TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 90 UDK [32+327]:378(519.5+529) Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI* THE REGULARITY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE IN SOUTH KOREAN AND TAIWAN ACADEMIC CONTEXTS: REASONS AND CONSEQUENCES Abstract. The democratisation and economic growth of the Asian Tigers, specifically South Korea and Taiwan, brought structural changes to the academic systems of these countries, particularly in the fields of political sci- ence and international relations. The article aims to provide a comprehensive and hybrid view on the regu- larity of political science in the academic environments (university systems) of East Asian countries with a focus on South Korea and Taiwan through the observational analysis method and a historical-sociological mecha- nism. The findings are summarised, where it is argued that the pentagonal democratic citizenship system (legal, political, cultural, social, economic) as well as the establishing of structural and updated political-econom- ic relations with the main powers in the international system are the two crtitcial factors that have contributed to the adjustment of political science in East Asian coun- tries, including South Korea and Taiwan. The article concludes that, along with the international and domes- tic developments in South Korea and Taiwan, political science underwent structural changes and is becoming more regulated and structured. Keywords: South Korea, Taiwan, political science, democracy, institution Introduction The interaction and development of political science and international relations in the academic systems of East Asian countries together with economic and democratic development has created strong academic foun- dations and regular mechanisms for political science and international * Arash Beidollahkhani, PhD, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran, beidollahkhani@um.ac.ir. DOI: 10.51936/tip.60.1.90 TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 91 Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI relations in these countries. This has also led to the establishing of viable links with the government system and its various parts. Most systematic developments in the academic systems of East Asian countries generally, and political science in particular, have been influenced by the Western/ American academic system. For decades, East Asian countries, including South Korea, considered political science and international relations as a multidisciplinary science based on immutable theoretical rules and gen- eralities. In South Korea, for example, a practical and theoretical practice during the rule of the authoritarian regime was to justify the actions of the ruling system. The war between the two Koreas entailed deregulation and scientific backwardness in international relations and political science. The unpleasant experience of the Korean War created a very ideological environment in Korean politics, which in turn created huge ideological constraints for the scholars researching political science and international relations. Moreover, researchers in the fields of international relations and political science had to justify the laws and policies of General Park’s author- itarian military regime, which considered itself to hold democratic legiti- macy. The infrastructure and orientation of academic fields in South Korea, notably political science research and international relations, were highly influenced by the development of the democratisation process and indus- trialisation in South Korea. In Taiwan, however, after Chiang Kai-shek’s rise to power as leader of the Nationalist Party of Taiwan (Kuomintang), the spread of Taiwanese nationalist sentiment, as well as Taiwan’s military and political weakness against the Chinese Communist Party, political science and international relations was oriented towards the world system and the convergence of their communication and mechanisms with the interna- tional system, liberal democracy, and Western academic development. This, along with Taiwan’s need to build international diplomatic, political and military support against China, led to the development of political science and international relations. Adopting the historical sociology method and field-descriptive obser- vation, the present study examines the evolution and regularity of politi- cal science and international relations in two countries in East Asia: South Korea and Taiwan. Structural foundation and regularity in this study mean that departments of Political Science and International Relations in Taiwan and South Korea are characterised by a well-reorganised system pursuing a certain agenda and direction in their academic programmes and research projects. Accordingly, the educational and research programmes of the aca- demic systems must emphasise regularity and convergence with domestic and international developments based on the national interests of these countries. This order creates a structural connection between the governing system, the elite, and the academics involved. Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 92 The presented study examines the Centre for International Relations at Taiwan University of Political Science (Chengchi National University) and the Department of Political Science and International Studies (Korean National Academy of Studies) based on observational real-life experiences. Adopting a macro-analytical (observational-experimental) perspective, two important components in the structural foundation and regularity of the political science and international relations in South Korea and Taiwan were examined. Based on several examples and evidence, these factors are discussed below. In this study, the two mentioned important factors include the develop- ment of democratic citizenship (legal, political, cultural, social, economic) and structural and updated scientific relations with the main centres of power, wealth and science in the world. It is argued that, like other interdisciplinary disciplines, scientific progress and regularity in political science depend on infrastructural developments in macro-national goals, the rules of the politi- cal game, governance, the expansion of democracy, establishing perma- nent links with the major centres of generating regional and global wealth and power, and joining the globalisation and internationalisation processes. These two factors have ensured the regularity and importance of political science and international relations in the universities of Taiwan and South Korea. Based on the system of citizenship democracy and democratic elitism in East Asia, the views of professionals on the orientation of the country’s macro-policies in the political and international field are respected, while classroom and university activities follow the direction of updated changes in domestic and international politics. This means that through various interna- tional developments in the economic and political arenas on the regional and global levels the operating system will change and update the agenda and direction taken by political science and international relations. Accordingly, in a practical-scientific and democratic context scholars and researchers in these fields attempt to combine and coordinate their national interests with the interests of the world system in academic and political areas. Moreover, the internal-external relations, as well as the systemic system (input, input-out- put, output), coupled with the ideas derived from it in the East Asian bureau- cracy, continue to transform their domestic and foreign policy systems. Thus, in both South Korea and Taiwan, various national and international policy centres maintain strategic relationships with academic centres in the interna- tional system, and international and domestic decision-making is based on a macro-policy-academic consensus and a continuous and convergent two- way structure with both fields directly affecting each other. This continuous and democratic structure yields a macro consensus on the key components of national interests, assisting countries while pursuing their foreign policy (political, academic, and elitist consensus-oriented vs. popular politics). Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 93 Morphology of South Korea’s domestic and foreign policy The Republic of Korea, or South Korea, is today a vibrant and structured democracy in East Asia. It is structure-oriented since institutional structures have been established following the democratic processes in this coun- try. South Korea’s political power is distributed across the executive, leg- islature and judicial branches. This country’s democratic transition in 1987 was based on a long process. Four important concepts must be considered while seeking to understand and analyse South Korea’s domestic and for- eign policies academically and practically; namely: 1. The alliance with North Korea 2. The rapid economic development 3. Democratisation or the democratisation process 4. The alliance with the USA Since the Republic of Korea was founded in 1948, an influential factor in its politics has been its view of North Korea. During the Cold War, authori- tarian government leaders often used the rivalry with communist North Korea as a way of weakening domestic dissent. After the Cold War, nation- alism spread in Korea, and friendship with North Korea increased among those who regarded this country as part of the mainland in modern times, especially following the presidency of Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun (Snyder, 2018). The development of South Korea between 1962 and 1972 under the military government of General Park Chung-hee led to some controversial issues. On one hand, after South Korea joined the Asian Tigers and suc- ceeded in developing industrialisation and creating a strong and develop- ment-oriented government led by Park, the country became a member of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). On the other hand, Park’s 19-year dictatorship caused South Korea’s political backwardness from democracies despite its rapid economic development (Kim, 2021). The collapse of the dictatorial military regime and the insecurity of South Korea’s political climate after the 1980s led to the opening up of the electoral arena, the growth of democracy after 1987, the expansion of civilian control over the military, and the growth of civil society. The large movement of uni- versity students and intellectuals, as well as the emergence of a middle class and other civil society groups, had a role of triggering democratisation in South Korea (Chiavacci et al., 2020). The USA played a critical role in the insti- tutionalisation, economic development, democratisation and expansion of South Korea’s national security during the early stages of South Korea’s eco- nomic and political development. Some South Korean politicians and acad- emicians question the crucial role of the USA in their country’s success and Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 94 deny Washington’s key role in South Korea’s domestic and foreign policy. However, many academic elites, especially in the fields of political science and international relations, believe that South Korea’s success would not have been possible without the USA. Accordingly, Americanism (US sup- port) was established as a dominant current in the academic institutions of political science and international relations in South Korea. The co-incidence of the democratisation of Korea with the development and regularity of political science to deal with issues of national interest The collapse of the Soviet Union and start of the democratisation pro- cess in South Korea in the 1980s and 1990s, along with the democratisa- tion of communist regimes in Eastern Europe and subsequent collapse of the East–West divide, created the conditions for Korean political scientists and academicians to