leto/year 2021 letnik/volume 32 11 URBANIURBANI IZZIVIZZIV 32/1 32/1 junij/Junejunij/June 2021 2021 sodelovanje javnosti public participation kreativna urbana regeneracija creative urban regeneration modro-zelena infrastruktura blue-green infrastructure podnebno odzivni vrtovi climate-responsive gardens znanstveno kartiranje science mapping Urbani izziv, letnik 32, številka 1, junij 2021 Urbani izziv, volume 32, number 1, June 2021 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Fotografija/Photograph: Primož Hieng Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Podrocni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Golicnik Marušic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan­ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Luka Mladenovic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban PlanningInstitute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti­tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Inštutut za raziskovanje krasa ZRCSAZU/Karst ResearchInstitute ZRCSAZU, Slovenija/Slovenia NAVODILA ZA AVTORJE 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki zoznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri cemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni clanek, 1.02 pregle­dni znanstveni clanek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov.Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referencni v domacem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO­BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižnicnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Clanki«, drugi del pa »Pred­stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezicna – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo vec kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora­bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrsticni razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilcene in na dnu stranipostavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj lociti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih crk (a, b, c in podobno) sticno ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti oznaceni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na­vedek, se napiše za dvopicjem: (Zupancic, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v clanku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na­vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Nacini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder­shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanovic, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statisticni letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, ce je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov.org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, ce avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8.Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in vdrugih državah pa avtor brezplacno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izkljucno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor clanka in vsak recenzent en brezplacni izvod publikacije. Clanki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includesoriginal research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles inthis part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library informationand other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5.Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6.In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated bya comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanovic, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http://.www.. avramov..org/.documents/.document7..pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Clanki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni clanki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro­kovni clanki. Clanki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižnicnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezicna re­vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila clankov so vkljuceni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO­BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte­national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com­puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da­tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re­lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu­des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple­te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc­tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autňnoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences,Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for UrbanDesign, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con­struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobic, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniškafakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Andelina Svircic Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/Croatia • Nico Kotze, University of South Africa – UNISA, Department of Geography,Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Blaž Križnik, Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Republika Koreja/Republic of Korea • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University,Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Cile/Chile • Breda Mihelic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti­tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, Faculty of Social Sciences, Finska/Finland • Giorgio Piccinato, Universitŕ degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti­tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemcija/Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikolaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co­pernicus University, Wydzialu Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kana­da/Canada • Matjaž Uršic, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupancic Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju­bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and SocialAdministration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Dawn O'Neal Reindl Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Translation from Slovenian Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/Translation from English Simona Lapanja Debevc Redakcija/Text formatting Damjana Gantar Prelom in racunalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP ITAGRAF, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršic, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print ITAGRAF, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna narocnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20for individuals Naslov uredništva Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv - The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Kazalo Uvodnik Damjana GANTAR.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................3 Svetovni dan priložnosti Clanki Andelina SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, Jelena ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, Matej NIKŠIC......................................................................................................5 Sodelovanje javnosti v postsocialisticnih mestih med stagnacijo in napredkom: primer Zagreba in Ljubljane Matjaž URŠIC....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................15 Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani Matej RADINJA, Nataša ATANASOVA, Alma ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK...................................................................................................................28 Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih Marie-Therese FALLAST, Sanela PANSINGER, Gerald KREBS, Martin MOSER, Andreas ZOBL..........................................................................40 Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi Marjan HOCEVAR, Tomaž BARTOL........................................................................................................................................................................................52 Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih Recenzije in predstavitve Klemen SENICA................................................................................................................................................................................................................................67 Mesto na prelomnici (recenzija knjige Creativity in Tokyo: revitalizing a mature city) Domen ŽALAC.................................................................................................................................................................................................................................70 S skupninstvom proti družbeno-ekološki krizi (recenzija knjige The commons in an age of uncertainty: Decolonizing nature, economy, and society) Nika MUROVEC, Damjan KAVAŠ ............................................................................................................................................................................................72 Izzivi upravljanja in financiranja kulturne dedišcine: projekt ForHeritage Contents Editorial Damjana GANTAR.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................4 World Opportunities Day Articles Andelina SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, Jelena ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, Matej NIKŠIC....................................................................................................75 Public participation in post-communist cities between stagnation and progress: The examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana Matjaž URŠIC....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................85 The lost potential of creative urban regeneration: Restructuring Ljubljana’s former tobacco factory Matej RADINJA, Nataša ATANASOVA, Alma ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK...................................................................................................................98 The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities Marie-Therese FALLAST, Sanela PANSINGER, Gerald KREBS, Martin MOSER, Andreas ZOBL.......................................................................111 Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens Marjan HOCEVAR, Tomaž BARTOL.....................................................................................................................................................................................123 Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines Reviews and information Klemen SENICA.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................138 A city at a turning point (review of Creativity in Tokyo: revitalizing a mature city) Domen ŽALAC..............................................................................................................................................................................................................................141 Fighting the socio-ecological crisis through communing (review of The commons in an age of uncertainty: Decolonizing nature, economy, and society) Nika MUROVEC, Damjan KAVAŠ..........................................................................................................................................................................................143 Challenges of cultural heritage management and financing: The ForHeritage project Svetovni dan priložnosti Svetovni dan voda slavimo 22. marca, takrat se zavedamo, da je voda zelo pomembna in omejena dobrina. Mesec dni pozneje, 22. aprila, pa slavimo svetovni dan Zemlje, ki je namenjen ozavešcanju o stanju okolja. Potem so tu še mnogi drugi svetovni dnevi vezani na prostorske in okoljske teme. Vsi ti dnevi so bolj kot praznovanju namenjeni ozavešcanju javnosti in preizpraševanju delovanja stroke. Glede na stanje okolja postajajo tudi vse bolj pomembna priložnost, da se zavemo hvaležnosti za dobrine in pravice ter naše odgovornosti, da jih ohranimo za zanamce. Lagodno praznovanje in brezskrbno uživanje sta mimo. Naravne dobrine, njihova kakovost in splošne pravice do njihovega uživanja se krcijo. Spremembe v ustaljenih praksah in pravnih ureditvah nas z majhnimi koraki nazadovanja odnašajo stran od danih in sprejetih privilegijev. Vse te stvari niso samoumevne, do njih smo prišli z roko v roki z napredkom civilizacije in kulture. Pravica do pitne vode in dejstvo, da so vodni viri javno dobro, sta v Sloveniji zapi­sana v ustavi. Ni treba poznati predpisov glede pravice do vode v drugih državah, da se lahko zavemo – in se moramo zavedati –, da smo med srecnejšimi narodi, ker nam obilje, kakovost in dostopnost do vode šciti tudi pravna ureditev. Kot z vsemi drugimi pravicami, ki so enkrat dosežene in celo zapisane v zakonih, se tudi s to dogaja, da se nam zdi tako samoumevna, da se zanjo ni vec treba truditi. Ideje o spremembah zakonodaje, ki dajejo vec pravic lastnikom zemljišc in investitorjem pred splošno pravico vseh ljudi do te dobrine, so zato prelomnica. Priložnost za razmislek in ukrepanje. Da ne bomo rekli, se spomnite, ko smo vse to imeli in zdaj smo za vedno izgubili. Nepovratno. Le zakaj? Ker potem bo treba spet vso pot od zacetka. Izgubljene pravice povedo o naši družbi vec kot pravice, ki jih (še) imamo. Damjana Gantar, glavna urednica World Opportunities Day World Water Day is celebrated on 22 March to promote the importance of water as a vital and limited resource. Earth Day is celebrated a month later, on 22 April, to raise people’s awareness about the state of the environment. There are several other world days related to spatial and environmental issues, whose primary aim is to inform the public and re-examine professional activity rather than hold cele­brations. Considering the current state of the environment, they are also becoming an increasingly important opportunity not only to show our gratitude for all the resources and rights we have available, but also to become aware of our responsibility to preserve them for future generations. Relaxed festivities and carefree enjoyment are now over. Natural resources and their quality, as well as the universal rights to enjoy them, are dwindling. Through small steps backward, changes to established practices and legal regulations are slowly chipping away the privileges we have been given and have enjoyed. All these things should not be taken for granted. We have achieved them hand in hand with the progress of our civilization and culture. The right to drinking water and the fact that water resources are a public good are inscribed in the Slovenian constitution. I am not familiar with the legal regulations governing the right to water in other countries, but I consider Slovenians among the more fortunate nations because in Slovenia the wealth and quality of water, and access to it, are also protected by law. However, like with all other rights, once they are achieved and even provided for in legal documents, we also seem to take this one for granted to the extent that we feel we no longer have to fight for it. Ideas about changing the law to prioritize the rights of landowners and developers over the universal right to this resource can thus be considered a breaking point. This is an opportunity to reflect and take action, so that later we do not say: “Do you remember when we had all that, and now we’ve lost it forever? Irrevocably. Why?” Because we will need to do everything again from the start. The rights we lose say more about our society than the rights we (still) have. Damjana Gantar, Editor-in-Chief UDK: 352:711.4: 316.772 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-01-001 Prejeto: 12. 11. 2020 Sprejeto: 9. 3. 2021 Andelina SVIRCIC GOTOVAC Jelena ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC Matej NIKŠIC Sodelovanje javnosti v postsocialisticnih mestih med stagnacijo in napredkom: primer Zagreba in Ljubljane Sodelovanje javnosti pri urbanisticni preobrazbi glavnega mesta je pomemben dejavnik, ki ga je treba upoštevati pri presoji kakovosti demokracije v postsocialisticnih drža­vah. V clanku avtorji obravnavajo procese sodelovanja jav­nosti pri taki preobrazbi v dveh postsocialisticnih glavnih mestih: v Zagrebu in Ljubljani. Predstavljeni so izsledki izbranih študij primerov v obeh mestih (park Tabor in soseska BS 7 v Ljubljani ter Meštrovicev paviljon in park Savica v Zagrebu), poleg tega so izpostavljene podobno­sti in razlike, ugotovljene na podlagi njihove primerjave. Izsledki raziskave iz let 2018 in 2019 kažejo dokaj nizko stopnjo sodelovanja javnosti v Zagrebu. V Ljubljani je bila navedena stopnja višja in tudi pravna podlaga zanjo je bila mocnejša, opazna pa je bila delna odvisnost od politicnih in gospodarskih dejavnikov. V obeh mestih je bilo sodelovanje javnosti v najbolj neposredni obliki pri aktivnostih nevladnih organizacij in civilnih pobud. Ko­munikacija med prebivalci in mestno upravo je bila slaba, kar ni spodbudno vplivalo na sodelovanje. Kljucne besede: sodelovanje, pobude civilne družbe, pri­merjalna metoda, Zagreb, Ljubljana 1 Uvod V Jugoslaviji, katere del sta bili tudi Hrvaška in Slovenija, je bilo prostorsko upravljanje odvisno od družbenopoliticnih razmer in je vecinoma temeljilo na planiranju in državnem nadzoru. Socialna, gospodarska in prostorska vprašanja so se obravnavala v okviru sistema družbenega planiranja (Bur­ton idr., 1967) ali društvenega plana, kot so mu rekli na Hr­vaškem (Caldarovic in Kritovac, 1987). V postsocialisticnem obdobju država ni vec imela tovrstne vloge pri urejanju pros­tora. Pozornost se je preusmerila na privatizacijo prostora in nepremicnin, ponovno uporabo in prenovo zemljišc ter novo opredelitev vlog nacrtovalskih ustanov (Bertaud in Renaud, 1997; Golubchikov, 2004; Dimitrovska Andrews idr., 2007; Hirt, 2012; Sýkora in Stanilov, 2014; Svircic Gotovac in Kerbler, 2019; Zlatar Gamberožic, 2019). Tržno usmerjeno gospodarstvo je po drugi strani razkrilo pomanjkanje skup­nega interesa in vizije v urbanizmu. V urbanisticni in javni politiki se je uveljavil pristop gospodarskega liberalizma, ki je povzrocil (in še naprej povzroca) neenakomeren razvoj mest in gospodarsko neenakost (Offe, 1997; Jaakson, 2000; Nikšic in Sezer, 2017). Posledicno so se privlacna mestna obmocja spremenila v velika gradbišca, dobicki od raznih naložb strmo narašcajo, manj privlacna obmocja pa stagnirajo (Nikšic, 2014; Patti in Polyak, 2017). Državno tiranijo je nadomestila tržna prevlada (Häussermann in Kapphan, 2004: 26), s katero se je hkrati zacela komercializacija mestnega prostora. V razmerah, v katerih so se glavne aktivnosti v mestnem razvoju preusme­rile od nacrtovanih izboljšav po vsem mestu k dobickonosnim posegom na ugodnih lokacijah, je treba prouciti vlogo javnosti v razvojnem procesu. V clanku avtorji zato najprej opredelijo sodelovanje javnosti pri urbanisticnem odlocanju, pri cemer se osredotocijo na dve postsocialisticni glavni mesti: Zagreb in Ljubljano. V postsocialisticnih mestih so tržno povpraševanje in zasebni interesi precej pomembnejši od nacrtovalskega procesa. Tudi javne naložbe se bolj osredotocajo na tiste dejavnosti in pro­jekte, ki lahko izboljšajo privlacnost mesta z vidika njegove dobickonosnosti kot pa splošno kakovost življenja njegovih prebivalcev (Stanilov, 2007; Sykora, 2007; Patti in Polyak, 2017). Prehod iz socializma je bil v urbanizmu zaznamovan z zanemarjanjem družbene razsežnosti prebivanja v mestih in tamkajšnjih stanovanj ter strateškega in dolgorocnega urba­nisticnega nacrtovanja. Znacilnosti tržnega gospodarstva, ki so se pojavljale od devetdesetih let 20. stoletja (privatizacija, krcenje javnega prostora, globalni financni sistem), vplivajo na odnose med deležniki v okviru urbanisticnega nacrtovanja oziroma na njihove vloge in pristojnosti. V zahodnoevropskih državah se uporabljajo izrazi, kot so visoka stopnja sodelovan­ja javnosti, visoki pravni standardi in uspešna javno-zasebna partnerstva, države nekdanje Jugoslavije pa se v urbanizmu spopadajo z omejitvami v pravnem sistemu in nezadostnim sodelovanjem javnosti pri odlocanju. Razloga za dokaj pocasen prehod v vecini držav nekdanje Jugoslavije sta zagotovo vojna v devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja ter izoliranost od evropskih in svetovnih smeri razvoja (Beyea idr., 2009). Prehod je bil hitrejši v nekdanjih socialisticnih državah, ki so zgodaj zacele aktivnosti za pridružitev Evropski uniji, na primer v Sloveniji. V primerjavi z drugimi nekdanjimi jugoslovanskimi državami je prehod v Sloveniji potekal dokaj gladko, in sicer zaradi neka­terih prednosti, ki jih je država imela že na zacetku: njena vojna za neodvisnost je bila kratka, Evropski uniji pa se je pridružila razmeroma hitro in sprejela njene urbanisticne programe. Po­leg tega so ji bila kmalu na razpolago sredstva EU in ta sred­stva je izkoristila za številne urbanisticne projekte, za katere so dale pobudo in jih podprle politicne in upravne strukture mest (Zlatar Gamberožic, 2019). Hrvaška je po razglasitvi neodvis­nosti in okrepitvi privatizacije v devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja doživela številne prostorske preobrazbe, v prostorski razvoj pa se je vkljucilo tržno gospodarstvo. Na Hrvaškem nacrtovalski proces v glavnem dolocajo gene­ralni urbanisticni plani na ravni mest, Prostorska razvojna strategija in Urbanisticni program Republike Hrvaške ter v primeru Zagreba tudi prostorski nacrt mesta Zagreb. V skladu s cleni 99–108 generalnega urbanisticnega plana mesta Zagreb je treba pri oblikovanju in izvedbi nacrtovalskega procesa spre­jeti ustrezne urbanisticne razvojne nacrte, izvesti javne razpise, pripraviti študije in zagotoviti sodelovanje javnosti. Javni raz­pisi so obvezni za urejanje javnih prostorov (trgov in parkov), generalni plan pa omogoca tudi razvoj mestnih projektov in doloca postopek njihove izvedbe. Generalni urbanisticni plan se skupaj s spremembami in dopolnitvami pošlje zagrebški mestni skupšcini v odobritev. Sodelovanje javnosti je omogo­ceno v obliki predstavitev, predhodnih razprav o prostorskih nacrtih ter javnih posvetovanj o osnutkih prostorskih nacrtov in rezultatih javnih razpisov (Grad Zagreb, 2016). V skladu z Zakonom o urejanju prostora (v nadaljevanju: ZU­rep-2; Ur. l. RS, št. 61/17) so za urejanje prostora v Sloveniji pristojne država in obcine. Prostorski akti se delijo na strateške in izvedbene akte. Prvi dolocajo glavno usmeritev prihodnje­ga razvoja in njegova glavna nacela, drugi pa se nanašajo na posamezno obmocje in so pravno zavezujoci. Pri pripravi stra­teških nacrtov javnost obicajno sodeluje prek javnih posvetov, pri pripravi in sprejetju izvedbenih aktov pa je zahtevano nje­no aktivnejše sodelovanje – med drugim je treba sodelovanje javnosti že v pripravljalni fazi dolociti z nacrtom vkljucevanja javnosti (ZUrep-2, 2017; ESPON, 2018). 2 Sodelovanje javnosti kot del urbanisticnega nacrtovanja V skladu z lestvico sodelovanja javnosti, ki jo je vpeljala Sher­ry R. Arnstein (1969, slika 1), lahko sodelovanje javnosti pri urbanisticnem nacrtovanju sega vse od manipulacije (najnižja raven) do državljanskega nadzora (najvišja raven). Na najniž­jih ravneh (nesodelovanje) ljudje nimajo vpliva na odlocanje, hkrati pa se jih z manipulacijo preprica, da se vse dela v nji­hovo dobro. Predlagani nacrt je najboljši in cilj je doseci jav­no podporo z obvešcanjem javnosti. Na ravni pasivnega ali navideznega sodelovanja je javnost obvešcena o urbanisticnih projektih, ki potekajo, vendar nima možnosti, da vanje poseže. Šele na stopnji sprave lahko javnost predstavi svoja mnenja, vendar odlocevalci niso zavezani, da bi jih tudi upoštevali. Na stopnji partnerstva in delegiranja moci v tretjem sklopu lestvi­ce je moc porazdeljena med ljudi in odlocevalce. Na najvišji stopnji (državljanski nadzor) lahko prebivalci dajo pobudo za urbanisticne projekte in s tem oblikujejo svoje bivalno okolje brez posrednikov in lastnih virov financiranja. Lahko vplivajo na urbanisticno politiko in so enakovredni udeleženci v celo­tnem nacrtovalskem procesu. Njeno lestvico so pozneje upoštevali tudi številni drugi avtorji. Anokye (2013) na primer poleg tega obravnava dva pristopa k sodelovanju, transformativnega in instrumentalnega, pri ce­mer je možna tudi kombinacija obeh. Transformativni pristop ustreza stopnji nesodelovanja po Arnsteinovi, instrumentalni pa stopnji državljanskega nadzora. Vecina sistemov sodelo­vanja vkljucuje kombinacijo obeh pristopov, kar pomeni, da je javnost seznanjena s posveti, v njih obcasno sodeluje in je obvešcena o odlocitvah mestne uprave. To pa še ne pomeni, da v procesu tudi resnicno sodeluje in ima moc spreminjanja poli­ticnih odlocitev. Gre torej za obliko instrumentalnega pristopa, ki vkljucuje pretok informacij od zgoraj navzdol, akterjem pa ne daje vecjega vpliva (Anokye, 2013: 82). Soglasje še vedno ni doseženo, pri tem pa je možen konflikt med vpletenima stranema. Kot navajajo Hordijk idr. (2015), je navedeni pristop povezan z oslabljeno vlogo države in državljanov, pri cemer zadnje opisujejo kot stranke ali potrošnike, ki ne morejo vpli­vati na odlocitve in jih lahko samo upoštevajo, ko so sprejete, saj jih ni vec mogoce spremeniti. Transformativni pristop, pri katerem komunikacija poteka od spodaj navzgor, pa vkljucuje višjo raven sodelovanja, na kateri je javnost aktivneje vkljucena v odlocanje. 2.1 Sodelovanje javnosti v Zagrebu Hrvaška je postala clanica Evropske unije leta 2013. Ceprav si prizadeva svoj pravni sistem uskladiti z evropskim in je sprejela že številne dokumente, ki v duhu evropske politike podpirajo vecjo kohezijo, decentralizacijo, horizontalno upravljanje in vecji pomen sodelovanja javnosti pri razvoju mest, ji vse to v praksi ne uspeva najbolje. V skladu s hrvaškim pravom je sodelovanje javnosti omejeno na javni dostop do osnutkov prostorskih nacrtov, vendar je ta dostop mogoc samo od 15 do 30 dni. Med tem casom lahko državljani predlagajo spre­membe in dopolnitve. Med javnimi posveti ima javnost pravico sodelovati pri obliko­vanju in sprejemanju prostorskih nacrtov ter predstaviti svoje predloge ali pripombe. Gre za model sodelovanja od zgoraj navzdol, pri katerem o prostorskih spremembah odloca vlada, upošteva pa se le malo vprašanj, na katera opozorijo prebival­ci (npr. glede zasebnega zemljišca na ureditvenem obmocju). Javnost ima zelo malo vpliva na spremembe, ki jih uvajajo prostorski nacrti, in na preureditev (najveckrat javnega) pros­tora. Javni interes je razglašen za pomembnega in dragocenega, vendar je javnost k sodelovanju pozvana samo uradno ali še to ne in tudi ce javnost predstavi svoje predloge, ni nujno, da se ti upoštevajo. Zadnjih nekaj desetletij so mestne oblasti pogosto izvajale projekte, s katerimi se javnost ni strinjala in zaradi katerih se je javni prostor skrcil. Zanimivo je, da se kljub pridružitvi Hrvaške Evropski uniji generalni urbanisticni plan mesta Zagreb od leta 2007 ni kaj dosti spreminjal, vseskozi pa se prilagaja tržnim potrebam gospodarskih in politicnih ak­terjev. Sodelovanje med strokovnjaki in politiki ni zadostno, obrambo javnega interesa pa so prevzele nevladne organizacije in razne civilne pobude, ki so se v zadnjih desetletjih mocno razmahnile. Ob nacrtovani neželeni ali neustrezni prenovi ulic in trgov so bili organizirani množicni protesti proti tovrstnim spremembam. Oblasti so se kljub temu redko odpovedale svoj­im projektom in so jih uspešno izpeljale. Nevladne organizacije so postale pomemben akter v sodelovanju javnosti, saj si priza­devajo vzpostaviti komunikacijo med politicnimi akterji in jav­nostjo ter javnost vkljuciti v nacrtovalski proces, da lahko izrazi svoja mnenja. Kljub nedvomno opaznejši vlogi civilne družbe Bežovan in Zrinšcak (2006: 8) opozarjata, da je še vedno bolj reaktivna kot proaktivna, njene organizacije pa še vedno ne prispevajo specificnega družbenega kapitala. Državljani imajo v okviru zakona nekatere možnosti, da predstavijo svoje predlo­ge ali se pritožijo, in sicer lahko to storijo na obcnih zborih. Odlocitve, sprejete na teh zborih, so zavezujoce za lokalni ali okrajni svet, ne pa tudi za mestno skupšcino (internet 2; cle­ni 127–129). Navedeno je primer izkljucevanja prebivalcev iz odlocanja in neupoštevanja njihovih mnenj v sklepnih fazah projektov, kar je podobno že omenjenemu instrumentalnemu pristopu, povezanemu z zmanjšano vlogo države in javnosti, ki je zato zelo pasivna. To se ujema tudi z nižjimi ravnmi so­delovanja javnosti na lestvici Arnsteinove (obvešcanje, terapija in manipulacija). Eden izmed razlogov za to je lahko tudi, da prebivalci ne želijo biti vkljuceni v sodelovanje. Trenutno ne­kateri vidiki lokalne samouprave niso prevec spodbudni za pre­bivalce, ki se zavedajo svojih omejitev, nepomembnosti in po­stranskosti pri reševanju vsakdanjih težav skupnosti (Rešetar, 2009; Toš idr., 2012). Pri prostorskih preureditvah v tovrstnem enosmernem procesu je pogosta manipulacija, katere namen je okrepiti politicno moc vodilnih struktur, zlasti vlogo župana in njegovega kabineta. Zanimivo je, da daje župan v javnosti vtis, da želi izboljšati kakovost življenja prebivalcev ter prisluh­niti njihovim željam in potrebam, vendar zaradi sodelovanja z investitorji tega nikoli ne uresnici. Pri odlocanju sodelujejo samo vodilne elite kot izbrani in vplivnejši sloj prebivalstva, kar vodi v elitno prevlado, ki zavira sodelovanje (Silver idr., 2010) ali vkljucenost vecine prebivalstva. 2.2 Sodelovanje javnosti v Ljubljani Uradna podlaga za sodelovanje javnosti pri okoljskem in pros­torskem razvoju je Aarhuška konvencija (ZN/ECE, 1998), ki jo je Slovenija ratificirala leta 2004 ob pridružitvi Evropski uniji in jo postopno vkljucila v nacionalno zakonodajo, med drugim tudi v ZUrep-2. Nacelo sodelovanja javnosti je v tem zakonu opredeljeno v 11. clenu, ki doloca, da morajo pristojni organi omogociti zgodnje in ucinkovito sodelovanje javnosti pri odlocanju in sprejemanju prostorskih aktov ter pri zadevah urejanja prostora na splošno. Vsakdo ima pravico do vpogleda v prostorske akte in vso dokumentacijo, povezano z njihovo pripravo in sprejemanjem v skladu s tem zakonom in zako­nom, ki ureja dostop do informacij javnega znacaja. Vsakdo ima pravico dajati pobude, predloge, pripombe in mnenja na prostorske akte, do katerih se mora organ v postopku njihove priprave opredeliti in o tem obvestiti javnost. ZUrep-2 poleg tega predvideva poseben pravni status za nevladne organizacije, ki imajo aktiven status delovanja v javnem interesu na podrocju prostora, varstva okolja, ohranjanja narave ali varstva kulturne dedišcine – njihov pravni interes na tem podrocju se šteje za izkazanega po zakonu. V 85. clenu zakon doloca, da je treba zagotoviti nacrt sodelovanja javnosti pri pripravi prostorske dokumentacije, v 111. clenu pa dodatno opredeljuje postop­ke za pripravo obcinskih prostorskih nacrtov ter predvideva izvedbo javnih posvetov, delavnic ali drugih nacinov sodelo­vanja z javnostjo. Kvac idr. (2015) opozarjajo, da je ena izmed glavnih ovir pri izvedbi sodelovalnih praks pasivno ali zgolj formalno uresni­cevanje zakonodajnih zahtev po sodelovalnih pristopih. Na­crtovalski organi le redko upoštevajo pripombe in zamisli, ki jih javnost poda na javnih posvetovanjih, ne glede na to, kako dobro so utemeljene. Poleg tega postopki, ki jih opredeljuje zakon, ne zagotavljajo popolne podpore tovrstnim praksam; na primer ustanove lahko temeljito spremenijo prvotni nacrt, ki je bil predmet javne razprave, koncni nacrt pa kljub pomemb­nim spremembam ni znova poslan v javno obravnavo. Zato poskušajo civilne pobude in nevladne organizacije uveljavljati tovrstne prakse na podrocju urejanja prostora s svojimi aktiv­nostmi, ki temeljijo na pristopu od spodaj navzgor (Nikšic idr., 2018). Poleg tovrstnih konkretnih aktivnosti se osredotocajo tudi na krepitev zmogljivosti javnosti, pri cemer izdajajo pri­porocila in navodila, ki lokalne prostorske organe spodbujajo k vkljucevanju javnosti v urejanje prostora, ob tem pa prebival­ce usmerjajo, kako naj v teh zapletenih postopkih proaktivno sodelujejo in izrazijo svoje mnenje. Tovrstni dokumenti so pomembno mehko orodje, ki deležnike vodi skozi zapletene postopke in jim pokaže najprimernejša orodja in tehnike, ki jih lahko uporabijo. Ko je pred dvajsetimi leti Mestna obcina Ljubljana (2002) za­cela pripravljati novo prostorsko zasnovo mesta (prvo v postso­cialisticnem obdobju), je takratna mestna uprava razumela po­trebo po pravem sodelovalnem pristopu, saj je želela oblikovati dobro premišljeno zasnovo, ki bi izražala želje najrazlicnejših lokalnih deležnikov. Poleg zakonsko zavezujocih postopkov, ki so zahtevali, da se v nacrtovanje vkljuci širša javnost, so bili izvedeni zelo številne strokovne študije, posvetovanja z razni­mi interesnimi skupinami in tematske delavnice za prebival­ce. Na podlagi navedenega so bili izdani številne publikacije in dokumenti, ki so izražali želje in zamisli širše javnosti, ki brez obsežne uporabe sodelovalnih orodij ne bi bile razkrite. Rezultati obsežnih sodelovalnih aktivnosti pa niso bili vedno vkljuceni v pravno zavezujoco prostorsko dokumentacijo, zato so bile navedene aktivnosti ob spremembi politicnih razmer v mestu le delno uspešne. Leta 2006 je vodenje mesta prevzela nova mestna uprava s svojo razvojno vizijo, ki je temeljila na pristopu od zgoraj navzdol in se ni vedno skladala s cilji, opre­deljenimi v zacetni (sodelovalni) fazi (Koželj, 2009). Trenutna mestna uprava izvaja vse zakonsko zavezujoce faze javnega po­svetovanja (npr. ob vsaki spremembi in dopolnitvi prostorske­ga nacrta), vendar sodelovanje javnosti v najbolj neposredni obliki še vedno poteka na ravni aktivnosti civilne družbe. Po razlicnih ljubljanskih soseskah se ljudje organizirajo v skupine, katerih aktivnosti vecinoma temeljijo na prostovoljnem delu in osebni zavzetosti, saj prejmejo le malo javne financne podpore (Nikšic, 2018; internet 3). Dve tovrstni pobudi sta predstavl­jeni v nadaljevanju. 3 Metode Clanek temelji na izsledkih dvostranskega raziskovalnega pro­jekta z naslovom Urbana revitalizacija mestnega središca na primeru Ljubljane: primerjava z mestnim središcem Zagreba (2018–2019). Pri proucevanju urbane revitalizacije v obeh mestih je bila uporabljena primerjalna metoda, na podlagi katere so bile ugotovljene podobnosti, skupne znacilnosti in razlike (Žugaj idr., 2006). Terenska raziskava, ki je v letih 2018 in 2019 potekala v Zagrebu in Ljubljani, je temeljila na štirih študijah primera (po dve v vsakem mestu). Kot izpostavljajo Burnham idr. (2006), primerjalna metoda omogoca, da se in­formacije umestijo v kontekst, ki se proucuje in interpretira, kar je še zlasti pomembno ob pridobljenih novih informacijah, ki jih je treba povezati s prejšnjimi izsledki. Projekt je poleg tega vkljuceval poskus primerjave dveh podobnih držav iz iste regije (Dogan, 2009: 23), v tem primeru Hrvaške in Slove­nije. Primerjalna metoda v družboslovju omogoca objektiv­nejše razumevanje proucevanega družbenega pojava, njegovo umestitev in klasifikacijo ter oblikovanje sklepov (preverjanje hipoteze) in napovedi (Hague idr., 2001; Reason in Bradbury, 2001). Kot navajata Denzin in Linkoln (1994), študije primera omogocajo podrobnejše razumevanje družbenih procesov na podlagi analize enega ali vec primerov. So empiricne raziskave sodobnih pojavov v njihovem realnem kontekstu, ki temeljijo na razlicnih virih dokazov. Ker se osredotocajo na konkretne primere, omogocajo poglobljeno razumevanje izbranega poja­va glede na njegovo prostorsko ali drugo umešcenost (Ritchie in Lewis, 2003; Yin, 2003). Cilj raziskave je bil na podlagi izbranih primerov predstaviti razlike v procesu sodelovanja javnosti in s primerjalno meto­do opredeliti konkretne in problematicne vidike vzpostavljanja in izvajanja tega procesa. Primerjava je temeljila na naslednjih raziskovalnih vprašanjih: kako so se prebivalci in civilni sek­tor odzvali in aktivirali, ali je bil na podlagi posredovanja ali odziva civilne družbe zacetni projektni nacrt spremenjen ter kateri model sodelovanja javnosti po Arnsteinovi in drugih avtorjih (npr. instrumentalni, transformativni ali mešani) je bil uporabljen v primeru Ljubljane in kateri v primeru Zagreba. Pri primerjalni analizi je bil vsak primer proucen posebej glede na casovni potek dogodkov od zacetka vsakega projekta ter vkl­jucitve in aktivacije javnosti do koncnega rezultata (tj. reakcije ali v nekaterih primerih akcije civilnih akterjev). Najprej sta se med seboj primerjala oba primera v vsaki državi, nato pa še vsi štirje primeri skupaj, s poudarkom na vlogi civilnih akterjev v vsakem primeru, na podlagi cesar so bili doloceni modeli so­delovanja za vsako državo. Omenjeni štiri primeri (park Tabor in soseska BS 7 v Ljubljani ter Meštrovicev paviljon in park Savica v Zagrebu) so bili izbrani zato, ker dobro ponazarjajo proces sodelovanja razlicnih zainteresiranih strani (strokovnih, politicnih in civilnih krogov) v obeh mestih. So najrazlocnejši primeri razlik med obema državama z vidika pristopa k pros­torskemu nacrtovanju (tj. od spodaj navzgor proti od zgoraj navzdol). Modeli, uporabljeni v obeh mestih, so povezani z že omenjenimi hipotezami o instrumentalnem, transformativ­nem in mešanem pristopu (Anokye, 2013) k sodelovanju jav­nosti, na podlagi katerih lahko razvrstimo analizirane primere. 4 Rezultati 4.1 Prvi primer sodelovanja od spodaj navzgor: park Tabor v Ljubljani Park Tabor je lokalni park v vzhodnem delu Ljubljane, 10 mi­nut hoje od Prešernovega trga. Na tem odprtem javnem pros­toru, ki meri približno 1,2 ha, ima svoje površine tudi Športno društvo Tabor. Ceprav je zeleno središce širše soseske, je bil dolga leta zanemarjen in zapušcen, ljudje pa se v njem po­noci niso radi zadrževali, saj je bil neurejen in slabo osvetljen. Leta 2010 se je kulturno društvo Prostorož, ki se zavzema za izboljšanje javnega mestnega prostora in vecjo vkljucenost jav­nosti, odlocilo izkoristiti njegov potencial (internet 3). Eden izmed njegovih ciljev je bil spodbuditi lokalne prebivalce, da aktivno sodelujejo pri nacrtovanju in izvedbi revitalizacije par­ka, ki je temeljila na uporabi minimalnih financnih sredstev in manjših prostorskih izboljšavah, ki bi ustvarile priložnosti za druženje, igro in rekreacijo na prostem v prijetnem okolju. Na podlagi raziskave potenciala in težav obmocja (Cerar in Peterlin, 2010) ter številnih delavnic za spodbujanje sodelo­vanja je nastal program raznih aktivnosti, ki se je izvajal med letoma 2010 in 2014. Cilji aktivnosti so bili manjše prostorske izboljšave, s katerimi bi prostor postal prijetnejši, sprememba prometnega režima in dajanje prednosti pešcem in kolesarjem ter ustvarjanje priložnosti za druženje lokalnih prebivalcev in obiskovalcev. Društvo Prostorož je usklajevalo aktivnosti orga­nizacij, ki so v parku prostovoljno prirejale dogodke, zasnovalo urbano opremo parka in nacrtovalo spremembe prometnega režima. Ceprav je revitalizacija parka Tabor (slika 2) znacilen primer pristopa od spodaj navzgor, je projekt od mestne obcine prejel tudi nekaj financne podpore, kar je kulturnemu društvu omo­gocilo vsaj koordinacijo aktivnosti. Oddelki mestne uprave so bili pripravljeni pomagati in hkrati dovolj prilagodljivi, da so izdali potrebna dovoljenja. Sodelovanje med Prostorožem in oddelki mestne uprave je lahko zgled za podobne sodelovalne prakse v drugih delih mesta. Navedeno bi bil pomemben korak k revitalizaciji podobnih predmestnih javnih prostorov brez vecjih financnih vložkov (Bugaric, 2018). Med projektom so vsi vpleteni dobili boljši vpogled v organizacijo in mehanizme delovanja oddelkov mestne uprave, hkrati pa so ugotovili, da je z vidika sodelovanja javnosti še veliko možnosti za izboljšave. Ko so pobudniki posameznih projektov svoje predloge izrazili v javnosti, ne glede na to, kako dobronamerni so bili, so bili pogosto razumljeni kot kritika mestne uprave, zaradi cesar so jim umaknili podporo pri projektu in nekaterih aktivnostih (Human Cities Archives, 2017). 4.1.1 Soseska BS 7 v Ljubljani Drug zanimiv primer, iz katerega se lahko veliko naucimo, je soseska BS 7 v severnem delu Ljubljane, ki je v javnosti po­znana tudi pod imenom Ruski car. Je ena najvecjih stanovanj­skih sosesk v slovenski prestolnici, zgrajena v sedemdesetih letih 20. stoletja, z velikim osrednjim trgom, imenovanim Bratovševa plošcad. V socialisticnem obdobju je bila plošcad prostor druženja, danes pa je to obmocje dokaj neizkorišceno, saj ga ljudje vecinoma uporabljajo samo za prehajanje z ene na drugo stran soseske. Zaradi dotrajanosti gradbenih materialov in nezadostnega vzdrževanja v zadnjih desetletjih je v slabem stanju, a plošcad do zdaj še ni bila prenovljena, predvsem za­radi neurejenega lastništva (poleg tega, da je osrednji odprt javni prostor v soseski, so tam tudi zasebne podzemne garaže). Skupina lokalnih prebivalcev je v okviru pobude Skupaj na plošcad (slika 3) zato zacela izvajati nekatere nove aktivnosti, da bi pokazala, da ima obmocje velik potencial, in posledicno vse lastnike (tj. lastnike podzemnih zasebnih garaž, upravnike bližnjih stanovanjskih blokov in mestno obcino) spodbudila, da privolijo v prenovo plošcadi in zanjo zagotovijo financna sredstva. Vsako leto pobuda prostovoljno organizira razne aktivnosti za lokalne prebivalce (in skupaj z njimi), katerih namen je oživiti sosesko (npr. ulicni kino, zelenjavne tržnice in delavnice izdelave ulicnega pohištva). Obmocje in sodelovan­je tamkajšnjih prebivalcev sta pritegnila mednarodno pozor­nost ekipe projekta Humana mesta (Human Cities) v okviru programa Evropske unije Ustvarjalna Evropa (Franc idr. 2018), katerega cilj je okrepiti sodelovalne aktivnosti lokalnih prebi­valcev z eksperimentalno uporabo raznih sodelovalnih orodij. Med letoma 2014 in 2018 so bili organizirani številni dogodki in aktivnosti, kot so vodeni sprehodi po soseski, okrogle mize, pikniki, risarske delavnice in delavnice izdelovanja maket, in­tervjuji, spletni fotografski natecaji in ulicne razstave, da bi lokalne prebivalce spodbudili k druženju na plošcadi in k temu, da združijo moci in se skupaj odlocijo, kako naj bi potekala njena temeljita prenova (Nikšic idr., 2018). Tudi ko je mestna uprava koncno prepoznala pomen projekta in zanj ponudila financno pomoc, je prizadevanja za prenovo zaviralo dejstvo, da se lokalna skupnost ni mogla sporazumeti glede stroškov projekta in prihodnje podobe plošcadi. Primer kaže, da lah­ko kljub široki podpori (stanovalcev, obcine ter domacih in mednarodnih strokovnjakov) nesposobnost deležnikov, da se uskladijo, prepreci še tako dobronamerna sodelovalna prizade­vanja. Kljub temu so tovrstne aktivnosti pomembne za krepitev zmogljivosti lokalnih prebivalcev, da sodelujejo pri urbani pre­novi, ki se lahko zacne šele, ko se glavni akterji sporazumejo glede pravicne razdelitve projektnih stroškov. 