iron; 2–10 glass. Scale = 1:2. SEZNAM AVTORJEV LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Slavko Ciglenečki Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Inštitut za arheologijo Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana slavko.ciglenecki@zrc-sazu.si Lucija Grahek Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Inštitut za arheologijo Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana lucija.grahek@zrc-sazu.si Darja Grosman Univerza v Ljubljani Filozofska fakulteta Oddelek za arheologijo Aškerčeva 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana darja.grosman@ff.uni-lj.si Peter Kos Narodni muzej Slovenije Prešernova 20 1000 Ljubljana peter.kos@nms.si Mateja Kovač Spodnje Stranice 13 SI-3206 Stranice mateja.kovac@gmail.com Tina Milavec Univerza v Ljubljani Filozofska fakulteta Oddelek za arheologijo Aškerčeva 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana tina.milavec@ff.uni-lj.si Zvezdana Modrijan Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Inštitut za arheologijo Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana zvezdana.modrijan@zrc-sazu.si Borut Toškan Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Inštitut za arheologijo Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana borut.toskan@zrc-sazu.si Julijana Visočnik Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana Krekov trg 1 SI-1000 Ljubljana julijana332@yahoo.com Slavko CIGLENEČKI, Zvezdana MODRIJAN, Tina MILAVEC, Korinjski hrib in poznoantične vojaške utrdbe v Iliriku / Korinjski hrib and late antique military forts in Illyricum. - Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 39, 2020 Pril. 1: Korinjski hrib. Načrt cerkve. M. = 1:50. App. 1: Korinjski hrib. Ground plan of the church. Scale = 1:50.