force anti-communist ideas out of Korean universities. Following the democratisation of Korea, researchers in political science were no longer worried about various security issues such as the fear of researching on specific domestic and foreign issues. In other words, nor- mal conditions prevailed for political studies in Korean universities after the 1990s. These conditions led to the further institutionalisation of political sci- ence (its connection with the evolution of the governing system in South Korea and their mutual interaction) and an increase in studies in this field. Thus, democratisation played an important role in the quantitative and qual- itative development of political science and international relations in South Korea. Research trends in political science during the authoritarian period and after the 1990s are quite different, and further research was conducted on electoral processes, party studies, legislative studies etc. Prior to democ- ratisation, discussions focused on state-centered theories, justifications of government actions, and regional or national issues that had nothing to do with Korean national interests; yet, after democratisation, the focus of studies shifted towards national interests and problematic issues facing Korean society. A good example of the differences in the focus of studies before and after the country’s democratisation is electoral studies. Prior to democratisation, elections were merely a symbolic attempt to legitimise the authoritarian and totalitarian regime in South Korea. Electoral manipula- tion was rampant at the time and the security concerns of political scien- tists meant they were reluctant to do election studies. Due to the repressive atmosphere in authoritarian regimes, there was no inclination among the people to vote, and voters often opted for options supported by the rul- ing regime under the influence of government propaganda. However, after the 1990s electoral studies became more widespread, with electoral study Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 95 chairs being established at universities across Korea (Wong, 2005). For ten years (2003–2013), 27.8% of all articles submitted to the Korean Journal of Political Science were focused on election-related discussions and topics. In addition, 10% of all submitted articles was related to political parties and the National Assembly. A further 40% of articles was concerned with political trends and political and administrative reforms in Korea (Kang, 2016). This trend in academic research suggests democratic progress in South Korea. With the gradual establishment of democracy, free elections have expanded simultaneously, and it has become very difficult to predict election outcomes due to their democratic nature. In this period, studies on the relationship between the government and the market also grew rapidly (Park & Wilding, 2016). During the rule of the authoritarian regime, stud- ies mostly evaluated and analysed the developmental state of the country, economic liberalisation, neoliberalism, labour policy etc. Korea’s growing involvement in economic issues has led to more studies on political econ- omy. With the expansion of the processes of globalisation and their impact on Korea, studies on globalisation and the welfare state have also expanded ever since 1998 (Isozaki, 2019), and from the 2000s onwards the Korean government has sent a large number of political science graduates to wel- fare countries, including Sweden, Norway, Germany, Greece and the United Kingdom to investigate the pros and cons of the welfare state model. Along with Korea’s technological growth in recent years and the shift of its economy from an industrial to a service/technology economy, studies by political scientists and researchers have addressed the information revo- lution, technological and Internet policies, federalism, and minorities, eth- nic conflicts around the world, globalisation, economic reforms, regional integration etc. After 2003, during the presidency of Roh Moo-Hyun stud- ies of the information age and new technologies in political science and the impact of the Internet on politics expanded exponentially, particularly following the development of the technology economy in Korea (Chu, 2016). This growth in studies was due to the Internet’s impact on Korean election outcomes and electoral campaigns. In 2002, Internet groups played a key role in Mr Hyun’s presidential victory, while the Fandom Volunteer Organisation created the ‘Nosamo movement’ on the Internet that led to Mr Hyun’s victory in the presidential election. This issue drew researchers’ further attention to the impact of the Internet and social networks on elec- toral processes. After young Korean girls were fatally struck by an armored US military vehicle in 2002, and after the USA sent infected American cows to Korea in 2008, some anti-US protests were started via the Internet that caused researchers to pay even greater attention to studies of the Internet and cyberspace. A further area of research that expanded following Korea’s Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 96 democratisation was North Korean studies. Before Korea became a democ- racy, it was very difficult to focus on North Korean studies and all infor- mation and knowledge about North Korea was available merely to security and military officials, making research very difficult for civilian researchers due to ideological constraints (Doucette, 2006). The expansion of studies on North Korea after democratisation increased opportunities for improv- ing the relations between the two Koreas. These studies gave opportuni- ties for the negotiation and establishment of the Sunshine policy during Kim Dae Jung’s presidency in the 2000s, which led to formal meetings and extensive talks between the two countries’ leaders and strengthened the relationship of the two Koreas. These studies led to the formation of the Ministry of Unity in South Korea, which aims to reunite