4.2 Pristop od zgoraj navzdol ali reakcionisticni aktivisticni pristop k sodelovanju javnosti v Zagrebu: Meštrovicev paviljon Prenova Meštrovicevega paviljona (slika 4) sredi Trga žrtev fa­šizma v središcu Zagreba je bila prva faza projekta z naslovom Center odlicnosti za spodbujanje pešacenja. Paviljon je primer kulturnega in umetniškega spomenika ter priljubljenega javne­ga prostora, zaradi cesar so prebivalci tudi budno spremljali njegovo prenovo. Študija primera, izvedena med letoma 2018 in 2019, je pokazala, da so se prebivalci na prenovo negativ­no odzvali in so jo poskušali ustaviti. Povsem na zacetku je bilo okoli paviljona odstranjeno vse rastlinje, da bi lahko za­celi nacrtovano prenovo. Najvecji protest lokalnih in drugih prebivalcev je sledil potem, ko so izvajalci posekali magnolijo, zaradi cesar je obmocje postalo golo in sterilno. Izvedli so kam­panjo Vrnite magnolijo, ta pobuda pa je trajala šest mesecev. Celoten projekt je bil slabo predstavljen javnosti, zahtevani postopki pa niso bili izvedeni ali so jih zaobšli, poleg tega mne­nja strokovnjakov, ki so poskušali vplivati na izvedbo projekta, niso bila upoštevana. Civilna pobuda je zahtevala zaustavitev del, javno posvetovanje, zašcito rastlinja, vrnitev magnolije in konstruktivnejšo razpravo pred dokoncanjem projekta. Svoje prošnje in pozive je poslala pristojnim mestnim in državnim ustanovam. Kljub vsem aktivnostim in cedalje vecjemu odporu raznih civilnih pobud od pristojnih ni bilo odziva in prva faza projekta je bila uspešno dokoncana. Med nacrtovanjem so bili predvideni drenaža zelenih površin, zamenjava poškodovanega stopnišca okrog paviljona, položitev novih granitnih tlakovcev in kamnitih robnikov ter namesti­tev novih klopi, košev za smeti in stojal za kolesa. Brez jav­nega natecaja in posvetovanja pa se je zdelo, da je bil projekt plod županovega avtokratskega vodenja in manipulacije, ki sta skupnosti in strokovnjakom preprecevala, da bi sodelovali pri odlocanju. Poleg tega sta bila brez posebnega razmisleka spremenjena zašciteni kulturni spomenik in njegova zgodovin­ska identiteta. Kljub vsemu se je iz opisanega projekta urbane prenove na koncu vendarle izcimilo nekaj dobrega. Pobuda Vrnite magnolijo je dosegla, da je mestna uprava obljubila, da ne bo nikoli vec stvari urejala tako, kot jih je na navedenem trgu (Svircic Gotovac in Zlatar Gamberožic, 2020). Opisani primer jasno kaže, da so pri krcenju javnih in zelenih površin v Zagrebu nevladne organizacije postale edini posrednik med prebivalci in mestno upravo ter edini akter, ki se odziva na samovoljne ukrepe mestne uprave. 4.2.2 Park Savica v Zagrebu V primeru parka Savica (2013–2018) je bila poglavitna grad­nja cerkve v mestnem parku. Lokalna župnija je oddala proš­njo za izdajo lokacijskega dovoljenja, o cemer pa ni obvestila nobenega od lastnikov sosednjih parcel. V kataster je bila nepojasnjeno vnesena neobstojeca cesta med nacrtovanim gradbišcem in sosednjo stavbo. Lokalni prebivalci so s tem iz­gubili pravico do pritožbe, zato so sprožili kampanjo Varujmo naš park (slika 5), ta kampanja je trajala pet let. Organizirali so jo predvsem zaradi nepreglednih razpisnih postopkov in ker bi se zaradi projekta skrcila površina parka. Cerkev bi zavze­mala 1.600 m˛, kar je skoraj tretjina skupne površine parka. Ljudje, ki so se pridružili pobudi, so stalno poudarjali, da ne nasprotujejo gradnji cerkve, ampak izbrani lokaciji gradnje. Prebivalci, ki so pomagali zbirati podpise v podporo pobudi, so se poimenovali »prebivalci, ki smo za gradnjo cerkve, a ne v našem parku«. V skladu z vsemi postopki so poslali dopise pristojnim mestnim službam in županu. Združenji hrvaških arhitektov in krajinskih arhitektov sta podprli prebivalce in projektu nasprotovali. Naposled je ministrstvo za gradbeništvo in prostorsko ureditev razveljavilo dovoljenje, ki ga je leta 2016 izdala mestna obcina Zagreb, med drugim zaradi velikosti pro­jekta, ki ni bila v skladu z generalnim urbanisticnim planom, in ker niso bili izvedeni ustrezni postopki javnega narocanja. Primera Meštrovicevega paviljona in parka Savica sta podobna z vidika njunih zacetnih faz in odziva prebivalcev. Razlikujeta pa se v poznejši fazi, ko je bilo v primeru parka po vecletnih prizadevanjih civilne družbe lokacijsko dovoljenje razveljavlje­no. Oba primera dokazujeta, da lahko ob podpori strokovn­jakov civilne pobude zaustavijo samovoljno ravnanje politike. Nista ravno zgled za to, kako naj bi civilna družba sodelovala pri odlocanju, ponazarjata pa, kako se lahko javnost ozavešca in spodbudi k temu, da postane aktivna. 5 Razprava Primerjalna analiza Meštrovicevega paviljona in parka Savica v Zagrebu je pokazala, da je bilo obema projektoma skupno dvoje: neupoštevanje mnenja javnosti in strokovnjakov ter vztrajno prizadevanje mestne uprave, da izpelje prvotna nacrta kljub številnim nejasnim ali nepopolnim pravnim postopkom. Prebivalci so projektoma nasprotovali tako, da so izvedli bolj ali manj uspešne pobude. Primera iz Ljubljane izpostavljata pomen aktivnega državljanstva, pri cemer proaktivni prebivalci lahko prispevajo in želijo prispevati k drugacnemu dojemanju in preoblikovanju svojega bivalnega okolja. Po drugi strani pa jasno kažeta nestabilnost sodelovalnih praks in njihovo od­visnost od politicne in financne podpore. Dokler je navedena podpora zagotovljena, je vecja verjetnost, da bo sodelovanje med akterji ali organizacijami, ki delujejo po pristopu od spodaj navzgor, in tistimi, ki delujejo po pristopu od zgoraj navzdol, privedla do tega, da bo rezultat najboljši za vse. Da bi lahko to dosegli, so poleg pravno zavezujocih podlag za sode­lovanje javnosti potrebni zaupanje, sposobnost sodelovanja in dialog med vsemi pomembnimi partnerji. V primeru parka Ta­bor se je mocno pokazalo plodno sodelovanje med lokalnimi akterji, v primeru soseske BS 7 pa se je izkazalo, da ima lahko sodelovalni pristop omejen vpliv, ce je med akterji prevec trenj. Kot je razvidno iz primerov v Ljubljani in Zagrebu, sodelovanje javnosti pri urbanisticnem nacrtovanju ter prenovi in zašciti javnih prostorov še vedno ostaja razmeroma šibko. Podobno je tudi v drugih južnoevropskih mestih zadovoljstvo prebivalcev z ulicami ali stavbami nizko (Emerson in Smiley, 2018: 166), kar je lahko posledica šibkega sodelovanja javnosti pri urejanju prostora in njenega manjšega vpliva na javne prostore. V Zagre­bu je vkljucenost javnosti omejena na proteste proti posamez­nim urbanisticnim projektom in jo lahko opišemo kot primer reakcionisticnega aktivizma, ki se lahko pogosto spremeni v pasivno sprejemanje obstojecega stanja. V Ljubljani lokalne skupnosti vzpostavljajo veliko bolj enakovrednejša partnerstva z lokalnimi oblastmi, ko se odloca o njihovem vsakdanjem ži­vljenju in okolju. Poleg tega vsi vpleteni akterji kažejo mocno predanost svojim nalogam. Premislek o vlogi in vplivu lokal­ne skupnosti je kljucen v urbanizmu postsocialisticnih držav (Hlavácek idr., 2016). Sodelovanje javnosti je treba okrepiti, da so lahko prebivalci v celoti vkljuceni v odlocanje o svojem ožjem bivalnem okolju. 6 Sklep V primerjavi s primeroma iz Zagreba primera iz Ljubljane ka­žeta višjo raven sodelovanja javnosti, poleg tega je izrazito še, da je skupnost bolj vkljucena v vodenje nacrtovanja (Svircic Gotovac in Kerbler, 2019). Navedeno še zlasti velja za park Ta­bor, kjer so civilne pobude in lokalni prebivalci v sodelovanju z mestno upravo organizirali ulicne prireditve in park spremenili v prijeten prostor druženja. Poleg tega so v Ljubljani aktivnosti civilne družbe bolj proaktivne kot v Zagrebu, kjer se vecinoma reaktivne. Namesto protestov proti prostorskim posegom, vsi­ljenim od zgoraj, se civilne pobude v Ljubljani vecinoma osre­dotocajo na izboljšanje potenciala posameznih mestnih okolij in krepitev sodelovanja med deležniki. Ljubljana torej kaže premik od postsocialisticnega enosmernega instrumentalnega modela k transformativnemu pristopu, Zagreb pa ostaja pri in­strumentalnem pristopu. Pri parku Savica v Zagrebu so opazne tudi znacilnosti mešanega modela, saj so prebivalci zaustavili gradnjo cerkve ter zahtevali vecjo vkljucenost v odlocanje in upoštevanje njihovih potreb (kar spada k transformativnemu pristopu). Ker proces vseeno ni bil dvosmeren, gre v prvi vrsti za primer instrumentalnega sodelovanja javnosti. Ljubljanski model lahko ob mocnejši politicni podpori postane še uspešnejši. Trenutno je politicna podpora dokaj šibka in nestabilna, saj mestna uprava gibanja civilne družbe še vedno noce v celoti sprejeti kot enakovrednega partnerja pri odlocan­ju in še vedno dojema njene dobronamerne kritike kot grožnjo. Podobna težava je opazna v Zagrebu, kjer ni resnicnega sodelo­vanja javnosti, ampak je to samo v obliki odziva na že obstojece razmere, komunikacija z mestno upravo pa je vec kot ocitno nezadostna. Hipoteza, da je za Ljubljano znacilna višja raven sodelovanja javnosti pri zadevah, ki se nanašajo na kakovost življenja in okolja, kot za Zagreb, je bila tako potrjena. Še vedno pa je v obeh mestih veliko možnosti za izboljšave, predvsem zaradi nezmožnosti lokalnih akterjev (strokovnjakov, prebival­cev in oblasti), da se uskladijo in stopijo skupaj, kar z vidika sodelovanja javnosti ostaja velik izziv. Potrebni so spremembe pravnega okvira, vecje ozavešcanje prebivalcev o njihovih pra­vicah in odprtost za nove prakse od spodaj navzgor v skladu s priporocili EU, na podlagi cesar bi sodelovanje javnosti postalo in ostalo stalnica pri urejanju prostora, urbanisticna politika pa bi upoštevala javne potrebe. Andelina Svircic Gotovac, Inštitut za družbene raziskave, Zagreb, Hrvaška E-naslov: angelinasg@gmail.com Jelena Zlatar Gamberožic, Inštitut za družbene raziskave, Zagreb, Hrvaška E-naslov: zlatar.jel@gmail.com Matej Nikšic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: matej.niksic@uirs.si Zahvala V clanku so predstavljeni izsledki dvostranskega raziskovalnega pro­jekta z naslovom Urbana revitalizacija mestnega središca na primeru Ljubljane: primerjava z mestnim središcem Zagreba, ki sta ga izvajala Inštitut za družbene raziskave v Zagrebu in Urbanisticni inštitut Re­publike Slovenije. Projekt sta financirala hrvaško ministrstvo za zna­nost in izobraževanje ter Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije (ARRS). Priprava prispevka je bila delno podprta s sredstvi ARRS v okviru raziskovalnega programa Prostorsko nacr­tovanje P5-0100. Viri in literatura Anokye, N. A. 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(2019): Revitalization paths of urban centers: tentative observational comparison of two cities: Ljubljana and Zagreb. Družboslovne razprave, 35(90), str. 83–104. Žugaj, M., Dumicic, K., in Dušak, V. (2006): Temelji znanstvenoistraživac­kog rada: metodologija i metodika. Varaždin, TIVA. A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Sodelovanje javnosti v postsocialisticnih mestih med stagnacijo in napredkom: primer Zagreba in Ljubljane Slika 1: Lestvica sodelovanja javnosti po Sherry R. Arnstein (vir: in­ternet 1) A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Sodelovanje javnosti v postsocialisticnih mestih med stagnacijo in napredkom: primer Zagreba in Ljubljane A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Slika 2: Park Tabor maja 2011: razne aktivnosti v parku (foto: Matej Nikšic) Slika 3: Sodelovalne aktivnosti na premalo izkorišcenem javnem prostoru v soseski BS 7 (foto: Tomaž Zupan) Sodelovanje javnosti v postsocialisticnih mestih med stagnacijo in napredkom: primer Zagreba in Ljubljane Slika 4: Meštrovicev paviljon pred prenovo in po njej v letih 2017 in 2018 (vir: Dobric, 2018) Slika 5: Protest proti gradnji cerkve v parku Savica leta 2017 (vir: HINA, 2016) A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Sodelovanje javnosti v postsocialisticnih mestih med stagnacijo in napredkom: primer Zagreba in Ljubljane A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC UDK: 711.4(497.4Ljubljana):332.1 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-01-002 Prejeto: 28. 1. 2021 Sprejeto: 24. 3. 2021 Matjaž URŠIC Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 Urbane kreativne dejavnosti so bile v tranzicijskem obdo­bju intenzivnih prostorskih in gospodarskih sprememb v Sloveniji pogosto predstavljene kot pomemben razvojni dejavnik, ki bo omogocil reurbanizacijo in revitalizacijo številnih obmocij opušcenih industrijskih dejavnosti. Po­gosto so bili to razmeroma spontani, nenacrtovani procesi prostorskega in gospodarskega razvoja degradiranih ob­mocij, pri cemer so razni kreativni posamezniki in skupi­ne po nacelu od spodaj navzgor izvajali postopne revita­lizacije nekdanjih industrijskih obmocij. Clanek analizira vlogo kreativnih dejavnosti pri revitalizaciji degradiranih obmocij na podlagi razvoja mehkih (družbenih) dejav­nikov ali socialnih mrež ali omrežij. Pri tem izpostavlja težavo, da lokalni organi in državni institucionalni akterji ne zaznavajo kreativnih socialnih mrež, nimajo ustrezne­ga pristopa do njih ali jih premalo upoštevajo pri razvoju teh obmocij. Na podlagi polstrukturiranih intervjujev je predstavljen primer nekdanje Tobacne tovarne kot vzorc­ni primer postopnega kopicenja socialnega kapitala, ve­zanega na socialne mreže, ki pa se ob procesih novega gospodarsko-prostorskega prestrukturiranja obmocja do­jema kot nepotreben element prenove. Kljucne besede: kreativne dejavnosti, socialna omrežja, degradirana obmocja, Tobacna tovarna 1 Uvod Kmalu po osamosvojitvi Slovenije so se okrepile urbane politi­ke, povezane z razvojem kreativnega sektorja. Z uvedbo tržne­ga gospodarstva v navezavi na obsežne sistemske spremembe politik prostorskega nacrtovanja, katerih namen je bil zlasti spodbuditi hiter gospodarski razvoj, je bil kreativni sektor opredeljen kot eden izmed kljucnih spodbujevalcev prostor­sko-gospodarskega razvoja Slovenije v tranzicijskem obdobju (Bole, 2008; Ravbar, 2011). To ni bilo nakljucno (Zelena knji­ga – Izkorišcanje potenciala kulturnih in ustvarjalnih industrij (Evropska komisija, 2010); Regionalni razvojni program Lju­bljanske urbane regije 2007–2013 (Regionalna razvojna agen­cija Ljubljanske urbane regije, 2007); Priporocila 9. razvojne skupine za kreativne industrije za povecanje konkurencnosti Slovenije (Služba vlade Republike Slovenije za razvoj, 2008)), saj je izhajalo iz razmeroma uspešnih razvojnih modelov dru­gih gospodarsko razvitih držav (glej Department for culture, media and sport, 2001; Ministry of Economy, Trade and Indu­stry, 2012; Creative Canada Policy Framework, 2017). Pri tem naj bi kreativne dejavnosti, pogosto imenovane tudi kreativno gospodarstvo in kreativne industrije, tvorile dragoceno orodje za razvoj drugih gospodarskih panog in pomagale pri nado­mestitvi izgubljenih delovnih mest v tradicionalnih industrij­skih in storitvenih sektorjih (Howkins, 2001; Hesmondhalgh, 2002). Pri povzemanju in poskusih uvajanja tujih modelov po­litik kreativne urbane regeneracije, ki temelji na povezovanju razvoja kreativnega sektorja in specificnih urbanih lokacij, so bili v Sloveniji pogosto razvojna neskladja in zapleti pri zasta­vljenih razvojnih strategijah. Prenašanje urbanih politik iz enega okolja v drugo namrec ni le preprost »mehanicen postopek replikacije«, kot sta ugotovila Peck in Theodore (2015: 25), temvec je nelocljivo povezan z »mutacijami urbanih politik« (Peck in Theodore, 2015), ki se odzivajo in prilagajajo na lokalne posebnosti. Ceprav se zdijo nekateri razvojni modeli kreativnih mestnih politik na prvi pogled privlacni in napredni, jih ni mogoce prenesti v nov družbenogospodarski kontekst brez stranskih ucinkov mutacij politik (Peck, 2011). Clark s sodelavci (2015) je navedel, da bi morala biti primerna prispodoba za vsako uvajanje novih politik prevod, ne nedotaknjen prenos, zaradi intenzivnih dialoških, vcasih celo konfliktnih procesov preobrazbe, ki so nelocljivi od poskusov uvajanja sistemskih novosti v lokalno okolje. Pri tem je treba poudariti, da vecina kriticnih analiz uva­žanja kreativnih urbanih politik ne kritizira uporabe koncepta kreativne urbane regeneracije ali kreativnega mesta, temvec se osredotoca na problematicno uporabo ali neselektivno upo­rabo teh konceptov v nekem okolju. Vprašanje iz tega clanka torej ni usmerjeno v koristnost uporabe kreativnih mestnih politik, temvec v nacin, kako se te uporabljajo in uresnicujejo v prostoru. V Sloveniji so bile v preteklosti zaradi razlicnih razlogov (npr. lokalnih politicnih razmerij, gospodarskih transformacij, ne­utrjenih institucionalnih struktur) znacilne nepremišljene uporabe politik kreativne urbane regeneracije. Kljub razlicnim strateškim dokumentom, ki so v tem obdobju nastali in med drugim obravnavali tudi politike kreativne urbane regenera­cije (npr. Zelena knjiga – Izkorišcanje potenciala kulturnih in ustvarjalnih industrij, Strategija razvoja kulture v Mestni obcini Ljubljana 2012–2015, dokumenta Strategija razvoja kulture v Mestni obcini Ljubljana za obdobji 2016-2019 in 2020–2023 (z usmeritvami do leta 2027), dokumenti Regio­nalni razvojni program Ljubljanske urbane regije za obdobja 2007–2013, 2014-2020 in 2021-2027, Unija inovacij itd.), so bili zaradi neupoštevanja ali nerazumevanja posebnosti kreativ­nih ekosistemov (Jeffcutt, 2004; Cohendet idr., 2010; Rivas, 2011) v slovenskih mestih izvedeni prostorski posegi, ki so zmanjševali ali v celoti prezrli in zanikali nekatere oblike soci­alnih kreativnih potencialov in njihov doprinos k razvoju druž­benogospodarskega sistema in kakovosti življenja v Sloveniji. Clanek se osredotoca na primer prestrukturiranja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani, ki je paradigmatski primer proce­sov spreminjanja ali ukinjanja prostorov zacasne kreativne rabe brez upoštevanja vrednosti mehkih, nesnovnih, neformalnih oblik kreativnih potencialov, ki izhajajo iz družbenogospodar­skih dejavnosti, ki so se v vmesnem casu zacele izvajati na tem obmocju. Nekdanja Tobacna tovarna je bila ena izmed središc­nih tock koncentracije kreativnih dejavnosti za mikro podjetja v ljubljanski regiji (Žaucer idr., 2012; Uršic, 2016; Kozina in Bole, 2018). Ob prodaji vecjega dela obmocja zasebnim vla­gateljem leta 2019 so se morala ta mikro podjetja prestruktu­rirati, spremeniti lokacijo ali prenehati poslovati. Cilj clanka je analizirati in izpostaviti problematiko nepremišljenega uki­njanja delovanja pomembnega dela ene izmed najvecjih kon­centracij kreativnih dejavnosti v mestu. Pri tem poudarjamo, da delovanje kreativnega ekosistema, kot je nekdanja Tobacna tovarna, temelji prav na t. i. mehkih dejavnikih (Murphy in Redmont, 2008; Martin-Brelot idr., 2010) in nacelih socialnih omrežij (Shaw idr., 2016; Boessen idr., 2018), ki so premalo obravnavani v slovenskih strateških prostorskih dokumentih v zvezi s kreativnostjo. Pri tem bomo preverjali hipotezo, ali je socialna omrežja, ki izhajajo iz kreativnosti in so zaznamo­vana z lokacijo, ob procesih temeljite transformacije obmocja sploh mogoce zavarovati s preprosto fizicno preselitvijo krea­tivnih akterjev na drugo lokacijo v mestu ali regiji. Ta clanek uporablja izraz socialno omrežje v kontekstu, ki se nanaša na družbeno-prostorska ali skupnostna socialna omrežja, ne na digitalna socialna omrežja. Analiza ucinkov prestrukturiranja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne na delovanje kreativnega ekosiste­ma bo prikazana na podlagi analize podatkov, zajetih v okviru longitudinalne študije projekta Urbano izobraževanje v živo (Urban Education Live), ki je potekala v obdobju 2017-2020. Pri tem bo posebna pozornost namenjena prav problematiki prezrtega vpliva mehkih (družbenih) dejavnikov pri tvorjenju, delovanju in dolgorocnem razvoju kreativnega ekosistema me­sta in širše regije. 2 Socialna omrežja in razvoj urbanih kreativnih dejavnosti v dolgorocni perspektivi Mehki (družbeni) dejavniki so obicajno kontekstualni elemen­ti, ki prispevajo k izboljšanju družbenih vidikov delovanja v zadevnem okolju (Murphy in Redmont, 2008; Martin-Brelot, idr., 2010; Musterd in Gritsai, 2013). Trdi (fizicni) dejavniki se vecinoma osredotocajo na razpoložljivost zadevnih virov, dejavniki mehke lokacije pa se nanašajo na izboljšanje splošne kakovosti življenja ali posameznikovega življenjskega sloga. V raziskavi bomo socialna omrežja vkljucili kot del mehkih privlacnih dejavnikov zaradi njihove funkcionalne vloge kata­lizatorja družbene angažiranosti ali družabnosti na proucevani lokaciji. Problematika nerazumevanja vpliva mehkih (družbe­nih) elementov na kreativni ekosistem je pravzaprav proble­matika spodbujanja ali zaviranja razvoja miljeja (Meusburger, 2009) v katerega so vpeti kreativni akterji. Ce kreativni eko­sistem lahko opredelimo kot »okolje, ki prek specializiranih nacinov izmenjave, interakcije in komuniciranja med ljudmi in njihovim gospodarskim, socialnim in kulturnim kapitalom podpira kreativne dejavnosti« (Rivas, 2011: 4), se lahko krea­tivni milje razume kot njegov kljucni sestavni del in vkljucuje mikro -socialni kontekst, ki zajema ljudi in njihov odnos do družbenokulturnega sistema, okolja in lokalne skupnosti (Ur­šic in Imai, 2020: 8). Kreativni milje s tega vidika dopolnjuje tradicionalne dele kreativnega ekosistema, kot so kreativni razredi, kreativna produkcija, kreativne lokacije, kreativne in­dustrije (gospodarstvo) (Pratt, 2004; Florida idr., 2006; Poljak Istenic, 2017), in vanj integrira dele lokalno znacilnega znanja, ki se zdi na prvi pogled nepomembno, vsakdanje in loceno od kreativnih ekonomij. S poudarjanjem pomena kreativnega miljeja poskušamo opozoriti na pomen vzpostavljanja kreativ­nega sistema od spodaj navzgor, tj. iz lokalnih skupnosti prek kreativnih posameznikov in skupin do kreativnih ekonomij (Colomb in Novy, 2018). V številnih študijah (Giaccardi in Fischer, 2008; Sailer, 2011; Fischer, 2013) se namrec opaža, da je socialna kreativnost (Montuouri in Purser, 1997; Long in Pang, 2015; Petrovic-Šteger, 2018; Vodopivec, 2018) po­gosto prezrt del študij razvoja kreativnih dejavnosti, pri cemer se socialna kreativnost izkorišca za potrebe krepitve kulturne atraktivnosti in tržne vrednosti obmocja. Pri tem se socialni in kulturni kapital uporabljata v obliki marginalnih ali premo­stitvenih gentrifikatorjev (Smith, 1996: 105), ki se uporabljajo za trenutne potrebe razvoja obmocja, brez premisleka o dol­gorocnem razvoju obmocja. Kratkorocnost kreativnih urbanih politik pogosto temelji na razvojnih perspektivah, ki se vežejo zlasti na proizvod ali rezul­tat, kar zasenci pomen tega, kar Briskman (1980: 98) imenuje ustreznost notranjih povezav med temi izdelki in kontekstom, iz katerega izhajajo (glej tudi Poljak Istenic, 2015: 34). Pri osredotocenosti na koncni proizvod je proces, v katerem je ta nastal, postavljen v sekundarni plan, okolje. Meusburger (2009) ter Wierenga in van Bruggen (1998) to umanjkanje konteksta v analizah kreativnih dejavnosti lepo prikažejo z analizo kreativnosti glede na casovni potek. V zvezi s tem je kreativnost kot lastnost ali vhodna spremenljivka locena od kreativnosti kot procesa in od spremenljivke kot dosežka ali izhodnega rezultata (Wierenga in van Bruggen, 1998: 84). Psi­hologa True (1966) in Klausmeier (1961) podobno locujeta med kreativno sposobnostjo (ang. creative ability) in kreativno zmogljivostjo (ang. creative capacity). Obe kategoriji se opirata na casovni potek postopka, pri cemer sposobnost pomeni moc, da se neko dejanje izvede zdaj, zmogljivost pa se nanaša na to, kaj bi se lahko dolgorocno izvedlo z zorenjem (nabiranje iz­kušenj, kumulativnih ucinkov), izobraževanjem in interakcijo med komponentami tega ekosistema. V clanku se torej osredotocamo na kreativno zmogljivost, v okviru katere posamezna mestna obmocja v dolgorocni per­spektivi delujejo kot »neformalni, kolektivni odprti prostori, ki lahko absorbirajo in rekombinirajo umetnost in kulturo, kar vodi k novostim in regeneraciji« (Lazzaretti, 2012). Za razu­mevanje mehkih (družbenih) vidikov kreativne zmogljivosti je pomembno upoštevanje pomena socialnih omrežij na obmo­cjih, ki so podvržena urbani prenovi. Socialna omrežja imajo pomembno vlogo pri oblikovanju in vzdrževanju prostorskih skupnosti in so eden kljucnih elementov socialnega kapitala (Bourdieu, 1986; Putnam, 1995, 2000; Filipovic, 2007), ki nastaja na podlagi »socialnih omrežij, norm reciprocnosti in zaupanja ter pozitivnih posledic, ki jih ima ta kapital za po­sameznika in družbeni sistem« (Iglic, 2001: 186). Socialna omrežja v tem kontekstu opredeljujemo kot obstojno dina­micno fizicno in družbeno interakcijo v okvirih zadevnega prostora, ki nas zanima (Shaw idr., 2016; Boessen idr,. 2018). Še posebej so pomembna za delovanje kreativnih skupnosti ali ekosistemov, saj ti ekosistemi temeljijo prav na intenzivni komunikaciji in medsebojni izmenjavi informacij med upo­rabniki. V kreativnem ekosistemu so socialna omrežja kljucna oblika socialnega kapitala, brez katere druge oblike kapitala težko pridejo do izraza ali veljajo za precej manj pomembne. To je razvidno iz številnih raziskav (Gottlieb, 1994; Landry in Bianchini, 1995; Scott, 2000; Florida, 2002, 2005), v ka­terih je prisotnost ustreznih socialnih omrežij oznacena kot pomembnejši dejavnik za razvoj kreativnih ekosistemov v od­nosu do drugih dejavnikov, kot so financna sredstva, tehnicna infrastruktura, fizicne znacilnosti prostorov. V primeru visoko ustvarjalnih posameznikov gre pogosto za specializirane oblike dejavnosti, pri katerih je materialna preskrbljenost pomemben element ustvarjanja ugodnih razmer za razvoj kreativnih indu­strij, vendar pa ni nujno tudi odlocilni dejavnik za kreativno grozdenje (Scott, 2000; Bell in Jayne, 2001; Perrons, 2004) ali razrašcanje in generacijski razvoj družbenogospodarskih dejavnosti na lokaciji. Izjemno pomembni so torej tudi dru­gi elementi na obmocju, saj le kombinacija ugodnih razmer, ki omogocajo osebnostni in znanstveni razvoj posameznika, lahko zagotovi uspešne temelje za dolgorocno delovanje kre­ativnih gospodarstev. Ustrezne razmere za razvoj kreativnih industrij pravzaprav tvo­rijo raznovrstni na videz manj pomembni dejavniki, med kate­rimi so najbolj pogosto prezrta zlasti socialna omrežja, ki imajo nadvse pomemben ucinek v prostoru in ustvarjajo ustrezno kli­mo ali milje za kreativna podjetja in ustvarjalne posameznike (Kozina in Clifton, 2019; Poljak Istenic, 2019). Pri tem velja omeniti, da so se številni poskusi razvijanja kreativnih obmocij, ki so temeljila na fizicni prenovi in so manj vkljucevala vidike socialnih omrežij, izkazali za problematicne in manj uspešne (Chase in Crawford, 1999; Harvey, 2000; Nyseth, 2012). So­cialna omrežja so nelocljiv in obcutljiv del vsakega kreativnega ekosistema ter se odzivajo na zadevne prostorske spremembe in jih prenašajo na raven skupnosti. Delujejo kot prefinjena mreža senzorjev na terenu in hitro zaznajo najmanjše spremembe v organizaciji in delovanju na nekaterih prostorih. Te procese za­znavanja in prenašanja na raven skupnosti je mogoce opazova­ti pri številnih projektih prenove nekdanjih mestnih obmocij, na katerih se izvajajo hitre, nenadne spremembe, ki cez noc spreminjajo življenjske vzorce, servise in strukturo družbenih skupin v celotnih mestnih cetrtih, kar se naknadno kaže v delo­vanju celotnega mesta. Z analizo nekdanjega obmocja Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani bomo na prakticnem primeru prikazali, kako pomembna so pravzaprav socialna omrežja za delovanje kreativnega ekosistema Ljubljane, in poskušali opredeliti šte­vilne problematicne vidike, ki so se pojavili ob prestrukturira­nju obmocja in kažejo na pomanjkljivo kreativno zmogljivost Ljubljane, ki zavira bolj trajnosten razvoj mesta in širše regije. 3 Analiza prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne in kreativnega ekosistema 3.1 Opis lokacije in uporabljena metodologija Prvi del tovarniškega kompleksa nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani je bil zgrajen med letoma 1871 in 1890 ter je v Lju­bljani med železniško progo Ljubljana–Trst, Tivolsko in Trža­ško cesto ter Oražnovo ulico. Razvoj obmocja se je zacel konec leta 1870, ko je ljubljanski obcinski svet obmocje brezplacno odstopil industrijskemu razvoju tobacne industrije (Tobacna Ljubljana, 2019). Po desetletjih pestrega industrijskega razvoja obmocja so bile leta 1991 izvedene prve kljucne spremembe v lastniški strukturi tovarniškega kompleksa, posledica pa je bilo postopno opušcanje proizvodnje tobacnih izdelkov. Leta 1991 se je zacela postopna privatizacija obmocja (izvedli sta jo družbi Reemtsma Cigarettenfabriken GmbH in SEITA, Société Na­tionale D'exploitation Industrielle des Tabacs et Allumettes), ta pa se je leta 2002 nadaljevala z vecinskim lastniškim vsto­pom družbe Imperial Tobacco. Sledilo je postopno opušcanje proizvodnih dejavnosti Tobacne Ljubljana, te dejavnosti so se popolnoma ustavile leta 2004. Skladno z zaprtjem proizvodnje so se zacele tudi razprave o prihodnji namembnosti prostorov. Pri tem so prostore za zacasno rabo namenili raznovrstnim dejavnostim: prostore so med drugim zasedli Upravna enota Ljubljana, tobacni muzej, galerija, kreativni center Poligon, za­gonsko podjetje Zavod Hekovnik, oblikovalski in arhitektur­ni studii, številne nevladne organizacij in umetniške ustanove (npr. umetniška platforma Cirkulacija 2), razni administrativni servisi ter številne druge ustanove, društva in razna podjetja, povezana s kreativnimi dejavnosti (slika 1). V okviru raziskave Creative Cities (European Regional De­velopment Fund, Regionalna razvojna agencija Ljubljanske urbane regije, Inštitut za politike prostora, 2011; Inštitut za ekonomska raziskovanja, 2012) je bilo zaznano, da je bilo ome­njeno obmocje po številu malih kreativnih podjetij med najbolj propulzivnimi obmocji v državi z vidika njihove številcnosti in heterogenosti (Žaucer idr., 2012). Po podatkih, ki so bili zajeti iz baz standardnih klasifikacij dejavnosti (SURS, 2011), je obmocje Tobacne vkljucevalo vec kot 400 mikro podjetij s povprecno dvema do tremi zaposlenimi. Celotno obmocje Tobacne je bilo leta 2019 prodano zasebnemu vlagatelju, ki je spremenil pogoje delovanja vecine dosedanjih najemnikov prostorov. Pri tem je iz intervjujev z nekdanjimi uporabniki razvidno, da je novi lastnik leta 2019 nenadno postavil precej težje pogoje najema prostorov, saj se je izrazito zvišala najemni­na, zaradi cesar so se uporabniki množicno izselili z obmocja tedaj nekdanje Tobacne. Pri tem se porajajo številna vprašanja, povezana z njenimi nekdanjimi uporabniki, njihovimi funk­cijami in vplivom, ki jih ima ukinitev obmocja na delovanje širšega kreativnega ekosistema Ljubljane. Navedena vprašanja bomo poskušali obravnavati z analizo socialnih omrežij na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne. Analiza socialnih omrežij bo s tega vidika kljucno orodje za prepoznavanje povezav med pomembnimi akterji in prostori. Pri tem bomo poskušali prikazati pomen prepoznavanja in povezovanja socialnih interakcij z obmocjem Tobacne, kar naj bi pripomoglo k premisleku in okrepitvi zavedanja glede kontekstov, v katerih se porajajo potencialni dogovori, spori, pogajanja, nerazumevanje, odnosi moci in odgovornosti (Genz in Lucas-Drogan 2019: 2). Podatki so bili zbrani s polstruk­turiranimi intervjuji z uporabniki prostorov. Tako smo v dveh fazah longitudinalne raziskave Urban Education Live izvedli 61 intervjujev. Najprej smo med aprilom in avgustom 2018 izvedli 31 intervjujev z razlicnimi skupinami deležnikov, nato pa smo januarjem in aprilom 2020 pridobili še dodatnih 30 intervjujev (N = 61). Intervjuvanje je potekalo po nakljucnem vzorcu intervjuvancev, ki kot uporabniki prostorov delujejo v okviru razlicnih dejavnosti v Tobacni. Skupine deležnikov pa smo uteževali po nacelu enakomerne geografske porazdelitve po celotnem obmocju (glede na razlicne zgradbe na obmocju Tobacne). Pri tem so bile v analizo vkljucene najrazlicnejše skupine deležnikov, ki segajo od zaposlenih v kreativnih pod­jetjih, javnih ustanovah, nevladnih organizacijah do zavodov, inštitutov ipd. Razen redkih posameznikov Tobacna nima prebivalcev in je kot taka zlasti mešano poslovno-obrtno-kul­turno obmocje. Najvecja skupina intervjuvancev so bili zato zaposleni v kreativnih podjetjih, ki so tudi kljucni deležniki na obmocju Tobacne. Intervjuji so bili strukturirani na nacin, ki naj bi omogocal analizo nekaterih elementov socialnih mrež v navezavi na prostore v obmocju Tobacne. Prav zaradi tega kombiniranja družbeno-prostorske analize je bilo treba razi­skavo podkrepiti tudi z drugimi metodami, poleg intervjujev. Kot podpora intervjujem je bila zato uporabljena kombinaci­ja vec kvalitativnih metod (opazovanje z udeležbo, terensko opazovanje, kognitivno kartiranje itd.), to pa naj bi podalo verodostojne obrise povezav med prostori in njihovimi pomeni za razlicne akterje. 3.2 Analiza sprememb v delovanju socialnih mrež na obmocju Tobacne Analiza socialnih omrežij je prikazana na podlagi casovne­ga vidika: upoštevani so vplivi na socialne mreže v razlicnih obdobjih na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne. Vpogled v dogajanje v razlicnih obdobjih nam omogoca longitudinalna raziskava, ki po posameznih fazah prikaže vecplastne spre­membe socialnih omrežij. Za analizo smo uporabili podatke iz nekaterih sklopov odprtih vprašanj iz polstrukturiranih in­tervjujev, ki smo jih kvalitativno analizirali na podlagi temeljne analize besedil. Uporabili smo pragmaticno analizo besedila (Verschueren, 1995), pri cemer smo po pregledu besedila in z razvršcanjem odgovorov po posameznih kategorijah poja­snjevali analizirane dimenzije socialnih omrežij. Iz analiz po­datkov raziskave Urban Education Live lahko ekstrapoliramo vec znacilnosti socialnih omrežij kreativnega ekosistema na širši kontekst delovanja celotnega kreativnega sistema Lju­bljane in širše regije (z upoštevanjem specificnih razlik (glede na kontekst, strukturo deležnikov, geografsko razporeditev)). Z drugimi besedami, v nadaljevanju bo na primeru nekdanje Tobacne tovarne predstavljenih nekaj znacilnosti povezav med socialnimi omrežji, razvojem socialnega kapitala in delovanjem kreativnih ekosistemov, ki so kljucni elementi (gradniko) ra­zvoja kreativnih dejavnosti na širšem obmocju Slovenije. Nacin upoštevanja teh znacilnosti in elementov vpliva na kratkoroc­nost ali dolgorocnost kreativnih zmogljivosti nekega mesta, regije ali države. V okviru omenjene raziskave so bili v obdobju 2017-2020 na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne ugotovljene znacilnosti in spremembe delovanja kreativnih socialnih omre­žij, kot sledi v nadaljevanju. 3.2.1 Grozdenje kreativnih dejavnosti na podlagi formalnih in neformalnih mrež Intervjuvanci na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne imajo na splošno zelo razvejana socialna omrežja. Pri nadaljnji analizi se je izkazalo, da formalne mreže, opredeljene kot delovne, projektne, pogodbene povezave (odnos narocnik - izvajalec), pomembno vplivajo na razvoj kreativnih dejavnosti, vendar so socasno mocno odvisne od neformalnih mrež, ki izhajajo iz prijateljskih vezi in se kažejo z druženjem, preživljanjem pro­stega casa med odmori, kosili, sprehodi, odmorom za kavo ipd. Omeniti velja, da intervjuvancev nismo spraševali po vseh obli­kah socialnih stikov, temvec le po tistih najpogostejših, jedrnih stikih, s katerimi povezave vzpostavljajo najpogosteje, kar v praksi pomeni, da je stik vzpostavljen veckrat na teden. V pov­precju je vsak intervjuvanec navedel pet jedrnih stikov ali oseb na neformalni ravni in dva stika na formalni ravni. Od tega je bil v povprecju en stik clan tako formalnih kot neformalnih mrež, tj. hkrati prijatelj, sodelavec in poslovni partner. Dopolnjevanje med formalnimi (delovnimi) in neformalnimi (prijateljskimi) povezavami je v intervjujih razvidno zlasti v kontekstu casovnega poteka, ki kaže na postopno prehajanje posameznih neformalnih stikov v formalne stike in obratno. Gre torej za fleksibilno obliko povezovanja med akterji, poslov­nimi subjekti, uporabniki, ki jim je skupna enotna lokacijska pripadnost glede uporabe zadevnih prostorov. Intervjuji so namrec pokazali, da se je vecina stikov izoblikovala postopno z uporabo raznih mikro lokacij na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne (odprte javne površine, hodniki, balkoni, lokali, resta­vracije ipd.), pri cemer so se izmenjevali stiki in informacije. Omeniti velja zlasti vecjo številcnost neformalnih stikov, kar je razumljivo, saj smo med formalne stike šteli le povezave zunaj neposrednega delovnega okolja intervjuvanca. Med formalne stike so bile torej štete le povezave z drugimi podjetji ali zapo­slenimi na obmocju Tobacne zunaj intervjuvancevega delov­nega prostora. Obe vrsti stikov kažeta na razvejan podjetniški ali kreativni ekosistem, v katerem se podjetja in posamezniki priložnostno povezujejo, sodelujejo in v katerem poteka groz­denje podjetij na podlagi stalnega prepletanja formalnih in neformalnih stikov. V intervjujih je poudarjen pomen neformalnih stikov za groz­denje kreativnih dejavnosti, saj imajo ti izjemno pomembno vlogo za osnovne komunikacijske kanale in poglabljajo ali vzpostavljajo medosebne odnose, pri cemer se zaradi vecje stopnje zaupanja med kreativnimi posamezniki krepi izmenja­va tacitnih (prikritih) informacij glede delovanja kreativnega ekosistema. Gre za nacin posrednega vplivanja na oblikovanje kreativnega ekosistema, ki v nasprotju z neposrednimi vplivi lahko ostane izvzet, neopažen v analizah poslovnega okolja (sli­ka 2). Z drugimi besedami, ceprav neformalne mreže morda ne pripeljejo do neposrednih poslovnih povezav, je iz intervjujev razvidno, da ta omrežja prenašajo informacije, ki omogoca­jo posredno vzpostavljanje ekonomskih transakcij ali pa prek postopnega kumulativnega (po nacelu snežne kepe) širjenja razvejanosti neformalnih stikov prav tako posredno privedejo tudi do postopnega širjenja poslovnih mrež znotraj kreativnega ekosistema nekdanje Tobacne tovarne. 3.2.2 Vpliv casovnega vidika na številcnost in razvejanost povezav v socialnih omrežjih na obmocju Tobacne Podobno kot v drugih analizah socialnih omrežij (Filipovic, 2007; Gibbons idr., 2018; Ye in Liu, 2018) so tudi podatki v naši raziskavi Urban Education Live nakazali na izjemno po­membno vlogo spremenljivke trajanja procesa. Trajanje nekate­rih procesov, vezanih na posamezne lokacije (socialna vozlišca), je v tem pogledu vplivalo na to, kako številcne in razvejene so posameznikove mreže. Podatki so pokazali, da število let, ki jih je intervjuvanec preživel na obmocju Tobacne, mocno vpliva na intenzivnost ali globino omenjenih socialnih omrežij. Vec let na obmocju je tako pomenilo tudi vecjo številcno in pro­storsko razvejanost posameznikovih neformalnih in formalnih mrež na obmocju Tobacne (slika 3). Eksponencialno s povecevanjem števila let na obmocju To­bacne se je na mentalnih zemljevidih (Lynch, 1990) intervju­vancev oblikovalo tudi vec prostorov ali socialnih vozlišc za formalna in neformalna druženja na obmocju Tobacne (kot najbolj priljubljena socialna vozlišca so bile navedene zlasti re­stavracije, lokali in vhodni prostori pred kljucnimi stavbami). Z vidika izpostavljanja pomena socialnih mrež za kreativno grozdenje je treba omeniti, da je raziskava pokazala, da je šte­vilo let prisotnosti posameznika na obmocju Tobacne vplivalo tudi na pridobivanje novih formalnih socialnih stikov na ob­mocju Tobacne, ki so se uresnicevali v razlicnih oblikah pod­jetniških (pogodbenih) sodelovanj. Skladno z leti prisotnosti na obmocju je torej narašcalo tudi število podjetniških (po­godbenih) povezav. V povprecju so intervjuvanci v obdobju delovanja na obmocju Tobacne pridobili 3,5 novega stika. Ob nadaljnjih vprašanjih glede globine teh stikov so navedli, da so jim ob razlicnih dogodkih pomoc v povprecju nudili trije jedr­ni stiki s seznama kljucnih oseb, ki so jih navedli, kar dodatno potrjuje moc socialnih omrežij, ki so se v obdobju prisotnosti na obmocju Tobacne stkala med njenimi uporabniki. 3.2.3 Vpliv zmanjševanja obsega socialnih omrežij na socialni kapital Analiza formalnih in neformalnih stikov, ki smo jo dopolnili s casovno spremenljivko, je pokazala, kako se je na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne postopoma kopicil socialni kapital, ki se je prek socialnih omrežij med drugim izražal tudi v obliki raznih kreativnih dejavnosti, podjetij in poslovnih stikov. Pri tem je treba poudariti, da je socialni kapital, ki se je nabral na tej lokaciji, prepleten z lokalnostjo, tj. lokalnim ustrojem tako na fizicni, kulturni kot družbeni ravni. Gre za nacelo družbene produkcije prostora (Lefebvre, 1991, 299-346), pri cemer je prostor kot fizicna kategorija nelocljiv od družbene ustroje­nosti prostora. Lefebvre pri tem opozarja na kljucen pomen casovnega vidika produkcije prostora, saj to pomeni, da cez cas na podlagi specificnih nacinov uporabe (prostorskih praks, predstavitev prostora, prostorov reprezentacije, kolektivne iz­kušnje) nastane nov prostor, ki se izmika preprostim oprede­litvam fizicnega blaga z estetsko vrednostjo. Ce produkcija prostora temelji zgolj na fizicnem spreminjanju prostora in ob tem izkljucuje druge oblike (socialnih) vrednosti, ki so nastale na obmocju, se poenostavlja proces prostorskega razvoja, kar vpliva na zmanjševanje obsega socialnega kapitala in socialne­ga omrežja. To smo v kontekstu prestrukturiranja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne zaznali ob primerjavi podatkov intervjujev iz obdobja pred prodajo (leta 2018) in po njej (2020) ter po­sledicno ustavitvi vecjega dela tobacne za kreativne dejavnosti. Po prodaji vecine obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne je za kreativne dejavnosti ostala le še stavba na Tržaški 2, pri cemer je prestrukturiranje obmocja pokazalo na naglo zmanjševanje obsega socialnih omrežij v vseh analiziranih dimenzijah for­malnih, neformalnih mrež in poslovnih (pogodbenih) pove­zav. V primerjalnem obdobju 2018-2020 se je na primer indeks na novo vzpostavljenih socialnih povezav zmanjšal s povprecja štirih povezav na približno eno novo povezavo (slika 4). Podatki torej kažejo, da je zaprtje vecine socialnih vozlišc na obmocju mocno vplivalo na obseg širitve socialnih omrežij. Zavrtje razvoja socialnih omrežij na obmocju, ki je podvrženo popolni funkcionalni ali storitveni, dejavnostni transformaci­ji, je lahko oznaceno kot logicna posledica procesa prostorske preobrazbe, vendar je ob tem treba opozoriti na problematic­nost krcenja socialnih omrežij, ki poteka skladno s selitvijo posameznih kreativnih akterjev na druge lokacije v mestu. Z drugimi besedami, ceprav so kreativni akterji, ki so ostali ali so se preselili z obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne, navedli, da so vzpostavili nove stike v manjšem obsegu kot prejšnja leta, so obenem pojasnili, da se je zmanjšal obseg, tj. prakticirajo se povezave v okviru obstojece socialne mreže formalnih in ne­formalnih stikov po prestrukturiranju obmocja. Ob vprašanju, ali je ukinitev dela obmocja vplivala na frekventnost sreceva­nja, sodelovanja, druženja z drugimi uporabniki Tobacne, so zdajšnje in nekdanje skupine uporabnikov Tobacne odgovorile pritrdilno (slika 5). Longitudinalna analiza je omogocila primerjavo modifikacij socialnih omrežij med zdajšnjimi in nekdanjimi uporabniki Tobacne, ki so se morali po spremembi lastništva obmocja izseliti z lokacije. Med 30 intervjuji, ki so bili opravljeni leta 2020, je bila teh približno ena tretjina. Ta skupina intervju­vancev je bila zaradi primerjalne možnosti z letom 2018 še posebej zanimiva, saj izrazito zmanjšanje njihovega socialnega omrežja, ki je bilo vezano na nekdanjo Tobacno tovarno, kaže na nezmožnost ali težavnost njihovega ohranjanja v razmerah spontanega (tržnega) razvoja kreativnih dejavnosti. Ceprav so­cialna omrežja delujejo na podlagi nesnovnih povezav in niso neposredno povezana s fizicnimi parametri, tj. ne slonijo na materializiranih (vidnih) osnovah, podatki kažejo, da poskus njihovega locevanja (selitve, iztrganja) iz lokalnega (skupno­stnega) konteksta ali miljeja, mocno vpliva na njihov obseg in funkcionalnost. Gre torej za družbeno produkcijo prostora, pri cemer se z ukinjanjem kreativnih mrež na njihovi izvorni loka­ciji, kjer so se prek dolgorocnega (vecletnega) procesa izobli­kovali kompleksni komunikacijski in produkcijski odnosi med kreativnimi akterji, krci obseg kreativnega ekosistema. Kljucna izguba poleg izgubljenega nesnovnega, socialnega kapitala za mesto v tem smislu je prav cas, ki bo potreben za razvoj novih podobnih kreativnih mrež na drugih lokacijah v mestu. Pri tem lahko zgolj domnevamo koliko financnih sredstev in let bo potrebnih za vzpostavitev novih podobnih vozlišcnih tock in obnovo socialnih omrežij na ravni kreativnega ekosistema malih podjetij, ki imajo z vidika dostopnosti do primernih prostorskih zmožnosti že tako velik primanjkljaj zaradi dru­gih ucinkov tržnega gospodarstva ali urbano-razvojnih eko­nomskih politik, ki temeljijo na kratkorocnih maksimizacijah kapitalskih ucinkov. 