the two Koreas and develop close relations between these countries (Choi, 2012). Studies on North Korea gradually drew the attention of Korean researchers to issues related to neighbouring countries such as China, Japan etc., motivating them to address numerous research aspects of ordinary people’s lives in those countries. Before this period, the focus of the research was on secu- rity issues, but then other aspects of research, including culture, econom- ics, politics etc., were studied as well. This led to the creation of specialised departments for regional research in South Korea. Some universities such as Dongguk University, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Myongji University, Ewha Womans University and Kyungnam University established specialised departments for regional and North Korean studies. As regional studies on North Korea, China and Japan expanded, so did the study of US domestic and international policy processes, with many scholars turning to American studies, resulting in the creation of specialised departments of American studies. The Korean government sent many stu- dents majoring in political science and international relations to the USA to perform research on the internal and external processes and policy struc- ture in America. This was mainly done due to the fundamental role of the USA in South Korea’s domestic and foreign policy. In addition, to expand the sphere of its influence in South Korean domestic policy in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, the USA admitted many Korean students to American uni- versities through various cultural programmes, including the Fulbright edu- cation programme. Currently, most of the graduates of these programmes form the administrative, political, academic, economic and cultural bodies of the South Korean government. The democratisation of Europe, especially Eastern Europe, as well as the issue of the integration of European countries into the European Union and the mechanisms of its success attracted greater attention and focus from Korean government and researchers to Europe. After 1999 and 2000, the number of European studies at Korean universities increased, mainly Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 97 addressing the EU’s legal mechanisms, welfare states, electoral policies, eco- nomic policies etc. Moreover, Korean and European universities established bilateral academic interactions through various programmes, including Erasmus. Since then, a number of Korean students on different levels, espe- cially undergraduates, have been sent every year to a range of European universities. In return, European students study for one or two semesters at Korean universities (Shin, 2012). The Korean government also contributed to the establishment of the ASEAN programme to develop plans for study- ing Southeast Asian countries. The Korean Association of Southeast Asian Studies was established in 1991 and in recent years, with the expansion of the Korean government’s economic and political relations with these coun- tries, the focus has been placed on cultural, political, societal and historical issues. In the last few years, another issue attracting the attention of Korean researchers has been immigration. The presence of Sino-Korean minorities, refugees, and workers who have migrated to Korea from various countries, like North Korea, has seen Korean researchers focus more on immigration issues. South Korea is essentially an anti-immigrant society, and political, legal and cultural processes are all structured in terms of anti-immigration and intolerance of immigrants. Despite these rules, there is a rising number of immigrants, which has prompted Korean researchers to delve into immi- gration issues, while ever more pressure has been put on the Korean legisla- ture and institutions to change the basic civil laws concerning the presence of foreign immigrants (Feinman, 2021). As mentioned above, democratisation facilitated Korean political stud- ies and improved the quantity and quality of political science and relevant studies. These developments are responsible for political scientists’ fun- damental contribution to institutional policymaking processes. Currently, the important departments of political science, international relations, and regional studies have strong links with government agencies. Many gradu- ates of political science and holding similar majors actively cooperate and contribute to various policymaking processes (Kim, 2008). Impact of democracy and international interactions on the regularity of political science and international relations in South Korean academic centres: The case of the Academy of Korean Studies Alongside economic development, an important goal of South Korea is to rebuild the culture and branding of the Korean people. Today, most coun- tries are familiar with Korean culture through the Korean wave (Hallyu), and Korean music, cinema and art have found many fans around the world (BeidollahKhani, 2019). The Korean government has adopted a number Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 98 of strategies for cultural expansion since the 1950s and 1960s. The expan- sion of Korean studies with an emphasis on understanding the culture, art, politics and society of this country has been among these strategies. To this end, a specialised-academic centre for Korean studies was established in 1978. This academy is a research and educational centre with different departments, and the majors and research studies of this centre are based on Korean studies and understanding of different aspects of Korean cul- ture and politics. Joint research is conducted annually at this centre with several universities across Korea and internationally, and different foreign students and researchers attend the centre to research and study various aspects of Korea, including the politics, culture, society etc. The Humanities Department at this centre includes the Department of