4 Razprava Primer nekdanje Tobacne tovarne kaže na specificne razmere za kreativne dejavnosti v Sloveniji. V tem smislu gre za spontan razvoj kreativnih dejavnosti, ki poteka na podlagi prepušcanja toku tržnih razmer. Kot prednostni dejavnik vzpostavljanja kreativnih vozlišc ali miljeja v teh razmerah izstopata bližina cim vecjega trga ali velikost agregirane populacije in geograf­ska umestitev v infrastrukturno, zgodovinsko, upravno središce regije (Kozina 2010). S tega vidika se razporeditev kreativnih dejavnosti v Mestni obcini Ljubljana in ljubljanski urbani re­giji približuje ideji osrednjih krajev (Christaller, 1966; Logan in Molotch, 1987; Cigale, 2002; Burger in Meijers, 2012), za katere je znacilno kopicenje virov in potencialov zgolj na lo­kacijah, ki imajo veliko gospodarsko moc in ustrezno število prebivalcev. Na podlagi teh znacilnosti se je postopno oblikoval kreativni ekosistem Tobacne, v katerem so bile razmere v nekem obdobju naklonjene tem procesom (sorazmerna bližina središca mesta, dostop do razmeroma ugodnih najemnih prostorov, hitro ko­picenje podobnih kreativnih dejavnosti in akterjev ipd.). Pro­blem takšnega spontanega razvoja kreativnih dejavnosti malih podjetij, pri cemer se s povezovanjem akterjev, specificnih loka­cijskih znacilnosti in mehkih (socialnih) dejavnikov oblikujejo kreativni miljeji, je v možnosti nenadnih sprememb pogojev, ki po navadi pomenijo tudi hitre prelome v delovanju tovrstnih kreativnih miljejev. Ob primeru nenadnih sprememb tržnih razmer v sistemu osrednjih lokacij, ki temeljijo na hierarhicnih odnosih med gospodarsko mocnejšimi in šibkejšimi akterji, se lahko na posameznih lokacijah kreativni ekosistem popol­noma razgradi. Pri tem so šibkejši akterji, ceprav opravljajo pomembno vlogo v smislu vzdrževanja socialnega kapitala na kreativnih obmocjih, preprosto izrinjeni z lokacij. V tej hi­erarhicni ureditvi zaradi izrinjanja šibkejših oblik kreativnih akterjev se postopno izvaja homogenizacija dejavnosti in se razvijajo zgolj posamezne vrste kreativnih akterjev, posledicno je prostorska razporeditev kreativnih dejavnosti neenakomer­na. Vse to vpliva na manjšo funkcionalno heterogenost krea­tivnih ekosistemov, saj so najuspešnejši tiste panoge, podjetja in akterji, ki imajo hiter dostop do velikega trga in zaledja, iz katerega crpajo potrebne cloveške vire. Pri tem izboru, profi­laciji kreativnih akterjev glede na sposobnost hitrega odziva­nja na trenutne gospodarske razmere gre za t. i. entropicno razsežnost družbenogospodarskega sistema (Kirn, 2008). V entropicnem družbeno-gospodarskem sistemu se energije ali akterji in podjetja, povezana z razvojem kreativnih dejavnosti, zbirajo na zadevnih lokacijah, vendar ob tem obstaja nevarnost, da se bodo po nekem obdobju zaradi slabe financne podlage, premajhnih spodbud iz okolja ali nezmožnosti nadgradnje svo­jih dejavnosti zaradi omejenih prostorskih, socialnih, cloveških virov ti potenciali ali zametki potencialno uspešnih kreativnih dejavnosti razpršili ali bodo celo opustili dejavnost. 5 Sklep V uvodnem delu clanka je bilo izpostavljena hipoteza, da lokal­ni organi in državni institucionalni akterji niso zmožni zaznati pomena mehkih (socialnih) dejavnikov za delovanje kreativnih ekosistemov. Pri tem smo na podlagi raziskovalnih podatkov potrdili predpostavko in prikazali, kako pomembni so mehki dejavniki za oblikovanje in vzdrževanje kreativnega ekosiste­ma. Nelocljivost mehkih (socialnih) elementov od kreativne produkcije smo dokazovali na podlagi analize povezovanja for­malnih in neformalnih socialnih omrežij, pri cemer so zlasti neformalna omrežja imela vlogo pomembne komunikacijske platforme za vzpostavljanje ustreznega kreativnega miljeja in grozdenje kreativnih dejavnosti. Podatki kažejo tudi na izje­men pomen casovnega vidika pri razvoju kreativnih dejavnosti. Locevanje med kratkorocnimi in dolgorocnimi ucinki kopice­nja socialnih stikov se med drugim zrcali tudi v uspešnosti de­lovanja kreativnega ekosistema. Ne nazadnje, ohranjanje hete­rogenosti kreativnih akterjev na obmocju kreativnih dejavnosti je nujen pogoj za dolgorocno uspešno delovanje kreativnega ekosistema, saj kreativnih socialnih mrež ni mogoce prestavljati z ene lokacijo na drugo brez škodljivih stranskih ucinkov. Ti se kažejo v izgubi nakopicenega socialnega kapitala (kreativnih mrež), casa in financnih sredstev, ki so potrebni za postopno vzpostavljanje podobnih kreativnih miljejev. Pomanjkljivosti kratkovidnih politik spontanega tržnega ra­zvoja urbanih kreativnih dejavnosti se kažejo v izmenicnih ciklih nenehnega ugašanja in ponovnih poskusih ustvarja­nja kreativnih socialnih omrežij, kar dolgorocno lahko vodi k postopnemu usihanju moci nesnovnih oblik vrednosti in socialnega kapitala. Pri tem se odpirajo pomembna vpraša­nja, do katere mere naj se urbane politike sploh vpletajo v nacrtovanje kreativnih miljejev, ki temeljijo na združevanju elementov, ki jih formalni sistem prostorskega nacrtovanja težko nadzira. Ob tem je treba poudariti, da se verjetno vsaka urbana politika, ki poskuša neposredno usmerjati ali nacrtovati oblikovanje kreativnosti samo od zgoraj navzdol, spoprijema s konflikti. Oblikovanje kreativnih ekosistemov vkljucuje kom­pleksne, delno neobvladljive spremenljivke in dejavnike, zaradi katerih je natancno nacrtovanje nepredvidljivo in neucinkovi­to. Zaradi tega je treba pozornost pri oblikovanju urbanih kre­ativnih politik preusmeriti na povecanje sposobnosti merjenja, analize, zaznavanja elementov od spodaj navzgor, ki so bili do sedaj neupraviceno podcenjeni v analizi kreativnih dejavnosti (Colomb in Novy, 2018). V tem kontekstu je primer prenove nekdanje Tobacne tovarne zgleden primer neprimernega pri­stopa, ki opozarja na vprašanje merjenja nekaterih nematerial­nih vrednosti posameznih obmocij. Podoben primer vprašlji­ve, nezadostne analize pomena socialnih omrežij za delovanje družbenogospodarskega sistema Ljubljane bi lahko ponazorili še z drugimi primeri, ki niso bili posebej obravnavani v tem clanku (npr. obmocje Tovarne Rog, obmocje Metelkove). Olsson (1999) in Bianchini (1999) na primer omenjata, da ni enotne metode merjenja nematerialnih vrednosti, kar pov­zroca izjemne spore in napetosti ter v prostorsko nacrtovanje vnaša velike težave. Pri tem na politicni ravni nastajajo velika neskladja med posameznimi strokami glede potrebe merjenja tovrstnih elementov. Problem kreativnih urbanih politik v Slo­veniji torej ni v nesposobnosti nacrtovanja tovrstnih dejavno­sti, temvec nezmožnosti sistematicnega zaznavanja in dopušca­nja delovanja nujnih elementov, ki so potrebni za vzdrževanje, ohranjanje, razvoj tovrstnih dejavnosti. Scott (2014: 569) tako ugotavlja, da morajo oblasti, preden se izvede katera koli spre­memba kreativne politike, pridobiti podroben družbenozgo­dovinski vpogled in razumeti posebnosti lokalnega urbanega razvoja, da se lahko vpletejo v oblikovanje lokalnih vzorcev iznajdljivosti in domišljije. Izogibanje institucionalnih akterjev nujno potrebni predhodni analizi lokalnih razmer povzroci neupraviceno poenostavljeno razmišljanje (Scott, 2014: 574) in vzbuja dvom, kar pogosto vodi v zagovor regresivnih ur­banih politik. V slovenskem posttranzicijskem obdobju na podrocju razvoja urbane kreativnosti prevladuje predvsem produkcijski pristop (Hall in Robertson, 2001: 19), ki izraža zaskrbljenost politik glede produkcije in kapitalizacije kreativnosti. To se zrcali tudi v dokumentih, ki poskušajo obmocje Tobacne vkljucevati v tovrstne razvojne sheme (glej npr. Mestna obcina Ljubljana, 2012, 2016, 2020). Ta pristop ne ocenjuje ustrezno dolgoroc­ne vloge in vpliva kreativnosti na mesto v sedanjih razmerah postmodernih, globaliziranih okolij. S tega vidika bodo morali prihodnji pristopi h kreativni urbani regeneraciji razviti meha­nizme, ki zaznavajo spremembe v subtilni strukturi kreativnega ekosistema in so sposobni združiti kulturno, socialno in eko­nomsko vrednost ustvarjalnosti v eno celoto. Namen clanka je bil narediti bolj vidne in razumljive vsaj nekatere prezrte vidike kreativnosti ter izpostaviti njihova pomen in vlogo v kreativnem ekosistemu. Poskušali smo pokazati, da na Ljublja­no dolgorocno lahko pomembno vplivajo vcasih manj opazne mikrospremembe na lokalni ravni, pri cemer je gotovo, da bo treba izdelati nove modele vrednotenja dragocenih družbe­no-kulturnih elementov, krajev in prostorov mesta. Tega po­stopka ni mogoce izvesti v kratkem casu, saj zahteva prelom z obstojecim prostorskim nacrtovanjem. Ta produkcijski pristop k prostorskemu nacrtovanju je sestavljen iz nizov idej, misel­nih modelov in predvsem sistema vrednot, ki so vgrajeni v delovanje, življenje in vsakodnevno organizacijo ustanov, sku­pnosti in vsakodnevnih uporabnikov mesta, regije in države. Prekinitev tega je mukotrpen in dolgotrajen postopek. Razvoj dolgorocnih kreativnih zmogljivosti Ljubljane temelji torej na kvalitativnem preskoku, ki epistemsko pomeni novo družbe­no-prostorsko paradigmo ali paradigmaticni premik (Kuhn, 1970: 85), v katerega so zajeti sistemi gospodarskega, urbanega in zlasti socialnega razvoja. Matjaž Uršic, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede, Cen­ter za prostorsko sociologijo, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-pošta: matjaz.ursic@fdv.uni-lj.si Zahvala Clanek je nastal ob pomoci projekta Urban Education Live (UEL). 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(1998): The dependent variable in research into the effects of creativity support systems: Quality and quantity of ideas. M I S Quarterly, 22(1), str. 81–87. M. URŠIC Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 M. URŠIC Slika 1: Obmocje nekdanje Tobacne tovarne leta 2018 (foto: Urban Jeriha) Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 M. URŠIC Slika 2: Prikaz scenarijev grozdenja kreativnih dejavnosti na podlagi neformalnih mrež (ilustracija: Matjaž Uršic) Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 Slika 3: Narašcanje številcnosti in prostorske razvejanosti razlicnih oblik socialnih omrežij glede na število let prisotnosti na obmocju Tobacne (vir: Urban Education Live, 2019, 2020) M. URŠIC Slika 4: Primerjava narašcanja novih socialnih stikov med letoma 2018 in 2020 (vir: Urban Education Live, 2019, 2020) Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 Slika 5: Ali se po prodaji obmocja vec ali manj družite, videvate, sodelujete z drugimi uporabniki Tobacne – primerjava med zdajšnjimi in odseljenimi kreativnimi akterji na obmocju nekdanje Tobacne tovarne, 2020 (N = 30) (vir: Urban Education Live, 2019, 2020) M. URŠIC Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 M. URŠIC Izgubljeni potenciali kreativne urbane regeneracije – primer prestrukturiranja obmocja nekdanje Tobacne tovarne v Ljubljani1 UDK: 712.25:556.18 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-01-003 Prejeto: 29. 10. 2020 Sprejeto: 21. 4. 2021 Matej RADINJA Nataša ATANASOVA Alma ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih Modro-zelena infrastruktura (MZI) so naravni in pol­naravni (zato zelena) decentralizirani sistemi, namenjeni upravljanju padavinskih voda (zato modra) v mestih, ki hkrati opravljajo zelo raznovrstne ekosistemske storitve. Razen v nekaj tujih mestih, kjer so že sprejeli strategije za njihovo sistematicno uvedbo, je uvajanje MZI omeje­no na zgolj posamezne osamljene primere. To še posebej velja za Slovenijo, kjer uporaba MZI še ni postala pravilo. Zaradi utecenih prostorskonacrtovalskih praks imamo v slovenskih mestih zadosten delež razmeroma enakomer­no razporejenih zelenih površin, ki pa niso nacrtovane po nacelih MZI, zato njihova vecfunkcionalnost z vidika voda ni izkorišcena. Ker upravljanje mestnega prostora in pripadajocih prvin spada pod okrilje vec strok, nas je zanimala predvsem povezava med prostorskim nacrto­vanjem in upravljanjem voda v mednarodnih strateških dokumentih in v slovenski zakonodaji. Na podlagi pregle­dane literature smo lahko sklenili, da je tovrstna povezava predvsem na mednarodni ravni, na nacionalni ravni pa je že šibkejša in je delovanje predvsem na izvedbeni ravni vezano na posamezne sektorje. V nadaljevanju so predsta­vljeni štirje primeri sistemskega uvajanja MZI v tujini: v Rotterdamu, Křbenhavnu, v izbranih kitajskih mestih in v Filadelfiji, tem je skupno povezovanje med prostorskim nacrtovanjem in upravljanjem voda pri nacrtovanju MZI. Rezultati analize stanja so bili izhodišce za oblikovanje priporocil, s katerimi je mogoce preseci sektorsko upra­vljanje mestnega prostora in doseci celovitejše upravljanje voda v (slovenskih) mestih. Kljucne besede: vodarstvo, prostorsko nacrtovanje, ur­bana odvodnja, modro-zelena infrastruktura, podnebne spremembe 1 Uvod Ucinki podnebnih sprememb in zdajšnje stanje v urbanih na­seljih oblikujejo razmere, ki jim mestna infrastruktura v kri­ticnih trenutkih (npr. ekstremne padavine, vrocinski valovi) vedno pogosteje ni vec kos (Krajnc, 2019). Tudi za Slovenijo se po projekcijah podnebnih sprememb napoveduje, da lahko do sredine stoletja pricakujemo vecje število ekstremnih vre­menskih dogodkov: hudo vrocino poleti, vecjo spremenljivost temperature in padavin poleti, vec mocnih padavinskih dogod­kov, okrepitev hidrološkega cikla, pogostejše zdajšnje stoletne poplave, precejšnje povecanje pogostosti poletne suše, verjetno povecanje števila dni z ugodnimi razmerami za nastanek pole­tnih neurij (Dolinar idr., 2014). Prilagajanje mest na ekstremne dogodke ali njihova krepitev odpornosti proti tem dogodkom je kompleksen proces, za katerega sta potrebna vkljucitev in sodelovanje vseh deležnikov, ki (so)oblikujejo in upravljajo me­stni prostor (Klemen idr., 2020). V praksi deležniki pogosto delujejo samostojno in nepovezano, kar se vse bolj kaže kot ena izmed najvecjih ovir v upravljanju vode v mestih (Globevnik in Simoneti, 2020). Pri tem še posebej izstopajo vsebine, ki se šele uvajajo in (v Sloveniji) še nimajo ustaljenih nacrtoval­skih in upravljavskih pristopov, kot je na primer modro-zelena infrastruktura (v nadaljevanju: MZI) (Ravnikar in Golicnik Marušic, 2019). Kljucno za reševanje izzivov, ki jih mestom prinašajo pod­nebne spremembe, je obvladovanje urbanega vodnega kroga, kar je poleg vodne infrastrukture neposredno povezano tudi z (ne)utrjenimi mestnimi površinami in njihovim zaledjem. Zato ima pri prostorskem nacrtovanju upravljanje voda vse vecji pomen (Serrao-Neumann idr., 2017). Cilj je cim boljše posnemanje naravnega površinskega odtoka, ki je bil znacilen za obmocje pred posegom v prostor. Nove ureditve pa z utrje­vanjem površin v mestu zahtevajo širjenje tako imenovane sive infrastrukture, kot imenujemo gospodarsko javno infrastruktu­ro. Padavinskih voda v upravljanju in urejanju mest ne smemo obravnavati le kot odpadek, ki ga je treba cim hitreje odve­sti v kanalizacijski sistem. Takšno ravnanje namrec dodatno obremenjuje okolje in spodbuja linearno, namesto krožnega in trajnostno naravnanega upravljanja vodnih virov v mestu. Pri tem se izkaže, da je za upravljanje (vodnih) virov kriticna povezava med urbanisticnim nacrtovanjem in trajnostnim ra­zvojem (Agudelo-Vera idr., 2011). S clankom želimo opozoriti na problematiko upravljanja voda v mestih, ki je lahko uspešno le v interdisciplinarnem povezo­vanju pristojnih iz vseh strok (vodarji, prostorski nacrtovalci, urbanisti, arhitekti in krajinski arhitekti, gradbeniki, geografi, sociologi idr.), ki sodelujejo pri nacrtovanju MZI in gospodar­ske javne infrastrukture, ter v medsektorskem povezovanju na ravni upravljanja mest. V nadaljevanju je najprej predstavljeno trenutno stanje upravljanja voda v mestih in posledice, ki jih prinašajo podnebne spremembe. Prikazani so tudi tuji primeri dobrih praks in priložnosti za izboljšanje upravljanja voda v mestih, ki jih omogoca MZI. Cilj prispevka je opozoriti tudi na nujno povezanost med prostorskim nacrtovanjem in upra­vljanjem voda na strateški in izvedbeni ravni. 2 Metodološki pristop V skladu z namenom in cilji prispevka smo izdelali primerjal­no analizo dokumentov, na katerih temelji pristop upravljanja voda v slovenskih mestih. Zajeli smo tako mednarodno kot nacionalno raven s podrocja urejanja prostora in upravlja­nja voda. V nadaljevanju smo proucili izbrane primere tujih praks, ki prikazujejo, kako lahko z ustreznim nacrtovanjem in umešcanjem MZI v prostor rešujemo probleme (npr. po­plave, onesnaževanje vodnih teles, urbani vrocinski otoki) in hkrati ustvarjamo možnosti za dodatne ekosistemske storitve, npr. krepitev biotske raznovrstnosti, zmanjševanje onesnaže­nja, blaženje pojava vrocinskih otokov. Ugotovitve obeh analiz smo nato medsebojno primerjali, predstavili rezultate in podali priporocila za celovitejše, medsektorsko usklajeno upravljanje voda v slovenskih mestih. 3 Urbani vodni krog in modro-zelena infrastruktura 3.1 Razvoj urbanega vodnega kroga Širjenje mest in urbanizacija povecujeta delež neprepustnih površin, to v kombinaciji s tradicionalnim nacinom urbane odvodnje (tj. z uporabo sive infrastrukture) (Bacchin idr., 2014) povzroci spremembe v naravnem hidrološkem krogu. Te spremembe se kažejo v manjši infiltraciji in evapotranspi­raciji ter povecanem površinskem odtoku (Butler idr., 2018). Iz tega izhaja neposredna povezava med zgodovino razvoja mestnega prostora in lokalnega vodnega kroga, pri cemer so se scasoma spreminjali tudi koncepti upravljanja voda v mestih. Ti so sledili pricakovanjem družbe in razvoju novih pristopov in tehnologij, s katerimi so razlicne stroke reševale nastajajoce družbene težave (npr. bolezni, kot sta kolera in tifus, pomanj­kanje pitne vode, poplave). Novi koncepti in strokovne rešitve so se med njihovim izvajanjem tako mocno uveljavili, da so prešli tudi v zakonodajni okvir. Razvoj klasicne zdravstvene hidrotehnike, ki se ukvarja z upravljanjem voda v mestih, za varovanje clovekovega zdravja, je od antike do preloma tega tisocletja povzel Panjan (2005). Zanjo so znacilne predvsem tri vodarske storitve: vodooskrba, odvajanje odpadnih voda in zašcita mest pred poplavami. Z rastjo družbenoekonomskega življenjskega standarda ter krepitvijo okoljske ozavešcenosti in pretecih podnebnih sprememb se v družbi krepi zavedanje, da tovrstni linearni sistemi na okolje prenašajo eksternalije in dolgorocno niso vzdržni. Zato evropska direktiva o vodni politiki (Evropski parlament in Svet EU, 2000) in nacionalna zakonodaja z Zakonom o vodah (Ur. l. RS, št. 67/02) posta­vljata omejitve in regulatorni okvir za dosego dobrega ekolo­škega in kemijskega stanja vodnih teles. Sprejeti zakonodajni okvir kljub temu še vedno temelji na nadgradnji obstojecih linearnih sistemov (tj. izgradnja cistilnih naprav) in ne sledi sodobnim konceptom upravljanja voda, ki temeljijo na pri­stopih, znacilnih za krožno gospodarstvo: zapiranje snovnih tokov, ponovna uporaba, obnova naravnih virov, uporaba virov razlicnih kakovosti glede na njihov namen itd. Z vidika na­stajajocih sprememb je Brown s sodelavci (2009) zgodovinski razvoj obstojecih in predlaganih konceptov upravljanja voda v mestih razdelil na šest faz, v okviru katerih je ciljno stanje vodno obcutljivo mesto (Preglednica 1). Na splošno je vecina slovenskih in evropskih mest v cetrti fazi (t. i. mesto vodnih teles), z vkljucenimi prejšnjimi pristopi, ki zagotavljajo vodo­oskrbo, odvajanje odpadnih voda in zašcito pred poplavami, ter delnim izpolnjevanjem vodarskih storitev, ki so znacilne za peto in šesto fazo. Cetrta faza, imenovana mesto vodnih teles, obravnava pred­vsem kakovost vodnih teles v mestih in njihovo vkljucevanje v del urbanega življenja, saj prinašajo mnoge koristi (npr. mo­žnosti za rekreacijo in preživljanje prostega casa, povecujejo vrednost okoliških nepremicnin, tvorijo zeleni sistem mesta), ki prispevajo tudi k izboljšanju javnega zdravja. Ceprav se je v zadnjih desetletjih mocno izboljšalo stanje kakovosti voda, predvsem zaradi zapiranja industrijske proizvodnje ter izgra­dnje industrijskih in komunalnih cistilnih naprav, grožnjo še vedno predstavljajo tako razpršeni kot tockovni viri onesna­ženja. Tipicni primeri tockovnega nekontroliranega vira so razbremenilniki mešanih kanalizacijskih sistemov. Razpršenih virov onesnaženja ne moremo obvladovati s centraliziranimi sistemi, zato je potrebna uvedba decentraliziranih pristopov in tehnologij, za kar pa je nujna tudi prilagoditev poslovnega modela upravljanja vode v mestih, skupaj s financiranjem in prenosom odgovornosti. Peta faza, vodno krožno mesto, izhaja iz zavedanja, da so vodni viri kolicinsko in kakovostno omejeni. Zato prepoznava upo­rabo tudi drugih manj kakovostnih ali alternativnih vodnih virov (npr. padavinske vode, odpadne padavinske in komunal­ne odpadne vode) za zadovoljitev potreb, za katere voda ni potrebna. Ker je voda medij za prenos hranil, mineralov in energije, ta faza obravnava tudi njihovo pridobivanje ali obno­vo iz odpadne vode, ki tako postane nov vir. Ta pristop zahteva tudi vkljucevanje drugih sektorjev (npr. kmetijstvo, prehrana, energetika) in prilagajanje njihove infrastrukture. Šesta faza pomeni vodno obcutljivo mesto, katerega razvoj spod­bujajo podnebne spremembe in želja, da bi bila mesta cim bolj odporna proti tem spremembam, ter medgeneracijski prenos vrednosti, ki jo ima voda (tj. kolicinsko in kakovostno ohra­njaje vodnih virov za prihodnje rodove). Ceprav je to vrsta upravljanja, predstavlja predvsem vizijo razvoja skupnosti in njenega trajnostnega odnosa do okolja in prostora. Zanjo je znacilno, da so uporabljene tehnologije, infrastruktura in raba prostora v mestih raznovrstne in prilagodljive ter nacrtovane na nacin, da krepijo trajnostne prakse in družbeni kapital. Pri tem ima pomembno vlogo povezava med družbo in tehnologi­jami. V takih okolišcinah bi se razmerje med vodarsko stroko in družbo (t. i. družbena pogodba) stalno spreminjalo in bi bil zanj potreben prilagodljiv institucionalen okvir. Z vsako nadaljnjo fazo se upravljanje voda v mestih navezuje na cedalje vec vkljucenih sektorjev, saj so vsi naravi elemen­ti (voda, prst, zrak, živa bitja) med seboj povezani. To je na nacelni ravni jasno in znano, vendar smo s pretirano segmen­tacijo upravljanja naravnih virov na podsisteme, ki izhajajo iz posameznih strok, izgubili holisticni pristop k upravljanju. Za uveljavljanje novih celovitih konceptov upravljanja voda sta zato nujna povezovanje in sodelovanje z drugimi strokami, ki delujejo v mestnem prostoru. Tovrstno povezovanje se pone­kod že uveljavlja z novimi pristopi k nacrtovanju urbanega ra­zvoja (Hung idr., 2012), ki ne išcejo vec le tehnoloških rešitev, temvec se cedalje bolj približujejo zapiranju zanke v urbanem vodnem krogu tudi z uporabo MZI (Bacchin idr., 2014). Ze­lena infrastruktura namrec povecuje vrednost odprtih javnih površin in njihovega prispevka z ekosistemskimi storitvami v mestih, modra infrastruktura pa upravlja padavinske vode. Obe skupaj v sodobnem urbanisticnem nacrtovanju predstavljata bistveno kompleksnejše koristi. Opredelitev MZI kot interdi­sciplinarnega pristopa k urejanju mest je zato kljucno za njeno razumevanje in uvedbo v prostorskonacrtovalski praksi. 3.2 Modro-zelena infrastruktura Modro-zeleno infrastrukturo lahko opredelimo kot naravne in polnaravne (zato zelena) decentralizirane sisteme, name­njene upravljanju padavinskih voda (zato modra) v mestih, ki hkrati opravljajo širok nabor ekosistemskih storitev (Liao idr., 2017; Lamond in Everett, 2019). Njihova osnovna filozofija je posnemanje naravnih hidroloških procesov (tj. zadrževa­nje, infiltracija, evapo(transpi)racija), katerih cilj je upravlja­nje padavinskih voda na mestu nastanka in prepreciti njeno mešanje s komunalno odpadno vodo. Ti ukrepi v Sloveniji še nimajo enotnega izraza, vsi prevodi izrazov v nadaljevanju so zato le poskus uskladitve s slovensko terminologijo, niso pa še uveljavljeni v strokovni literaturi niti praksi, v anglešci­ni pa se uporablja kar nekaj sorodnih izrazov in konceptov, ki temeljijo pretežno na podobnih procesih in tehnologijah. Tako se v Združenem kraljestvu najpogosteje uporablja izraz Sustainable Urban Drainage Systems (SUDS, trajnostni sis­temi urbane odvodnje) (Woods Ballard idr., 2015), v ZDA se uporabljajo izrazi Low impact development (LID, posegi/gradnja z majhnim okoljskim vplivom), Best management practice (BMP, najboljša upravljavska praksa) in Stormwater control measures (ukrepi za obvladovanje padavinskih voda), v Avstraliji pa izraz Water sensitive urban design (WSUD, vodi prilagojeno urbanisticno nacrtovanje) (Fletcher idr., 2015). Med seboj se razlikujejo predvsem v obsegu obravnavanega obmocja, kot so posamezno zemljišce, ulica, soseska, mestna cetrt, mesto in celo vecji regionalni sistemi. V zadnjem casu se je zacel pogosto uporabljati tudi izraz Nature-based solu­tions (sonaravne ali na naravi temeljece rešitve), ki zajema raznovrstne tehnologije, ki temeljijo na naravnih procesih ali jih posnemajo, so stroškovno ucinkovite ter hkrati prinašajo okoljske, družbene in gospodarske koristi ter krepijo odpornost (Langergraber idr., 2020). Te rešitve prek sistemskih posegov, ki so lokalno prilagojeni in ucinkoviti z vidika rabe virov, prina­šajo mestom in pokrajinam vec narave ter naravnih elementov in procesov (Evropska komisija, 2020). Poudariti želimo, da gre za koncepte, ki temeljijo predvsem na istih tehnologijah in imajo iste cilje, ker pa so se socasno razvijali na razlicnih koncih sveta in izhajajo iz raznovrstnih strok, so poimenovani drugace. Iz predstavljenih opredelitev je razvidno, da je treba MZI razumeti precej širše kot zgolj enega izmed pristopov k upravljanju voda. Gre za pristop, ki prinaša izboljšave ne le na podrocju upravljanja voda, temvec tudi na številnih drugih po­drocjih, kot so podnebne spremembe, kmetijstvo, gozdarstvo, urbanisticno nacrtovanje, varstvo narave, preprecevanje nesrec in celo na podrocju regionalnega razvoja. Gre torej za izrazito interdisciplinaren koncept, ki pa v slovenski praksi še ni polno zaživel. Elementi MZI v urbanem prostoru najpogosteje pred­stavljajo del zelenih površin in tako v prostorsko nacrtovalskem kontekstu tvorijo del zelenega sistema naselja ali zelene infra­strukture, kot jo uvaja Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije do 2050 (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020a). Tudi v drugih državah, razen v nekaj izjemah, kot sta Združeno kraljestvo in Nizozemska, dodatne koristi, ki jih nudi MZI, žal še niso bile ustrezno predstavljene nacionalnim in lokalnim oblastem, upravljavcem gospodarske javne infrastrukture, pro­storskim nacrtovalcem in javnosti. V nasprotju s tradicional­nim pristopom, ki temelji na odvajanju in zadrževanju vode v kanalizacijskem sistemu, za tovrstne sisteme še niso uveljavljeni smernice in programska orodja, namenjeni odlocevalcem. Po­sledicno so dodatne koristi MZI lahko prezrte, saj so merila ocenjevanja razlicic vec rešitev nejasna, poleg tega dolgoroc­no delovanje teh sistemov za deležnike pomeni negotovost ali tveganje. Ceprav nekatera modelska orodja že vkljucujejo module za modeliranje MZI z vidika hidravlike in kakovosti vode, podrocje dodatnih koristi, kot so dodana vrednost (angl. amenity), biotska raznovrstnost ter dolgorocni vidiki stroškov in koristi, v ta orodja ni vkljuceno zadovoljivo (Chow idr., 2014). Nekatera programska orodja, kot je E2STORMED (Morales-Torres idr., 2016) pa omogocajo celovito vrednotenje posameznih ukrepov z vsemi koristmi, ki jih prinašajo, vendar uporabljajo preprostejše hidrološko-hidravlicne modele, zato je za ustrezno obravnavo priporocena uporaba rezultatov iz kompleksnejših modelov (Radinja idr., 2019). Na sliki 1 so navedeni elementi MZI glede na njihov osnovni namen: zmanjševanje površinskega odtoka, zmanjševanje koni­ce pretoka ali izboljšanje kakovosti vode. Hkrati je navedeno, s katerim postopkom (npr. zadrževanje, infiltracija, evapotran­spiracija) in koliko ukrep dosega posamezen namen in katere ekosistemske storitve omogoca. 4 Celostni pristop k upravljanju voda v mestih Pri uveljavljanju novih konceptov in praks so zelo pomembni mednarodni in nacionalni strateški dokumenti, ki usmerjajo razvoj nekega podrocja. Glede na namen in cilje prispevka nas je zanimalo predvsem, koliko sta podrocji prostorskega nacrtovanja in vode v mestih povezani, saj je treba za izvedbo MZI predvideti zadostne površine mestnega prostora. Tovr­stna povezava je na mednarodni ravni mocno zastopana in spodbujena (preglednica 2), v slovenski zakonodaji pa jo lahko zasledimo zgolj delno (preglednica 3). Opazimo lahko, da Slo­venija v nacionalno zakonodajo še ni v celoti prenesla priporo­cil iz mednarodnih dokumentov, zato je ta povezava šibkejša, saj sta zastopana le ponikanje padavinskih voda in nacrtovanje zelenih površin (preglednica 3). V Sloveniji tudi (še) ni veljav­nih standardov in uveljavljene prakse za nacrtovanje MZI niti za urejeno ponikanje padavinskih voda (Radinja idr., 2017). MZI je nacin, kako uskladiti posege v prostor (potrebe in ra­zvoj) in doseci nekatere cilje urejanja prostora, ki jih doloca Zakon o urejanju prostora (Ur. l. RS, št. 61/2017): • z vecfunkcionalnostjo MZI varuje prostor kot omejeno naravno dobrino, saj zagotavlja racionalnejšo rabo pro­stora, • omogoca kakovostne življenjske razmere in zdravo ži­vljenjsko okolje, saj povecuje biotsko raznovrstnost, • prispeva h krepitvi in varovanju zdravja ljudi, saj izbolj­šuje kakovost zraka in znižuje raven hrupa, • varuje okolje, saj zmanjšuje onesnaževanje (npr. razbre­menilniki), • prispeva k prilagajanju na podnebne spremembe, • ustvarja razmere za zmanjševanje in preprecevanje narav­nih in drugih nesrec, saj zmanjšuje verjetnost za poplave in hladi okolico. Prostorsko nacrtovanje in urbanizem imata v Sloveniji že dol­go tradicijo nacrtovanja zelenih sistemov (npr. Zeleni sistem Ljubljane; Kucan, 1994), kar se kaže tako v prostorskih doku­mentih kot v prostoru. Na to kažejo tudi ureditve slovenskih mest in študije, ki so se ukvarjale s proucevanjem odprtega javnega prostora v slovenskih mestih (npr. Vertelj Nared, 2014; Volgemut, 2020). Kljub temu lahko ugotovimo, da prostorsko nacrtovanje v Sloveniji obravnava podrocje upravljanja voda v mestih predvsem posredno, z zagotavljanjem zelenih površin ali sistemov (preglednica 3), kar pozitivno vpliva na urbano od­vodnjo, saj sta zanje znacilna manjši in upocasnjen površinski odtok glede na utrjene površine ter infiltracijska sposobnost. Vendar zelene površine (še) niso bile nacrtovane z aktivno funkcijo zadrževanja in ponikovanja padavinskih voda (tj. ne prevzemajo tudi površinskega odtoka s sosednjih utrjenih površin), zato se to izvaja pasivno ali nakljucno (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020b). Z vidika funkcionalnosti je zato treba zelene površine nadgraditi z elementi MZI, ki bodo zago­tovili dodatne ekosistemske storitve, kot so odpornost prostora proti podnebnim spremembam, ohranjanje biotske raznovr­stnosti, boljše delovanje ekosistemov in zagotavljanje drugih koristi za prebivalstvo in gospodarstvo, zlasti za javno zdravje in kakovost bivanja ter ohranjanje virov. Tako bodo zeleni sis­temi naselij zagotovili razširjen nabor okoljskih in ekoloških funkcij ter tvorili zeleno infrastrukturo, kot jo uvaja predlog nove Strategije prostorskega razvoja Slovenije do 2050 (Mini­strstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020a). Ta zeleno infrastrukturo na regionalni ravni opredeli kot zeleni sistemi regij, na lokalni pa kot zeleni sistem naselij, s cimer jo vsebinsko izenaci z do zdaj uveljavljenim nacrtovanjem zelenih sistemov. Tudi slovenska zakonodaja na podrocju voda ne predpisuje uporabe elementov MZI, vendar te tudi ne prepoveduje, saj priporoca izvedbo ukrepov za zmanjšanje površinskega odtoka, zadrževanja ali ponikanje (preglednica 3). Zato jo lahko ob upoštevanju vseh znacilnosti lokalnega prostora in podrocne zakonodaje zacnemo uvajati že danes, kar potrjujejo tudi pri­meri uspešno izvedenih ukrepov MZI v Sloveniji (Ramšak in Oberžan, 2017; Klemen idr., 2020). Klemnova je s sodelavci (2020) ugotovila, da se ob pripravi prostorskih aktov praviloma ne izdelujejo strokovne podlage za ukrepe upravljanja padavin­skih voda, kar vodi v nadaljnjo uporabo obstojecega koncepta upravljanja voda, z le redkimi izjemami uvajanja MZI v ob­cinske prostorske nacrte. K sistemskim ukrepom »sodelovanja med institucijami, krepitve strateškega nacrtovanja, upoštevanja strokovnih rešitev« poziva tudi Strategija varstva in razvoja zelene infrastrukture v Ljubljanski urbani regiji (RRA LUR, 2019), ki poudarja, da je celovito in vkljucujoce upravljanje prepoznano kot kljucni dejavnik za ohranjanje koristi in za sprostitev potencialnih koristi zelene infrastrukture (Regional­na razvojna agencija LUR, 2019, str. 33). Hkrati omenjena strategija opominja, da je treba zeleno infrastrukturo nacrto­vati z zavedanjem, da gre za sistem, ki presega zgolj dolocanje namenske rabe v prostoru. V Sloveniji so se nekatera mesta z uvajanjem MZI (npr. zelene strehe, obveznega zadrževanja/ponikanja padavinskih voda) že usmerila v uveljavitev ciljnega stanja: vodno obcutljivo mesto, kot je predlagal Brown (2009). Manjka pa celovit sistemski pristop (tj. omenjeni fleksibilni institucionalni okvir), saj ni ustrezne povezave z drugimi deležniki, ki (so)oblikujejo mestni prostor (arhitekti, urbanisti, prostorski nacrtovalci). V nada­ljevanju so predstavljeni nekateri primeri tujih mest, ki so take strategije/pristope upravljanja že sprejela in jih tudi izvajajo. 5 Primeri dobrih praks Izbrali smo štiri primere sistemskega uvajanja MZI na mestni ali nacionalni ravni z Danske, Nizozemske, Kitajske in iz ZDA. Z njihovo geografsko zastopanostjo želimo poudariti, da gre pri uvajanju MZI, cilj cesar je upravljanje urbanega vodnega kroga, za svetovni trend, ki nakazuje prihodnji razvoj na tem podrocju. Vsem primerom je skupno povezovanje med vodar­skim in prostorsko nacrtovalskim sektorjem, cilj pa je celovito nacrtovanje MZI. 5.1 Křbenhavn: prilagajanje na ekstremne padavinske dogodke Danski meteorološki inštitut opredeljuje padavinski dogodek kot ekstremen, kadar v 30 minutah pade vec kot 15 mm pa­davin (Danish Meteorological Institute, 2019). Leta 2011 pa je v Křbenhavnu padlo v 90 minutah 136 mm padavin, kar statisticno pomeni dogodek, ki se zgodi zgolj enkrat v dva ti­soc letih. Mesto je posledicno utrpelo ogromno škode. Vec kot 30 % lastnikov objektov v mestu je vložilo zahtevke za zavarovalnino, skupna škoda pa je presegla 800 milijonov EUR (Arnbjerg-Nielsen idr., 2015). Kot odziv na ta in nekaj manj intenzivnih padavinskih dogodkov je mesto sprejelo nacrt pri­lagajanja na podnebne spremembe Climate Adaptation Plan (The City of Copenhagen, 2011) in nato še nacrt prilagajanja na nalive Cloudburst Management Plan (The City of Copen­hagen, 2012), za izvajanje katerega bodo namenili približno pol milijarde evrov. Slika 2 prikazuje šeststopenjski pristop za izbiro najustreznejše rešitve za obvladovanje nalivov: • v prvem koraku je mestna uprava na podlagi podatkov in analiz trenutnega stanja opredelila in razvrstila obmocja v mestu, glede na to, kako jih nalivi ogrožajo; • v drugem koraku so z uporabo hidrološko-hidravlicnih modelov, ki so vkljucevali površinski odtok in kanaliza­cijski sistem, dolocili urbana porecja in njihovo poplavno ogroženost; • v tretjem koraku so ovrednotili poplavne škode za tre­nutno stanje, skupaj s posrednimi stroški in vplivom podnebnih sprememb. Te znašajo med 55 in 80 milijoni EUR/leto od danes do leta 2110; • v cetrtem koraku so razvili katalog tipskih modro-zelenih elementov (tj. Cloudburst Toolkit) za obvladovanje nali­vov (npr. zelena cesta, urbani potok, zadrževalni bulvar), ki so bili podlaga za razvoj ambicioznega nacrta prilagaja­nja na prihodnje ekstremne nalive. Sledili so arhitektur­no in krajinsko nacrtovanje ter vizualizacija predlaganih rešitev in preverjanje njihove robustnosti; • peti korak vkljucuje vse deležnike, ki nato sooblikujejo in s svojimi pogledi nadgradijo predlagane rešitve. Tako na­crtovanje je iterativen proces, ki vodi k boljšim rešitvam in zagotavlja njihovo kakovost; • v zadnjem koraku pa se predlagane alternativne rešitve financno ovrednotijo in na podlagi analize stroškov in koristi se izbere najustreznejša rešitev. 5.2 Rotterdam Rotterdam je najvecje evropsko pristanišce in je nastalo v delti rek Ren in Meuse, voda pa ga ogroža s štirih strani: morje, vodotoki, podtalnica in padavinske vode. Zaradi izjemne izpo­stavljenosti mesta in pretecih posledic podnebnih sprememb je mesto sprejelo strategijo prilagajanja na podnebne spremem­be (Rotterdam Climate Initiative, 2013). Strategija temelji na konceptu, ki združuje premagovanje težav, povezanih z vodo, ter priložnosti za transformacijo urbanega prostora in družbenogospodarski razvoj. Temelj za nacrtovanje ukrepov so rezultati hidrološko-hidravlicnih modelov, s katerimi je do­locena poplavna ogroženost posameznih obmocij v mestu, in to zaradi morja, rek ali ekstremnih padavin. Pri spopadanju s temi je kot glavni ukrep predvidena MZI, ki mora padavin­ske vode zadržati na mestu, kjer padejo, in upocasniti njihov odtok. Posebna pozornost je pri nacrtovanju "vodoodpornega" mesta namenjena individualni obravnavi posamezne lokacije, pri cemer pri nacrtovanju ukrepov sodelujejo vodni odbori, urbanisti, mestna uprava in drugi deležniki. Ozavešcanje in ak­tivno vkljucevanje javnosti sta spodbujena z aktivnim in ciljno usmerjenim komuniciranjem. 5.3 Kitajska spužvasta mesta Kitajska vlada je zaradi težav v urbanem vodnem krogu (po­plave in onesnaževanje vodnih teles), nastalih zaradi hitre urbanizacije kitajskih mest, razvila koncept t. i. spužvastih mest (angl. Sponge city). Vanj so leta 2014 vkljucili 30 mest po državi, vkljucno z megamesti, kot so Peking, Šanghaj, Ti­andžin in Šendžen, ki so pilotna obmocja, iz katerih se bodo lahko dobre prakse in regulatorni okvir prenesli na druga mesta (Chan idr., 2018). Koncept spužvastih mest temelji na MZI in uveljavljanju šestih procesov pri upravljanju padavinskih voda v mestih: infiltraciji, upocasnitvi toka, zadrževanju, cišcenju, uporabi in odvajanju. Aktivnosti uvajanja koncepta v mesta se osredotocajo predvsem na ukrepe, ki so: 1) gradnja spužvastih stavb (npr. zelene strehe, deževni vrtovi), 2) gradnja spužva­stih cest, plocnikov in trgov z uporabo prepustnih materialov, 3) gradnja spužvastih parkov in zelenih površin (npr. deževni vrtovi, poglobljeni travniki, grajena mokrišca), 4) zašcita in remediacija naravnih vodnih teles (npr. širitev mokrišc, vzdr­ževanja in ponovna uvedba naravnih recnih tokov), 5) izboljša­nje povezljivosti urbanih vodnih sistemov, ki omogoca njihovo neprekinjenost, 6) nadgradnja obstojecih sistemov odvodnje na nacin, da zagotavljajo zašcito pred poplavami in odvajanje presežnih kolicin vode, 7) gradnja locenih sistemov za pada­vinske in komunalne odpadne vode (Liu idr., 2017). Dosedanji izsledki pri nacrtovanju in delovanju MZI omogocajo prenos znanja iz pilotnih mest v druga mesta, ki bodo lahko pristopila k hitrejšemu uvajanju MZI in boljšemu nacrtovanju (Yin idr., 2021). 5.4 Združene države Amerike: koncept MZI za obvladovanje odpadnih voda Razbremenilniki so elementi v mešanem kanalizacijskem siste­mu, ki v casu padavin presežne kolicine mešanice padavinskih in komunalnih odpadnih voda odvajajo neposredno v odvo­dnik ter tako šcitijo kanalizacijski sistem in posredno mesto pred poplavami. Hkrati so grožnja za okolje, saj ceprav je ta razredcena, še vedno odvajajo neocišceno odpadno vodo v vodna telesa. Mesto Filadelfija se je na podlagi zahteve Ame­riške okoljske agencije po vzpostavitvi dolgorocnega nacrta za obvladovanje delovanja razbremenilnikov (United States Con­gress, 2002) odlocilo za alternativni pristop. Namesto gradnje dodatne sive infrastrukture (npr. podzemni zadrževalniki, ko­lektorji) so se odlocili za celovito uvajanje MZI. Nastal je 25-le­tni nacrt z naslovom Zeleno mesto, ciste vode (Philadelphia Water Department, 2011). Izracunali so, da bo nacrt po 45 letih mestu vrnil vec koristi in dodane vrednosti, kot bo znašal vložek. Z nacrtom so na podlagi strukturiranega informiranja in ozavešcanja vseh deležnikov dosegli, da mešcani mestne uli­ce dojemajo drugace in sami vidijo priložnosti, kako se lahko do tedaj neprepustne površine spremenijo v vegetativno bujna obmocja, ki zadržujejo in cistijo padavinske odpadne vode ter jih nadzorovano odvajajo. Uvedbi nacrta je sledila priprava obsežnega prirocnika z navo­dili, ki potencialnim investitorjem pred posegi v prostor omo­goca preprosto seznanitev z vsemi potrebnimi zahtevami, ki jih mora projekt zagotoviti, da bo ustrezno obravnaval upravljanje voda na obmocju urejanja (Philadelphia Water Department, 2014). Mesto je na podlagi hidrološko-hidravlicnih znacilnosti razdeljeno na podobmocja, s podanimi znacilnostmi (npr. po­plavna obmocja, tip kanalizacijskega sistema), na podlagi ka­terih lahko investitor ob uporabi prirocnika doloci splošne zahteve po upravljanju voda (npr. 100-odstotno ponikanje, delno zadrževanje in cišcenje padavinskih voda). Kljub pozitivnemu napredku, ki ga je nacrt prinesel, raziskoval­ci po nekem casu ugotavljajo, da zasledovanje zgolj enega cilja ob uvajanju MZI (tj. zadrževanje velikih kolicin vode) lahko privede do sistemskega uvajanja omejenega nabora ukrepov MZI, ki omogocajo zgolj omejene koristi (Spahr idr., 2020). Zato so Spahr in sodelavci (2020) sklenili, da morajo mesta, ce želijo doseci ekosistemske storitve, ki jih omogocajo rastli­ne (tj. cišcenje zraka, zmanjševanje hrupa in ucinka toplotnih otokov, prijeten videz, javno zdravje), bolj posegati po tovrstni MZI. 5.5 Primerjava primerov dobrih praks Za oba proucevana evropska primera so bile glavni povod za spremembo paradigme v upravljanju urbanih voda pretece podnebne spremembe in napoved vedno pogostejših in inten­zivnejših padavin, ki bodo povzrocale poplave. Na drugi strani je bil povod za primera iz Kitajske in ZDA kakovost vodnih teles ali negativen vpliv urbanizacije nanje. Vsem primerom je skupno spoznanje, da siva infrastruktura ne more ponuditi rešitev za vse nastale in porajajoce se težave in da ne prinaša ekosistemskih koristi. Kot primerno rešitev so predstavljena mesta opredelila vecfunkcionalno MZI, skladno s pristopom vodno obcutljivih mest (preglednica 1), ki je bila ustrezno vkljucena v strateške dokumente, v katerih so opredeljeni tudi cilji (preglednica 4). Pomembno je, da so za sprejete strategije predvidena tudi javna sredstva, ki se usmerijo v doseganje za­stavljenih ciljev. Menimo, da je uspešnost predstavljenih mest pri uvajanju MZI pogojena tudi z razvojem ustreznih smernic in nacrtovalskih orodij, ki mestnim nacrtovalcem omogocajo strokovno pomoc. Poleg tega jim je skupno tudi, da se v pro­storsko nacrtovanje vkljucuje upravljanje voda, pri cemer se z uporabo hidrološko-hidravlicnih modelov: 1) opredelijo (tre­nutne in potencialne) kriticne tocke poplavne ogroženosti v urbanem prostoru ter se s simulacijami ovrednoti vpliv posa­meznih scenarijev MZI na urbani vodni krog, ter 2) ovrednoti vpliv MZI na kakovost urbanega površinskega odtoka in po­sledicno ekološko stanje odvodnikov (vodnih teles). 