History, Diplomacy, Philosophy, and Korean Language and Literature. The Department of Culture and Art consists of Folklore and Ethnography, Anthropology, Religion Studies, Musicology, Art History, Human Geography, and Cultural Technology. The Department of Social Sciences consists of Political Science and International Relations, Economics, Sociology, Ethnicity and Nationalism, and Education (Beidollahkhani and Kahrazeh, 2021). The Department of Global Studies is made up of the Department of Korean Culture and Society (The Academy of Korean Studies, 2019). Students and researchers working in these departments often receive scholarships from the Korean government or attend the centre through various academic and research exchange programmes. The Department of Political Science and International Relations, through the Korea Studies Promotion Service Centre, which conducts international cooperation, annually attracts doz- ens of prominent researchers for the Korean Studies Scholarship-Research Programme. These researchers study international and domestic issues of the Korean government, and their housing costs are paid in full by the Korean government. The centre’s research funding is often provided by the Korean government or large Korean companies. The Korean government offers various financial incentives to researchers from other countries and encourages them to produce numerous publications on Korean culture and politics, as well as its foreign policy, after they have completed their studies and returned to their home country. There is an attempt to build interna- tional academic collaboration to expand Korean studies worldwide, and the world’s major universities receive financial and mental support from this centre to conduct Korean research. More than half the research opportu- nities and scholarships of this centre under bilateral or multilateral agree- ments are allocated to American researchers or researchers from countries with developed economies (including Germany, England, Sweden, Chile, China, Japan, Brazil etc.). The centre also admits researchers from countries who possess strong economic ties with Korea. Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 99 The information exchange and interaction of Korean students with the foreign researchers present in this centre facilitates novel experiences and ideas, which will bring in new mechanisms for Korea. Most of the research studies in this centre are published in the form of international articles and books in collaboration with Korean researchers, and this is helping to develop scientific research among Korean researchers and students. In addi- tion, these collaborations provide opportunities for Korean professors and researchers to travel and visit various scientific and research centres in other countries. This continuous scientific exchange will lead to the expansion and updating of the Korean government’s systems of governance and for- eign relations, including the continuity of their development, by enhancing its positive reputation and improving its cultural and international image. Taiwan: ambiguous status and international recognition Taiwan is generally regarded as a de facto entity. Its citizens and a number of small governments recognise the region as the Republic of China. China considers it Taiwan and a part and province of China. For the World Bank, this region is the separate customs territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu, whereas in most countries it is known as Taiwan (Fell, 2018). After the end of Japan’s colonial rule in 1945 and withdrawal of the nationalist government to Taiwan and Taipei in 1949, ruled by the Kuomintang nationalist party Taiwan was transformed from a single-party system to the liberal democracy of Asia and from a poor country to a ben- eficiary of globalisation and economic development. The USA and the People’s Republic of China have not been able to agree on the international status of Taiwan. Different political groups in Taiwan hold a range of views on mainland China. In recent years, with the rise of China’s economic and military power around the world, the Taiwan Nationalist Party has adopted a policy of detente in its relations with China (Copper, 2016). This policy was adopted by the Taiwanese for 8 years (2008–2016) with the aim of achiev- ing historical reconciliation, national identity, regional independence, and differentiating the Taiwanese liberal-democratic system from the Chinese socialist authoritarian system. Once tensions between China and the USA grew stronger in 2016, nationalist movements increased in Taiwan, while Taiwanese nationalists who sought independence found a more outstand- ing role in the Taiwanese government. The changing political, economic and diplomatic orientations in Taiwan have been influenced by several fac- tors, including Japanese colonisation, the waves of immigration, and the Taiwanese diasporas on mainland China. Taipei’s growing efforts to pos- sess international recognition and a seat in the UN, the transformation of Taiwan’s fascist regime to a liberal democracy, economic development, and Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 100 the expansion of the national identity after the 1990s are among the factors that have affected Taiwanese studies of political science and international relations. Taiwan’s political development may generally be divided into colonial, authoritarian, transition and democratic periods, whose history and foundations are analysed and structured according to Taiwan’s connec- tion to mainland China. Taiwan’s political science and political structure: transnational interactions and solidarity Since the 1980s, Taiwan has experienced significant political and eco- nomic changes. On the domestic front, martial law was lifted, opposition parties were formed, free and popular elections were held, and the develop- ment-oriented government allowed economic and cultural exchanges with the People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s