6 Sklepne ugotovitve Z upravljanjem mestnega prostora in pripadajocih prvin se ukvarja vec strok. V clanku smo predstavili trenutno stanje in izzive upravljanja voda v mestih v tujini in Sloveniji. Pove­zovanje med upravljanjem voda in prostorskim nacrtovanjem je mocno zastopano in spodbujeno v mednarodnih strateških dokumentih, v slovensko zakonodajo pa to povezovanje še ni v celoti preneseno. Zato je za slovenska mesta znacilno sektor­sko delovanje na podrocjih upravljanja voda in prostorskega nacrtovanja. Iz predstavljenih primerov dobrih praks upravljanja voda v me­stih lahko sklenemo, da je ponekod sistemsko uvajanje MZI postalo že uveljavljen, ne vec alternativen pristop urejanja mest. V Sloveniji tovrstnih primerov sistemskega uvajanja MZI še ne poznamo, obstaja pa zanje velik potencial, saj imamo v slo­venskih mestih zadosten delež razmeroma enakomerno razpo­rejenih zelenih površin (javnih in zasebnih), kar je posledica že utecenih prostorsko nacrtovalskih praks (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020b). Ker trenutno zelene površine niso nacrtovanje po nacelih MZI, njihova vecfunkcionalnost, ki bi jo dosegli s prevzemanjem površinskega odtoka z okoliških utrjenih površin, ni (dovolj) izkorišcena. Tako ostaja v mestih velik potencial zelenih površin, ki bi lahko omogocale dodatne nad- ali podzemne retenzijske površine, s katerimi bi razbre­menili kanalizacijski sistem in ohranili padavine v naravnem vodnem krogu. Predstavljeni primeri dobrih praks kažejo, da lahko prav izvedba mnogih decentraliziranih ukrepov mocno izboljša vodno bilanco kanalizacijskega sistema ter zmanjša verjetnost preplavitve kanalizacijskega sistema in posledicno mestnih površin. Prikazani primeri dobrih praks kažejo, da sta pri nacrtova­nju MZI kljucna interdisciplinarno sodelovanje vec strok in medsektorsko usklajeno delovanje na nacrtovalski in operativ­ni ravni. Z vidika upravljanja urbanega vodnega kroga pa je poglavitno, da se v prostorsko nacrtovanje vkljuci tudi izde­lava strokovnih podlag trajnostnega upravljanja vodnih virov in prilagajanja na podnebne spremembe. Za nacrtovalsko in izvedbeno raven je izjemno pomembna izdelava smernic in tehnicnih prirocnikov za nacrtovanje in dimenzioniranje MZI. Sklenemo lahko, da kljub posameznim prizadevanjem v Slo­veniji MZI še vedno ni prepoznana kot ucinkovit koncept za celovito urejanje urbanega vodnega kroga. To zahteva njegovo celovito obravnavo, ki vkljucuje modeliranje, nacrtovanje in dimenzioniranje najprimernejših ukrepov. Kljub temu prav ta prizadevanja kažejo na cedalje vecje zavedanje o pomenu MZI in zahtevi po njenem sistematicnem vkljucevanju v zakono­dajni okvir, ki bo zagotavljal ustrezno vkljucevanje kljucnih deležnikov, interdisciplinarno sodelovanje strok in medresor­sko usklajeno nacrtovanje, pri cemer bi bil cilj teh prizadevanj celovito upravljanje voda v mestih. 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London, Construction Industry Research and Information Association. Dostopno na: https://www.susdrain.org/resources/SuDS_Manual.html (sneto: 20. 1. 2021). Zakon o urejanju prostora. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 61/2017. Ljubljana. Zakon o vodah. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 67/02, 2/04 – ZZdrI­-A, 41/04 – ZVO-1, 57/08, 57/12, 100/13, 40/14 in 56/15. Ljubljana. Yin, D., Chen, Y., Jia, H., Wang, Q., Chen, Z., Xu, C., idr. (2021): Sponge city practice in China: A review of construction, assessment, operatio­nal and maintenance. Journal of Cleaner Production, 280(2921), 124963. DOI: 10.1016/j.jclepro.2020.124963 Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Preglednica 1: Razvoj pristopov upravljanja voda v mestih Faza Pristop upravljanja Družbenopoliticni vzroki/okolišcine Vodarska storitev 1 Vodooskrbno mesto Oskrba s pitno vodo Vodooskrbni sistemi 2 Kanalizacijsko mesto Zašcita javnega zdravja Kanalizacijski sistemi 3 Drenirano mesto Zašcita pred poplavami Odvodnja, kanaliziranje 4 Mesto vodnih teles Zašcita okolja, družbene vrednosti Upravljanje tockovnih in razpršenih virov onesnaženja 5 Vodno krožno mesto Omejenost naravnih virov Raznovrstni, namenu ustrezni vodni viri in njihovo ohra­njanje, spodbujanje zašcite vodnih teles 6 Vodno obcutljivo mesto Medgeneracijski kapital, odpornost proti podnebnim spremembam Prilagodljiva vecfunkcionalna infrastruktura, nacrtovanje na vodo obcutljivih urbanih ureditev Vir: Brown idr. (2009) Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Slika 1: Elementi modro-zelene infrastrukture ter njene funkcije in koristi (povzeto po Collett idr., 2013) Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih Preglednica 2: Prostorsko nacrtovanje in upravljanje voda v mestih na mednarodni ravni PROSTORSKO NACRTOVANJE VODA V MESTIH 1. Urbana agenda EU – Amsterdamski pakt (EK, 2016) 1. Cilji trajnostnega razvoja ZN (OZN, 2015) Prednostne teme med drugim zajemajo: prilagajanje na podneb­ne spremembe (vkljucno z rešitvami zelene infrastrukture), traj­nostno rabo prostora in sonaravne rešitve, kakovost zraka. – cilj 6: Vsem zagotoviti dostop do vode in sanitarne ureditve ter po­skrbeti za trajnostno gospodarjenje z vodnimi viri; – cilj 11: Poskrbeti za odprta, varna, vzdržljiva in trajnostna mesta in naselja. 2. Nova urbana agenda (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2017) 2. Nacela za pametno ravnanje z vodo v mestih (IWA, 2017) Zavezi za okoljsko trajnosten in prožen urbani razvoj, ki sta kar najbolj povezani z vodo: 72. Zavezujemo se izvajati dolgorocne postopke urbanisticnega in prostorskega nacrtovanja ter prakse prostorskega razvoja, ki vkljucujejo celostno nacrtovanje in upravljanje vodnih virov, ob upoštevanju mestno-podeželskih obmocij na lokalni in regionalni ravni in ob sodelovanju pomembnih deležnikov in skupnosti. 73. Zavezujemo se spodbujati varovanje in vzdržno rabo vode z obnavljanjem vodnih virov na urbanih, primestnih in podeželskih obmocjih, z zmanjševanjem kolicine odpadnih voda in njihovim cišcenjem, zmanjševanjem vodnih izgub, spodbujanjem ponov­ne rabe vode in povecevanjem zbiranja in zadrževanja vode ter obnavljanja podzemne vode ob upoštevanju vodnega kroga. Nacelo 2) Ustrezno urbanisticno nacrtovanje: – nacrtovanje in izvajanje prostorskih nacrtov, ki omogocajo regenera­tivne vodne storitve; – nacrtovanje urbanih obmocij, ki zmanjšujejo poplavna tveganja. Povecanje odpornosti mesta proti poplavnim tveganjem z nacrto­vanjem obmocij, ki bodo ob poplavi poplavljena, z uporabo trajno­stnih sistemov urbane odvodnje; – povecanje prijetnosti mest za življenje v njih z odprtimi vodnimi površinami. Od zelene infrastrukture ob cestah (deževni vrtovi, ozelenjeni jarki) do modro-zelenih koridorjev s priložnostmi za rekre­acijo, z vkljucujocimi javnimi prostori, ter za gospodarski razvoj, ki ustvarjajo vecnamenske prostore in infrastrukturo; – uvedba in uporaba takšnih gradbenih materialov (za strehe, fasade, ceste in urbano pohištvo), ki preprecujejo oddajanje onesnažil, kadar so izpostavljeni soncu ali dežju. Preglednica 3: Prostorsko nacrtovanje in upravljanje voda v mestih na nacionalni ravni PROSTORSKO NACRTOVANJE VODA V MESTIH 1. Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije (MOP, 2004) 1. Strategija razvoja Slovenije 2030 (SVRK, 2017) Na urbano odvodnjo se navezuje v dveh tockah: – pri razvoju mest in naselij: »… Z vidika varnosti naj bo v nase­ljih cim vec zelenih površin zaradi izravnave velikih temperatur­nih ekstremov ter omogocanja postopnega odvajanja padavin­skih voda«; – pri odvajanju in cišcenju odpadnih in padavinskih voda: pada­vinske in odpadne vode se odvajajo loceno, kjer je to ekonomsko upraviceno in tehnicno možno. Padavinske vode se cim dlje za­držijo na mestu, kamor so padle, zaledne vode pa se površinsko odvajajo mimo naselij do najbližjega površinskega odvodnika. Cilj 9: Trajnostno upravljanje naravnih virov bomo dosegli z: a) uvajanjem ekosistemskega nacina upravljanja naravnih virov in s preseganjem sektorskega nacina razmišljanja, med drugim s pravoca­snim usklajevanjem nacionalnih in cezmejnih interesov na presecnih podrocjih voda – hrana – energija – ekosistemi, ki se bodo v prihodno­sti spreminjali in prilagajali tudi zaradi posledic podnebnih sprememb; b) ucinkovitim upravljanjem površinskih in podzemnih voda, obalnih in morskih virov ter z doseganjem njihovega dobrega stanja. 2. Strategija varstva in razvoja zelene infrastrukture v ljubljanski urbani regiji (RRA LUR, 2019) 2. Zakon o vodah (ZV-1, Ur. l. RS, št. 67/2002) Cilj 1: Izboljšano stanje okolja Posebno skrb je treba nameniti upravljanju voda (ponikanje, zadrževanje vode, poplavna varnost) in nacrtovanju rešitev, ki zadostijo vec funkcijam hkrati (retencijske površine so hkrati privlacne za prostocasne dejavnosti in lahko ugodno vplivajo na mikroklimo). Cilj 4: Blaženje podnebnih sprememb in prilagoditve nanje. Pomembna sta obvladovanje obeh ekstremov, povezanih z vodo (pomanjkanje vode in poplave), in povezanost z drugimi dejavnostmi, na primer s kmetijstvom. Z urejanjem zelene infra­strukture oziroma s prostorskimi ukrepi v urbanih obmocjih je treba omiliti posledice tako ekstremnih padavin kot ekstremnih temperatur. Zakon predpisuje, da je varstvo pred škodljivim delovanjem padavin­skih voda v ureditvenih obmocjih naselji naloga lokalne skupnosti, kar zajema zlasti ukrepe za zmanjševanje odtoka padavinskih voda z urba­nih površin in ukrepe za omejevanje izlitja komunalnih in padavinskih voda. V odlokih lokalnih skupnosti je obicajno predpisano ponikanje padavinskih voda, kjer je to mogoce in dopustno, ce to ni mogoce, je treba cim bolj zmanjšati odtok padavinskih voda v javno kanalizacijo, z zadrževanjem ali njeno ponovno uporabo (Odlok o odvajanju in cišce­nju komunalne in padavinske odpadne vode v Mestni obcini Ljubljana, Ur. l. RS, št. 9/2018). PROSTORSKO NACRTOVANJE VODA V MESTIH 3. Zakon o urejanju prostora (ZUreP-2, Ur. l. RS, št. 61/2017) 3. Uredba o emisiji snovi in toplote pri odvajanju odpadnih voda v vode in javno kanalizacijo (Ur. l. RS, št. 64/2012), Uredba o emisiji snovi pri odvajanju padavinske vode z javnih cest (Ur. l. RS, št. 47/2005) Zakon opredeljuje zelene sisteme kot nacrtovani sistem varstva in razvoja zelenih površin na poselitvenih obmocjih ter drugih zelenih in ustvarjenih struktur v prostoru, ki se nanje navezuje­jo. Namen urejanja prostora (2. clen) je doseganje trajnostnega prostorskega razvoja s celovito obravnavo, usklajevanjem in upravljanjem njegovih družbenih, okoljskih in gospodarskih vidikov, tako da se kot cilj urejanja prostora med drugim prispeva k prilagajanju na podnebne spremembe ter se ustvarjajo razmere za zmanjševanje in preprecevanje naravnih ali drugih nesrec. Uredbi podrobneje dolocata, pod katerimi pogoji se padavinske odpa­dne vode (ne)smejo odvajati (ne)posredno v podzemne vode, neposre­dno v stojece/tekoce celinske vode ali v morje. Omejitve so pogojene z vrsto površine, s katere padavinske vode odtekajo, vodovarstvenimi pasovi ali vrsto vodonosnika, ki ga cesta precka. 4. Uredba o prostorskem redu Slovenije (Ur. l. RS, št. 122/2004) 4. Uredba o metodologiji za oblikovanje cen storitev obveznih obcin­skih gospodarskih javnih služb varstva okolja (Ur. l. RS, št. 87/2012) – Pri nacrtovanju sistemov oskrbe z vodo se kot vir tehnološke vode, vode za gašenje ali druge vode, ki ni namenjena pitju, cim bolj uporabijo manj kakovostni vodni viri (52. clen). – Padavinske vode s streh in teras objektov morajo prek poniko­valnih naprav, ponikovalnih jarkov ali ponikovalnega drenažnega cevovoda praviloma ponikati v okviru gradbene parcele, v skladu s predpisi s podrocja varstva okolja. Uredba doloca, da je treba stroške odvajanja in cišcenja padavinskih voda s streh obracunati na loceni postavki. Tako so obcani obvešceni in motivirani, da padavinske vode zadržijo na svoji parceli in posledic­no zmanjšajo dotok teh voda v javno kanalizacijo. M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih Slika 2: Křbenhavnski pristop za obvladovanje nalivov (povzeto po Ramboll, 2016) M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih Preglednica 4: Primerjava primerov dobrih praks iz tujine Křbenhavn, Danska Rotterdam, Nizozemska 30 pilotnih kitajskih mest Filadelfija, ZDA Povod Poplave, podnebne spremembe Poplave, podnebne spremembe Onesnaženost vodnega okolja, poplave Onesnaženost vodnega oko­lja – problem razbremenilnikov Ime in leto sprejetja pro­grama Copenhagen Climate Adap­tation Plan, 2011; Cloudburst Management Plan, 2012 Rotterdam Climate Change Adaptation Strategy, 2013 Sponge City Programme, 2014 Green City, Clean Waters, 2011 Cilj 1) Prepreciti odtok z vec kot 1/3 utrjenih površin v kanalizacijski sistem 2) Ob 100-letnem nalivu najvec 10 cm vode na površju (prepre­cevanje poplav). Popolna odpornost mesta proti podnebnim spre­membam do leta 2025. Do leta 2030 naj bi se na 80 % urbanih obmocjih najmanj 70 % padavin infiltriralo ali znova upo­rabilo. V 25 letih prepreciti odtok z vec kot 1/3 utrjenih površin v kanalizacijski sistem. Razvite smerni­ce in nacrtoval­ska orodja kot odziv na zazna­ne težave 1) Copenhagen Cloudburst Formula (smernice za strateško nacrtovanje MZI), 2) Copenhagen Cloudburst Toolkit (katalog tipskih elemen­tov MZI). 1) Interactive Climate atlas (atlas prikazuje pred­videne posledice podneb­nih sprememb za posame­zno lokacijo ob razlicnih scenarijih), 2) Climate adaptation barometer (orodje za oblikovanje strategije prilagajanja na podnebne spremembe in sledenje njenemu izvajanju), 3) Climate adaptation tool­box (nacrtovalsko orodje, ki zajema potencialne prilagoditvene ukrepe na razlicnih ravneh urejanja prostora). 1) Code of the Design of Urban Green Spa­ce (zakon, usklajen s smernicami za spužvasta mesta, s poudarkom na usklajenem pristopu za nacrtovanje urbanih zelenih površin), 2) Code for Design of Urban Road Enginee­ring (zakon, usklajen s smernicami za spužvasta mesta, vsebuje poglavje o MZI), 3) Assessment Standard for Sponge City Effec­ts (tehnicni standard za vrednotenje ucinkov spužvastih mest). 1) Stormwater Management Guidance Manual (smernice za nacrtovanje MZI, katalog tip­skih elementov MZI), 2) A Homeowner’s Guide to Stormwater Management (pri­porocila gospodinjstvom za upravljanje padavinskih voda). M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Vodarski pogled na uvajanje modro-zelene infrastrukture v mestih UDK: 712.253:551.588.7 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-01-004 Prejeto: 9. 12. 2020 Sprejeto: 6. 5. 2021 Marie-Therese FALLAST Sanela PANSINGER Gerald KREBS Martin MOSER Andreas ZOBL Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi Uvedba zelene infrastrukture je uveljavljen pristop k bla­ženju ucinkov toplotnih otokov in poplav na mestnih ob­mocjih, saj lahko vpliva na pomembno znižanje lokalne temperature v mestu in zmanjšanje nevarnosti poplav. V clanku je ulicna krajina prepoznana kot pomembno obmocje posegov za prilagajanje podnebnim spremem­bam, pri cemer ti posegi temeljijo na zeleni infrastruktu­ri, ki omogoca prijetnejše okolje za clovekovo aktivnost in mobilnost v mestih, hkrati pa je pomemben blažilec toplote. Avtorji predlagajo rešitev, ki združuje nekatere kljucne prvine, ki bi bile lahko podlaga vsem prihodnjim oblikovalskim posegom v javni prostor (ulicno krajino), in spodbuja ureditev mestnega okolja, ki se resnicno odziva na podnebne spremembe. Te prvine vkljucujejo omejitev neprepustnih površin samo na nujna obmocja, decentralizirano gospodarjenje z vodo na podlagi dežev­nih vrtov, nezahtevno vzdrževanje, estetske zasaditve, ki krepijo biotsko raznovrstnost, in senzorsko spremljanje parametrov toplotnega udobja za izboljšanje ukrepov. Re­šitev vkljucuje uporabo poceni senzorjev za zbiranje po­datkov o toplotnem udobju, na podlagi katerih se lahko dolocijo obmocja mestnih toplotnih otokov. Predlagano je tudi odlocevalsko orodje, ki temelji na geografskem informacijskem sistemu (GIS) in zbira podatke, kot so temperatura, stopnja prekritosti površja in poplavno tve­ganje ter podatki, ki se nanašajo na lokacijo komunalne infrastrukture, promet in prostorsko ureditev. Opisana je poskusna uporaba predlagane metodologije v okviru trajnega projekta prilagoditve podnebnim spremembam, ki ga financira avstrijska vlada. Kljucne besede: javni prostor, podnebne spremembe, gospodarjenje s padavinsko vodo, ulicno odvodnjavanje, senzorska tehnologija in digitalizacija 1 Uvod Kako obvladovati vplive podnebnih sprememb na mestnih ob­mocjih je izziv, s katerim se nenehno spopadajo mesta po vsej Evropi in drugje po svetu. Odlocevalci proucujejo nepredvidl­jive vremenske razmere, ki povzrocajo mestne toplotne otoke in poplave ter posledicno družbeno-gospodarsko škodo. Vpli­ve podnebnih sprememb v mestih krepita gosta pozidava in širjenje neprepustnih površin, ki zadržujejo toploto in hkrati preprecujejo naravno kroženje vode. Navedeno zlasti v mest­nih središcih zmanjšuje toplotno udobje, poleg tega povecuje obremenjenost kanalizacijskega omrežja, zaradi cesar se zlasti ob mocnem deževju odpadna voda izliva v naravne vodotoke in jih onesnažuje. Pri obvladovanju podnebnih sprememb posegi, ki temeljijo na zeleni infrastrukturi, omogocajo trajnosten nacin blaženja teh sprememb in izboljšajo mikroklimo v mestih. Ozelenjevanje mest je postal priljubljen izraz v povezavi z bivalno prijaz­nejšimi mesti 21. stoletja, vendar je bilo pri sistematizaciji in optimizaciji tovrstnih posegov za izboljšanje dolgorocne ucin­kovitosti in donosnosti naložb narejenega le malo napredka. Navedeno je deloma posledica vecplastnosti in kompleksnosti obravnavane problematike, ki zahteva usklajeno sodelovanje številnih deležnikov, zlasti pri uporabi nacrtovalskih orodij in procesov. V clanku avtorji predlagajo vecfunkcionalen pristop, ki omo­goca oblikovanje dobre prakse za bolj sistematicno vkljuce­vanje zelene infrastrukture v mestno tkivo. Posebna pozornost je namenjena dejavnikom, ki povzrocajo ucinek mestnega to­plotnega otoka, pri cemer se problematicna obmocja dolocijo z mobilnimi senzorji. Neprepustne vodoravne mestne površine brez zaznane prometne funkcije (mrtva obmocja) se izberejo za preureditev z zeleno infrastrukturo v obliki deževnih vrtov, ki so prepoznani kot pomembna urbanisticna prvina. Pred­stavljeni pristop zagotavlja neposreden in trajnosten nacin spopadanja z vzroki za nastanek mestnih toplotnih otokov, hkrati pa spodbuja pozitivnejši in neposrednejši cloveški stik z naravo ter izboljšuje biotsko raznovrstnost mestnega okolja. Da bi dosegli predlagano raven vecfunkcionalnosti, je bil ustanovljen raziskovalni konzorcij v obliki delovne skupine, ki združuje strokovnjake z razlicnih podrocij (krajinsko nacr­tovanje, hidrologija, urbanisticno in prostorsko nacrtovanje, prometno nacrtovanje, informatika in ekologija). Z aktivno uporabo multidisciplinarnega pristopa k oblikovanju ukre­pov izboljšav je cilj delovne skupine razviti zares trajnostne rešitve za spopadanje s podnebnimi spremembami. Njeno delo je inovativno v smislu uporabe vecfunkcionalnega pristopa k ureditvi mestne zelene infrastrukture ter multidisciplinarnega razvoja in uporabe predstavljene metode. 1.1 Pomen ulicnega prostora Na obmocjih, ki so najbolj izpostavljena ucinkom mestnega toplotnega otoka in poplavam zaradi mocnih nalivov, je obi­cajno obseg mogocih ukrepov najbolj omejen. Zlasti v mestnih središcih, kjer je cedalje manj razpoložljivega prostora, saj se ta vztrajno krci, je velik delež neprepustnih površin, zaradi cesar prst izgublja svojo naravno funkcijo, površine pa se ne more­jo naravno ohlajati. Ceprav je zelena infrastruktura trajnostna oblika blaženja podnebnih sprememb, je zanjo potrebnega zelo veliko prostora. Oblikovalci morajo zato ulicni prostor natancno prouciti ter dolociti in prerazporediti najpomemb­nejše funkcije na njem. Ugotoviti morajo, kje so ukrepi najbolj potrebni in katera vrsta zelene infrastrukture je najprimernejša za posamezno obmocje. Mesta želijo povecati pozitivne ucinke zelenih naložb in zmanjšati njihove negativne vidike, kar za­hteva primerna odlocevalska orodja in spodbujanje vecfunk­cionalnosti (Monteiro idr., 2020). O možnostih vertikalnega ozelenjevanja fasad, s katerimi se prihrani prostor, kot nacinu prilagajanja podnebnim spremem­bam v mestih je bilo opravljenih že veliko raziskav, kljub ugo­tovljenim prednostim pa ima takšno ozelenjevanje tudi neka­tere pomanjkljivosti (Manso idr., 2015). V izoblikovani mestni strukturi, v kateri je staro mestno jedro zašciteno z odloki, v skladu s katerimi se morata ohranjati njegova kulturna dedišci­na in identiteta, so možnosti za ureditev zelene infrastruktu­re, kot so vertikalni ali strešni vrtovi, omejene (Pansinger in Förster, 2018). Dokler ne bo razvita primerna tehnologija, ki bo v skladu z zahtevami po ohranjanju zgodovinskih objektov in obmocij, so potrebni drugacni pristopi. Pregled literature kaže, da se odpornost proti podnebnim spremembam vecino­ma dosega z vecjimi sistemi, na ravni stavb pa se to podrocje šele razvija (Kristl idr., 2020). Raziskave kažejo, da lahko s kvadratnega metra zelene strehe izhlapita po dva litra vode na dan, poleg tega lahko enaka površina zelene strehe zadrži 10 g prašnih delcev in absorbira 375 g CO2 na leto. Zelene strehe delujejo tudi kot zvocna izolacija, ki zmanjšuje ulicni hrup, in prispevajo k energijski varcnosti objektov (Willen­brock, 2020). Bolj zeleno mestno okolje je prijetnejše in po­vecuje kakovost urbanih ambientov (Kozamernik idr., 2020). Cedalje vecje spodbujanje aktivne mobilnosti in kakovostnega javnega prostora v zadnjem casu (Markvica idr., 2020) zahteva ponoven premislek o ureditvi ulicnega prostora. Pešci in kole­sarji okolje doživljajo dosti bolj živo kot vozniki ali uporabniki javnih prevoznih sredstev. Zgradba ulicne krajine se opisuje kot pomemben dejavnik privlacnosti mest in njihove prijetnosti za bivanje (Gehl, 2015). Visoke temperature (mestni toplotni otok) ljudi odvracajo od aktivne mobilnosti in slabšajo ka­kovost javnega prostora. V prihodnje je treba poskrbeti, da so mesta zanimiva in privlacna, hkrati pa morajo prispevati k blaženju vplivov podnebnih sprememb. 1.2 Dajanje prednosti vecfunkcionalnim zelenim posegom na tleh Toplotni zemljevidi mest kažejo, da so vodoravne površine na mestnih obmocjih (slika 1), kot so strehe in ceste, pogosto najbolj izpostavljene soncnemu obsevanju in imajo pomemb­no vlogo pri zadrževanju toplote v mestu. V zadnjem casu se gradnja zelenih streh spodbuja z raznimi subvencijami (inter­net 1), ki pa ne upoštevajo lokacije ali lokalnih razmer. Poleg tega tovrstna zelena infrastruktura trenutno ni primerna za dvokapnice ali strehe stavb, ki spadajo v zašciteno kulturno dedišcino. Enako velja za vertikalno ozelenjevanje. Dodatna ovira je, da je za takšne ukrepe potrebna zasebna financna po­buda. Zasebni lastniki se za naložbe v zeleno infrastrukturo odlocajo predvsem, kadar jim to prinaša financne prednosti. V zvezi s tem se zastavlja vprašanje, ali takšen pristop zagotavlja optimalne in ucinkovite naložbe v zeleno infrastrukturo kot ukrep blaženja vplivov podnebnih sprememb. Zakaj obcine ne sprejmejo ustrezne politike za reševanje te problematike? Te namrec upravljajo ceste in mnoga parkirišca, ki zadržujejo velik del toplote v mestih. Izvajanje ukrepov blaženja vplivov podnebnih sprememb na obcinskih ulicah posledicno ni tako zapleteno kot ozelenjevanje zasebnih stavb. Hkrati ulice omo­gocajo mobilnost vseh v mestu, tudi pešcev in kolesarjev. Ure­ditev ulic je zelo pomembna tudi za privlacnost mest z vidika cloveškega merila (Gehl, 2015). Mestni toplotni otoki dodatno zmanjšujejo privlacnost mestnih obmocij, zato je nujno, da se z njimi spoprimemo tam, kjer se pojavijo: v ulicnem prostoru. Glavni cilj mora biti zmanjšanje asfaltnih in betonskih površin, ki zadržujejo toploto, hkrati pa je treba omogociti zadostno mobilnost in bivalno kakovost na teh obmocjih ter izboljšati njihovo trajnostnost. Na podlagi navedenega lahko oblikujemo pametnejša, bolj zelena in bolj zdrava mesta, ki jih odlikuje rav­novesje med energijsko porabo in funkcijo, okoljem in estetiko ter tehnologijo in naravo, v katerih so ljudje in njihove potre­be v ospredju ter za katera je znacilna prostorska preobrazba nekdanjih dvodimenzionalnih ulic (Pansinger, 2018). Zato je smiselno, da se v zacetni fazi izvajanja ukrepov prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam daje prednost temu delu mestnega tkiva. Mestni prostor je torej treba na novo prouciti in prepoznati možnosti, ki so bile prej morebiti prezrte. Na mestnih obmoc­jih poleg pomanjkanja prostora številni dejavniki, kot so cedal­je vecja prekritost tal, gost promet in podzemna infrastruktu­ra, ovirajo ureditev obsežnejših zelenih površin. Posledicno se veca potreba po manjših in prožnejših rešitvah (npr. parkletih ali mobilnih drevesih) kot posebnih oblikah zelene urbane akupunkture. Manjši posegi lahko torej v mestnem prostoru omogocijo nov pretok energije med zelenimi in pozidanimi obmocji v mestu, ki sestavljajo tako imenovano dvojno otocje (Christiaanse, 2018: 45). V trenutnem diskurzu o skrb vzbujajoci krnitvi biotske raz­novrstnosti po vsem svetu (IPBES, 2019) bi bilo treba ka­kovostne zelene mestne površine prepoznati kot sredstvo za izboljšanje dejanske biotske raznovrstnosti v mestih in za to, da se prebivalce pritegne k ukrepanju, zlasti z vecjim izpo­stavljanjem problema. Navedeno se lahko doseže tako, da se posebna pozornost nameni tudi kakovosti zelene infrastruk­ture, ne samo njeni kolicini. V porocilu organizacije IPBES (2019) je izpostavljen pomen naravnih rešitev, zdravih mest­nih okolij, izboljšanega dostopa do zelenih površin in ekološke povezanosti mestnih prostorov. Mešane zasaditve avtohtonih rastlinskih vrst imajo lahko v nasprotju s trenutno prevladu­joco monokulturno urbano zasaditvijo mocan in dolgotrajen pozitiven vpliv na urbano ekologijo, saj so odpornejše proti boleznim, poleg tega je zanje potrebnih manj gnojil in pesti­cidov (Isbell idr., 2017). Zato se lahko tudi žuželke in drugi opraševalci nemoteno vrnejo v urbano okolje in omogocajo vpogled v delovanje narave. Izkušnje kažejo, da mešane zasa­ditve mocno povecajo raznovrstnost žuželk (Mody idr., 2020), kar lahko opazi tudi javnost. S tovrstno zeleno infrastrukturo lahko torej javnost ozavešcamo o tem, da biotska raznovrstnost ne zagotavlja samo preživetja cloveške rase, ampak tudi prijet­no bivalno okolje v mestih. 2 Metoda V prejšnjem poglavju so bile opisane prvine, ki jih je treba vkljuciti v sistem podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov, pri cemer je treba odlocitve o tem, kako in kje umestiti katero zeleno in­frastrukturo, formalizirati v okviru sistematiziranega postopka (Koc idr., 2018). Potrebe po prostoru (npr. za promet, ljudi in storitve) se morajo izražati v strukturi in vsebini podatkov ter ne nazadnje v koncnem orodju. Pri odlocanju o nujnosti zelenega prostorskega posega je treba upoštevati izvedljivost izbranih ukrepov. Nekateri uradi in mesta so izdelali orodja, ki omogocajo izbor pilotnih projektov na podlagi sodelovanja skupnosti ali prikaz skupnih koristi zelenih prostorskih pose­gov (internet 2). Navedeni pristopi upoštevajo dva ali tri vidike ali funkcije, ne omogocajo pa objektivnega izbora posegov na podlagi lokalnih razmer in prostorskega okvira, v katerem naj bi se izvajali. Trenutno se podatki o toplotnem udobju zbirajo predvsem z daljinskim zaznavanjem, infrardecimi letalskimi posnetki in/ali satelitskimi posnetki (Xuexiu idr., 2020), za uspešno rešitev pri zbiranju podatkov o temperaturah v mestih pa so se izka­zali tudi brezpilotni letalniki (Soto-Estrada idr., 2017). Zbrani podatkovni nizi se uporabljajo za izdelavo in kalibracijo urba­nih podnebnih modelov. Ti pristopi imajo nekatere pomanj­kljivosti. Letalski posnetki, tudi tisti, narejeni z brezpilotnimi letalniki, omogocajo samo prikaz razmer v danem trenutku, lokalno podnebje pa se nenehno spreminja. Navedena metoda torej ne upošteva te dinamike. Podatki o spreminjanju tempe­raturnih razmer v daljših obdobjih bi omogocili bolj dodelan pristop k uvajanju ukrepov in spremljanje njihovih vplivov. Izhodišce takšnega pristopa je petdimenzionalni model, iz ka­terega so razvidni vsestranskost zelenih površin ter sedanje in prihodnje potrebe mestnih prebivalcev (slika 2). Model temelji na nacelih urejanja zelene infrastrukture, ki so jih predstavili Monteiro idr. (2020). Na podlagi navedenega modela je bil razvita sistematicna in ponovljiva metoda, imenovana podnebno odzivni ulicni vr­tovi, katere glavni cilj je izboljšati proces in koncni rezultat urejanja zelene infrastrukture na mestnih obmocjih. Avtorji so dolocili in združili glavne prvine sistema podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov, da bi zagotovili cim višjo stopnjo vecfunkcional­nosti. Predlagana metoda bi bila lahko izhodišce za prihodnje oblikovalske posege, pri katerih bi bili ukrepi prilagajanja pod­nebnim spremembam vkljuceni v oblikovanje javnega prostora. S tem bi se poleg upoštevanja estetskih vidikov zagotovila cim vecja funkcionalnost izvedenih posegov, zlasti pri preureditvi obstojecega mestnega tkiva in pri novogradnjah. Postopek, ki omogoca doseganje zgoraj navedenega cilja, vkl­jucuje naslednje faze: • urbanisticna analiza in dolocanje obmocij, primernih za ukrepanje, v obstojeci in nacrtovani prostorski ureditvi na podlagi podatkov GIS, letalskih posnetkov in prostor­skih aktov; • razvoj cenovno ugodne metode za zbiranje podatkov o toplotnem udobju (podatki o lokalnih temperaturah in vlagi), na podlagi katerih se doloci, kje so potrebni ukrepi, ki temeljijo na uporabi zelene infrastrukture, za prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam. Ti podatki so tudi del vhodnih podatkov za odlocevalsko orodje, ki temelji na GIS, poleg tega omogocajo spremljanje ucinkovitosti posegov po njihovi izvedbi; • oblikovanje odlocevalskega orodja na podlagi modela ocene primernosti, ki temelji na obstojeci tehnologiji ter združuje predhodne podatkovne nize (npr. karte komu­nalne infrastrukture, podatke o gostoti prometa, vegeta­cijske karte, zakonodajo in prostorske modele) in doda­tno zbrane podatke (npr. o toplotnem udobju); izdelano orodje podpira odlocanje o uvedbi podnebno odzivnih vrtov v ulicno krajino; • dolocitev in vkljucitev glavnih prvin blaženja ucinkov podnebnih sprememb, kot so ozelenitev cestnih površin, kjer je to primerno in nujno, vpeljava decentraliziranega gospodarjenja s površinskimi vodami in zasaditev kako­vostnih avtohtonih rastlinskih vrst, ki niso zahtevne za vzdrževanje, podpirajo biotsko raznovrstnost in prispe­vajo k lepšemu mestnemu okolju. Nacrtna ozelenitev neprepustnih površin ali sprememba obsto­jecih zelenih površin v podnebno odzivne ulicne vrtove ima vec funkcij in pozitivnih vplivov: površje se naravno ohlaja, poskrbljeno je za trajnostno gospodarjenje s padavinsko vodo in ulicno odvodnjavanje, izboljšata se vidna in zvocna podoba ulice, javni prostor postane ljudem bolj všec, poveca pa se tudi biotska raznovrstnost obmocja. S stalnim merjenjem tempera­ture zraka, vlage in kolicine padavin s senzorsko tehnologijo, razvito posebej v ta namen, se lahko pozitivni vplivi podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov na bližnjo okolico tudi kvantitativno preverjajo, omenjeni podatki pa so ves cas dostopni v namen­sko razviti aplikaciji. 3 Rezultati V nadaljevanju so predstavljeni naslednji rezultati: • razvoj primernih senzorjev in aplikacije za zbiranje in šir­jenje podatkov o toplotnem udobju; – izdelava modela za oblikovanje odlocevalskega orodja, ki temelji na GIS; • opredelitev racunalniško podprte metode vkljucevanja gospodarjenja s površinskimi vodami; • dolocitev oblikovalskih meril za ustrezno zasaditev rastlin in uporabo prsti, prilagojenih izmenjavanju sušnih obdo­bij in obcasnih poplav ter zahtevnim urbanim pogojem (npr. onesnaženim površinskim vodam); • zagotovitev poskusne izvedbe opisanega vecfunkcional­nega pristopa na mestnem obmocju; • izdelava splošnega zemljevida obmocij z izrazitim tvega­njem za pregrevanje in poplavljanje ter vkljucitev zemlje­vida v prostorske akte. 3.1 Razvoj senzorjev za zbiranje podatkov o toplotnem udobju Pri razvoju senzorjev so avtorji proucevali možnosti za nepre­kinjeno in dolgorocno zbiranje podatkov o temperaturah. Z vidika stroškov se je vzpostavitev obsežne mreže senzorjev za zbiranje podatkov o temperaturah in vlagi izkazala za nepri­merno. Namesto tega so avtorji predlagali uporabo manjšega števila mobilnih senzorjev z GPS-sledilniki, ki omogocajo zbiranje podatkov na širšem obmocju. Senzorji bi se names­tili na motorna kolesa pismonoš ali drugih dostavljavcev, kar bi omogocilo redno zbiranje podatkov po celotnem mestu. Na svoja kolesa bi jih lahko namestili tudi prebivalci, kar bi zagotovilo dodaten vir podatkov, hkrati pa bi se med ljudmi povecalo zavedanje o podnebnih vplivih (slika 3). Trenutni prototip mobilnih senzorjev zbira podatke o tempe­raturi in vlažnosti zraka, ki sta pomembna kazalnika toplot­nega udobja na mestnih obmocjih (slika 4). Vgrajen ventilator omogoca enakomerno izmenjavo zraka z okolico in poveca na­tancnost merjenja. Meritve klasicnih senzorjev, ki so neposred­no izpostavljeni soncu, namrec ne pokažejo pravilne tempera­ture v izbranem prostoru. Podatki se prenašajo prek mobilnega telefonskega omrežja z uporabo tehnologije NB-IoT, ki je bila razvita za energijsko varcen prenos podatkov. Senzorji, ki jih napajajo baterije, lahko tako neprekinjeno zbirajo in prenašajo podatke v daljšem obdobju. Storitev NB-IoT je pri vecini po­nudnikov na voljo po ugodnih cenah. Prvi prototipi se že upo­rabljajo, podatki pa se urejajo v posebni aplikaciji (climapp), ki se lahko naloži na vsak pametni telefon. Rezultati so prikazani na prosto dostopnih spletnih ulicnih zemljevidih, na katerih so z razlicno barvo oznacene temperaturne razlike v ulicnem omrežju (zelena = hladno, rdeca/oranžna = vroce). Ta metoda omogoca poceni ter neprekinjeno in zanesljivo pridobivanje podatkov o toplotnem udobju, s katerimi se lahko posodablja omenjeno GIS-orodje. 3.2 Model GIS-orodja za presojo primernosti Mestna obmocja so zelo kompleksni sistemi, s svojo rastjo in vecjo gostoto pa postajajo še kompleksnejši. Za obvladovanje te kompleksnosti je bilo treba razviti metode, ki omogocajo ustrezno obdelavo zanesljivih in dodelanih prostorskih po­datkov, ki se sproti posodabljajo. Posledicno se cedalje bolj uporabljajo GIS, ki so bili razviti prav za obvladovanje kom­pleksnosti prostorskih podatkov in omogocajo obvešceno odlocanje na vseh podrocjih urejanja mestnega prostora. GIS so pomembni zato, ker na enem mestu združujejo ogromne kolicine podatkov, potrebnih za uravnoteženo dolocanje pred­nostnih nalog in reševanje raznih problemov, tudi za optimiza­cijo uvajanja novih zelenih površin. GIS so se že izkazali za uporabne pri dolocanju primernih lokacij za urejanje deževnih vrtov (Fuskova, 2017). Poenostavljen diagram na sliki 5 prikazuje predlagani model, ki združuje razlicne obstojece podatke (npr. karto komunalne infrastrukture, podatke o razmerju med višino stavb in širino ulic, stopnji neprepustnosti in prometnih tokovih ter standar­de, ki se nanašajo na dimenzioniranje cest) in dodatne podatke o toplotnem udobju, pridobljene z omenjenimi senzorji. Po­tem ko se zberejo ustrezni podatki, se izvede analiza prekrivanja obteženih kriterijev, s katero se na podlagi izbranih lastnosti dolocijo obmocja, primerna za ureditev zelenih površin kot ukrep odzivanja na podnebne spremembe. S to metodo lahko urbanisti ugotovijo, kje so ukrepi potrebni in kje jih je mogoce izvesti. Poleg tega omogoca sprejemanje usklajenih in infor­miranih odlocitev o ukrepih, povezanih z urejanjem zelenih površin, kar zagotavlja vecjo ucinkovitost izvedenih posegov, vecjo donosnost naložb in vecjo preglednost postopkov. 3.3 Vkljucitev podatkov, potrebnih za decentralizirano gospodarjenje s padavinsko vodo Spremembe v vodnem krogu so med kljucnimi posledicami cedalje vecje neprepustnosti površin (Shuster idr., 2005). Oze­lenjevanje neprepustnih mestnih površin omogoca, da se prst znova aktivira in hladi okolico z evapotranspiracijo, ki blaži ucinke mestnega toplotnega otoka. Poleg tega zmanjšuje vplive hudih nalivov, ki so prav tako posledica podnebnih sprememb. Ocena hidroloških procesov se nekoliko razlikuje od narave drugih vhodnih podatkov za odlocevalsko orodje, saj je treba na primer najprej izracunati vpliv padavin na urbani sistem. Vrsta izracuna je mocno odvisna od proucevanega obmocja in njegove prostorske zgradbe ter od cilja raziskave. Za oceno vod­ne bilance mestnega obmocja (Sprung idr., 2017) zadostujejo preprosta orodja, za oceno casovnega in prostorskega poteka mestnih poplav pa so potrebna napredna simulacijska orodja (Krebs idr., 2014a). Cilj raziskave je poleg tega neposredno povezan s potrebnimi podatki in pogosto je treba za hidrolo­ško presojo pred namestitvijo zelene infrastrukture in po njej uporabiti razna orodja za presojo (Krebs idr., 2013, Krebs idr., 2014b, Leimgruber idr., 2019). Rezultati opravljenih izracu­nov (npr. zemljevidi poplavnih obmocij) se nato uporabijo kot vhodni podatki za odlocevalsko orodje, na podlagi katerih se dolocijo najboljše lokacije in sestava tal za ureditev podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov. 3.4 Izbor primernih zasaditev za podnebno odzivne vrtove Niso vse zelene površine ustvarjene enako (Wood idr., 2018). V mestnem okolju ima pomembno vlogo tudi kakovost zelenih prostorov, ne samo njihova kolicina. Zelena infrastruktura v mestih mora izpolnjevati vec meril, povezanih z zasaditvami v javnem prostoru. Mestne zasaditve morajo biti privlacne na pogled in se morajo biti sposobne prilagajati zahtevnim pod­nebnim in drugim razmeram (visoke ali nizke temperature, promet, odpadki, prebivalci in hišni ljubljencki), hkrati pa morajo biti cim manj zahtevne za vzdrževanje, da oddelkom mestne uprave, ki imajo za ta namen malo financnih sredstev, ne povzrocajo še vec stroškov. Vse našteto je zelo težko zago­toviti, zaradi cesar so v preteklosti prevladovale monokulturne zasaditve, ki pa ne morejo vec izpolnjevati zahtev sodobnih mestnih zelenih površin. Na podlagi petdimenzionalnega modela, predstavljenega na sliki 2, imajo podnebno odzivni ulicni vrtovi naslednje glav­ne funkcije: • hlajenje in zagotavljanje sence; • omogocanje decentraliziranega gospodarjenja s površin­skimi vodami; • krepitev biotske raznovrstnosti v mestu; • izboljšanje zdravja in pocutja ljudi. Zasaditve, ki lahko izpolnjujejo vecino zgornjih meril, se zgle­dujejo po t. i. gramoznih vrtovih, na katere je širšo javnost naj­prej opozorila britanska vrtnarka Beth Chatto (2000). Ta je na enem najbolj sušnih obmocij Anglije brez urejenega namakanja ter s siromašno in zelo prepustno prstjo poskušala urediti vrt. To ji je tudi uspelo: ustvarila je slikovit vrt z bogato in privlacno mešanico rastlin, ki so odporne proti suši in jih ni treba nikoli zalivati. Njeno metodo posnemajo v številnih vrtovih po vsem svetu, cedalje bolj pa se prepoznavajo tudi njene prednosti pri zasaditvah v javnem prostoru (Fallast, 2018; slika 6). Razne rastlinske združbe v javnem prostoru so ponavljajoca se tema del številnih avtorjev (npr. Hitchmough, 2017, in Dunnett, 2019). Zlasti Dunnett (2019) je dokazal, da se estetika in vecja funkcionalnost, dosežena z zajetjem in zadrževanjem padavin­ske vode, nikakor ne izkljucujeta. Privlacno in za vzdrževanje nezahtevno alternativo klasicnim tratam je predstavil Smith (2019). Zahteva uporabo nizkih ali pritlikavih rastlinskih vrst (npr. pritlikave kamilice) ter združuje hortikulturno prakso in ekologijo. Koncni rezultat je trata brez trave, ki je ni treba kositi ali gnojiti. Na podlagi navedenih metod je bil izdelan seznam rastlin, ki izpolnjujejo glavne omenjene funkcije in vkljucujejo avtohtone vrste, kjer je to primerno. Seznam je podlaga za oblikovanje podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov ter je namenjen izvedbi in spremljanju v zacetnih študijah primera. Vsi zainteresirani ga lahko dobijo pri avtorjih, in to na podlagi pisne prošnje. Zaradi visoko prepustne zgradbe tal (razmerje peska in rodo­vitne zemlje je 50 : 50) je tovrstna zasaditev idealna za sisteme za gospodarjenje s padavinsko vodo (deževne vrtove). Ena glav­nih prednosti deževnih vrtov, bogatih z rastlinskimi vrstami, je ta, da zaradi koreninskega sistema lahko ohrani porozno zgradbo tal in s tem omogoca prosto odtekanje vode skozi plasti. Zaradi samouravnalne zmožnosti takšnih rastlinskih združb so deževni vrtovi nezahtevni za vzdrževanje in posle­dicno cenejši. Zeleni prostori, bogati z rastlinskimi vrstami, krepijo biotsko raznovrstnost na vseh ravneh, so privlacni ter izboljšujejo zdravje in pocutje mestnih prebivalcev (slika 7). 3.5 Poskusna uporaba sistema podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov Omenjena metoda se trenutno uporablja v okviru raziskoval­nega projekta KLAR (nem. Klima Anpassungsregionen), ki poteka v obcini Wolfsberg na avstrijskem Koroškem. Izbrana je bila zato, ker se ujema s ciljem projekta, tj. razviti in izva­jati metode za obvladovanje vplivov podnebnih sprememb na mestnih obmocjih. Z interdisciplinarno analizo, ki jo je pole­ti 2020 opravila delovna skupina, je bilo v neposredni bližini glavne železniške postaje v Wolfsbergu izbrano obmocje, na katerem bi lahko metodo ucinkovito izvedli v okviru pilot­nega projekta. Obmocje ima velik delež neprepustnih površin (95 %), zaradi temperatur, ki so med najvišjimi v okrožju, pa je izpostavljeno ucinkom mestnega toplotnega otoka. Hkrati je obmocje pred železniško postajo pomembno prometno voz­lišce in poslovno središce, ki bo z nacrtovanim dokoncanjem nove železniške proge Koralm leta 2025 postalo še pomemb­nejše. Izvedba pilotnega projekta je nacrtovana v letu 2021. Namešceno bo omrežje stacionarnih mobilnih senzorjev, ki bodo merili toplotno udobje pred izvedbo ukrepov in po njej. Zacetna faza projekta temelji na preobrazbi že obstojece zelene površine tik pred vhodom v železniško postajo v pri­bližno 200 m2 velik deževni vrt. Obmocje, izbrano za uredi­tev deževnega vrta, bo nekoliko spremenjeno, da bo lahko površinska voda odtekala v na novo urejena tla. Obstojeca monokulturna zasaditev bo zamenjana z mešanico trajnic in trave, pri cemer bodo uporabljene primerne avtohtone vrste, odporne proti suši in obcasnemu poplavljanju. Cilj je ohraniti sprejemljiv estetski videz ob hkratnem zagotavljanju cim vecje biotske raznovrstnosti v mestnem okolju. Ce bo izvedeni poseg uspešen, bo razširjen še na druga obmocja. Med izvajanjem projekta se bodo poleg tega spremljali tudi ucinki nove pros­torske ureditve (znižanje temperatur in sprejetost v javnosti). 