democracy is strong than other democracies in East and Southeast Asia in that it possesses sound political institutions with sound and independent functioning, a free media, and fast-paced civil society. Taiwanese national identity possesses a civic nature and is rooted in the unique historical experience of democratic government institutions. Currently, four major parties in Taiwan fundamentally contribute to Taiwan’s domestic and foreign policymaking. These include the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Kuomintang (Taiwan National Party), the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) and the People’s First Party (PFP). While they lack sufficient ideological and intrinsic cohesion, they often agree on various issues. Taiwan’s domestic and foreign policy is heavily affected by the inter- national status of the Taiwan Strait and the USA’s relationship with China. The status of this country in the international system and public opinion in Taiwan help different parties reach a consensus on domestic and foreign affairs (Lin, 2019b: 18–24). Several principles among Taiwanese parties assist them to establish a final consensus on the issues related to the national interests. These principles are rooted in domestic development and the interpretation and analysis of Taiwanese academic institutions of political science, affecting the political structure. First, no political party in Taiwan accepts becoming part of China under its “one country, two systems” policy (Cabestan, 2017). All Taiwanese agree that the government should strive to ensure Taiwan’s independence in the international system. Accordingly, to win political campaigns, some rival parties accuse each other of surrendering to Beijing (Hickey, 2013). Second, except for the Independence Party of the Taiwan Solidarity Union, the other Taiwanese parties are striving to stop China’s provocation as the only foreign power that can pose a serious obstacle to the formation Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 101 of an independent state of Taiwan (Friedman, 2006). Taiwanese presi- dents thus often try to reduce their pro-independence rhetoric. Since 2000, Taiwanese parties and the President of Taiwan have pledged that the coun- try will not declare its independence from China until China uses military force against it (Lin, 2019a). Third, all Taiwanese political parties are working to establish and main- tain a close and friendly relationship with the USA. For them, the US gov- ernment is one of Taiwan’s most important partners and the only foreign force to protect Taiwan in the case of China invading and therefore plays an important role in Taiwan’s independence (Clark, 2010). Considering the importance of the USA in Taiwan’s domestic and international decision- making and policymaking, Taiwanese political parties seek to strain their rival parties’ relationship with the USA and sometimes accuse each other of being too dependent on the USA (Stockton, 2008). Fourth, Taiwanese political parties favour various forms of practical diplomacy. For example, Taiwanese lawmakers often argue over which diplomatic allies Taiwan needs. According to them, Taiwan needs formal diplomatic allies and, to this end, Taiwan’s dollar diplomacy against China must evolve (Lee, 2019). By 2018, Taiwan had only established official diplomatic relations with 16 countries. Most of these countries are small, underdeveloped states in Central America and the Pacific, including Belize and Nauru (Horton, 2019). After the inauguration of Ms Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party, politicians from different parties all tried to strengthen informal relations with countries that have official relations with China (Bing, 2017). In this regard, Taiwan, with the support of the USA, has established economic and trade offices around the world to achieve its dip- lomatic goals in many countries. Finally, Taiwan’s economic growth is a matter of consensus among all political parties in Taiwan, and they cooperate to facilitate the transactions of Taiwanese companies with companies abroad (Yap, 2012). Considering the challenges that Taiwan faces to achieve international recognition, scholars and researchers in political science and international relations have focused on expanding the discussions on foreign policy and international relations. Accordingly, while one-third of Taiwanese professors specialise in international relations, about two-thirds of the published papers, doctoral and master’s theses, and research works address policy issues, for- eign affairs, and international relations (Ho and Kao, 2002). The influence of American academia and American thought has seen the role of market forces in Taiwanese universities increase. The close connection of the Taiwanese government and its various institutions with universities has triggered the expansion of several demand-driven topics in both foreign and domestic pol- icy at universities (Chang, 2005). More than two-thirds of scholars in political Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 102 science and international relations in Taiwan are graduates of American uni- versities, and most specialised departments follow the principles of American discourses in political science and international relations. Together with the expansion of industrial policies in East Asia, especially Japan and Korea, and Taiwan’s economic growth, researchers at Taiwan’s major universities concentrated on industrial policy, institutionalisation strategies, and the role of government in economic and political develop- ment (Rigger, 2002). Following two decades of industrial development and economic growth, party democracy emerged in Taiwan in the early 1990s. Influenced by the democratisation of various government institutions, aca- demic institutions also shifted their research focus to democratic studies and neoliberal, economic, and political patterns (Chung, 2002). The expan- sion of democracy, the growth of civic identity, the rise of people seeking independence, economic growth, the expansion of the middle class in Taiwan, and international legal and foreign-policy issues were among the key aspects that altered the focus of research in political science and inter- national relations in Taiwan. In the 2000s, hundreds of Taiwanese returned to Taiwan after having graduated from American universities, with most becoming employed at different Taiwanese universities or in the public service of the government (Chan, 2000). Like South Korea, a considerable share of Taiwanese government elites has studied at American universities via various cultural and academic programmes, notably the Fulbright pro- gramme, and this elitisation of Taiwan students by American universities has caused an institutional change in the views, perspectives and orienta- tions of Taiwanese government institutions. Prior to the 1970s and 1980s, universities held a limited role in the devel- opment of Taiwan. However, after then the role of students and their move- ments in decision-making processes increased. The structural and deep connection of the policy elites with the universities and the organic con- nection of the university institutions with the country’s administrative body strengthened the links between university structures and Taiwanese institu- tions. This, together with the growth of the middle class in Taiwan, gave rise to the issue of Taiwanese identity and independence, expanding the institu- tional and international perspective in Taiwan’s political science and inter- national relations. The soft, academic influence of the American attitude in Taiwanese universities changed the structural foundations of the universi- ties in Taiwan, resulting in the international structure and orientation of the foundations of Taiwanese universities (Stockton and Yeh, 2019). Taiwan’s important universities have been cooperating extensively with universities of high standing around the world, including US, European and East Asian universities. This continuous cooperation has led to the consideration and incorporation of important factors and issues of national interest into the Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 103 system and policymaking of the Taiwanese government (Heilbron et al., 2018). In the next section, the role played by one of the most important academic institutions in Taiwan is analysed to examine the country’s institu- tional outlook, strategic development, international orientation, and focus on national interests. The liberal democracy in Taiwan and converging of political science and international relations with domestic and international developments: The case of the Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University Most of Taiwan’s universities enjoy high international rankings. Taiwan National University is the best university in the country, ranking 25th in Asia and 76th in the world in the QS World University Rankings. Some other Taiwanese universities, including National Tsing Hua University, National Cheng Kung University, National Chiao Tung University, and Taiwan National University of Science and Technology rank well in the International and Asian university rankings. Most of these universities conduct joint pro- jects with international scholars in research and international institutions. Apart from these universities, Academia Sinica, the most preeminent aca- demic institution of Taiwan, provides support for research studies in several fields. Academia Sinica has several research institutes and annually offers various research programmes and projects for domestic and international scholars in different fields, especially basic sciences and engineering, as well as the humanities and social sciences. This institute also offers several doctoral and postdoctoral research programmes for researchers working in the fields of the natural sciences and geology, engineering, agriculture, medical sciences etc. The academy is run directly by the President of Taiwan and conducts joint projects with foreign institutions, including Harvard University and European research institutes. In the current study, the spotlight is placed on National Chengchi University as the most important university for training elites to work in the public service of Taiwan. Chengchi National University, or the National University of Politics and Governance, was first established in Nanjing, mainland China, as a specialised school of public affairs and governance for the Chinese Nationalist Party, and then in 1927 was relocated to Taipei. It is the first and earliest university in the Republic of China (when China was ruled by Chiang Kai-shek as the leader of the nationalists) and Taiwan, which specialises in the humanities, social sciences, and the arts, and is the leader in the fields of political science and international relations, as well as bureaucracy and governance-related fields, including governance affairs, politics, international and regional studies, management, economics, media, Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 104 language etc. In traditional Mandarin Chinese, namely the official language of Taiwan, Chengchi means governance or politics. With the expansion of the University in Taipei in 1953, the Association of International Relations was founded. At first, this association aimed to perform a wealth of investi- gations on the Chinese Communist Party and different international affairs for the Taiwanese government and the Kuomintang Party. In 1961, the association changed its title to the Institute of International Relations. After that, the Institute increased its links with domestic and international institu- tions through functional mechanisms. In 1996, the Institute of International Relations became affiliated with National Chengchi University and offi- cially became part of it. The Institute currently has 44 staff divided into 4 research centres. These research centres primarily work on American