4 Razprava in naslednji koraki Zacetni rezultati so prvi korak v razvoju metode in dajejo trd­no podlago za nadaljnji napredek. Jasno je, da je potrebnega še veliko dela za razvoj širše uporabnega sistema. Predvideni naslednji koraki so predstavljeni v nadaljevanju. Senzorji se lahko uporabljajo kot stacionarne ali mobilne eno­te. To v primerjavi s trenutno uveljavljenimi modeli, ki upo­rabljajo letalske posnetke ali posnetke, narejene z brezpilotnimi letalniki, omogocajo najvecjo prožnost pri cenovno ugodnem rednem zbiranju podatkov o toplotnem udobju (Soto-Estra­da idr., 2017). Glavna prednost predstavljenega sistema je ta, da zagotavlja neprekinjen dotok podatkov, kar omogoca celo­vitejši vpogled v spreminjajoce se lokalne podnebne razmere. Izkazalo se je, da potreba po namestitvi dodatne naprave na kolo ovira bolj razširjeno uporabo. Dodatna pomanjkljivost je, da trenutni modul ni odporen proti vremenskim vplivom, kar onemogoca njegovo stalno namestitev. Prihodnji razvoj se mora torej osredotociti na vkljucitev senzorja med dodatke za kolesa, kot je na primer zvonec, ali pa njegovo integracijo v okvir kolesa. Ob nizki ravni napolnjenosti baterije je bila opažena manjša izguba podatkov, zato je v prihodnje nacrtovan razvoj modula na soncne celice, ki bo omogocal neprekinje­no uporabo brez polnjenja. Upravi avstrijske Štajerske je bila poslana prošnja za subvencioniranje razvoja takšnega modula, ki je trenutno v fazi pregleda. Podatki so za zdaj prikazani na prosto dostopnih spletnih ulicnih zemljevidih. Naslednji korak v razvoju modula bo zagotovitev natancnejšega ogleda ali zu­miranja na ulicno krajino za dolocitev tocnega izvora meritev, kar pa zahteva bolj dodelan pristop k oblikovanju informacij. Osnovni model GIS-orodja za odlocanje je že oblikovan in bo preizkušen v naslednjem koraku. Izziv bo združevanje he­terogenih podatkov številnih deležnikov v koherenten model. Podatki o toplotnem udobju, zbrani z mobilnimi ali stacio­narnimi senzorji, ne bodo težava, saj se lahko zahtevam orodja prilagodijo že pri viru. Standardizirana oblika zasaditve je bila izbrana na podlagi za­htev o estetskem videzu, biotski raznovrstnosti in odpornosti ter na podlagi izsledkov o rastlinah za gramozne vrtove, ki niso zahtevne za vzdrževanje, in tehnologije deževnih vrtov. V naslednjem koraku se bo preverjala primernost rastlinskih združb za uporabo na ulici. Terensko preverjanje bo potekalo dve do tri rastne sezone, da se lahko rastline dobro ukoreninijo. Proucevali se bodo odpornost rastlin proti daljšim obdobjem izpostavljenosti visokim temperaturam in pomanjkanju pada­vin, pogostost potreb po vzdrževalnih posegih, odziv na ones­naženje površinske vode zaradi prometa in zimskega posipanja ulic s soljo ter privlacnost zasaditve in njena posledicna spreje­tost med ljudmi. Nacrtovana je tudi ekološka presoja vplivov na biotsko raznovrstnost na izbranem obmocju (tj. raznolikost in število opraševalnih žuželk). Na podlagi dobljenih rezulta­tov bo nacin zasaditve ustrezno izboljšan. Sodobna hidrološka in hidrodinamicna simulacijska orodja omogocajo oblikovanje in proucevanje decentraliziranih na­ravi prijaznih strategij gospodarjenja s padavinskimi vodami na razlicnih mestnih ravneh, od manjših deževnih vrtov do strategij na ravni celotnega mesta. Pomemben dejavnik je ce­dalje vecja razpoložljivost prostorskih in hidrometeoroloških podatkov, na podlagi katerih se lahko ovrednotita ucinkovitost in uspešnost strategij gospodarjenja s padavinskimi vodami. Rezultati hidrološke in hidrodinamicne simulacije so se izka­zali za kljucne vhodne podatke za odlocevalsko orodje GIS. V okviru poskusnega projekta v mestecu Wolfsberg so bili podnebno odzivni ulicni vrtovi prvic opredeljeni kot nacin vkljucevanja obcutno širše funkcionalnosti v neposredno odzi­vanje na razne izzive, ki jih mestu povzrocajo podnebne spre­membe, kot je to obicajno pri vecini obstojece zelene mestne infrastrukture. Zato je smiselno, da se pojem vrt v pomenu vidne zasaditve kot estetske in hladilne prvine razširi tudi na nevidni prispevek podzemnih plasti, ki so oblikovane tako, da opravljajo raznovrstne pomembne funkcije v mestnem okolju. Poleg tega podnebno odzivni ulicni vrtovi ozavešcajo ljudi o pomenu zelene infrastrukture z vidika dolgorocnega zagotavl­janja biotske raznovrstnosti ter telesnega in duševnega zdravja. So pravi mestni zeleni sistem (Wallace, 1990), ki deluje na vseh ravneh. Pomemben vidik spremljanja ucinkov izvedenega posega je tudi dolocitev ravni javne sprejetosti tovrstne vecfunkcional­ne zelene infrastrukture in ugotavljanje, ali dodatna funkcio­nalnost, ki omogoca neposredno prilagajanje na podnebne spremembe, lahko vpliva na vecjo javno podporo. Ureditev podnebno odzivnih ulicnih vrtov ustvarja dodano vrednost razlicnim vidikom sedanjega in prihodnjega mestnega življen­ja. Na podlagi integriranih nacel urejanja zelene infrastrukture (Monteiro idr., 2020) predstavljeni pristop omogoca optimal­no in trajnostno uporabo virov, kot sta prostor in voda, saj razbremenjuje mestne sisteme za ravnanje z odpadno vodo, kar zmanjšuje neposredne stroške in šciti naravne vodotoke. Ponuja samouravnalno in za vzdrževanje nezahtevno rešitev blaženja vplivov podnebnih sprememb, pri cemer z uporabo zasaditev, prilagojenih razmeram na izbranem obmocju in bo­gatih z rastlinskimi vrstami, povecuje biotsko raznovrstnost v mestu (Mody idr., 2020). Prostorska preureditev ulice z vkljucitvijo zelene infrastrukture v tej obliki lahko krepi tudi psihološko pocutje na podlagi uporabe nacel hortikulturne terapije v javnem prostoru (Ulrich, 1984; Kaplan in Kaplan, 1989) in spodbuja aktivno mobilnost (hojo in kolesarjenje) v privlacnejšem okolju, ki ga ustvarjajo nove zelene površine (Fallast, 2017; Dunnett, 2019). Poleg tega javnemu prostoru omogoca, da ustvari svojo identiteto (Pansinger, 2019). Navedeni pristop dokazuje še, da velika mesta ne potrebujejo vedno samo velikih projektov. Pogosto prav manjši projekti, kot so urbane akupunkture, povzrocajo pomembne spremem­be in omogocajo inovacije (slika 8). 5 Sklep Vecfunkcionalni podnebno odzivni ulicni vrtovi so namenjeni predvsem preureditvi ulicne krajine (tj. javnega prostora). V zacetni fazi naj bi se urejali zlasti na asfaltnih obmocjih cest, ki niso namenjena motoriziranemu prometu (tj. v mrtvih co­nah brez posebne prometne funkcije), da bi jih javnost cim lažje sprejela. Pomemben del procesa je tudi ozavešcanje ljudi o tem, da cest ne bi smeli dojemati samo kot cestno povezavo, ampak bi jih morali razumeti in uporabljati kot javni prostor in temeljno dobrino mestnih ekosistemov. Cilj pristopa, predstavljenega v clanku, je zato ponuditi inova­tivno rešitev na podlagi oblikovanja sistematicnega postopka izvajanja zelenih posegov v javnem mestnem prostoru z upo­rabo: • orodja za oceno primernosti, ki temelji na GIS in združu­je vse podatke, potrebne za izbor lokacije in vrste zelene infrastrukture; • vecfunkcionalnega pristopa ter interdisciplinarne in tran­sdisciplinarne metode izvajanja ukrepov za blaženje vpli­vov podnebnih sprememb; • mobilnih senzorjev z GPS-sledenjem za zbiranje podat­kov o mikroklimi, ki se nato vnesejo v orodje za pre­sojo primernosti, kar omogoca poceni in neprekinjeno spremljanje dinamicnih mestnih mikroklim; navedeno se razlikuje od trenutnega ad hoc pristopa k uvajanju zele­nih prostorov v mestno okolje kot nacina obvladovanja vplivov podnebnih sprememb; • prožnega sistema, ki zadovoljuje potrebe že izoblikova­nega mestnega tkiva, ki je pogosto podrejeno strogim prostorskim predpisom in prostorsko omejeno; navedeni sistem ponuja prožne in ucinkovite zelene posege (zelene akupunkture), ki lahko na ustrezen nacin pozitivno vpli­vajo na lokalne podnebne razmere. 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(2020): Analysis of the thermal en­vironment in pedestrian space using 3D thermal imaging. Energies, 13(14), 3674. DOI: 10.3390/en13143674 Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Slika 1: Skupno soncno obsevanje na vodoravnih in navpicnih povr­šinah z razlicno usmeritvijo v Istanbulu (vir: Kaynakli, 2011) Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi Slika 2: Petdimenzionalni model (vir: avtorji) M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL b c a Slika 3: (a) Senzorji NB-IoT, namešceni na motorna ali navadna kolesa, sestavljajo mobilno omrežje za neprekinjeno in poceni zbiranje podatkov o toplotnem udobju v javnem prostoru; (b) senzorji NB-IoT se lahko uporabljajo na katerem koli kolesu; (c) temperaturne razlike v razponu 2–3 °C, oznacene na cestnem zemljevidu v temno in svetlo sivih odtenkih (vir: avtorji) Slika 4: Prototip senzorja, ki omogoca mobilno zbiranje podatkov o lokalnem podnebju (vir: avtorji) Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi 1. faza analize Kje je zelena infrastruktura potrebna? – dolocanje MTO na podlagi podatkov o toplotnem udobju – ocena verjetnosti hudourniških poplav 2. faza analize Kje je ureditev zelene infrastrukture tehnicno mogoca in primerna? – hidrološka analiza – karta komunalne infrastrukture – register dreves in druge vegetacije – usmeritev cest (proti severu ali jugu) – razmerje med višino stavb in širino ulic – stopnja prekritosti tal Razlivna površina Vrhnja plast tal Spodnja plast Hlajenje okolice in zajem toplote Slika 5: GIS-orodje za presojo primernosti obmocij za umešcanje vecfunkcionalnih ulicnih vrtov v mestni prostor (vir: avtorji) M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi Slika 6: Zahteve sodobnih mestnih zasaditev: visoka estetska vred­nost, biotska raznovrstnost in nezahtevno vzdrževanje (vir: avtorji) Razlivna površina Vrhnja plast tal Spodnja plast Hlajenje okolice in zajem toplote Slika 7: V gramoznih vrtovih so tla dobro prepustna, kar omogoca hitro odtekanje površinske vode (vir: avtorji) M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi a b Slika 8: (a) Prostor pred glavno železniško postajo v Wolfsbergu; (b) prikaz istega prostora, preurejenega v vecfunkcionalen podnebno odziven ulicni vrt (vir: avtorji) M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Sistematicna preureditev mestnih ulic: prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam z vecfunkcionalnimi podnebno odzivnimi ulicnimi vrtovi UDK: 711.5:001.891.32:004 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-01-005 Prejeto: 5. 3. 2021 Sprejeto: 28. 4. 2021 Marjan HOCEVAR Tomaž BARTOL Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih V znanstvenih clankih se mesta obicajno pojavljajo kot teme (predmeti ali akterji) ali kraji (obmocja, destinaci­je, lokacije in prostori) raziskav. Proucevanje splošnejših vzorcev je redkejše, saj se raziskave obicajno osredotocajo na posamezna mesta. Avtorja z znanstvenim kartiranjem, ki temelji na podatkih bibliografske zbirke Scopus in programskem orodju za vizualizacijo Vosviewer, proucu­jeta objave, povezane z raziskavami mest, v znanstvenih revijah in na razlicnih tematskih podrocjih, da bi ugo­tovila, kako se razlicne funkcije mest odražajo v znan­stvenih revijah. Za modele uporabita primerljiva glavna mesta držav clanic Evropske unije (Berlin, Madrid, Rim in Varšavo). Izsledki kažejo zelo podobne vzorce pri vseh mestih, pri cemer so najpogostejše objave v nacionalnih in regionalnih revijah. Vecina raziskav poteka na treh glav­nih znanstvenih podrocjih: 1. v družboslovju in humanis­tiki, 2. v medicini in 3. v naravoslovju (okoljske vede, vede o Zemlji in drugih planetih ter biotehniške in biološke vede). Prvotno so prevladovale raziskave s podrocja me­dicine, v zadnjem casu pa so najpogostejše družboslovne študije. Ceprav ugotovljena razmerja med znanstvenimi podrocji temeljijo na razlicnih revijah, so primerljiva za vsa mesta, na njihovi podlagi pa se lahko presojajo mesta podobne velikosti. Raziskava je bila opravljena tik pred izbruhom pandemije koronavirusne bolezni (covid-19), na podlagi njenih izsledkov pa bi lahko primerjali razis­kovalne vzorce pred pandemijo in po njej, saj se bodo lahko raziskave, povezane z mesti, zaradi pandemije v prihodnosti spremenile. Kljucne besede: mesta, znanstveno kartiranje, razisko­valna podrocja, bibliometrija, vizualizacija 1 Uvod V znanstvenih clankih imajo mesta pomembno vlogo. Obicaj­no se pojavljajo v razlicnih kontekstih: kot del proucevanega podrocja (npr. kulture, geografije, zgodovine, medicine ali urbanizma), kot kraji ali tipološko opredeljena obmocja (npr. prestolnice, azijska mesta ali pametna mesta) ali v metafo­ricnem smislu (npr. mesto kot laboratorij, omrežje, podjetje, ucilnica ali platforma). Tako so lahko tema raziskav, pri cemer lahko nastopajo kot akterji, znamke, študije primera, primeri, gonila, eksperimenti, dejavniki, orodja itd. ali pa se pojavljajo kot kraji, v zvezi s katerimi poteka posamezna raziskava (des­tinacije, lokacije, kraji dogajanja, prizorišca, prostori itd.). Namen clanka ni teoretizirati o tem, kako se mesta znanstve­no proucujejo. V okviru idejnega ozadja empiricne raziskave, predstavljene v clanku, avtorja zgolj predpostavljata, da se ce­dalje vecja kompleksnost prepletanja družbenih, prostorskih, okoljskih in tehnoloških dejavnikov kaže tako v heterogenosti analiz kot v poskusih njihovega združevanja. Navedeno vel­ja zlasti za urbanisticne in regionalne raziskave konkretnih, splošnih in primerjalnih znacilnosti urbanega (Hocevar, 2005; Cox in Evenhuis, 2020). Meje med obravnavo predmeta, sub­jekta in teme so lahko zelo zabrisane. Tako se lahko na primer zelo heterogeni živi akterji v mestu, kot so nacrtovalci, poli­tiki, umetniki, podjetniki, raziskovalci in mediji, obravnavajo skupaj z neživimi prvinami, kot so zemljišca, muzeji, tovarne, publikacije in raziskave. Tako subjekti kot predmeti mesta ali v mestu, ne glede na naslov avtorjeve ustanove, vplivajo na oblikovanje mreže funkcij ali povezav in s tem delujejo kot akterji. Za grobo ponazoritev tovrstnega prepletanja se avtorja naslanjata na raziskovalne poglede, ki temeljijo na epistemolo­škem izhodišcu teorije akterjev in omrežij (ang. Actor-Network Theory), v okviru katere se analizirajo povezave med entitetami in njihovimi sestavnimi deli (Latour, 2005; Brenner idr., 2011; Gutzmer, 2016). Cloveški in necloveški akterji ali aktanti delujejo skupaj, kar se izraža v zunanjih povezavah. Po drugi strani se mnogi empiricni clanki osredotocajo na po­samezna mesta, pri cemer obravnavajo tocno dolocene teme, kot so kulturne dejavnosti, gospodarstvo, okolje, hrana in pre­hrana, zdravje in bolezni, zgodovina, onesnaževanje, turizem, promet, mestno gozdarstvo in morfologija mest. Številne razis­kave se osredotocajo na konkretna mesta ali skupine mest istega tipa, z mestom kot obmocjem proucevanja pa se ukvarja bolj malo raziskav, ce pa že, je obravnava dvoumna. Izraz »laborato­rij« se na primer uporablja za mesto kot kraj raziskave, hkrati pa tudi za vrsto terenske raziskave (Karvonen in Heur, 2014). Po mestih se lahko imenujejo celo raziskovalne paradigme, kot je na primer cikaška šola (urbane) sociologije (Gieryn, 2006; Guggenheim, 2012). V okviru teorije akterjev in omrežij se mesto kot laboratorij pojavlja kot aktant, naj gre za metaforo ali konkretno in resnicno obmocje. Pametna mesta in trajnost­nost mest se kot teme proucujejo tudi s kvantitativnimi bib­liometricnimi metodami (Ingwersen in Serrano-López, 2018; Wang idr., 2019; Marvuglia idr., 2020), vendar ne na podlagi konkretnih mest. Kadi (2019) je v raziskavo vkljucil vse evro­pske prestolnice in se osredotocil na njihovo gentrifikacijo. Berlin, Rim in Madrid (predmeti raziskave v tem clanku) so bili prouceni v kontekstu zgodovine (Therborn, 2002; Gomez idr., 2018) in znamcenja mest (de Rosa idr., 2019) ter v razis­kavi deleža znanstvenih objav v najvecjih svetovnih urbanih aglomeracijah (Grossetti idr., 2014). Raziskovalna podrocja, povezana z mesti, so dolocali Nunes in sodelavci (2019), ki so za to uporabili sistem Web of Science. Mesta se kot glavne teme raziskav najpogosteje obravnava­jo v družboslovju, na tem podrocju so bile s primerjalnimi študijami razvite številne kvantitativne in kvalitativne pri­merjalne metode (Ward, 2010), s katerimi se v primerjalnih raziskavah (Robinson, 2011) vcasih poskušajo uravnotežiti številne razlike (npr. v bogastvu, geografski legi in politicnih sistemih). Mesta se poleg tega proucujejo v vedah o življenju, kot so vede o rastlinah in okoljske vede (npr. Berlin; Sukopp, 2008), ali v okviru raziskav o podnebnih razmerah (Lamb idr., 2019). Podrocja urbanisticnih raziskav, ki jih je v študiji prepoznala Raynorjeva (2019), so bila ožja in izcrpnejša (vkl­jucevala so tudi okoljske dejavnike in naravne vire), vendar so navedene raziskave temeljile samo na avstralskih mestih. Obsežnejše primerjave mest so redke. V informatiki (npr. v bibliometriji in znanstvenem kartiranju) se mesta najpogoste­je obravnavajo v smislu dolocanja naslova avtorjeve ustanove in metropolitanskih enot, regij, držav itd. (Bartol in Hocevar 2005; Frenken idr., 2009; Matthiessen idr., 2010). Maisonobe in sodelavci (2017) so proucevali svetovna mesta v kontek­stu znanstvenih objav in znanstvenih podrocij. Bornmann in de Moya-Anegon (2019) sta nemška mesta proucevala z vidika koncentracije znanstvenih dejavnosti. Raziskovalci so poleg tega proucevali znanstveno sodelovanje med mesti in ustanovami (Leydesdorff in Persson, 2010) in število objav po posameznih mestih o razlicnih temah, kot je globalizacija mest (Kanai idr., 2018). Razlicni konteksti mest, obravnavani v knjigi The Rise of the Network Society (Castells, 1996), so bili analizirani z metodami merjenja znanosti (Zhen idr., 2020). Posamezne teme se pogosto kartirajo z uporabo program­skih orodij za vizualizacijo (npr. Vosviewer, CitNetExplorer, CiteSpace ali Pajek). Hajdukova (2017) je na ta nacin pro­ucevala mestno logistiko. Z vizualizacijo so bili prikazani grozdi razlicnih idejnih šol pri proucevanju razmerij med mesti (Peris idr., 2018). Mesta kot primarna obmocja znanja so bila analizirana tudi z vidika produkcije intelektualne last­nine ali patentov (Kogler idr., 2018). V raziskavah s podrocja medicine in javnega zdravja so bila mesta proucena z vidika staranja prebivalstva (de Oliveira idr., 2019; Xiang idr., 2020). Razlicne bibliografske prvine v publikacijah (država, revija, besede v naslovih, avtorske kljucne besede itd.) so bile vizu­alizirane na podrocju okoljskih ved (ekološke infrastrukture mest; Sun idr., 2020). Xing in Brimblecombe (2020) sta izraze, povezane z drevesi in parki v mestu, kartirala v obliki groz­dov. Nekateri raziskovalci so analizirali pogostost proucevanja ustvarjalnih mest v vodilnih znanstvenih publikacijah (Rodri­gues in Franco, 2020), drugi so pri analizi uporabljali kljucne besede clankov, kot so »urbano«, »mesto« ali »mesta« (Kir­by, 2012). Mogoci so tudi pristopi, ki temeljijo na masovnih podatkih, vendar je treba te podatke interpretirati na podlagi ustreznega znanja (Zook idr., 2019). V clanku so mesta proucena in primerjana z vidika funkcij, ki jih imajo na razlicnih podrocjih znanstvenih objav. Dodaten razlog za raziskavo je bil izbruh pandemije koronavirusne bo­lezni (covid-19), vendar v raziskavi (še) niso upoštevani cita­ti, povezani s covidom, saj je od izbruha preteklo še premalo casa (manj kot leto). Namesto tega je cilj prouciti raziskovalne vzorce pred pandemijo, na podlagi cesar bi se lahko v prihodnje izvedle kompleksnejše primerjalne študije. Številne dosedanje kvantitativne raziskave v povezavi z mesti so se osredotocale predvsem na mesto kot kraj ali naslov avtorjeve ustanove, kar pa o mestu in njegovih funkcijah ne pove prav veliko. Namen raziskave, predstavljene v tem clanku, je prouciti mesto kot obmocje raziskave ali kot raziskovalno temo ali pa oboje hkra­ti. Posledicno avtorja ne proucujeta mesta kot kraj, naveden kot naslov avtorja v bibliografiji, ampak kot akter. Primerjata podobna mesta v vec državah, da bi ugotovila vzporednice, ki morebiti presegajo domnevne razlike med njimi. Njuna hipo­teza je, da ceprav proucevana mesta spadajo v zelo razlicne geo­grafske in jezikovne kontekste in so se skozi zgodovino razlicno razvijala, so teme raziskav, povezane z njimi, zelo podobne. Predpostavljata, da se to ne kaže samo v izbiri kanalov znan­stvenih objav in podobnem razmerju med objavami v nacional­nih in mednarodnih znanstvenih revijah, ampak tudi v temah, ki jih raziskovalci proucujejo. Navedeno hipotezo preverjata z analizo bibliografskih in besedilnih podatkov. Izhodišce za raziskavo so bibliografski podatki (vzorci rasti v vec desetletjih, naslovi revij, jeziki, soavtorstvo in država/naslov avtorjeve ustanove), pri cemer se lahko osnovni vzorci podobnosti presojajo na podlagi podatkov o založnikih. Nave­deno je treba dopolniti s presojo porazdelitve po posameznih raziskovalnih podrocjih. V tem pogledu je predhodna pilotna analiza pokazala premik k družboslovju in humanistiki, ki je znacilen za vsa proucevana mesta. Dogajanje na posameznih znanstvenih podrocjih lahko na­tancneje dolocimo z uporabo naprednih vizualizacijskih programskih orodij, s katerimi oblikujemo zemljevide na podlagi besedilnih podatkov. Avtorja tako dolocita znacilne grozde raziskovalnih tem in morebitne medsebojne povezave ter razvoj skozi cas, na podlagi katerega podkrepita predhod­ne izsledke, pridobljene na podlagi bibliografskih podatkov. Ugotovljeni vzorci so zelo podobni pri vseh mestih, ne glede na morebitne zelo razlicne poti objavljanja (tj. razlicne revije). 2 Gradivo in metoda Predhodna pilotna analiza je razkrila pomemben delež clankov, povezanih z mesti, v nacionalnih in regionalnih znanstvenih revijah (tudi v nacionalnih jezikih). Zato sta avtorja za raziska­vo raje izbrala podatkovno zbirko Scopus namesto zbirke Web of Science (WOS), ceprav je bil v osrednjo zbirko WOS pred kratkim vkljucen indeks ESCI (ang. Emerging Sources Citation Index), ki podpira razvoj regionalnih in specializiranih založb. Za vizualizacijo in grozdenje sta avtorja uporabila programsko orodje Vosviewer. Analiza je vkljucevala vse clanke, objavljene do vkljucno leta 2019 (ukaz v Scopusu: pubyear < 2020). Ana­liza besedilnih podatkov je obsegala povzetke clankov. Polje z naslovom ni bilo uporabljeno, saj vsebuje tako prevedeni naslov (v anglešcini) kot naslov v izvirnem jeziku, pri cemer besede iz izvirnih naslovov popacijo vizualizacijo. Pri iskanju v Scopusu sta uporabljala angleški jezik. Predmet raziskave so bila izbrana evropska mesta. Zaradi zelo razlicnih velikosti mest je bilo smiselno primerjati ne samo mesta enake velikosti, ampak tudi vecja mesta, ki imajo obi­cajno vec povezav (Levinson, 2012). Da bi vizualizacije lahko razkrile uporabne grozde, je potrebno tudi zadostno število bibliografskih zapisov. Pregledana so bila vecja mesta s pri­bližno milijon prebivalci ali vec. London, Pariz in Moskva so bili izloceni, saj so precej vecji in bi bilo zato bolje, da se pri­merjajo posebej. Težava je bila tudi dvoumnost: ali se ime res nanaša na izbrano mesto ali morda samo na pojav, postopek ali pojem, poimenovan po tem mestu? Po svetu je na primer najmanj 15 mest z imenom Berlin ali Rome (Pouliquen idr., 2006). Zagato sta avtorja rešila tako, da sta v iskalni niz skupaj z imenom mesta vkljucila tudi ime ustrezne države (tako v samostalniški kot pridevniški obliki). Zgodi pa se lahko, da celoten clanek opisuje neko mesto, njegov povzetek (ali kljucne besede) pa ne vkljucujejo imena države, kar je omejitev. Pos­topek vkljucevanja imen držav se vseeno dosledno uporablja, saj so imena držav nedvoumna (Volz idr., 2007) in povecajo natancnost iskanja (Overell in Rüger, 2008). Po enakih nacelih sta avtorja primerjala tudi najvecja ali glav­na mesta v Evropski uniji: Amsterdam, Atene, Berlin, Bruselj, Budimpešto, Bukarešto, Dunaj, Křbenhavn, Madrid, Prago, Rim, Stockholm in Varšavo. Tako sta pri iskanju za vsako mesto navedla tudi ustrezno ime države v samostalniški in pridev­niški obliki. Obicajno sta bila dva izraza dovolj, izjeme pa so bile na primer pri Nizozemski in Danski (Holland, Dutch, Netherlands; Denmark, Danish, Dane). Na koncu sta izbrala vsa (glavna) mesta, za katera sta v preseku z državo našla vec kot 2.000 znanstvenih clankov ali preglednih znanstvenih clankov. Mesta, ki so ustrezala iskalnim merilom, so bila Berlin, Mad­rid, Rim (Rome) in Varšava (Warsaw; preglednica 1). Njihovi demografski podatki tukaj niso navedeni, ker so na razpolago v številnih podatkovnih virih (npr. internet 1). Na podlagi raz­licnih tipologij mest (mesta kot upravne enote, funkcionalna urbana obmocja, metropolitanska obmocja itd.) imajo Berlin, Madrid in Rim dokaj primerljive demografske podatke in so podobne velikosti (odvisno od tipologije), Varšava pa je neko­liko manjša. Navedena mesta so bila podobno razvršcena tudi v drugih raziskavah (npr. Csomos, 2017; Hanna in Rowley, 2019). V preglednici 1 so poleg številk, pomembnih za raziska­vo (mesto IN država), navedene tudi vse pojavitve imen mest (drugi stolpec: Skupaj). Berlin se na primer pojavi v naslovu 11.700 clankov, Rome pa v naslovu 7.200 clankov. Pri imenih Madrid in Warsaw je delež manjši. Ime Berlin ima pogosto zgolj figurativno zgodovinsko ali politicno konota­cijo – na primer v besedni zvezi Berlin wall (Berlinski zid), ime Rome pa se pogosto nanaša na antiko. Zato pri iskanju ne zadostuje zgolj navedba imena mesta, saj je lahko uporabljeno metonimicno ali pa ima lahko vec pomenov. Avtorja sta poleg tega proucila tudi vecja mesta, ki niso glav­na mesta. Pri Münchnu in Hamburgu sta odkrila dobrih 1.000 clankov, pri Milanu pa približno 1.270. Za izvirno ita­lijansko obliko imena Milano sta našla še dodatne zapise, pri cemer se zdi, da se izvirna oblika imena tudi mednarodno ce­dalje bolj uveljavlja. Navedeno pa ne velja za Rim (Roma), saj se v anglešcini izraz Roma uporablja izkljucno za ime etnicne skupine. Za Barcelono, ki se pogosto pojavlja v znanstvenih publikacijah, sta našla skoraj 2.500 clankov (v iskalnem ukazu sta uporabila tudi samostalnik Catalonia in pridevnik Cata­lan), vendar jo v koncno raziskavo nista vkljucila, ker sta v njej upoštevala samo eno mesto za vsako državo. Raje sta izbrala Madrid, saj je bil kot prestolnica bolj primerljiv z drugimi tremi glavnimi mesti. 3 Rezultati in razprava 3.1 Letna rast števila clankov Število clankov narašca enakomerno z dolocenimi nihanji (sli­ka 1). Pred letom 1960 je bilo clankov, povezanih s proucevani­mi mesti, malo. Najbolj je naraslo število clankov, ki se nanašajo na Madrid. Varšava in Berlin kažeta na zacetku podoben trend rasti, nato se pri Varšavi pojavi upad, pri Berlinu pa porast, stanje pa se pri obeh stabilizira (navzgor) šele na zacetku devet­desetih let 20. stoletja, kar je najverjetneje posledica politicnih sprememb v Srednji in Vzhodni Evropi. Nekoc razdeljeni Berlin se pojavlja v clankih, objavljenih v obeh nekdanjih nemških državah: v Zvezni republiki Nem­ciji (Zahodni Nemciji) in Nemški demokraticni repub­liki (Vzhodni Nemciji). Ker je v Scopusu malo podatkov o državah ali so ti pomanjkljivi (obravnavano v nadaljevanju), natancnega kraja izdaje ni mogoce dolociti. Kot je razvidno iz naslovov revij (preglednica 2), visoko število clankov sredi osemdesetih let 20. stoletja ni posledica posebnih dogodkov, saj jih vecina spada na podrocje medicine. Podobno velja za Varšavo, pri cemer je še vedno nizko število clankov v zadn­jem desetletju najverjetneje posledica gospodarskih razmer in manjšega proracuna, ki ga imajo raziskovalni inštituti na voljo za raziskave in razvoj v državah v tranziciji (Odrobina, 2016). 3.2 Revije in clanki Podatki, predstavljeni v nadaljevanju, se nanašajo na vse clanke v Scopusu, objavljene do vkljucno leta 2019 (ukaz: pubyear < 2020). Pri revijah se kažejo mocni nacionalni vzorci. Pri prvih petih revijah glede na število objavljenih clankov o posameznih mestih jih ima vecina naslov v izvirnem jeziku, ceprav mnoge objavljajo tudi clanke v anglešcini. Poleg tega jih vecina spada na podrocje medicine (preglednica 2). Naslovi revij v pregled­nici 2 so navedeni tako kot v Scopusu. Na sliki 2 so prikazane revije, v katerih so bili objavljeni vsaj štirje clanki o proucevanih mestih. Pet glavnih revij (pregled­nica 2) je na zacetku (na levi strani) osi x. Število clankov na revijo hitro pada. Dolg rep revij, v katerih so bili objavljeni trije, dva ali samo en clanek, ni prikazan. Tovrstni obratno sorazmerni vzorci so zelo podobni pri vseh mestih in jasno kažejo znacilnosti potencnih zakonov, odkriti pa so bili tudi pri drugih procesih, odvisnih od skalirnih funkcij velikosti mesta (Bettencourt idr., 2007). Avtorja sta preverila tudi vzorce pri citiranju. Revije iz iste jezikovne skupine dokaj pogosto citirajo podobne revije. Vpliv geografske lege in oddaljenosti na pretok znanja so potrdi­le tudi druge raziskave (Pan idr., 2012; Abramo idr., 2020). Avtorja sta predvidevala, da je to posledica proucevane teme: mesto se je pojavilo v naslovu clanka in je bilo zato pomembno v tocno dolocenem geografskem kontekstu. Vprašanje pa je, ali je bila zastopanost revij enakomerna cez vsa leta. 3.3 Država in mesto kot naslov avtorjeve ustanove ter jezik clankov Avtorji približno polovice clankov so prihajali iz države, v ka­teri je posamezno proucevano mesto (preglednica 3). Poleg tega so 80–90 % clankov, objavljenih v teh državah, napisali avtorji, ki so prihajali iz proucevanega mesta. Kljub temu so povsod na drugem in tretjem mestu avtorji iz ZDA in Velike Britanije. Podobna prevlada ameriških in britanskih avtorjev je bila ugotovljena tudi v nekaterih drugih raziskavah (Okorie idr., 2014). Vecina clankov je bila objavljena v nacionalnih re­vijah, vendar se v zadnjem casu cedalje vec clankov objavlja v tujih revijah. Kljub temu nacionalne revije še vedno zasedajo prvo mesto. Delež nacionalnih jezikov pada, saj povsod pre­vladuje anglešcina. Informacije o državi, iz katere prihaja avtor, niso navedene v vseh clankih. Številke za Poljsko bi morale biti precej višje. Za mnoge izmed 1.206 clankov v poljšcini namrec država izdaje ni znana. Navedene omejitve so bile ugotovljene tudi za WOS (Liu idr., 2018), vendar so v Scopusu precej opaznejše, zlasti pri starejših dokumentih. Izpustitev imena države je pre­cej vecja težava kot pa izpustitev podatka o jeziku (Jacsó, 2009). Avtorja sta poleg tega ugotovila pomanjkljivosti pri podatkih o mestu kot naslovu avtorjeve ustanove. Z iskalnim ukazom affiliation-city (naslov avtorjeve ustanove-mesto) nista mogla pravilno dolociti mesta, zato sta morala namesto tega uporabiti ukaz affiliation, ki vrne celoten naslov. Soavtorske povezave niso zelo mocne (slika 3). Šibke soavtorske povezave med evropskimi državami so odkrili tudi Jokic in sodelavci (2019). Kljub temu so ZDA in Združeno kraljestvo (ZK) podobno povezani z vsemi državami, kar po­meni, da se prikaz ujema s številkami v preglednici 3. Clanki iz Španije so v povprecju novejši (oznaceni s temnejšimi odtenki), iz Poljske pa starejši (svetlejši odtenki), kar se ujema s podatki na sliki 1. Za Nemcijo sta morala avtorja izdelati tezaver, da sta lahko povezala razlicne variante. Tako sta v iskalno polje »država« vkljucila tudi izraze ddr (Deutsche Demokratische Republik), frg (Federal Republic of Germany) in west ger (West Germany). 3.4 Tematska podrocja Avtorja sta želela ugotoviti, kako se letna rast števila clan­kov (slika 1) kaže na razlicnih raziskovalnih podrocjih. Za razlicna znanstvena podrocja so namrec znacilni razlicni vzorci objav, zato sta tudi revije kartirala v okviru 27 temat­skih podrocij v Scopusu. Vzorci razpršenosti so bili neverjetno podobni, saj je bilo vseh pet prvih kategorij pri vseh mestih enakih. Prevladuje medicina, sledi pa ji družboslovje. Podatkov o raziskovalnih podrocjih ne smemo prevec posploševati, saj lahko revija spada na vec podrocij ali na drugacna podrocja, kot bi bilo pricakovati (Hocevar in Bartol, 2016). Slika 4 na podlagi letne rasti razkriva podrobne vzorce: pri vseh mestih je medicino prehitelo družboslovje. Cedalje pomembnejša postaja tudi humanistika. Pri tem je treba upoštevati tudi posebnosti objavljanja na temeljnih in strateških znanstvenih podrocjih (van Rijnsoever in Hessels, 2011), na razlike med posameznimi podrocji pa lahko pomembno vplivajo tudi na­cionalne raziskovalne in razvojne politike (Cugmas idr., 2019). 3.5 Grozdi in casovni razpon sorodnih raziskovalnih tem Zadnji in glavni del raziskave je temeljil na besedilnih po­datkih (izrazih in povzetkih), pridobljenih iz clankov o štirih proucevanih mestih. Izrazi (besede in samostalniške besedne zveze) so bili razvršceni v grozde glede na sorodnost, ugotovlje­no s programskim orodjem (iz analize so bili izkljuceni izrazi iz strukturiranih povzetkov in beseda city (mesto), saj se pojavlja v skoraj vsakem povzetku). Prva slika pri vsakem mestu prikazuje grozde sorodnih ali povezanih izrazov, ki se nanašajo na raziskovalna podrocja in teme. Krogi s povezanimi izrazi so v vsakem grozdu razlicno obarvani (z razlicnimi odtenki). Druga slika (casovni razpon raziskovalnih tem) prikazuje iste izraze s casovnega vidika. Temnejši ko je krog, novejše je povprecno leto objave. Ve­likost kroga nakazuje pomembnost izraza. Jakost povezav v grozdih in med njimi je prikazana s crtami. Prikazani izrazi dajejo splošno predstavo o raziskovalnih poudarkih in pris­topih. Vsak zemljevid vsebuje vec deset tisoc izrazov, zato so prikazani samo izbrani elementi (da se izognemo prekrivanju), ki obicajno vkljucujejo izraze z najmanj deset pojavitvami. Uporaba istih nacel pri izdelavi vseh zemljevidov omogoca pri­merjavo na isti podlagi. Število izrazov se med mesti spreminja, odvisno od števila clankov in terminologije, ki se uporablja izkljucno za posamezno mesto. Grozdi, casovni razpon povpre­cij in število izrazov so bili doloceni z algoritmi, ki so pred­stavljeni v prirocniku za uporabo programskega orodja (van Eck in Waltman, 2019). Grozdi (tj. tematska podrocja) so bili interpretirani na podlagi sheme kategorizacije tematskih podrocij v Scopusu. Vsi zemljevidi temeljijo na clankih v po­datkovni bazi Scopus, objavljeni do vkljucno leta 2019 (ukaz: pubyear < 2020). 3.5.1 Berlin S programskim orodjem je bilo dolocenih 47.000 izrazov, ki se v 3.778 clankih pojavijo najmanj desetkrat (sliki 5 in 6). Prikazani so samo najpomembnejši izrazi, pri cemer so opazni trije vsebinski grozdi. Najvecji grozd (na desni) se nanaša na medicino in raziskave s tega podrocja. Kot je razvidno s slike 4, je bila medicina mocno zastopana zlasti v zgodnejšem obdobju, zato so na sliki 6 na nekaterih mestih vidni poudarki svetlejše barve. Slika 6 dopolnjuje sliko 5 z vidika casovnega razvoja. Splošnejši izrazi so pogostejši, kar je oznaceno z vecjimi kro­gi. Na desni strani so opazne teme, ki postajajo pomembnejše šele v zadnjem casu (temnejši odtenki), zato so manj številc­ne (manjši krogi). Spodnji levi grozd na obeh slikah vkljucuje teme, ki se nanašajo zlasti na družboslovje (social sciences) ter na humanistiko (arts and humanities), gospodarstvo (business), ekonomijo (econo­mics) in podobna podrocja. Ceprav so navedena tematska pod­rocja v Scopusu obravnavana loceno, je jasno, da so njihove raziskave med seboj povezane (glede na položaj v grozdu). Ker postaja družboslovje v zadnjem casu cedalje pomembnejše, je pricakovati, da se bo grozd še povecal. Najnovejši izrazi (tem­nejši odtenki) so jasno razvidni ter vkljucujejo besede in be­sedne zveze, kot so activist (aktivist), debate (razprava), urban space (mestni prostor) in urban development (razvoj mest). Najnovejši izrazi v tem kontekstu so oznaceni s krogci, ki se prekrivajo, zato niso vidni (npr. gentrification). Obstajajo tudi povezave med razlicnimi grozdi, npr. na sredini spodaj (na obeh slikah) lahko opazimo izraza medical education (medi­cinsko izobraževanje) in public health service (javno zdravstvo), ki nakazujeta povezavo med medicino in družboslovjem (in­terdisciplinarnost). Zgornji (manjši) grozd se nanaša na podrocje okoljskih ved (Environmental science), temu pa sledijo vede o Zemlji in drugih planetih (Earth and planetary sciences), tehnika (Engi­neering), biotehniške in biološke vede (Agricultural and biologi­cal sciences) itd. Najpogostejši izrazi so agriculture (kmetijstvo), contamination (onesnaženje), species (vrste) in water (voda). Berlin se pojavlja v razlicnih kontekstih, pri cemer se v naslovih clankov poudarja kot nekaj, npr. kot študija primera, primer, prestolnica, model, letovišce, lokacija, destinacija, virtualno središce, obmocje, ustvarjalno polje, nekdanja meja, naravni in družbenoekonomski sistem itd. Tovrstni clanki obicajno spadajo na podrocje družboslovja in humanistike, v njih pa se lahko Berlin pojavlja tudi v metaforicnem smislu. V dru­gih (pogostejših) clankih Berlin nastopa kot dejanski kraj ra­ziskave: poleti v Berlinu, mikrogeografska analiza Berlina itd. 3.5.2 Madrid Zemljevida za Madrid temeljita na 2.954 clankih in 47.000 izrazih (podobno kot pri Berlinu). S programom je bilo dolocenih pet grozdov (slika 7), med katerimi se dva, ki sta med seboj povezana, nanašata na medicino (desna stran zemljevida). Spodnji medicinski grozd se nanaša na epidemio­logijo in mikrobiologijo, saj vkljucuje izraze, kot sta disease (bo­lezen) in infection (okužba). Zgornji medicinski grozd je bolj raznovrsten, saj vkljucuje zelo razlicne izraze, npr. age (starost), man (moški), woman (ženska), blood pressure (krvni tlak), diet (prehrana) in food (hrana). Kot pri Berlinu so izobraževalne teme na podrocju medicine povezane z družboslovjem (na sre­dini spodaj). Družboslovje (spodaj levo) je tudi v tem primeru mocneje zastopano zlasti v novejšem casu (spodaj levo) in se povezuje s humanistiko. Zgornja leva grozda se nanašata na vede o Zemlji in drugih planetih, okoljske vede ter na bioteh­niške in biološke vede in tehniko. Skrajni levi grozd je bližje družboslovnemu grozdu pod njim in v povprecju vkljucuje najstarejše teme (svetli odtenki; slika 8). Opazimo lahko tudi gost podgrozd geoloških tem. Okoljske in biološke teme so obravnavane predvsem v novejšem casu. Zgornji grozd je pove­zan z okoljem in onesnaževanjem ter z zgornjim medicinskim grozdom, kar kaže vpliv zdravja na prebivalce mest. Madrid se v clankih pojavlja kot študija primera, kljucni dejav­nik trajnostne mobilnosti, osvobojeno mesto, komunikacijski ekosistem ter trgovska in financna ustanova ter kot kraj ra­ziskav (Brezdomske priseljenke v Madridu, Epidemiologija in etiologija ... v Madridu, 3D-modeliranje pretoka podtalnice v madridskem vodonosniku). 3.5.3 Rim V povezavi z Rimom je bilo najdenih 2.411 clankov. Zemljevida temeljita na 38.500 izrazih, razdeljenih v tri grozde (slika 9), ki imajo podobno zgradbo kot pri Berlinu. Tudi v tem primeru je medicina prevladovala v zgodnejšem obdobju (desni grozd svetlejših odtenkov, slika 10). Spodnji levi grozd (družboslovje in humanistika) je novejši in kaže prepletanje z medicino na podrocju izobraževanja. Tudi pri Rimu je zgornji levi grozd mocno povezan z vedami o Zemlji in drugih planetih ter okoljskimi vedami, pri cemer so izrazi, kot sta conservation (ohranjanje) in excavation (izkopavanje), bližje družboslovju in humanistiki. Na vrhu so teme, povezane s podnebjem in onesnaževanjem, ki se približujejo medicini. V clankih je Rim obravnavan kot okno opazovanj, celovita urbana izkušnja, oder, vir, španski Avignon, prestolnica, spo­minska pokrajina in destinacija ter kot kraj raziskav (Zloraba drog v Rimu, Omrežje pametnih domov v Rimu, Kombinira­ne magnetske, kemijske ... analize ... v antropicnem kontekstu Rima, Proces urbane regeneracije ... v predmestju Rima). 3.5.4 Varšava Z Varšavo je bilo povezanih 2.071 clankov, najpomembnejših 24.000 izrazov pa je bilo kartiranih v štiri grozde (slika 11). Medicinske teme so v dveh medsebojno povezanih grozdih. Spodnji desni grozd se nanaša na primer na epidemiologijo, saj vkljucuje izraze, kot sta disease (bolezen) in infection (okužba). Grozda na levi strani sta med seboj nekoliko povezana. Veliko izrazov, povezanih z obema grozdoma, vkljucuje splošno be­sedo area (obmocje). Spodnji levi grozd se nanaša na novejše raziskave (temnejši odtenki, slika 12), ki tudi v tem primeru spadajo na podrocje družboslovja in humanistike. Zgornji levi (manjši) grozd kaže povezave z vedami o Zemlji in drugih pla­netih, okoljskimi vedami ter kmetijskimi in biološkimi vedami. Tovrstne teme so v povprecju starejše (svetlejši odtenki) kot pa teme, prikazane levo spodaj. Tudi medicinske teme so bile v povprecju obravnavane v zgodnejšem obdobju, kar se ujema z že omenjeno domnevo, da skupni podatki v preglednici 3 ne kažejo vec trenutnega stanja raziskav. V clankih v Scopusu se Varšava pojavlja kot središce dnevnih migrantov, vozlišce zracnega prometa, primer, upravni sedež in endemicno žarišce ter kot kraj raziskav (Lokalne instituci­je kulture ... v Varšavi, Kratkorocni vplivi prašnih delcev ... v aglomeraciji Varšave, Postmoderna arhitektura v socializmu ... cerkev ... v varšavskem predelu). 3.6 Primerjava proucevanih mest Cilj raziskave ni bil presojati in primerjati mest na podlagi naslova avtorjeve ustanove, ampak jih prouciti kot predmete (teme) in obmocja (lokacije) raziskav z namenom kartiranja razlicnih funkcij, ki jih opravljajo heterogeni akterji mest in so razvidne iz znanstvenih revij. Raziskava je temeljila na analizi vloge štirih evropskih pres­tolnic (Berlina, Madrida, Rima in Varšave), ki so v novejšem obdobju doživele nekatere spremembe, ki bi lahko vplivale tudi na razvoj znanosti. Obravnavana mesta spadajo v razlicne geo­grafske in jezikovne kontekste (zahodno in južno Sredozemlje ter Srednja in Vzhodna Evropa), vendar so teme v clankih o vseh omenjenih presenetljivo podobne. Navedeno se ujema s postavljeno hipotezo o podobnem razvoju znanstvenih podro­cij v vseh mestih. Ugotovljeni grozdi raziskovalnih tem jasno kažejo podobne poudarke in podobne raziskovalne trende sko­zi cas, pri katerih je vidno cedalje vecje zanimanje za družbena vprašanja, povezana z mesti. Analiza je vkljucevala besedilne podatke (razvoj znanstvenih podrocij) in bibliografske podatke (razpršenost v publikaci­jah). Za vsa štiri mesta so pomembne nacionalne in regional­ne revije. V razvrstitvi najpomembnejših mednarodnih revij se morda zdijo tovrstne revije manj pomembne, vendar so lah­ko še vedno pomembno sredstvo za predstavljanje izsledkov o posameznih mestih. Navedeni izsledki lahko dopolnjujejo mednarodne raziskave, ki se osredotocajo na splošne ugoto­vitve in lahko temeljijo na prispevkih vec avtorjev, pri cemer so doprinos posameznega avtorja in lokalne teme manj jasni. Podobnosti se kažejo tudi pri soavtorstvu in državi avtorjeve ustanove. Vecino clankov objavijo avtorji iz proucevanega mes­ta, mednarodno sodelovanje pa je najmocnejše med avtorji iz Združenega kraljestva, ZDA in Francije. Tudi v tem pogledu so vzorci zelo podobni v vseh štirih mestih. 4 Sklep Izsledki raziskave kažejo, da raziskave, ki se osredotocajo na mesta, potekajo v štirih dokaj jasno razpoznavnih grozdih ra­ziskovalnih podrocij. V preteklosti je prevladovala medicina, ki zdaj stagnira, njeno mesto pa je prevzelo družboslovje. Tudi humanistika je postala precej pomembnejša, teme s podrocja okoljskih ved ter ved o Zemlji in drugih planetih pa dosegajo manj dinamicno, a še vedno enakomerno rast. Znanstvene re­vije so od nekdaj imele pomembno vlogo v vedah o življenju in na podobnih podrocjih, v njih pa v zadnjem casu cedalje vec objavljajo tudi družboslovci. Rezultatov, ki se nanašajo na raz­licna znanstvena podrocja, med seboj ne moremo neposredno primerjati, saj na znacilnosti objav na posameznih podrocjih vplivajo številni dejavniki. Ker so vzorci objav za vsa štiri mesta tako podobni, lahko domnevamo, da enako velja tudi za mnoga druga mesta. S tega vidika bi lahko v prihodnje primerjali mesta razlicnih velikosti. Pri tem se zastavlja vprašanje, kateri bodo prihodnji poudar­ki in teme raziskav v mestih. V raziskavi, predstavljeni v tem clanku, sta avtorja obravnavala stanja raziskav konec leta 2019 – tik pred zdravstveno krizo, ki jo je povzrocila pandemija koronavirusne bolezni. Pandemija je prizadela mnoga mesta, ceprav ne vsa enako. Pri tem imajo lahko nacionalne in regi­onalne znanstvene revije pomembno vlogo. 