and European studies, Asia-Pacific studies, Taiwan and Chinese social and aca- demic studies, and Chinese politics. The Institute has established links and cooperation with numerous institutions overseas, especially those in the USA and various institutions and universities in mainland China (Institute of International Relations, 2015). The Institute serves as Taiwan’s main strate- gic research centre on domestic and international affairs and offers profes- sional advice to the Taiwanese government and other institutions, including the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (CSCAP). In addi- tion, several seminars and conferences on bilateral issues related to Taiwan and the Asia-Pacific, European countries, the USA etc. are held annually. Most of the Institute’s professors and experts have worked in or advised the bodies of the Taiwanese government. The current president of Taiwan, Ms Tsai Ing-wen, was a student and then a professor in the Department of Law at Chengchi University and also a researcher at the Institute. Along with the expansion of democratic processes in Taiwan, the role of the Institute in the Taiwanese government has become more promi- nent, while its extensive links with overseas agencies have grown rapidly. The guests and speakers invited to the Institute are usually officials from other countries, including foreign ministers, diplomats, and even presi- dents. Chengchi University annually invites people, including winners of the annual Nobel Prizes, in the humanities and social fields, also econom- ics, literature etc., to give lectures at the university. As mentioned above, the Taiwanese democratic system promotes an international and cooperative approach to achieving the main goal of the Taiwan government – a grad- ual and soft movement toward international recognition – and Chengchi University is working to establish the infrastructure, provide the require- ments, and facilitate the conditions to achieve this goal. In the governing structure of Taiwan, the employment of academics, specialists and profes- sionals in government positions is important, while most Taiwanese cabinet ministers hold doctorates from notable universities around the world with Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 105 no or little political and party background (Yip So, 2015). Most of these indi- viduals are outside the party system and rent, and their political knowledge and independence help them deal with crises away from political and party relations and the time-consuming patronage and bureaucratic hierarchical structure. To train such elites, the Institute fosters international interaction and access to first-hand information and data on important issues concern- ing Taiwan and other important regions of the world. The performance of the Institute and the budget spent have yielded positive democratic and spe- cialised mechanisms in Taiwan. Through academic exchange programmes, the researchers and scholars invited to this centre offer necessary guidance to the Taiwanese government and its elites and assist the Taiwanese gov- ernment to adopt a comparative view and scientifically update the fields of political science and international relations in an international context. Conclusion The primary focus of this article was to identify the positive conse- quences of a democratic approach to government and the benefits asso- ciated with organic and natural cohesion and solidarity between political science and international relations in an academic context and international developments in South Korea and Taiwan. As was noted, the structural con- nections of political science with the global science and economy and the connection of democratisation processes with the historical and political developments of Taiwan and South Korea have brought about a renewal of political science and its development and regularity as well as its practi- cal applications in governance and politics. The dominance of democratic processes, along with transnational relations with the international system and numerous economic and cultural agencies overseas, have resulted in the systematic dynamics of political science and international relations and their strategic contribution to domestic and foreign policy. The USA has had a significant impact on the academic structures of Korea and Taiwan, while many domestic and foreign developments in these countries, including aca- demic reform in politics and international relations and their well-organised structure and inherent order, have been influenced by American universi- ties. Accordingly, the channel linking these countries to the international system and their democratic and economic developments is structured on an international basis. Political science is closely connected to policymaking at home and overseas through a functional mechanism. It holds domestic and international significance and the developments are often directed and controlled by the academic elites among political science and international relations. The development and structural regularity of political science in democratic contexts and its qualitative and quantitative development along Arash BEIDOLLAHKHANI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 1/2023 106 with the economic growth of South Korea and Taiwan have led to political science and international relations being regarded as specialised, functional and institutional. Benefits may hence arise from structuring the rules of political science based on a functional and democratic view, as well as aca- demic environments’ establishment of institutional and strategic links with countries, currents and important channels of the global economic system. These processes and developments have attracted the international recog- nition of South Korean and Taiwan universities, and their prominent role in training various political, economic, social and cultural elites for policymak- ing. 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