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Cheltenham, VB, Edvard Elgar Publishing. DOI: 10.4337/9781785364600.00013 Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih Preglednica 1: Ime mesta v naslovu v preseku z imenom pripadajoce države in število zapisov Mesto (v naslovu) Skupaj Država (kot sam. ali prid. v naslovu, povzetku ali kljucnih besedah) Mesto IN država Berlin 11.747 Germany ALI German 3.778 Madrid 4.868 Spain ALI Spanish ALI Spaniard 2.954 Rome 7.249 Italy ALI Italian 2.411 Warsaw 3.065 Poland ALI Polish ALI Pole 2.071 Slika 1: Letna rast števila clankov, ki se nanašajo na proucevana mesta (ilustracija: avtorja) M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Preglednica 2: Število clankov v prvih petih revijah Mesto in revije Število clankov Berlin Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 67 Gesundheitswesen 38 Berliner und Münchener tierärztliche Wochenschrift 36 Deutsche Gesundheitswesen 35 Geburtshilfe und Frauenheilkunde 28 Madrid Estudios geograficos 68 Revista espanola de salud publica 67 Boletin geologico y minero 42 Enfermedades infecciosas y microbiologia clinica 39 Revista clinica espanola 38 Rome Nuovi annali d igiene e microbiologia 55 Annali di igiene medicina preventiva e di comunitŕ 53 Annali dell’istituto superiore di sanitŕ 33 Medicina nei secoli 31 Atmospheric environment 23 Warsaw Przeglad epidemiologiczny 113 Roczniki panstwowego zakladu higieny 101 Archiwum historii medycyny 64 Polski tygodnik lekarski 63 Przeglad lekarski 53 Slika 2: Obratno sorazmerno padajoce število razlicnih revij in clan­kov na revijo (ilustracija: avtorja) Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih Preglednica 3: Štiri proucevana mesta kot obmocja ali teme raziskav v naslovih clankov, naslov avtorjeve ustanove in jezik clankov Št. clankov Št. clankov Št. clankov Št. clankov Obmocje/tema Berlin 3.778 Madrid 2.954 Rim 2.411 Varšava 2.071 Naslov avtorjeve ustanove Nemcija 1.817 Španija 2.239 Italija 1.315 Poljska 972 Berlin 1.479 Madrid 1.943 Rome/Roma 1.190 Warsaw/Warsz* 907 ZDA 271 ZDA 160 ZDA 185 ZDA 72 ZK 186 ZK 98 ZK 137 ZK 40 Francija 55 Francija 60 Francija 65 Nemcija 38 Kanada 51 Nemcija 38 Nemcija 50 Francija 15 Nizozemska 49 Italija 38 Španija 38 Italija 9 Švica 47 Portugalska 23 Avstralija 26 Nizozemska 9 Avstrija 40 Kanada 17 Nizozemska 21 Belgija 8 Italija 34 Mehika 16 Kanada 19 Rusija 8 Avstralija 32 Avstralija 15 Belgija 17 Ceška 6 Jezik nemšcina 1.772 španšcina 1.326 italijanšcina 609 poljšcina 1.206 anglešcina 1.876 anglešcina 1.678 anglešcina 1.648 anglešcina 799 anglešcina leta 1995 0,41 % anglešcina leta 1995 0,43 % anglešcina leta 1995 0,71 % anglešcina leta 1995 0,59 % anglešcina leta 2019 0,79 % anglešcina leta 2019 0,69 % anglešcina leta 2019 0,94 % anglešcina leta 2019 0,86 % M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Slika 3: Soavtorstvo clankov glede na državo avtorjeve ustanove (ilustracija: avtorja) Slika 4: Rast števila clankov glede na tematska podrocja v Scopusu (ilustracija: avtorja) Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Slika 5: Grozdi med seboj povezanih raziskovalnih podrocij in tem (Berlin) (ilustracija: avtorja) Slika 6: Casovni razpon raziskovalnih tem (Berlin) (ilustracija: avtorja) Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih Slika 7: Grozdi med seboj povezanih raziskovalnih podrocij in tem (Madrid) (ilustracija: avtorja) Slika 8: Casovni razpon raziskovalnih tem (Madrid) (ilustracija: avtorja) M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Slika 9: Grozdi med seboj povezanih raziskovalnih podrocij in tem (Rim) (ilustracija: avtorja) Slika 10: Casovni razpon raziskovalnih tem (Rim) (ilustracija: avtorja) Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih Slika 11: Grozdi med seboj povezanih raziskovalnih podrocij in tem (Varšava) (ilustracija: avtorja) Slika 12: Casovni razpon raziskovalnih tem (Varšava) (ilustracija: avtorja) M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Mesta kot kraji in teme raziskav: kartiranje raziskovalnih grozdov po znanstvenih podrocjih M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Klemen SENICA Mesto na prelomnici Naslov: Creativity in Tokyo: revitalizing a mature city Avtorja: Matjaž Uršic in Heide Imai Založba: Palgrave Macmillan Kraj in leto izdaje: Singapur, 2020 Število strani: 248 DOI: 10.1007/978-981-15-6687-5 Tokio. Vecmilijonsko mesto, ki je v ne­kih drugih – danes se zdi precej dav­nih – predkoronskih casih veljalo za svetovno kulinaricno in še kakšno pre­stolnico ter zato za krajši ali daljši cas privabljalo številne posameznike z vseh koncev tako Japonske kot širnega sveta. In hkrati je tudi velemesto, ki se zaradi nenehnih (novo)gradenj spreminja tako bliskovito, da njegova predrugacena po­doba nemalokrat preseneti celo lokal­no prebivalstvo, kadar utegne skreniti z uhojenih poti vsakdana. Kako se na hitre spremembe in dejstvo, da Tokio v tekmi za svetovno financno prestolnico preplavljajo tako imenovani neprostori, (kreativno) odzivajo njegovi prebivalci, si v svoji monografiji Creativity in To­kyo: Revitalizing a mature city prizade­vata odgovoriti prostorski sociolog Ma­tjaž Uršic in kulturologinja Heide Imai. Delo je sestavljeno iz devetih poglavij, pri cemer se v novodobnem duhu znan­stvenih monografij lahko vsako prav­zaprav bere kot samostojna sklenjena celota, na kar namiguje tudi navajanje literature neposredno na koncu vsake enote. Prvo poglavje poda teoreticno in metodološko izhodišce raziskave, v katerem si avtorja zastavita precej zah­teven analiticni cilj (str. 7): »Povezati poskušava pristopa od spodaj navzgor (lokalna skupnost) in od zgoraj navzdol (ustvarjalni razred) ter tako pridobiti ce­lovitejši, ceprav še vedno delni vpogled v to, kako se ustvarjalnost oblikuje v To­kiu.« V proucevanju ustvarjalnosti se ne osredotocita na ucinek ali ustvarjal­ni proizvod, temvec proces, ki spodbuja ali ovira ustvarjalnost v mestih (str. 6). Omenjeni analiticni pristop kombinira­ta z etnografsko metodo opazovanja z udeležbo, polstrukturiranimi intervjuji in pripovedovanjem, kar prinaša svež pogled na nedavni urbani razvoj Tokia. V drugem poglavju najprej izpostavi­ta pereca družbena vprašanja sodobne Japonske, ki z gospodarskega vidika še vedno stopa na mestu po poku prena­pihnjenih nepremicninskega in bor­znega balona v zacetku devetdesetih letih minulega stoletja. Posledicno se tako država kot mesto spoprijemata z upadanjem rodnosti, staranjem prebi­valstva, pomanjkanjem delovne sile itn. Pri tem avtorja opozarjata, da tokijskih ustvarjalnih ekosistemov ne moremo v celoti pojasniti s teorijami medna­rodnih vozlišc, saj prve opredeljujejo nekatere lokalne znacilnosti. Ena od teh posebnosti je tudi dejstvo, da se Japonska kljub precejšnjemu vlaganju v razvoj inovativnih tehnologij vedno bolj spoprijema s težavo, kako proizvo­de njihovi kakovosti navkljub prodati na svetovnem trgu. V tretjem poglavju se Uršic in Imai med drugim dotakneta tudi relokacije zna­menite pokrite ribje tržnice Cukidži, nekoc priljubljene turisticne destinacije, ki je bila hkrati tudi kulturna institu­cija, saj je bila simbolno, zgodovinsko in družbeno eden najpomembnejših lokalnih trgovskih prostorov v mestu« (str. 62). A ker je bila za tokijski predel Ginza, kjer je bil omenjeni del tržnice, izvedena temeljita preobrazba (beri: gentrifikacija), se je bil osrednji, zna­menitejši del tržnice prisiljen umakniti na otok Tojosu v tokijskem zalivu, kar pa se ni zgodilo brez nasprotovanja dela lokalnega prebivalstva. V cetrtem poglavju avtorja nacneta vprašanje prekarnosti, resda brez širšega kriticnega preizpraševanja neoliberalne­ga ekonomskega modela, ki vlada na Ja­ponskem od zacetka novega tisocletja, kar je dedišcina obsežnih strukturnih reform vlad Džunicira Koizumija in njegove politicnoekonomske filozofije No pain, no gain, ki številnim mladim ustvarjalcem še danes odreka socialno in financno varnost ter jih posledicno sili v negotove oblike zaposlitve. Kljub temu Uršic in Imai izpostavljata, da uradni diskurz, ki zagovarja potrebo po zaposlitveni fleksibilnosti sodobnega ustvarjalca, dejansko mistificira prijetne plati fleksibilne zaposlitve, pri tem pa zanemarja ali prezre stransko škodo, ki se kaže v prekarizaciji delovnih pogojev in življenjskih razmer manjših ustvarjal­cev (str. 91). Ceprav se od dalec zdi, da japonsko gospodarstvo sestavljajo pre­težno multinacionalke, je dejanska po­doba drugacna. Bliskovit gospodarski razvoj in prodor na tuje trge predvsem v avtomobilski in elektrotehnicni indu­striji v drugi polovici 20. stoletja so po­leg zunanjih dejavnikov omogocila tudi in predvsem mala in srednje velika pod­jetja, ki pa so v zadnjih dveh desetletjih precej bolj podvržena nevidni roki trga, kot so bila še nedavno. Sledijo štiri poglavja (od petega do osmega), v katerih avtorja podrobne­je predstavita izbrane tokijske soseske (npr. Icigajo, Okacimaci in Koendži), v katerih sta v zadnjem desetletju opra­vljala svojo terensko raziskavo. Pri tem sta še posebej zanimiva primera sosesk Hikifune in Kjodžima, v katerih so bile v zadnjih letih izvedene številne spre­membe, a v nekaterih predelih še vedno ohranjata duh nekih drugih casov, casov obdobja Showa (1926–1989). Kjodži­ma je bila eno redkih obmocij Tokia, ki so v srditem ameriškem bombardiranju mesta ob koncu druge svetovne vojne ostala nepoškodovana. Posledicno je še veliko stavb lesenih, kar v potresno intenzivnem Tokiu povzroca sive lase upravljavcem tako na lokalni kot na mestni ravni. Kakor koli, okrožje je med letoma 2008 in 2018 privabilo številne mlade umetnike, podjetnike in druge, ki so prenovili in preuredili stavbe za svoje ustvarjalne potrebe. Avtorjema je uspelo z intervjuji prikazati živahen utrip obmocja, na katerem zelo razno­vrstni ustvarjalci v najširšem pomenu besede, zbrani z vseh vetrov, med njimi so tudi Nejaponci, išcejo svoj ustvar­jalni prostor pod soncem. Ena od njih je tudi Norvežanka Britt, ki skupaj z Yamato-sanom ustvarja jukate iz džin­sa, primerne za oba spola. Po besedah intervjuvancev prodaja cveti ... Ob tem se zastavlja vprašanje, ali bi lah­ko tokijske primere dobrih praks, ki jih navajata avtorja (npr. str. 126), prenesli tudi pod Alpe. Nedvomno, namesto da mestna središca tudi najvecjih sloven­skih mest obiskovalca pozdravijo z opu­stelimi izložbami, polepljenimi s sce­franimi listi »Oddamo v najem«, bi si lahko lokalne politicne elite prizadevale za njihovo oživitev z nudenjem opušce­nih prostorov za simbolicno najemnino ustvarjalcem, umetnikom, mladim pod­jetnikom itn. Ti mestnim središcem ne bi le vdahnili nove (umetniške) podobe, kar bi vsaj del lokalnega prebivalstva za­gotovo pozdravil z navdušenjem, oživela podoba mestnih središc bi postopoma tudi zacela privabljati obiskovalce in tu­riste od blizu in dalec, kar bi pozitivno vplivalo tako na lokalno kot nacionalno gospodarstvo. Kot poudarjata avtorja, takšna oživitev opustelih mestnih pre­delov praviloma spodbudi tudi vracanje uveljavljenih trgovskih verig, ki so v Slo­veniji zdaj najveckrat zgošcene v velikih trgovskih centrih na obrobju mest, in še koga nazaj v mestna središca. Znanja in ustvarjalnih idej je v Sloveniji zagoto­vo dovolj, najvecja ovira za uresnicitev omenjenega predloga je kampanilizem pripravljavcev mestnih politik, ki so nagnjeni k uresnicevanju "fontanskih" ponudb za oživljanje mestnih središc. A takšne instantne rešitve, nastale brez razprave s širšo lokalno skupnostjo in brez domišljene povezave z drugimi kraji in akterji vsaj na regionalni ravni, dolgorocno le redko prinesejo dodano vrednost k (turisticni) ponudbi mest. Kljub hvalevrednemu osredotocanju na obicajnega prebivalca Tokia ima ta monografija tudi prgišce šibkih tock. Že v uvodu (str. 1–2) zmoti cehovsko neizogibna, a pretirano apologetska av­torefleksija, ki bralca napeljuje na misel, da sta avtorja v nekem trenutku pisanja monografije (za hip) podlegla tezi, da lahko le Japonci razumejo in nepri­stransko razlagajo japonsko kulturo. A kot dokazujejo številne antropološke in sociološke študije, objavljene od devet­desetih let minulega stoletja, Japonska ni kulturno monolitna entiteta, zato bi lahko tudi kakšen domac razisko­valec podlegel ideološki razlagi urbane ustvarjalnosti v Tokiu oziroma pridobil nekonvencionalen pogled na zastavlje­no raziskovalno vprašanje. Ne nazadnje, na globaliziranem akademskem polju tudi domaci raziskovalci praviloma upo­rabljajo zahodnjaške teoreticne pristope za pojasnjevanje tipicnih prvin japon­ske kulture. Ali bi avtorja cutila nujo po preizpraševanju lastne tujosti, ce bi pisala o urbani ustvarjalnosti v nekem drugem svetovnem mestu, na primer v Londonu? Poleg tega nekoliko zmoti tokiocentric­nost monografije, ki je v skladu z njenim naslovom v celoti gledano razumljiva, vendarle bi nekoliko širša analiticna sli­ka monografiji prej koristila kot škodila. Tokio je res ogromna in gosto poselje­na postmoderna prestolnica, a vendar je napacna trditev, da ima 38 milijonov prebivalcev (str. 22). Sama upravna eno­ta, uradno imenovana metropola Tokio, ki jo sestavlja 23 mestnih obcin oziroma kujev, ima uradno 14 milijonov prebi­valcev, širše obmocje Tokia pa jih ima po zadnjih podatkih res blizu navedene šte­vilke. A v to obmocje spada, na primer, tudi sosednja Jokohama, drugo najvecje mesto na Japonskem, ki pa upravno že spada v prefekturo Kanagava. Uršic in Imai se v svojih terenskih raziskavah osredotocita samo na soseske, ki so pod jurisdikcijo tokijske metropolitanske uprave. Ob tem se zdi, da so raznovrstni problemi Tokia (str. 23) vendarle manj­ši kot problemi številnih drugih mest v provinci in japonskega podeželja na splošno, pri cemer se slednje spoprijema z izrazito depopulacijo, saj se predvsem mlajše prebivalstvo v iskanju boljših izobraževalnih in zaposlitvenih mo­žnosti praviloma seli prav v prestolnico in druga velemesta na pacifiški obali Ja­ponske. Že bežen obisk notranjosti še ene sosednje tokijske prefekture, in sicer Saitame, razkrije vecplastne družbene in gospodarske posledice omenjenega negativnega trenda, ki ga je epidemija koronavirusa nekoliko zaustavila, a je še prehitro trditi, da tudi preobrnila. Omenjenemu navkljub je monografi­ja Creativity in Tokyo nadvse koristno in zanimivo branje tako za prostorske sociologe in antropologe kot urbaniste, arhitekte ter japonologe, saj pomaga razumeti spremenljivo urbanisticno podobo glavnega mesta Japonske. Klemen Senica, Univerza v Tokiu, Tokio, Japonska E-naslov: klemen.senica@phiz.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp Biografija Dr. Matjaž Uršic je izredni profesor na Oddelku za sociologijo in znanstveni svetnik na Centru za prostorsko so­ciologijo Fakultete za družbene vede Univerze v Ljubljani. Delal je na vec vzhodnoazijskih univerzah, tudi na Metropolitanski univerzi v Tokiu, Uni­verzi v Seulu, Univerzi Soongsil in Naci­onalni univerzi Cheng Kung. Vkljucen je v razne mednarodne raziskovalne in razvojne programe za revitalizacijo in spremembo vloge urbanih središc, kot so npr. H2020, RISE, Joint Research Program NRF, Smart Urban Futures ERA-NET in ERFD. Dr. Heide Imai je izredna profesorica na Fakulteti za medkulturne komunikacije Univerze Senšu na Japonskem. Pouce­vala je na univerzah na Japonskem, v Veliki Britaniji in Nemciji. Trenutno sodeluje pri vec raziskovalnih projektih o urbanih vprašanjih in politikah na Japonskem, v Južni Koreji in na Kitaj­skem. Med njene številne znanstvene objave sodita tudi Tokyo Roji (Rou­tledge, 2017) in Asian Alleyways (z M. Gibert-Flutre; Amsterdam University Press, 2019). Informacije o knjigi Spletna stran: https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-15-6687-5 Domen ŽALAC S skupninstvom proti družbeno-ekološki krizi Naslov: The commons in an age of uncertainty: Decolonizing nature, economy, and society Avtor: Franklin ObengOdoom Izdajatelj: University of Toronto Press Kraj in leto izida: Toronto, 2021 Število strani: 264 + i-xv Franklin Obeng-Odoom je knjigo Skupno dobro v casu negotovosti (The Commons in an Age of Uncertainty) zacrtal v obliki akcijskega nacrta za re­ševanje politicne ekonomije današnjega casa v smislu preoblikovanja ekološko­-politicne ekonomije prihodnosti. V ospredju izpeljane študije knjige je pre­gled dveh idejnih šol, in sicer Conventi­onal Wisdom in Western Left Consen­sus, tema nasproti pa je postavil Radical Alternative. Obeng-Odoom trdi, da okoljske krize ni mogoce misliti brez politicne eko­nomije. Akcijski nacrt je zato podrob­no razdelil v sklope kategorizacij narave in družbe. S svojo dolgoletno raziskavo, ki jo je upodobil v omenjeni knjigi, se postavlja na presecišce delovanja druž­boslovnih in naravoslovnih znanosti. Združil ju je v konkretno izhodišce, in sicer kot smernice za skupnostno orga­niziranje in opredelitev lastniških raz­merij v okviru mest, tehnologij, nafte in vode za boj proti družbeno-ekološki krizi, ki je posledica neoliberalizacije zasebne lastniške pravice nad zemljo, njenimi viri in produkti cloveškega dela. Zagovarja tezo, da je današnja obravna­va narave in okolja posledica ekonom­skega in politicnega imperativa rasti, ki je v zadnjih desetletjih stremela k ra­dikalnemu izcrpavanju okoljskih virov na podlagi dihotomnega razumevanja javne in zasebne lastnine. V zacetnem delu knjige je avtor nave­del metodološko-dialekticno analizo zgodovinskega in ontološkega prikaza temeljev koncepta skupnostne lastnine kot eno prvotnih kategorizacij lastnine, med katerimi je zasebna lastnina le ena izmed nižjih okoljsko netrajnostnih ka­tegorij lastninjenja. Posledica prevlade pojma zasebne lastnine v javnem dis­kurzu se kaže v prevladujoci zasebni la­stnini, ki je postala predvsem privilegij ozkega kroga posameznikov in transna­cionalnih korporativnih organizacij, ki ne delujejo v skladu s potrebami širše družbe. Neodgovorno in nepravicno ravnanje z naravo in njenimi viri vodi v stanje ocitne družbeno-ekološke kri­ze na svetovni ravni. Razlogi za to so narašcajoca družbena neenakost, vse številnejše in obsežnejše migracije na razlicnih ravneh, globalno segrevanje, prostorska segregacija prebivalstva in degradacija urbanega bivalnega okolja v urbanih slumih. Vsi našteti pojavi na­zorno nakazujejo okoljske, družbene, politicne in ekonomske negotovosti, s katerimi se spoprijema današnja družba. Kljub temu je avtor poudaril, da cas ne­gotovosti ni nov pojav, s katerim bi se danes spoprijemali prvic. Spremenjena sta predvsem predstava in doživljanje negotovosti, vse bolj atomizirana na posameznika in njegovo razmerje med lastnim obstojem in vplivom, ki ga ima na prostor in okolje, v katerem živi. S humanisticno-družboslovnega vidika so to negotovosti v obliki razlicnih strahov in emocij ter pesimisticne drže do pri­hodnosti. Avtor je poudaril prepletena ontološka pristopa, ki vplivata na tre­nutni diskurz o skupnostnih virih in skupnostnem dobru, ki jih obravnavata že v uvodu omenjeni paradigmi We­stern Left Consensus in Conventional Wisdom. Avtor za zgodovinsko izhodišce nego­tovosti upošteva prvo polovico dvajse­tega stoletja – obdobje postopne reor­ganizacije industrijskega kapitalizma in organizacijskih enot transnacionalnih korporativnih organizacij, ki sta posle­dicno tudi danes najvecji vir negotovo­sti za ekosistem in družbo. Omenjena reorganizacija se odvija v okviru poli­ticne ekonomije, v kateri organizacijske enote transnacionalnih korporativnih organizacij delujejo avtonomno od družbe. Sprejete odlocitve in dejanja teh organizacij vplivajo na degradacijo in rekonfiguracijo okolja in prostora. Med drugim se avtor navezuje na J. K. Galbraitha, intelektualnega predstavni­ka postkejnezianizma in intelektualnega ustanovnega predstavnika idejne šole Conventional Wisdom. Ob tem, ko iz­haja iz Galbraithovega dela, avtor vpelje analizo politicne ekonomije s poudar­kom na politicnem in kulturnem miljeju in z umešcanjem lastne zapušcine afri­škega odnosa do skupninstva. Razume­vanje politicnega in kulturnega miljeja je nujen sestavni element poglobljenega uvida v vsebino družbenega življenja, posameznika in družbe. Obeng-Odoom je predstavil akcijski nacrt, in sicer z rekonceptualizacijo prezrtega koncepta skupnostnega do­bra (The Commons) in skupninstva. Med bolj opaznimi avtorji, ki jih je uporabil za konceptualizacijo razvo­ja javnega dobra in skupnih virov, je Nobelova nagrajenka za ekonomijo E. Ostrom, ki predstavlja razvojno nasled­stvo idejne šole Conventional Wisdom. Ostromova je uvedla pojem Common Pool Resources, ki ga je Obeng-Odoom opredelil kot potreben urbani koncept trajnostnega upravljanja združitve sku­pnega dobra in skupnih virov v obliko materialne in nematerialne lastnine brez institucionalnega nadzora ali po­trebe po privatizirani regulativi. Gre se za emancipacijo skupnosti, ki naj bi javno dobro in skupne vire avtonomno in trajnostno upravljala sama. Pri tem je odprl vprašanje racionalnega delovanja skupnosti in njene vloge pri obravnava­nju ekoloških izzivov. Vprašanja osrednjega pomena pri idej­ni šoli Western Left Consensus se na­našajo na oblikovanje skupninstva ter na to, kdo in kako bi bil primeren za upravljanje skupnega dobra. Govorimo o konsenzualnem pristopu, temeljecem predvsem na antikapitalisticnih, antira­sisticnih in antipatriarhalnih vredno­tah, ki vplivajo na odnos in razmerje med zemljo (naravnimi viri), pravicami (socialna varnost, državljanske pravice, clovekove pravice) ter politicno in za­konodajno javno upravo. Za razvoj skupninskega upravljanja jav­nih virov in skupnega dobra je avtor pre­dlagal tretjo smer razmišljanja, in sicer Radical Alternative, katere namera je rešitev ali dekolonizacija zgodovinskega oblikovanja družbenih odnosov na glo­balnem jugu v razmerju z globalnim se­verom, s cimer je odprl vprašanje pred­nosti in pomanjkljivosti paradigmatskih diskurzov idejnih šol Conventional Wisdom in Western Left Consensus. Radical Alternative v najboljšem pri­meru pomeni vizijo ali, bolje receno, retrospektivo možnega alternativnega prestrukturiranja dosedanjih lastniških odnosov do skupnih virov in javnega dobra na podlagi rekonceptualizacije pojma zemljišca, lastniških pravic ter posedovanja materialnih ali nematerial­nih dobrin, ki niso povezana s procesom kapitalisticnega poblagovljenja vseh raz­sežnosti okolja in prostora. Zanimiv prispevek k urbanisticnim študijam, poleg celostne obravnave ekološko-družbene krize, prinaša drugi del knjige, ki temelji na razvoju prezrte afriške teorije skupninstva v urbanem okolju, s poudarkom na pravici do ne­kontaminiranega in zdravega skupno­stnega prostora. S tem odpira tudi vpra­šanje pravicne rabe energijskih virov za mobilnost in industrijske dejavnosti v urbaniziranih središcih, ki onesnažujeta okolje. Problem onesnaženosti izvira iz neucinkovite rabe energijskih in drugih materialnih virov, ki posredno vplivajo na degradacijo okolja. V nekaterih afri­ških državah že samo onesnaženost s plasticnimi odpadki pomeni tudi do 10 odstotkov deleža vseh odpadkov - zato je tudi logicna avtorjeva opredelitev naftnih derivatov kot družbeno-ekolo­ške snovi, ki ima okoljske in družbene razsežnosti, saj ti derivati neposredno in posredno vplivajo na zdravje okolja in posameznika. Avtor je izpostavil še primer marketizacije izvažanja odpad­kov držav globalnega severa v države globalnega juga. Avtor zacrtane teore­ticne paradigme stalno poskuša nazorno prikazati z njihovimi strukturnimi ome­jitvami – te pa presega z empiricno pod­prtimi primeri, ki jih oblikuje v smislu diskurza radikalne alternative. Domen Žalac, Fakulteta za družbene vede, Univerza v Ljubljani, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: domen.zalac@gmail.com Biografija Franklin Obeng-Odoom je izredni pro­fesor za študije globalnega razvoja na helsinškem inštitutu za trajnostne štu­dije Univerze v Helsinkih. Njegovo raz­iskovalno in pedagoško delo se osredo­tocata na politicno ekonomijo razvoja, urbano in regionalno ekonomijo, narav­ne vire in okolje. Z navedenih podrocij je objavil šest samostojnih knjig, med drugim Property, Institutions, and So­cial Stratification in Africa (Cambridge University Press, 2020), The Commons in an Age of Uncertainty: Decolonizing Nature, Economy, and Society (Univer­sity of Toronto Press, 2021) in Global Migration Beyond Limits: Ecology, Eco­nomics, and Political Economy (Oxford University Press, 2022). Informacije o knjigi https://utorontopress.com/us/the­-commons-in-an-age-of-uncertainty-2 Nika MUROVEC Damjan KAVAŠ Izzivi upravljanja in financiranja kulturne dedišcine: projekt ForHeritage Opušcene in zanemarjene zgodovinske stavbe so skupna znacilnost mnogih srednjeevropskih mest. To problematiko je prepoznal tudi teritorialni program sodelovanja Interreg Srednja Evropa, ki je propadanje kulturne dedišcine opre­delil kot enega glavnih izzivov, s kate­rimi se je treba spoprijeti tudi v okviru programa. V sklopu programa Srednja Evropa se odvija tudi projekt ForHeri­tage – Odlicnost za celostno upravljanje dedišcine v Srednji Evropi. V tem pro­jektu sodeluje osem partnerjev iz štirih držav (te so Poljska, Italija, Hrvaška in Slovenija). Slovenska partnerja v pro­jektu sta Regionalna razvojna agencija Ljubljanske urbane regije in Inštitut za ekonomska raziskovanja. Cilj partner­stva je združiti in nadgraditi rezultate prejšnjih projektov, ki jih je financirala EU (kot so Forget Heritage, Restau­ra, IFISE, CLIC), ter jih pripeljati do izvedbene faze, da bi spodbudili celost­ni pristop v razlicnih fazah upravljanja dedišcine – pri nacrtovanju, izvajanju in financiranju. Rezultati raziskav, zbrani v okviru omenjenih projektov, in razlicne dru­ge izkušnje kažejo, da so nezadostna sredstva za prenovo in oživitev glavna ovira za ucinkovito upravljanje kulturne dedišcine (npr. ForgetHeritage, Restau­ra). Financna udeležba zasebnega sek­torja je zelo majhna, inovativnih financ­nih instrumentov pa v sektorju kulturne dedišcine skoraj ni. Druga vecja ovira je pomanjkanje vešcin in zmogljivosti, zlasti na podrocju financ, upravljanja in poslovnega nacrtovanja (Restaura). Ne nazadnje, ocitno tudi ni dovolj so­delovanja javnih subjektov z zasebnim sektorjem in vkljucenosti vseh ustreznih akterjev (državljanov, združenj, funda­cij, institucij, zasebnih izvajalcev ...) v projekte oživljanja kulturne dedišcine. ForHeritage obravnava vse omenjene vidike problematike. Projekt temelji na obstojecih orodjih in izkušnjah ter poskuša rezultate vpeljati tudi v prakso sodelujocih regij in širše. Na podlagi znanja in dokumentov, ki so nastali v okviru preteklih projektov, je bila pri­pravljena zbirka orodij za upravljanje kulturne dedišcine. Zbirka obsega na­bor šestih novih, jedrnatih in v prakso usmerjenih orodij, ki se osredotocajo na razlicne vidike upravljanja kulturne dedišcine. Prvo izmed orodij je Dobro/sodelo­valno upravljanje kulturne dedišcine: Kako vkljuciti javnost (https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.1-GG-and-PG.pdf). Da bi lah­ko uspešno in ucinkovito upravljali kulturno dedišcino, je namrec kljucna kakovostna interakcija med deležniki. Pri nacrtovanju upravljanja, strategij ali projektov kulturne dedišcine se je nuj­no pogovarjati in prisluhniti razlicnim potrebam. Namen orodja je ponuditi osnovne informacije za podporo upravl­javcem kulturne dedišcine in drugim akterjem, ki sodelujejo pri upravljanju in nacrtovanju na podrocju kulturne dedišcine, da bi lahko svoje delo opravl­jali v skladu s sodelovalnimi metodami. Orodje zagotavlja prakticne informacije po posameznih korakih (opredelitev de­ležnikov, analiza deležnikov, nacrtovan­je komunikacije, vzpostavitev dolgoroc­nih platform za sodelovanje), ki lahko pomagajo pri izbiri metod, ki bodo uporabljene pri sodelovanju z deležniki. Orodje Financni instrumenti in ino­vativne financne sheme za kulturno dedišcino (https://www.interreg-cen­tral.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.4-Fi­nancial-instruments.pdf) ponuja pregled, prakticne primere in nasvete o tem, kako se lahko inovativne ob­like financiranja, poleg nepovratnih sredstev, uporabljajo za ohranjanje pro­jektov kulturne dedišcine. Valorizacija kulturne dedišcine je draga in pomeni financni izziv. Poleg tega ohranjanje in obnova zgradb ustvarjala le del celotnih stroškov ohranjanja kulturne dedišcine, saj je velik del stroškov povezan z izva­janjem programa. Ena najtežjih odloci­tev, s katero se srecujejo tisti, ki zasnu­jejo projekte obnove kulturne dedišci­ne, je, kako jih financirati (tj. kateri so najucinkovitejši financni instrumenti in kdo so najboljši ponudniki sredstev). Ta težava je posledica tudi pomanjkanja informacij o takšnih instrumentih in navdihujocih študij primerov. Uporaba pristopov javno-zasebnega sodelovanja pri oživljanju kulturne dedišcine (https://www.interreg-cen­tral.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.3-PPC.pdf) je orodje, ki predstavlja obstoje­ce oblike javno-zasebnega sodelovanja, njihovo uporabo in priporocila o tem, kako bi lahko javni in zasebni sektor us­pešno sodelovala pri oživljanju kulturne dedišcine. Evropske države so bile soraz­merno uspešne pri vkljucevanju dedišci­ne s spremembo dojemanja družbene in gospodarske vrednosti dedišcine ter nje­ne vloge pri trajnostnem razvoju. Zaradi zmanjševanja javnih sredstev in nujnosti interdisciplinarnega pristopa pri oživl­janju kulturne dedišcine je treba pois­kati nove vire financiranja (npr. zasebni kapital, fundacije itd.) in nove nacine javno-zasebnega sodelovanja. Ocena ucinkov projektov kulturne dedišcine (https://www.interreg-cen­tral.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.6-Im­pact-assessment.pdf) predstavlja prak­ticne smernice o tem, kako pristopiti k ocenjevanju ucinkov projektov kulturne dedišcine. Tako kot je okolje naravni kapital, je dedišcina kulturni kapital: naložbe v dedišcino imajo pozitiven donos. Ocena ucinkov je poskus ugo­tovitve, koliko ukrep vpliva na zadevne spremembe v družbi. Poleg tega so cilji tudi upravljanje in nadzor ustvarjanja vpliva ter njegova optimizacija glede na stroške. Merjenje ucinka je kljucno za privabljanje vlagateljev, saj le tako lahko ocenijo ucinek svojih naložb in spremljajo neprestano izboljševanje organizacije. Ocenjevanje in merjenje ucinkov sta zato predmet razprav za opredelitev standardnih metodologij na mednarodni ravni. Orodje Prenosljivi elementi pilotnih projektov oživljanja kulturne dedišcine (https://www.interreg-central.eu/Con­tent.Node/D.T1.2.2-Pilot-projects.pdf) povzema izkušnje 12 izvedenih pilotnih aktivnosti v okviru projektov Forget Heritage in Restaura, oba projek­ta sta se ukvarjala z oživitvijo kulturne dedišcine. Namen tega orodja je zago­toviti preglednejše informacije o dobrih praksah in priporocilih, ki izhajajo iz njih. Priporocila so pri tem razdeljena na tista, ki so uporabna splošno pri vseh pilotnih projektih in v vseh fazah razvoja projekta, ter na tista, ki so upo­rabna zgolj v neki fazi življenjskega cikla projekta ali v specificnem kontekstu, ki je jasno opredeljen. Cilj je torej olajšati postopek preizkušanja vsem, ki se bodo s podobnimi pilotnimi projekti ukvar­jali v prihodnosti, jim pomagati izogniti se zadevnim napakam ter omogociti us­pešnejše in ucinkovitejše izvajanje njih­ovih pilotnih aktivnosti. Orodje Kako organizirati uspešno uspo­sabljanje za izboljšanje upravljanja v sek­torju kulturne dedišcine (https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.5-CH-training.pdf) pa vsebuje prakticne informacije in nekaj namigov v zvezi z organizacijo izobraževanj za (boljše) upravljanje kulturne dedišcine za razlicne ciljne skupine (uslužben­ci javne uprave, upravljavci kulturne dedišcine). Zaradi hitrega razvoja in sprememb na skoraj vseh podrocjih na­šega življenja - na gospodarskem, druž­benem, kulturnem in politicnem – je vseživljenjsko ucenje temelj za uspešno kariero. Strokovnjaki morajo nenehno razvijati svoje kompetence: tiste meh­ke, povezane s timskim delom, nacrto­vanjem in organizacijo, sposobnostjo prilagajanja zunanjim spremembam, vešcinami reševanja problemov in mre­ženjem, ter tiste, povezane s podrocjem dejavnosti. Vsa opisana orodja so še vedno osnutki, saj bodo koncne razlicice pripravljene šele po koncu obsežnega revizijskega procesa. Revizije temeljijo na povrat­nih informacijah razlicnih zainteresira­nih strani ter na rezultatih preizkušan­ja in potrjevanja orodij v praksi, ki bo izvedeno v okviru štirih pilotnih pro­jektov. Pilotna lokacija na Poljskem je Grad pomeranskih vojvod v Szczecinu (fotografija št. 1), pri cemer bo pouda­rek aktivnosti na analizi in nadaljnjem razvoju dejavnosti z uporabo razlicnih virov financiranja. V Italiji se bodo pi­lotne aktivnosti odvijale v palaci Santa Croce v mestu Cuneo (fotografija št. 2), kjer je treba vzpostaviti sodelovalni postopek za dolocitev prihodnje vsebi­ne in preizkusiti možnosti za izvajanje sheme javno-zasebnega sodelovanja. Na Hrvaškem (Reka) bo glavni izziv, kako vkljuciti vse razlicne deležnike in obstojece vodstvo v sinergijski proces upravljanja in financiranja celotnega kompleksa Bencic (fotografija št. 3), ki ga sestavljajo tako že uveljavljene insti­tucije (na primer Mestni muzej Reka, Muzej moderne in sodobne umetnosti ali Otroška hiša), nacrtovane prenove za znane dejavnosti (kot je mestna knjižni­ca) kot še neznane dejavnosti. Slovenski pilotni projekt je Vodnikova domacija (fotografija št. 4), kjer bodo glavne ak­tivnosti usmerjene v raziskovanje mož­nosti pridobivanja dodatnih zasebnih financnih sredstev. Poleg pilotnih aktivnosti in izdelave koncne razlicice nabora orodij (ter njegovega prevoda v nacionalne jezi­ke) bodo prihodnje projektne aktiv­nosti osredotocene na prenos nabora orodij ForHeritage za celostni pristop k upravljanju na širšem teritorialnem obmocju v sodelovalnem procesu pri­lagajanja pristopa posameznemu kon­tekstu. Da bi zapolnili vrzel lokalnih, regionalnih in nacionalnih akterjev v zmogljivosti za izkorišcanje razlicnih virov financiranja za oživitev opušce­nih stavb kulturne dedišcine, bo orga­niziranih vec izobraževanj in delavnic. Upravljavci stavb kulturne dedišcine in odlocevalci bodo lahko pridobili znan­ja o tem, kako v projektih kulturne dedišcine pridobiti dodatna financna sredstva (iskanje novih zasebnih virov, vzpostavitev inovativnih financnih in­strumentov) in uporabiti integriran pristop upravljanja. S tem želi projekt prispevati k pereci problematiki propa­danja stavb kulturne dedišcine. Nika Murovec, Inštitut za ekonomska razi­skovanja, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: murovecn@ier.si Damjan Kavaš, Inštitut za ekonomska razi­skovanja, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: kavasd@ier.si Domaca stran projekta: https://www.interreg-central.eu/Con­tent.Node/ForHeritage.html Informacije o pilotnih projektih: https://www.interreg-central.eu/Con­tent.Node/ForHeritage/Pilot-actions.html 2 1 4 3 Slika 1: Fotografije lokacij pilotnih projektov (vir: Domaca stran projekta ForHeritage) UDC: 352:711.4: 316.772 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-01-001 Received: 12 Nov. 2020 Accepted: 9 Mar. 2021 Andelina SVIRCIC GOTOVAC Jelena ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC Matej NIKŠIC Public participation in post-communist cities between stagnation and progress: The examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana Public participation in the urban transformation of capi­tal cities is an important factor to consider when assessing the quality of democracy in post-communist countries. This study examines participatory processes in two capi­tal cities, Zagreb (Croatia) and Ljubljana (Slovenia). The cases studied are summarized, and similarities and dif­ferences are pointed out using the comparative method (Tabor Park and the BS 7 neighbourhood in Ljubljana, and the Meštrovic Pavilion and Savica Park in Zagreb). Findings from 2018 and 2019 showed a rather low level of public participation in Zagreb. In Ljubljana, the lev­el of public participation was higher and the legal basis for it stronger, although there was a certain amount of dependence on political and economic factors. In both cities, public participation in its most direct form was present at the level of NGO and civil initiative activities. Residents’ communication with the city administration was poor and did not facilitate the participation process. Keywords: participation process, civil society initiatives, comparative method, Zagreb, Ljubljana 1 Introduction In the former Yugoslavia, which both Croatia and Slovenia were part of, spatial management was conditioned by the socio-political context, and it was largely based on planning and state control. Social, economic, and spatial development issues were addressed comprehensively within the social plan­ning system (Slovenian: sistem družbenega planiranja, Burton et al. 1967; Croatian: društveni plan, Caldarovic & Kritovac, 1987). In the post-communist period, the state’s role in spatial management ceased. The focus shifted to the privatization of space and real estate, land reuse and redevelopment, and re­definition of the roles of planning institutions (Bertaud and Renaud, 1997; Golubchikov, 2004; Dimitrovska Andrews et al., 2007; Hirt, 2012; Sýkora & Stanilov, 2014; Svircic Gotovac & Kerbler, 2019; Zlatar Gamberožic, 2019). How­ever, the market-oriented economy revealed a lack of common interest and vision in urban planning. Instead, a certain lais­sez-faire approach or economic liberalism was embraced in urban planning and public policies, which created (and con­tinues to create) uneven urban development and economic inequality (Offe, 1997; Jaakson, 2000; Nikšic & Sezer, 2017). As a result, attractive city locations have become large building sites, profits on various investments have soared, and less-at­tractive locations have stagnated (Nikšic, 2014; Patti & Polyak, 2017). “The tyranny of the state” has been replaced by “the tyranny of the market” (Häussermann & Kapphan, 2004: 26), which is the beginning of the commercialization process of urban space. In the situation in which the main activities of urban development have shifted from planned improvements across the city to economically driven interventions in certain favourable locations, the role of the public in the development process must be addressed. This article first defines the public participation process as part of the decision-making process in spatial and urban planning in the post-communist context. It uses the cases of two post-communist capital cities, Zagreb and Ljubljana. In the post-communist city, market demands and private in­terests are much more relevant than planning as a process. Even public investments are focused on the sectors and projects that can improve the attractiveness of the city for profit rather than improve the general quality of life for its residents (St­anilov, 2007; Sykora, 2007; Patti & Polyak, 2017). The urban planning transition from communism to post-communism has been marked by neglect of the social dimension of urban living and housing, and of strategic and long-term urban planning. The market economy characteristics present since the 1990s (privatization, reduction of public space, and the global finan­cial system) influence the relations among the stakeholders in the urban planning processes; specifically, their roles and pow­ers. Western countries use terms such as high levels of citizen participation, high legal standards, and successful public-private partnerships. In urban planning, the countries of the former Yugoslavia are struggling with limitations in the legal system and insufficient public participation in the decision-making processes. However, the reasons for the rather slow transition in most parts of the former Yugoslavia certainly lie in the conflict of the 1990s and the break with and isolation from European and global trends (Beyea et al., 2009). The transition process was faster in the ex-communist countries that started EU accession activities earlier, such as Slovenia. The transition process in Slovenia has been rather smooth in comparison with the rest of the former Yugoslavia due to some initial advantages: Slovenia fought a brief war of independ­ence, and it joined the EU relatively quickly and immediately adopted its urban planning programmes. EU funding also soon became available and provided for a number of urban projects that were initiated and supported by city political and administrative structures (Zlatar Gamberožic, 2019). Croatia saw many spatial transformations emerge after declaring in­dependence and strengthening of the privatization process in the 1990s, and the involvement of the market economy in spatial development. In Croatia, the planning process is primarily determined by the Master Plan (Croatian: generalni urbanisticki plan) at the level of urban centres (Zagreb and other cities), the Spatial Development Strategy and Spatial Planning Programme of the Republic of Croatia, and the Spatial Plan of the City of Zagreb. According to the plan, in the process of planning and plan implementation there is an obligation to adopt urban develop­ment plans, conduct public tenders, prepare studies, and allow public participation (Master Plan, Articles 99–108). Public tender is obligatory for public spaces (squares and parks), and the Master Plan allows the development of city projects and determines the procedure for implementing them. The Master Plan and its amendments and supplements are sent to the Za­greb City Assembly for adoption. Participation of the public is provided by holding exhibitions and preliminary discussions on spatial plans, and by providing public access to draft spatial plans and the results of public tenders (Grad Zagreb, 2016). According to the Spatial Planning Act (Sln. Zakon o urejanju prostora, 2017; hereinafter: ZUreP-2), the authority for spatial planning in Slovenia is held at the national and local (munici­pal) levels. The hierarchy of spatial planning acts is divided into strategic documents and implementation acts. The strategic documents define the main direction of future development and its main principles, and the implementation acts are lo­cality-specific and are legally binding. Public participation in preparing the strategic plans is more often in the form of public consultations, but more active forms of public involvement are required for preparing and adopting the implementation acts; among other things, the public participation process has to be decided in the form of a public participation plan (Slo­venian: nacrt vkljucevanja javnosti) in the preparation phases (ZUrep-2, 2017; ESPON, 2018). 2 The participation process as part of the urban planning process As described in Arnstein’s Ladder of Citizen Participation (Arnstein, 1969, Figure 1), public participation in urban planning can vary from the lowest level of participation (ma­nipulation) to the highest (control). At the lowest levels (non­participation) and the first phase, not only do people have no influence on decision-making, but they are manipulated into believing that everything is done in their best interest. The proposed plan is the best, and the task of participation is to achieve public support through public relations. In the second phase of passive participation (tokenism), they receive information about urban projects as they happen, without any possibility of intervening. Only placation allows members of the public to advise or plan ad infinitum, but it retains the right for power holders to judge the legitimacy or feasibility of the advice. Under citizen control (partnership and delegation), power is redistributed through negotiation between the public and power holders. The highest level and the final phase of participation implies that residents can initiate urban projects and thus design their own living space with no intermediaries or source of funds. At this level they can control urban policy and be an equal member of the entire planning process. Many authors later followed Arnstein’s scheme. For example, Anokye (2013) also describes various paths to participation: the higher level is the transformative approach, and the lower one is the instrumental approach, and there is also a combina­tion between the two of them. The transformative approach is equivalent to Arnstein’s citizen control and the instrumen­tal approach is the equivalent of her nonparticipation. Most participation systems are in the mixed model, implying that residents know about or have occasionally participated in some kind of consultations, and they are in a certain way informed about the decisions that city authorities will implement. Nev­ertheless, this does not mean that they have really participated in the process and that they will be empowered to change political decisions. This approach is therefore instrumental in a way, employing methods that involve top-down information flows and not strengthening the actors (Anokye, 2013: 82). This approach still does not involve agreement, nor consensus, with a potential conflict constantly present between the sides involved. According to Hordijk et al. (2015), this approach is related to the diminished roles of the state and its citizens, referring to them as clients or consumers that cannot influence the process of making decisions but can only adhere to them because they are unchangeable. The transformative approach uses bottom-up communication and represents a higher level of participation, in which stronger public involvement can be expected. 2.1 Participation in Zagreb Although Croatia joined the EU in 2013 and has strived to adapt its legal system to that of the EU, and although a number of bills have been introduced seeking better cohesion, decen­tralisation, horizontal governance, and increasing importance of the participation process in urban development, not much of this can be found in practice. Hence, under Croatian law, public participation has been reduced to public access to draft spatial plans, which can last from thirty days to only fifteen days (to suggest changes and amendments). During public consultation, members of the public have the right to participate in the process of drawing up and passing spatial plans and to offer their proposals or comments. This is a top-down model of participation in which spatial changes are decided by the government and only minor issues raised by residents are considered (e.g., a private plot of land within the planning zone). The public has very little influence on changes in spatial plans, and ultimately on the conversion of space, most often public space. Public interest is declared to be impor­tant and valuable, but collaboration with the public is formal or lacking, and its proposals are not necessarily accepted. In the last few decades, city authorities have often started pro­jects that were rejected by the public and have resulted in the shrinkage of public space. It is interesting that, regardless of EU accession, the Master Plan for Zagreb has not fundamentally changed since 2007 and has been modified for years depending on market needs (of economic and political actors). There has been a lack of professional and political collaboration, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and various civil in­itiatives, which have flourished during recent decades as a civil society sector, have taken a stand in defence of public interest. When city streets and squares were subjected to unwanted or inadequate renewal, protests and large-scale demonstrations were held to prevent such changes. However, the authorities have rarely given up on their projects and have managed to see them through. Still, the NGO sector has become an impor­tant actor in public participation that is striving to establish communication between political forces and the public, and involve residents in the process so that they can express their interests. Despite its undoubtedly greater visibility, Bežovan and Zrinšcak (2006: 8) emphasize that “civil society is still more reactive than proactive, and civil society organizations still do not appear as specific ‘generators’ of social capital.” There are some legal options for people to present their pro­posals or complain (at local public meetings). A decision made at a local public meeting is mandatory for the local committee council or city district council, but it is not binding for the city assembly (Internet 2, Articles 127–129), which is an example of how the public can be excluded from the procedure and how residents’ voices are not taken into account in the final phases of projects. Such an approach can be connected with the instrumental approach mentioned above, which is related to the reduced role of the state and the general public, who is therefore very passive. It can also be connected with Arnstein and the lower participation ladder – that is, non-participation (informing, therapy, and manipulation). It could also explain why residents express a certain degree of unwillingness to take part in the participatory process. Currently, some aspects of local self-government are not encouraging for residents; they are aware of their limitations, irrelevance, and marginality when it comes to solving problems of daily life in a commu­nity (Rešetar, 2009; Toš, 2012). In this one-way process, there is frequent manipulation with certain conversions of space and strengthening of political power, especially the role of the may­or’s office. It is interesting that the mayor gives an impression in public discourse of an actor interested in improving people’s quality of life and meeting their desires and needs; however, due to collaboration with investors, such endeavours are never carried out. Only the dominant elites participate in the deci­sion-making process as the chosen and more influential part of the population, thus leading to “elite capture”, which distorts the advancement of participation (Silver et al., 2010) or the involvement of the majority of residents. 2.2 Participation in Ljubljana The formal basis for public participation in environmental and spatial development processes is the Aarhus Convention (UNECE, 1998), which was ratified by Slovenia in 2004, the year that it joined the EU, and after this it was integrated into national legislation, including ZUrep-2 (2017; hereinaf­ter: the Act). The principle of public participation is defined in Article 11 of the Act. It provides that the competent au­thorities should facilitate early and effective participation by the public in decision-making and adoption of spatial planning documents, and in spatial planning matters in general. Every­one should be given the right of access to spatial planning documents and all documentation related to their preparation and adoption in accordance with the Act and the law gov­erning access to public information. Everyone has the right to submit initiatives, proposals, comments, and opinions on spatial planning documents, to which the body must position itself in their preparation and inform the public thereof. The Act also foresees a special legal status for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that are active in the public interest in spatial planning, environmental protection, nature conserva­tion, or the protection of cultural heritage; their legal interest in spatial development is considered manifest by the Act it­self. In addition, Article 85 of the Act requires establishing a public participation plan for preparing spatial documentation. Article 111 additionally defines the procedures for producing local or municipal plans and it foresees public consultations, workshops, or other means of public engagement. However, Kvac et al. (2015) point out that one of the main obstacles for the full implementation of participatory practices is a passive, formal-only implementation of the demands for participatory approaches as defined by legislation. The com­ments and ideas from the public that are collected during pub­lic consultations are rarely taken into serious consideration by planning authorities, no matter how well they are argued. The procedures defined by the law are also not fully supportive of participatory practices; for example, when institutions make major changes to the initial publicly discussed plan, the final plan may be considerably different but it does not go into public hearings and discussions once more. Therefore, the civ­il initiative groups and non-governmental organizations push the participatory practices in spatial planning further through their own bottom-up activities (Nikšic et al., 2018). In addi­tion to such concrete activities, they also work on capacity building, providing recommendations and instructions that encourage the authorities at the local level of spatial planning to include the public in the spatial planning processes and, on the other hand, guide the people on how to be proactive and raise their voice within rather complicated procedures. These documents are an important “soft” tool that guides stakehold­ers through complex processes by showcasing the most appro­priate tools and techniques to be used. When the City of Ljubljana started preparing its new (first post-communist) spatial plan twenty years ago (Mestna obcina Ljubljana, 2002), the city authorities understood the need for a truly participatory approach to obtain a well-considered and consensual plan that would reflect the aspirations of the wid­est range of local stakeholders. Numerous expert studies were carried out, consultations with various interest groups were conducted, and thematic workshops with residents were held in addition to the legally binding procedures that demanded the inclusion of the general public in the planning process. This resulted in a number of publications and documents that reflected the aspirations and ideas of the general public that would not have been revealed without the extensive use of the participatory tools. The results of these extensive participa­tory activities did not, however, always find their way into the legally binding planning documentation and were therefore only partly successful because the political situation in the city changed. The new authorities that came into power in 2006 had their own development visions, which were explicitly top-down driven and not always in accordance with the objectives identified in the initial (participatory) stage (Koželj, 2009). The current local government, however, fully implements the legally binding formal steps of public consultation (e.g., every time the amendments and the additions to the spatial plan are made). Nevertheless, participation in its most direct form is still happening at the level of grassroots activities. Groups of self-organized residents are active in various neighbourhoods of Ljubljana, and their activities are largely based on volunteer work and enthusiasm because they receive very little support from public budgets (Nikšic, 2018; Internet 3). Two such initi­atives (Tabor Park and the BS 7 neighbourhood) are described in this article. 3 Methods This article is based on the results of the bilateral project Ur­ban Revitalization of the City Centre: A Comparison between Ljubljana and Zagreb (2018–2019). The comparative method was applied to study urban revitalization in the two cities, examining their similarities, common characteristics, and dif­ferences (Žugaj et al., 2006). Field research was conducted in 2018 and 2019 in Zagreb and Ljubljana on four case stud­ies, two in Zagreb and two in Ljubljana. As Burnham et al. (2008) point out, the comparative method makes it possible to put information into a context to be assessed and inter­preted, which is especially important when new information appears and needs to be connected with previous knowledge. An attempt was also made to show a binary comparison be­tween two similar countries that are most often part of the same regional context (Dogan, 2009: 23); in this case, Croatia and Slovenia. The comparative method in the social sciences permits a more objective understanding of a social phenome­non, its contextualization and classification, and formulation of conclusions (hypothesis testing) and predictions (Hague et al., 2001; Reason & Bradbury, 2001). According to Denzin and Linkoln (1994), case studies provide a deeper understand­ing of social processes by analysing a case or several cases. They represent an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context and relies on multiple sources of evidence. Case studies as concrete examples can of­fer an in-depth and contextualized understanding of a certain phenomenon (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003; Yin, 2003). The aim of the research was to present differences in the par­ticipation process through the selected cases and through the comparative method to define concrete and problematic mo­ments in establishing and implementing public participation. The aims of the research can be summed up at several levels of comparison: 1) How did the public and the civil sector react and how did they activate themselves? 2) Was there a change in the preliminary project plan due to the intervention or re­action of the civil sector? and 3) Which participation model according to Arnstein and other authors was applied in the case of Ljubljana, and which in the case of Zagreb (instrumental, transformative, or combined)? The comparative analysis ex­amined each case separately through the chronology of events from the beginning of each project through the involvement and activation of the public to the final result: the reaction or, in some cases, action of civil actors. The comparison be­tween the cases took place at two levels: a) a comparison of two cases in each country separately, and b) a comparison of all four cases in Slovenia and Croatia with an emphasis on participatory models, examining the role of civil actors in each case to show participatory models for each country. The four examples studied (Tabor Park and the BS 7 neighbourhood in Ljubljana, and the Meštrovic Pavilion and Savica Park in Zagreb) were selected because they represent the participation process of various interested sides (professional, political, and civil circles) in both cities. They are the most vivid and prom­inent examples of the differences between these two countries in the top-down versus bottom-up planning processes. These models are related to the hypotheses on the instrumental, transformative, and combined approaches (Anokye, 2013) in the participation process, according to which the cases ana­lysed can be positioned. 4 Results 4.1 First example of bottom-up participation: Tabor Park in Ljubljana Tabor Park (Sln. Park Tabor) is a local park in the east part of the city, which can be reached in a ten-minute walk from Prešeren Square, the main square in Ljubljana. The Tabor Sports Society grounds are part of this open area, which meas­ures about 1.2 hectares. Although it is the green centre of a wider neighbourhood, it has been neglected and abandoned for many years, and people were reluctant to linger at night because of bad maintenance and poor lighting. In 2010 Pros­torož, a cultural association seeking to improve urban public space and public participation, decided to explore the potential of the space (Internet 3). One of the missions was to encour­age local residents to actively participate in the planning and implementation phases of the park redesign, using minimum financial means and making small-scale improvements to the space in order to encourage socializing, playing, and work­ing out in the open air and pleasant environment. Based on research on the potential and problems of the area (Cerar & Peterlin, 2010) and a series of participatory workshops, a programme of various activities was set up and carried out from 2010 to 2014. The aims of the activities were threefold: to introduce small spatial improvements to make the place welcoming and enjoyable, to change the traffic regime and prioritize non-motorized traffic, and to create opportunities for locals and visitors to socialize. Prostorož coordinated the activities of volunteer organizations, decided on the outdoor park equipment, and made plans for the changed traffic regime. Although Tabor Park (Figure 2) is a representative case of a bottom-up approach, it was also given some basic financial support by the local authorities, which at least allowed the cultural association to operate its coordinating activities. The municipal departments were cooperative and flexible enough to issue the necessary permits. The collaboration between Pros­torož and the municipal departments had the potential for setting up similar participatory practices in other parts of the city. This would be an important step toward revitalization of similar suburban public spaces without large investments (Bugaric, 2018). Along the way, those involved with Tabor Park obtained better insight into the structure and operational mechanisms of the municipal departments and indicated there was still room for improvement in terms of participatory prac­tice. No matter how well-meaning their suggestions might have been, once publicly expressed they were often interpreted as criticism of the city authorities, which resulted in withdrawal of support not only for the specific project but also for other activities by the initiators (Human Cities Archives, 2017). 4.1.1 The BS 7 neighbourhood in Ljubljana Another interesting case study with important lessons to learn is the BS 7 neighbourhood (Sln. soseska BS 7) on the northern outskirts of Ljubljana, known also as the Russian Tsar neigh­bourhood (Sln. soseska Ruski car). This is one of the largest housing developments in the Slovenian capital, built in the 1970s with a large open central area named Bratovž Square (Sln. Bratovševa plošcad). In the communist period this was a place for socializing, but today it is a rather underused transito­ry area. It is in physically bad shape due to the effects of age on the building materials and insufficient maintenance in the past decades. Because of its unclear ownership (in addition to being a central open public space, it also accommodates private un­derground parking facilities), no renewal has started. A group of local residents (the initiative Skupaj na plošcad! ‘Together onto the Square!’) (Figure 3) have therefore started some new activities to show the great potential that the place holds and thus hopefully encourage all owners (of underground parking facilities, of the nearby blocks of flats, and the municipality) to agree and invest in its redesign. Each year the initiative voluntarily organizes various activities for and with the local residents to bring life into the neighbourhood, such as a street cinema, vegetable markets, or street furniture workshops. The area and public participation have attracted the international attention of the Human Cities activities within the EU’s Cre­ative Europe programme (Franc et al. 2018), which aims to empower local residents in their bottom-up activities through experimental use of various participation tools. From 2014 to 2018, many on-site events were held, such as neighbourhood walks, roundtables, neighbourhood picnics, drawing and mod­el-making workshops, interviews, online photo competitions, and street exhibitions to encourage the locals not only to start socializing in the square, but to join forces and decide togeth­er about the comprehensive regeneration of the place (Nikšic et al., 2018). Even when the city administration eventually recognized the importance of the project and offered financial support for it, disagreement in the local community about the project costs and the future design of the place blocked the regeneration endeavours. This case shows that, even when there is a wide support (among the residents, the municipality, and local and international expertise), the inability of all stakehold­ers to find a common language can prevent the best-intended participatory endeavours from bearing fruit. However, such activities are an important contribution in terms of capacity building for participatory urban (re)development, which can only start when the major players have reached an agreement on the fair share of investment costs. 4.2 A top-down or reactionist activism approach to the participatory process in Zagreb: The Meštrovic Pavilion The renovation of the Meštrovic Pavilion (Cro. Meštrovicev paviljon; Figure 4) in the middle of Victims of Fascism Square (Cro. Trg žrtava fašizma) in central Zagreb was announced as the first stage of the project named the Pedestrian Centre of Excellence. The pavilion is an example of a cultural and artistic monument and a public space favoured by the resi­dents, because of which they monitored the intervention in­tensively. The case study analysis from 2018 and 2019 showed that residents’ reaction was negative and they tried to stop the project. At the very beginning, the area around the pa­vilion were stripped of all its greenery in order to proceed with the planned renewal. The strongest protest was staged by local residents and others after a magnolia tree was removed, leaving the space bare and sterile, far from meeting human needs. The campaign Bring Back the Magnolia Tree (Cro. Vratite magnoliju) was launched, which lasted for six months. Because the entire project was poorly presented to the public, regular procedures were violated or sidestepped, and experts from broader professional and independent circles, who were attempting to influence the project implementation with their knowledge, were ignored. The initiative demanded suspension of the work, public consultation, protection of plant life, the return of the magnolia tree, and a more constructive discussion prior to finalizing the project. They sent their requests and appeals to city and state government institutions. In spite of all these activities and the growing resistance by civil initiative groups, there was no reaction from the authorities and the first stage of the project was completed. The planning stage included the installation of new horticul­tural drainage, the replacement of damaged stairs encircling the pavilion, laying new granite paving slabs and stone curbs, and new benches, garbage bins, public bicycle racks. However, without a public tender and consultation, the project appeared to be the result of the mayor’s autocratic rule and manipu­lative methods that prevented the community and relevant professionals from participating in decision-making. Protected cultural heritage and its historical identity was also altered and modified without much consideration. In the end, something good came out of this urban renewal attempt. The initiative Bring Back the Magnolia Tree made the authorities promise to never again do things the way they were done in this square (Svircic Gotovac & Zlatar Gamberožic, 2020). This case clearly shows that, in matters of shrinking public and green space in Zagreb, non-governmental organizations have become the only mediator between the residents and the government and the only response to arbitrary governmental action. 4.2.2 Savica Park in Zagreb The case of Savica Park (Cro. Park Savica; 2013–2018) was about building a church in a local park. The local parish sub­mitted a request for the location permit, but none of the owners of the adjacent land were notified about this. Under unclear circumstances, a non-existing “road” was entered in the cadastre between the building site and a neighbouring build­ing. The local residents thereby lost the right to complain and then decided to launch the campaign Save Our Park (Cro. Cuvamo naš park; Figure 5), which lasted for five years. It was organized primarily because the tendering procedures were non-transparent and the entire project would reduce the park area. The church building was to take up 1,600 square metres, almost one-third of the total park area. The people that joined the initiative constantly emphasized they were not against the church building but against the location selected. The residents involved in collecting the signatures to support the initiative called themselves “residents that approve of the church but not in our park”. They sent letters to the relevant city offices and the mayor himself, following all procedures. The Society of Architects and the Croatian Association of Landscape Ar­chitects sided with the public and opposed the project. Finally, the Ministry of Construction and Spatial Planning revoked the permit issued by the City of Zagreb in 2016. The reasons cited, among others, were the size of the project, which was not in line with the Master Plan, and the absence of public tender procedures. The examples of the Meštrovic Pavilion and Savica Park are similar in their early stages and the public reaction to them. The cases differ, however, at a later stage, when the location permit was revoked for the latter project after several years of civil actions. However, these cases show that civil initia­tive groups joined by the professionals can become powerful enough to stop arbitrary behaviour in politics. Nonetheless, this is not exactly the way in which civil actors are expected to take part in participatory practices, but it is a way to raise public awareness and make them active. 5 Discussion The comparative analysis of the Meštrovic Pavilion and Savica Park in Zagreb showed that both projects had two things in common: neglect of public and expert opinion, and the city administrative bodies’ steady efforts to see the initial plans through in spite of a number of unclear or incomplete legal procedures. The residents opposed the projects by launching various more or less successful initiatives. The case of Ljubljana highlights the importance of active citizenship, which means proactive residents being able and willing to contribute to rethinking and redesigning their living environment. On the other hand, it clearly shows the volatility of the participatory practices and their dependence on the (non)support of the political and financial powers – as long as the support exists, the cooperation between the bottom-up and top-down en­deavours will more likely result in a win-win situation. In order to achieve this, in addition to the legally binding participatory framework, trust, cooperation, and dialogue among all relevant partners are needed. Tabor Park showed to a great extent the fruitful cooperation among the local actors, whereas the BS 7 neighbourhood case demonstrated that the participatory ap­proach may have a limited range if there are too many tensions among different actors. Public participation in urban planning and the renewal and protection of public space still remains relatively low, as can be seen from the examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana. Likewise, cities in southern Europe experience low satisfaction with city streets or buildings (Emerson & Smiley, 2018: 166), which can be related to the reduced participation shown here and the reduced impact of the public in public spaces. In Zagreb, public involvement is reduced to protests against specific urban projects and can be called reactionist activism, which in these cases also turns into the status quo situation or the passive acceptance of a given situation. In Ljubljana, local communities form much more equal partnerships with local authorities when decisions are made about their daily life and environment. All the actors concerned also show a great deal of dedication to their respective tasks. Rethinking the role and influence of the local community is vitally important in post-communist urban planning (Hlavácek et al., 2016). The public participation process should be strengthened to allow people to fully take part in decisions about their immediate environment. 6 Conclusion In comparison with Zagreb, the Ljubljana examples show higher levels of public participation and a better communi­ty-led planning process (Svircic Gotovac & Kerbler, 2019). This is especially true in the case of Tabor Park, where civil initiative groups and local residents worked together with the city administration in organizing street events in the park and making it a pleasant place for people to socialize. The grass­roots activities in Ljubljana are also more proactive compared to mainly reactive practices in Zagreb – instead of protesting against the top-down imposed spatial interventions, the civil initiatives in Ljubljana mainly work on enhancing the poten­tial of certain urban environments and promoting cooperation between different stakeholders. This means that the example of Ljubljana has shown deflection from the post-communist one-way instrumental model and has reached the transform­ative level, whereas Zagreb has remained at the instrumental level. The mixed model can also occasionally be observed in the example of Savica Park in Zagreb because the residents stopped the building of a church, demanding greater participation and that their needs be taken into account, and so their civil action can also fall within the transformative approach. Nevertheless, because it was not a two-way process, it is primarily an example of instrumental participation. However, the Ljubljana model can be even more successful once it receives stronger political support, which is currently rather weak and unstable. The local authorities still remain re­luctant to fully accept grassroots movements as equal partners in the participatory process, and they may still perceive their well-intended criticism as a threat. The same threat seems to be a problem in Zagreb, where true participation never occurs, but it is only present in the form of a response to an already existing situation, and where communication with the author­ities is clearly insufficient. The research hypothesis about Lju­bljana having higher levels of public participation in matters of life and environmental quality than Zagreb has thus been confirmed. Still, there is much room for improvement in both cities because of the inability of local actors (experts, residents, and authorities) to find a common language and act togeth­er, which remains an ongoing challenge for the participatory process. This calls for changes in the legislative framework, educating the public about its rights, and opening up to new bottom-up practices in accordance with the EU recommen­dations to ensure that public participation remains a constant in the spatial planning process and that urban policy responds to public needs. Andelina Svircic Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia E-mail: angelinasg@gmail.com Jelena Zlatar Gamberožic, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia E-mail: zlatar.jel@gmail.com Matej Nikšic, Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: matej.niksic@uirs.si Acknowledgment This article presents the research results of the bilateral project The Urban Revitalization Process in Ljubljana’s City Centre (in Compari­son with Zagreb’s City Centre) conducted by the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb and the Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia. The project was financed by the Croatian Ministry of Sci­ence and Education and the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS). The article was created with the help of the ARRS research core funding no. P5-0100. References Anokye, N. A. (2013) Stakeholder participation in water resources man­agement: The case of Densu Basin in Ghana. Doctoral thesis. 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Aarhus, United Nations Economic Commission for Europe. Walzer, N. (2010) CDS at 40: The past leading to the future. Community development. Journal of the Community Development Society, 41(4), pp. 401–404. DOI: 10.1080/15575330.2010.532680 Yin, R. (2003) Case study research, design and methods. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage. Zakon o prostornom uredenju. Narodne novine, nos. 153/13, 65/17, 114/18, 39/19, 98/19. Zagreb. Zakon o urejanju prostora. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, no. 61/2017. Ljubljana. Zlatar Gamberožic, J. (2019) Revitalization paths of urban centers: tentative observational comparison of two cities: Ljubljana and Zagreb. Družboslovne Razprave, 35(90), pp. 83–104. Žugaj, M., Dumicic, K. & Dušak, V. (2006) Temelji znanstvenoistraživackog rada: metodologija i metodika. Varaždin, TIVA. A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Public participation in post-communist cities between stagnation and progress: The examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana Figure 1: Arnstein’s Ladder of Citizen Participation (source: Internet 1). A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Public participation in post-communist cities between stagnation and progress: The examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Figure 2: Tabor Park in May 2011: various activities in the park (photo: Matej Nikšic). Public participation in post-communist cities between stagnation and progress: The examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana Figure 4: The Meštrovic Pavilion before and after the renovation in 2017 and in 2018 (source: Dobric, 2018). Figure 3: Participatory activities in the underused public space in the BS 7 neighbourhood (photo: Tomaž Zupan). A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC Figure 5: Protest against building a church in Savica Park in 2017 (source: HINA, 2016). Public participation in post-communist cities between stagnation and progress: The examples of Zagreb and Ljubljana A. SVIRCIC GOTOVAC, J. ZLATAR GAMBEROŽIC, M. NIKŠIC UDC: 711.4(497.4Ljubljana):332.1 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-01-002 Received: 28 Jan. 2021 Accepted: 24 Mar. 2021 Matjaž URŠIC The lost potential of creative urban regeneration: Restructuring Ljubljana’s former tobacco factory In the transition that saw intense spatial and economic changes in Slovenia, urban creative activities were often regarded as an important development factor allowing the reurbanization and revitalization of several former industrial areas. These were generally relatively sponta­neous unplanned processes to spatially and economically develop degraded areas where, following the bottom-up principle, various creative individuals and groups gradu­ally revitalized these areas. This article analyses the role of creative activities in breathing life into degraded areas by looking at the development of soft (social) factors in the form of social networks. It highlights the problem of local authorities and state institutional actors’ non-per­ception of, inappropriate approach to, or insufficient con­sideration of creative social networks in developing these spaces. Drawing on semi-structured interviews, the case of the former tobacco factory is presented as an example of the accumulation of social capital linked to social net­works, within which the area’s new economic and spatial restructuring is perceived to be an unnecessary element of the renovation. Keywords: creative activities, social networks, degraded areas, tobacco factory 1 Introduction Soon after Slovenia gained its independence, urban policies related to developing the creative sector gained importance. The introduction of a market economy together with large-scale systemic changes to spatial planning policies identified the creative sector as a key driver of spatial and economic de­velopment during the transition (Bole, 2008; Ravbar, 2011). Highlighting the creative sector as a vital promoter of spatial and economic development was not accidental (European Commission, 2010; Regionalna razvojna agencija ljubljanske urbane regije, 2007; Služba vlade Republike Slovenije za razvoj, 2008), but relied on relatively successful development mod­els used in other economically developed countries (Internet 2; Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, 2012; Internet 1). In so doing, creative activities, often referred to as crea­tive economies and creative industries, are expected to form a valuable tool for developing different industries and helping replace lost jobs in traditional industrial and service sectors (Howkins, 2001; Hesmondhalgh, 2002). While copying and trying to implement foreign models of creative urban regen­eration policies in Slovenia, several development discrepancies and complications surfaced. The transfer of urban policies from one environment to anoth­er is not simply a “mechanical process of replication”, as Peck and Theodore (2015: 25) found, but is also inextricably linked to “urban policy mutations” (Peck & Theodore, 2015) that respond and adapt to specific local features. Although some development models of creative urban policies seem attractive and advanced at first glance, they cannot be transferred to a new socioeconomic context without the side effects of policy mutations (Peck, 2011). Clarke et al. (2015) believe the appro­priate metaphor for any introduction of new policies should be “translation” and not “intact transfer” due to the intense dia­logical, sometimes even conflicting, transformation processes, which are simply inseparable from attempts to introduce sys­temic innovations in local environments. Most critical analyses of “imported” creative urban policies do not criticize the use of the concept of creative urban regeneration or the creative city itself, but focus on the problematic use or nonselective applica­tion of these concepts in a particular environment. This article therefore does not focus on the usefulness of applying creative urban policies, but on the way they are applied and realized. For various reasons (e.g., localism-related political relations, economic transformations, and unconsolidated institutional structures), unreflective uses of creative urban regeneration policies can historically be seen in the Slovenian context. Several strategic documents emerging in this period sought to partly address policies of creative urban regeneration (Europe­an Commission, 2010; Mestna obcina Ljubljana, 2012, 2016, 2020; Regionalna razvojna agencija ljubljanske urbane regije, 2007, 2014, 2019; Internet 3). Nonetheless, due to disregard or misunderstanding of the special contextual features of “cre­ative ecosystems” (Jeffcutt, 2004; Cohendet et al., 2010; Ri­vas, 2011) in Slovenian cities, spatial interventions were made that either reduced or completely overlooked, if not denied, certain forms of social creative potential and how they could contribute to the development of the socioeconomic system and quality of life in Slovenia. This article focuses on the restructuring of the former tobac­co factory in Ljubljana, which is a paradigmatic example of post-transition processes of urban change. This questionable transformation could be also described as the closure of spaces of temporary creative use without accounting for the value of soft, intangible, informal forms of creative potential held by the socioeconomic activities that accumulated in the area in the meantime. The former tobacco factory was a central area where creative activities for small businesses were concentrated in the Ljubljana region (Žaucer et al., 2012; Uršic, 2016; Kozina & Bole, 2018), but much of the space was closed down or sold off to private investors in 2019, forcing the creatives to restructure, change their location, or shut down their activities. This article analyses and highlights the unreflective closure of an important part of one of the city’s largest concentrations of creative activi­ty. It emphasizes that the operation of a creative ecosystem like the tobacco factory area is based on “soft factors” (Murphy & Redmont, 2008; Martin-Brelot et al., 2010) and the principles of “social networks” (Shaw et al., 2016; Boessen et al., 2018), which are insufficiently discussed in Slovenian political and strategic documents on the topic of creativity. It tests whether social networks in relation to creativity and location during the radical transformation of the area can be protected at all by simply physically relocating creative actors to other locations in the city or region. This article uses the term social network to refer to the spatio-social or community-based social networks and not digital social networks. The effects of restructuring the tobacco factory area on the creative ecosystem’s operation are presented based on data in the longitudinal project Urban Ed­ucation Live, which ran from 2017 to 2020. Special attention is paid to the overlooked influence of soft (social) factors in the formation, operation, and long-term development of the creative ecosystem of the city and the broader region. 2 Social networks and the development of urban creative activities from a long-term perspective Soft (social) factors are typically contextual elements that help improve aspects of social functioning in specific settings (Mur­phy & Redmont, 2008; Martin-Brelot et al., 2010; Musterd & Gritsai, 2013). Whereas hard (physical) factors mostly depend on the availability of specific resources, soft-location factors refer to improvement in the overall quality of life or person­al lifestyles. This research includes social networks as part of soft attractive factors due to their functional role as a cata­lyst for social engagement or sociability in the study location. The problem of misunderstanding the impact of soft (social) elements on the creative ecosystem is actually a problem of the (non)development of the “milieu” (Meusburger, 2009) in which creative actors are involved. If the creative ecosystem can be defined as “an environment that supports creative ac­tivities through specialized ways of exchanging, interacting and communicating between people and their economic, social and cultural capital” (Rivas, 2011: 4), the creative milieu may be perceived as its key component that includes “a micro-so­cial context that encompasses people and their relationship to the socio-cultural system, the environment and the local community” (Uršic & Imai, 2020: 8). From this viewpoint, the creative milieu complements traditional components of the creative ecosystem such as creative classes, creative production, creative locations, and creative industries or economies (Pratt, 2004; Florida et al., 2006; Poljak-Istenic, 2017). It also inte­grates components of particular or local (contextually) related knowledge, which at first glance seems irrelevant, mundane, and separate from the sphere of creative economies. Stressing the importance of the creative milieu draws attention to the importance of the bottom-up process of establishing a creative system; namely, from local communities through creative in­dividuals and groups to creative economies (Colomb & Novy, 2018). A number of studies (Giaccardi & Fischer, 2008; Sailer, 2011; Fischer, 2013) observe that “social creativity” (Montu­ouri & Purser, 1997; Long & Pang, 2015; Petrovic-Šteger, 2018; Vodopivec, 2018) is an often-overlooked component of studies on the development of creative activities and that social creativity is often exploited to enhance the area’s cul­tural attractiveness and market value. In so doing, social and cultural capital is used in the form of “marginal” or “bridging gentrificators” (Smith, 1996: 105) that serve the current needs of the area’s development strategies without considering the area’s long-term development. The short-term nature of creative urban policies is frequently based on development perspectives that particularly relate to a product or result, overshadowing the significance of what Briskman (1980: 98) calls the “appropriateness, the ‘internal connection’ which exists between these products and the background against which they emerge” [sic]” (also see Pol­jak-Istenic, 2015: 34). By focusing on the final product, the process through which this product came about is placed in the secondary plan. Meusburger (2009) and Wierenga and van Bruggen (1998) nicely illustrate this lack of context in analyses of creative activities by analysing creativity in terms of the time component. Here, creativity as a “trait or input variable” is separated from creativity as a “process” and from a “variable as an achievement or output” (Wierenga & van Bruggen, 1998: 84). The psychologists True (1966) and Klausmeier (1961) similarly distinguish “creative ability” from “creative capacity”. Both categories rely on the time dimension, in which ability refers to the power to perform an action now, and performance refers to what could be done in the long run through matura­tion (gaining experience or cumulative effects), education, and interaction between components in the system. This article therefore focuses on “creative capacity” (Lazaretti, 2012: 2), whereby in the long run individual urban areas act as “informal, collective open spaces that can absorb and recom­bine art and culture, leading to innovation and regeneration” (Lazaretti, 2012). To understand the soft (social) aspects of creative capacity, it is important to consider the function of social networks found in areas subject to urban renewal. Social networks play an important role in the formation and main­tenance of spatial communities and are a key dimension of social capital (Bourdieu, 1986; Putnam, 1995, 2000; Filipovic, 2007), which is formed based on “social networks, the norms of reciprocity, trust and positive consequences that this capital has for the individual and the social system” (Iglic, 2001: 186). In this context, social networks are defined as a process of persistent dynamic physical and social interaction within the framework of a specific space of interest (Shaw et al., 2016; Boessen et al., 2018). Social networks are especially important for the functioning of creative communities and creative eco­systems because they are based on intensive communication, mutual exchange, and the enrichment of information among users. In a creative ecosystem, social networks are a very valua­ble form of social capital without which other forms of capital have difficulty developing or are regarded as significantly less important. This is evident from a series of studies (Gottlieb, 1994; Landry & Bianchini, 1995; Scott, 2000; Florida, 2002, 2005) in which the presence of relevant social networks is identified as a factor more important for the development of creative industries than other factors such as financial resourc­es, technical infrastructure, or physical characteristics of the premises. With respect to highly creative individuals, material supply is an important element in creating favourable condi­tions for the development of creative industries, but it is not necessarily the decisive factor for “creative clustering” (Scott, 2000; Bell & Jayne, 2001; Perrons, 2004), best represented in the growth and generational development of socioeconomic activities on site. This means that other elements in the area are also extremely important given that only a combination of favourable conditions that allow individual social and scientific development can provide good foundations for the long-term operation of creative economies. The right conditions for the development of creative indus­tries are in fact made up of several seemingly less important factors, among which social networks are the most often overlooked factor, one that importantly contributes to the appropriate “climate” or milieu for creative companies and creative individuals (Kozina & Clifton, 2019; Poljak-Istenic, 2019). A series of attempts to develop creative areas based on physical renewal, and that to a smaller extent incorporated aspects of social networks, have proven problematic and less successful (Chase & Crawford, 1999; Harvey, 2000; Nyseth, 2012). Social networks are an integral and sensitive part of any creative ecosystem, responding to certain spatial changes and translating them to the community level. They act as a refined network of sensors in the field that quickly detect the slightest changes in the organization and operation of specific spaces. These processes can be observed in several projects of redeveloping former urban areas where rapid, sudden changes are underway, changing everyday life patterns, services, and the structure of social groups in entire city districts, which is subsequently reflected in how the entire city functions. This analysis of the tobacco factory area in Ljubljana offers a practi­cal example of the great importance that social networks hold for the operation of the creative ecosystem and identifies prob­lematic aspects that emerged during the area’s restructuring. 3 Analysis of restructuring the tobacco factory area and the creative ecosystem 3.1 Description of the location and methodology The oldest part of the former tobacco factory complex in Ljubljana was built between 1871 and 1890 and is located between the railway line from Ljubljana to Trieste, the main ar­teries of Tivolska cesta (Tivoli Street) and Tržaška cesta (Trieste Street), and the side route of Oražnova ulica (Oražen Street). The area started to be developed at the end of 1870, when the Ljubljana Municipal Council ceded the area for the industrial development of the tobacco industry without any payment (Tobacna Ljubljana, 2019). After decades of mixed industri­al development, in 1991 the first key changes were made to the ownership structure of the factory complex, leading to the gradual ending of tobacco production. The area’s gradual privatization (by Reemtsma Cigarettenfabriken GmbH, and SEITA, Société nationale d’exploitation industrielle des tabacs et allumettes) began in 1991 and continued with the majority entry of Imperial Tobacco in 2002. This was followed by the gradual halting of production activities at the company To­bacna Ljubljana, which completely stopped in 2004. As the production was closing down, discussions on the future use of the premises started. The premises were first used for several different activities, including the Tobacco Museum, a gallery, the Poligon Creative Centre, the Hekovnik Institute, design and architectural studios, a number of non-governmental or­ganizations, start-ups and art institutions such as the Cirku­lacija 2 Institute, various administrative services such as the Ljubljana Administrative Unit, and a multitude of other in­stitutions, societies, and various companies related to creative activities (Figure 1). The Creative Cities survey (Inštitut za politike prostora, 2011; Inštitut za ekonomska raziskovanja, 2012) found that in terms of the number of small creative companies (SMEs) and their heterogeneity this area is among the most dynamic areas in the country (Žaucer et al., 2012). According to data collected from the databases of the standard classification of activities (SURS, 2011), the tobacco factory area included over four hundred small enterprises with an average of two to three em­ployees. In 2019, the entire tobacco factory area was sold off to a private investor, which changed the operating conditions for most tenants of the premises. It is evident from interviews with former users that significantly more difficult conditions for renting premises were introduced in 2019. The increase in rent suddenly proposed or requested by the new owner triggered a wave of users relocating from the tobacco factory area. This raises several questions about the function of the former users, their role, and the impact on the performance of Ljubljana’s wider creative ecosystem. These issues are addressed by analysing the social networks in the tobacco factory area. From this point of view, the analysis provides a key tool for identifying the links between important actors and the use of spaces. This shows the importance of rec­ognizing and connecting social interactions with the tobacco factory area, which should help “reflect, and enhance awareness of a context for agreements, conflicts, negotiations, misunder­standings, power relations and accountabilities” (Genz & Lu­cas-Drogan, 2019: 2). The data set comprises semi-structured interviews with actors or premise users distributed into two phases of the longitudinal Urban Education Live study. The first phase took place between April and August 2018 and in­cluded thirty-one interviews with various stakeholder groups, and the second phase was between January and April 2020, when an additional thirty interviews were obtained (making sixty-one interviews altogether). The interviews were conduct­ed based on a random sample of individuals that work within specific creative activities and act as users of the premises at the tobacco factory site. Stakeholder groups were weighted according to the principle of equal geographical distribution across the area (to reflect the different buildings in the tobacco factory area). A wide range of stakeholder groups was included in the analysis, from employees in creative businesses, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations to various institutes. Except for a few individuals, the tobacco factory area has no residents and is therefore primarily a mixed business/craft/cultural area. The largest group of interviewees was thus employed in creative businesses, which are also key stakehold­ers in the tobacco factory area. The interviews were structured to permit analysis of certain elements of social networks in re­lation to the premises in the tobacco factory area. It is precisely because of this combination of socio-spatial analysis that the research needed to be supported by methods other than inter­views. To support the interviews, a mix of different qualitative methods (participant observation, field observation, cognitive mapping, etc.) was therefore used, the combination of which was expected to provide a credible outline of the connections between the spaces and their meanings for the various actors. 3.2 Analysis of changes in the operation of social networks in the tobacco factory area The analysis of the social networks is shown based on the time component – that is, by taking into account the influences on social networks in various time periods in the tobacco factory area. Insight into different time points is provided by longi­tudinal research that shows the multifaceted transformations that the social networks have gone through in individual phas­es. The analysis used data from sets of open-ended questions in semi-structured interviews, which were qualitatively analysed using basic text analysis. Pragmatic text analysis (Verschuer­en, 1995) was used, whereby dimensions of social networks were analysed following a review of the text and classification of the answers by individual categories. From the analysis of the Urban Education Live research data, it was possible to extrapolate several characteristics of the social networks of the creative ecosystem, which can be transferred to the broader context of the entire creative system of Ljubljana and the wider region by considering specific differences (based on the con­text, stakeholder structure, and geographical distribution). In other words, in the case of the tobacco factory area, selected characteristics of the connections between the social networks, along with the development of the social capital and operation of creative ecosystems, are presented, which are key elements (building blocks) of creative activities in Slovenia’s broader area. The mode of operation and important institutional ac­tors’ consideration of these characteristics and elements affects either the short- or long-term creative capabilities of a city, region, or country. As part of the Urban Education Live sur­vey, characteristics and changes between 2017 and 2020 in the operation of creative social networks in the tobacco factory area were identified. These are discussed below. 3.2.1 Clustering creative activities through formal and informal networks The interviewees in the tobacco factory area generally possess quite diverse social networks. Further analysis showed that formal networks, defined as working, project, and contrac­tual connections (a client–contractor relationship), have a significant impact on the development of creative activities and also depend strongly on informal networks based on friendly ties as manifested in socializing, spending free time during breaks, lunches, walks, drinking coffee, and so on. The interviewees were not asked about all forms of social contact, only about the most common, core contacts with which they establish their most frequent connections, which in practice means that a contact is established several times a week. On average, each interviewee listed five core contacts or persons at the informal level and two contacts at the formal level. Of these, on average one contact was a member of both formal and informal networks, being at the same time a friend, colleague, and business partner. The complementarity between formal (work) and informal (friendly) connections is evident in the interviews, especially when considering the time component, which indicates the gradual transition of individual informal contacts into formal contacts, and vice versa. This is therefore a fluid or flexible form of connection between actors, business entities, and us­ers that have a common location or spatial network that uses specific spaces. The interviews showed that most contacts were gradually formed through the use of various micro-locations in the tobacco factory area (open public areas, corridors, balco­nies, bars, restaurants, etc.), with the exchange of contacts and information. In particular, the increased number of informal contacts is noteworthy, which is understandable given that formal contacts were only considered those occurring outside the interviewee’s direct working environment. Therefore, only connections with other companies or employees in the tobacco factory area beyond the interviewee’s workspace were consid­ered formal contacts. Both types of contacts indicate a much diverse business and creative ecosystem in which companies and individuals occasionally connect and collaborate, whereas clustering of companies occurs on the basis of the constant intertwining of formal and informal contacts. The interviews showed the importance of informal contacts in the context of clustering creative activities. Informal contacts play an extremely valuable role and are basic communication channels that strengthen and establish interpersonal relation­ships and, due to the higher level of trust between creative individuals, also allow greater exchange of tacit information regarding the creative ecosystem’s functioning. These are forms of indirect influence on the creation of a creative ecosystem, which, unlike direct influences, can remain excluded or unno­ticed in analysis of the business environment (Figure 2). In oth­er words, although informal networks may not result in direct business connections, the interviews show that they transmit information that either facilitates the indirect establishment of economic transactions or allows the gradual cumulative spread (the “snowball” principle) of informal contacts that also in­directly lead to the gradual expansion of business networks within the creative ecosystem of the tobacco factory area. 3.2.1 The time component’s influence on the number and range of connections in the social networks of the tobacco factory area Similar to other analyses of social networks (Filipovic, 2007; Gibbons et al., 2018; Ye & Liu, 2018), the data in the Urban Education Live survey indicate the extremely important role of the time length variable, or process duration. In this respect, the duration of certain processes related to individual locations (social nodes) determined how numerous and diversified an individual’s networks are. The data show that the number of years spent by interviewees in the tobacco factory area strongly influences the intensity or depth of their social networks. A higher number of years in the area thus also corresponds to greater numerical and spatial diversification of an individu­al’s informal and formal networks in the tobacco factory area (Figure 3). Exponentially, as more years were spent in the tobacco factory area, a larger number of spaces were formed in the interview­ees’ “mental maps” (Lynch, 1990), including social nodes for formal and informal socializing in the tobacco factory area (the most popular social nodes were restaurants, bars, and en­trances in front of the main buildings). Given the importance of social networks for creative clustering, the research showed that the number of years of individual presence in the tobacco factory area also influenced the acquisition of new formal so­cial contacts in that area, which were realized as various forms of contractual business collaboration. As the years present in the area increased, the number of contractual business connec­tions also increased. On average, the interviewees gained 3.5 new contacts while active in the tobacco factory area. When asked about the strength of these contacts, they stated that approximately three core contacts from the list of key people mentioned had assisted or helped them with various events, which further testifies to the strength of the social networks formed among the tobacco factory users. 3.2.1 Reduction in the volume of social networks and the impact on social capital The analysis of formal and informal contacts in relation to a time variable showed how social capital has gradually accumu­lated in the tobacco factory area and is materialized in social networks in the form of various creative activities, companies, and business contacts. It should be emphasized that the social capital that has accumulated at this location is intertwined with the locality or local structure at the physical, cultural, and social levels. It may be described as a principle of the “so­cial production of space” (Lefebvre, 1991, 299–346), where space as a physical category becomes inseparable from the so­cial structure of space. Lefebvre draws attention to the great importance of the temporal component of space production because this means that over time, based on specific uses (spa­tial practices, presentation of space, spaces of representation, and collective experience), a new space emerges that eludes simple definitions of a physical good with an aesthetic value. If the production of a space is based solely on the physical change made to that space and excludes other forms of (social) values that have arisen in the area, the spatial development process becomes simplified, which leads to a reduction of so­cial capital and social networks. This was seen in the context of restructuring the tobacco factory area when comparing the interview data for the period before (in 2018) and after the sale of the area (in 2020), which then led to the closure of the most creative activities. After the sale of the majority of the area, only the building located at Tržaška 2 remained available for creative activities, which has led to a sharp decrease in the volume of all analysed dimensions of formal and informal net­works and business (contractual) connections. For example, in the comparative period from 2018 to 2020, the index of newly established social connections dropped from an average of four connections to about one new connection (Figure 4). The data thus show that the closure of most social nodes in the area has drastically limited the expansion of the social net­works. The prevention of any further development of social networks in the area, which is subject to a full functional, service, and activity restructuring, may be described as a logical consequence of the spatial transformation process, although attention must also be drawn to the general shrinkage of so­cial networks resulting from the forced relocation of certain creative actors at the tobacco factory site to other sites around the city. Namely, even though the creative actors that remained or moved away from the tobacco factory area stated they had established some new contacts but on a smaller scale than in previous years, they also explained there had been a reduction in the volume and frequency of their daily connections in the social networks of formal and informal contacts after the ar­ea’s restructuring. The current and former groups of tobacco factory users agreed that the area’s restructuring had affected the frequency of meeting, cooperating, and socializing with other tobacco factory users (Figure 5). The longitudinal analysis made it possible to compare the modified social networks of current users of the tobacco factory area and former ones, who had been forced to move away from the location after the change in ownership. Of the thirty people interviewed in 2020, about one-third were part of this group. This group of interviewees was particularly in­teresting due to the possibility of comparison with 2018 be­cause the marked reduction of their social networks tied to the tobacco factory area indicates the inability or difficulty of maintaining creative social networks during the spontaneous development of creative activities. Although social networks essentially operate based on intangible connections and are not directly related to physical parameters and do not depend on visible bases, the data show that the attempt to separate them (through relocation or eviction) from the local context or milieu has strongly influenced the scope and functionality of the creative networks. This emphasizes the importance of the social production of space, where complex communication and production relations between creative actors are formed following a multi-year process. Obstruction of this process leads to a reduced volume of the creative ecosystem, meaning that additional costs for the city can be identified in the time that has been lost and that will be needed to redevelop similar creative networks in other locations in the city. One can only guess how many economic resources and years it will take to establish similar new hubs and restore social networks in the creative ecosystem of small businesses, which already hold a less privileged position due to the harsh market conditions that demand short-term maximization of capital. 4 Discussion The example of the tobacco factory area shows the specific conditions in which creative activities operate in Slovenia. This context may be described as the spontaneous development of creative activities in a setting of free market conditions. Under these conditions, the priority factor in establishing creative nodes or milieus becomes the proximity of the largest market or the size of the aggregate population and the geographical location of the infrastructural, historical, and administrative centres of the region (Kozina 2010). From this viewpoint, the distribution of creative activities in Ljubljana and its urban re­gion approaches the idea of “central places” (Christaller, 1966; Logan & Molotch, 1987; Cigale, 2002; Burger & Meijers, 2012), as characterized by the accumulation of resources and potential only in locations that provide the greatest economic yield and have an adequate concentration of people. Building on these characteristics, the tobacco factory creative ecosystem was gradually formed, where conditions in a certain period were favourable to these processes (relative proximity to the city centre, access to relatively affordable rental spaces, rap­id accumulation of similar creative activities and actors, etc.). The problem of such a spontaneous development of creative milieus, where actors, small companies, and soft (social) fac­tors converge, lies in the possibility of sudden changes to its operating conditions, which often leads to the rapid disinte­gration of such creative cores. In the event of sudden changes in market conditions (due to political, economic, or historical events), producing changes in the system of central locations, there may be a complete breakdown of the creative ecosystem in these locations. In such a constellation, creative SMEs may be seen as weaker actors that, despite playing an important role in maintaining social capital in creative areas, are simply pushed out of locations. In this hierarchical arrangement, due to the displacement of weaker forms of creative actors, the homogenization of activities, and development, the concen­tration of stronger types of creative actors gradually occurs, in turn leading to the uneven spatial distribution of creative activities. This all works to diminish the functional heteroge­neity of creative ecosystems because the most successful are those industries, companies, and actors that have quick access to a large market and the surrounding area, from which they draw the necessary human resources. This “selection of the fittest”, which leads to profiling creative actors in terms of their ability to respond quickly to current economic conditions, may be described as “the entropic dimension of the socioeconomic system” (Kirn 2008). In an entropic socioeconomic system, the energies or actors and companies involved in the devel­opment of creative activities accumulate in certain locations, yet there is a danger that after a certain time period – due to an unsteady, poor economic base, insufficient environmental incentives, or inability to upgrade in the long term because of limited access to basic (bottom-up) spatial, social, and human resources – these creative accumulations start to fade, become dispersed, or even cease to exist. 5 Conclusion The introduction to this article presented a hypothesis on the inability of local authorities and state institutional actors to perceive the importance of soft (social) factors for the func­tioning of creative ecosystems. After analysing various research data, that assumption was confirmed and it was shown how important soft factors are for the design and maintenance of the creative ecosystem. The inseparability of the soft (social) elements from creative production itself was proven based on an analysis of connections between formal and informal so­cial networks. In particular, the informal networks played an important role as a communication platform for establishing an appropriate creative milieu and for clustering creative ac­tivities. The data also indicate the extraordinary importance of the time component for the development of creative activities. Divisions between the short- and long-term accumulation of social connections or contacts translate into the performance of the creative ecosystem. Last but not least, maintaining the heterogeneity of actors in creative activities is necessary for the long-term successful operation of a creative ecosystem because creative social networks cannot be moved from one location to another without harmful collateral effects. These are seen in the loss of accumulated social capital (creative networks), as well as in the time and economic resources needed to gradually establish similar creative milieus. The shortcomings of short-sighted policies of spontaneous market development for urban creative activities are reflected in alternating, repeating cycles between extinction and accu­mulation attempts of creative social networks, which in the long term may produce a gradual decline in intangible forms of social capital. This raises important questions about the extent to which urban policies should be involved in planning creative milieus, given that it is difficult to control the effects of the formal spatial planning system on the intangible characteristics of spaces. Every urban policy that tries to top-down direct or plan creativity probably inevitably faces conflicts. Creating creative ecosystems involves complex, partially unmanageable variables and factors that make precise urban planning un­predictable and inefficient. As a result, in designing creative policies attention must be shifted to ensuring an increase in the ability to measure, analyse, or detect elements from the bottom up, which so far have been unjustifiably underestimated in the analysis of creative activities (Colomb & Novy, 2018). In this context, the redevelopment of the tobacco factory area is an exemplary case of an inappropriate approach while measuring certain “intangible values” of creative areas. Similar examples of a questionable, insufficient analysis of the importance of social networks for Ljubljana’s socioeconomic system can be given by referring to other cases not specifically discussed in this article (e.g., the former Rog Factory or the Metelkova area). Olsson (1999) and Bianchini (1999), for example, mention that there is no single method for measuring intangible values, which causes extreme conflicts and tensions and introduces major problems into spatial planning. At the political level, there are large discrepancies between individual disciplines with regard to the need to measure such elements. The problem of creative urban policies in Slovenia is therefore not the inability to plan such activities, but the inability to systematically detect and allow the operation of elements that are vital for the mainte­nance, preservation, and development of such activities. Scott (2014: 569) notes here that, before any change is made to creative urban policy, authorities must obtain a detailed so­cio-historical insight and understanding of the specific features of local urban development prior to engaging in “the shaping of local patterns of ingenuity and imagination”. Institutional actors’ avoidance of the much-needed prior analysis of local conditions creates an “unjustified dose of simplistic thinking” (Scott, 2014: 574) and triggers scepticism, which often leads to the introduction of regressive urban policies. In the Slovenian post-transition period, the “productionist approach” (Hall & Robertson, 2001: 19) dominates urban creativity development. Use of this concept reflects the con­cerns held by authorities regarding economic production and the capitalization of creativity. This is also seen in documents that seek to include the tobacco factory area in such develop­ment schemes (see, e.g., Mestna obcina Ljubljana, 2012, 2016, 2020). However, this approach does not adequately assess the long-term role and impact of creativity on the city in the cur­rent context of postmodern, globalized environments. From this perspective, future approaches to creative urban regenera­tion will need to develop mechanisms able to detect changes in the subtle structure of the creative ecosystem and to combine the cultural, social, and economic value of creativity into a single whole. This article has drawn attention to and helped explain at least some of the neglected aspects of creativity to highlight their importance and role in the creative ecosystem. In the long run, Ljubljana may be considerably affected by sometimes less noticeable micro-changes at the local level. This should lead to the development of new models of evaluation of valuable sociocultural elements, places, and spaces in the city. Such a process cannot be carried out in a short time because it requires breaking away from the current spatial planning paradigm. This production paradigm in spatial planning con­sists of a set of ideas, thought models, and, above all, a system of values embedded in the very organization and functioning of institutions, communities, and everyday users of the city, region, and country. Moving away from the current paradigm is a painstaking and time-consuming process. The development of Ljubljana’s long-term creative capacities is thus based on a qualitative leap, which may be seen as a new socio-spatial paradigm or “paradigmatic shift” (Kuhn, 1970: 85) that in a holistic mode encompasses systems of economic, urban, and especially social development. Matjaž Uršic, Centre for Spatial Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: matjaz.ursic@fdv.uni-lj.si Acknowledgements The article was created with the help of the Urban Education Live (UEL) project. 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URŠIC Figure 2: Presentation of clustering scenarios of creative activities based on informal networks (illustration: Matjaž Uršic). The lost potential of creative urban regeneration: Restructuring Ljubljana’s former tobacco factory Figure 3: Increasing number and spatial diversification of various forms of social networks by number of years present in the tobacco factory area (source: Urban Education Live, 2019, 2020). M. URŠIC Figure 4: Comparison of growth in new social contacts between 2018 and 2020 (source: Urban Education Live, 2019, 2020). The lost potential of creative urban regeneration: Restructuring Ljubljana’s former tobacco factory Figure 5: Do you socialize, meet, or cooperate with other tobacco factory users after the sale of the area? Comparison of existing and relocated creative actors in the tobacco factory area, 2020 (n = 30; source: Urban Education Live, 2019, 2020). M. URŠIC The lost potential of creative urban regeneration: Restructuring Ljubljana’s former tobacco factory M. URŠIC The lost potential of creative urban regeneration: Restructuring Ljubljana’s former tobacco factory UDC: 712.25:556.18 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-01-003 Received: 29 Oct. 2020 Accepted: 21 Apr. 2021 Matej RADINJA Nataša ATANASOVA Alma ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities Blue-green infrastructure (BGI) consists of natural and semi-natural (hence green) decentralized systems for urban stormwater management (hence blue), which, in addition to their primary purpose, provide a variety of shared benefits and ecosystem services. With the excep­tion of a few cities that have adopted strategies for sys­temic BGI implementation, its use is still sporadic, in the form of isolated best practices, and is absent from Slove­nian cities. Due to established spatial planning practic­es, Slovenian cities have a sufficient amount of relatively evenly distributed green areas, but these are not planned according to BGI principles and therefore their potential for managing stormwater is not utilized (i.e., water-wise multifunctionality). Because urban space management and its associated elements are a multidisciplinary field, we explored the link between spatial planning and wa­ter management in international strategic documents and in Slovenian national legislation. Based on a literature review, such connections are promoted at the interna­tional level; however, they are not sufficiently integrated in national legislation. Thus, a sectoral approach to water management and urban planning still prevails in Sloveni­an cities. Four examples of systemic BGI implementation (Rotterdam, Copenhagen, Philadelphia, and Chinese cit­ies) are presented here. They link spatial planning and water management in BGI design and implementation. The results of this analysis were used to develop recom­mendations on integrating spatial planning and water management that go beyond sectoral urban space man­agement, aiming to facilitate BGI implementation in (Slovenian) cities. Keywords: water management, spatial planning, urban drainage, blue-green infrastructure, climate change 1 Introduction Climate change impacts and the current trend of urban de­velopment are creating conditions that existing urban infra­structure cannot handle successfully when exposed to extreme events (e.g., extreme precipitation and heat waves; Krajnc, 2019). Climate change projections for Slovenia predict that by mid-century one can expect an increase in the number of extreme weather conditions: severe heat in summer accompa­nied by greater variability in temperature and precipitation, more heavy precipitation events (cloudbursts), intensification of the hydrological cycle, more frequent flooding, a signifi­cant increase in the frequency of summer droughts, and an increase in the number of days with favourable conditions for summer thunderstorms (Dolinar et al., 2014). Adapting or in­creasing the resilience of cities to extreme events is a complex process that requires the involvement and cooperation of all stakeholders that participate in shaping and managing urban areas (Klemen et al., 2020). In practice, stakeholders often act in professional silos and in a disconnected manner, which is increasingly emerging as one of the greatest barriers to sustain­able urban water management (Globevnik & Simoneti, 2020). This is particularly the case for novel management concepts that have recently been introduced, such as BGI. In Slovenia and globally, decision-makers have not yet established suitable planning and management approaches (Ravnikar & Golicnik Marušic, 2019). The key to addressing the challenges posed to cities by climate change is managing the urban water cycle, which, in addition to water infrastructure, is directly related to (un)paved urban areas and their surrounding countryside. Therefore, the spatial planning process is increasingly important for sustainable wa­ter management (Serrao-Neumann et al., 2017). The aim is to mimic as much as possible the natural surface runoff typical for the pre-development period in the area. However, new developments inherently cause more impervious areas, which require the expansion of grey infrastructure for urban drainage purposes (i.e., public utility infrastructure, PUI). In sustain­able urban management and urban development, stormwater should not be treated as mere waste, directed to the sewer­age system as quickly as possible. Such management acts as an environmental burden and encourages linear rather than circular and sustainable management of urban water resources. In this context, the connection between urban planning and sustainable development turns out to be of great importance for (water) resource management (Agudelo-Vera et al., 2011). This article draws attention to urban water management, which can only be successful if the integration of all disciplines (wa­ter managers, spatial planners, urban planners, architects and landscape architects, civil engineers, geographers, sociologists, etc.) involved in BGI and PUI planning, and cross-sectoral integration at the level of urban governance are ensured. We first outline the current state of urban water management and the consequences of climate change. Then we present exam­ples of best practices and opportunities for improving urban water management with BGI. The article also highlights the necessary connection between spatial planning and water man­agement at the strategic and implementation levels. 2 Method In line with the aim and objectives of the article, documents on the approach to water management in Slovenian cities were comparatively analysed. We covered documents at the inter­national and national (Slovenian) levels in spatial planning and water management. We then examined selected examples of best practices that demonstrate how suitable planning and spatialization of BGI address existing problems (e.g., flood­ing, pollution of waterbodies, and urban heat islands) and at the same time create space that provides additional ecosystem services (e.g., promoting biodiversity, reducing pollution, and mitigating urban heat islands). The results of the two anal­yses were then compared and presented. Recommendations are given for more integrated cross-sectoral coordinated water management in Slovenian cities. 3 The urban water cycle and blue-green infrastructure 3.1 Development of the urban water cycle The spread of urban areas and urbanization increase the share of impermeable surfaces and leads to changes in the natural wa­ter cycle, especially when traditional urban drainage (i.e., the use of grey infrastructure) is used (Bacchin et al., 2014). These changes are reflected in reduced infiltration and evapotranspi­ration, and in increased surface runoff (Butler et al., 2018). Hence, the local water cycle is influenced by the history of urban development and previous urban water-management ap­proaches. These approaches were shaped by the expectations of society (i.e., cumulative socio-political drivers) and the devel­opment of new approaches and technologies that various dis­ciplines used to address emerging social problems (e.g., diseases such as cholera and typhoid, drinking water shortages, and floods). Panjan (2005) summarized the development of sani­tary engineering, which deals with the management of water in cities to protect human health, from ancient times to 2000. It is mainly characterized by three water services: water supply, wastewater treatment, and urban flood protection. However, with improving socio-economic conditions, environmental awareness, and imminent climate change impacts, awareness in society is growing that such linear systems place external pressure on the environment and are unsustainable. Therefore, the European Water Framework Directive (Directive 2000/60 /EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 Oc­tober 2000 Establishing a Framework for Community Action in the Field of Water Policy, 2000) and Slovenian Water Act (Sln. Zakon o vodah, 2002) set limits and a regulatory frame­work for achieving good ecological and chemical status of wa­ter bodies. However, the adopted regulatory framework is still based on upgrading existing linear systems (i.e., construction of wastewater treatment plants) and does not yet follow modern concepts of water management based on approaches typical for the circular economy: closure of material flows, reuse, recovery of natural resources, use of resources that are fit for purpose, and so on. Considering the emerging changes, Brown et al. (2009) divided the historical development of existing and proposed urban water-management concepts into six phas­es, with the target being a water-sensitive city (Table 1). In general, most Slovenian and European cities are in the fourth phase (i.e., a waterway city), encompassing the previous phases, which provide water supply, wastewater treatment, and flood protection. Furthermore, some of the water services typical for the fifth and sixth phases are partially included. The fourth phase, called a waterway city, focuses on the qual­ity of water bodies in cities and their integration into urban life because they offer many benefits (e.g., recreational and leisure opportunities, amenity, and formation of a green ur­ban system), which contribute to improving public health. Although water quality has improved significantly in recent decades, mainly due to the end of industrial production and the construction of industrial and municipal wastewater treat­ment plants, diffuse and point sources of pollution still pose a threat. Typical representatives of uncontrolled point source pollution are combined sewerage overflows. Diffuse sources of pollution cannot be controlled by centralized systems and require the introduction of decentralized approaches and tech­nologies. Consequently, the current business model of urban water management needs to be upgraded, including its financ­ing and the transfer of responsibilities. The fifth phase, the water-circle city, is based on the recogni­tion that water resources are limited in quantity and quality. It therefore recognizes the use of lower-quality water resources (i.e., alternative water sources, such as rainwater, stormwater, and sanitary wastewater) to meet needs that do not require drinking water. Because water is a medium that transfers nu­trients, minerals, and energy, this phase also addresses their ex­traction from wastewater, which consequently becomes a new resource. This approach also requires the involvement of other sectors (e.g., agriculture, food, and energy) and the adaptation of their infrastructure. The sixth phase is the water-sensitive city. The main driver for development of these cities is climate change impacts and the desire to make cities as resilient as possible, as well as the intergenerational transfer of the value of water (i.e., preserving the quantity and quality of water resources for future gener­ations). Although this phase represents a type of governance, it is primarily a vision of community development and its sustainable attitude toward the environment and space. It is characterized by the diversity and adaptability of technologies, infrastructure, and land use in cities designed to promote sus­tainable practices and social capital. The link between society and technologies plays an important role. In such a context, the relationship between the water sector and society (i.e., the social contract) would be constantly changing and would re­quire an adaptable and flexible institutional framework. With each successive phase, urban water management de­mands involvement of an increasing number of sectors because all natural elements (water, soil, air, and living beings) are in­terconnected. Although this is well understood in general, the holistic approach toward the management of natural resources has been lost by its division into subsystems based on individ­ual disciplines. Therefore, integration and cooperation with other disciplines that work in urban development is urgently needed to implement new holistic approaches for water man­agement. Such integration is already establishing itself in some places with new approaches to urban development planning (Hung et al., 2012). These are no longer simply searching for technological solutions but are increasingly moving toward closing the loop in the urban water cycle by using BGI (Bac­chin et al., 2014). This is because green infrastructure adds value to public open spaces and their contribution to urban ecosystem services, and blue infrastructure manages storm­water. However, when they are combined, they can provide significantly more complex benefits in contemporary urban planning. Recognising BGI as an interdisciplinary approach for urban planning is therefore crucial for understanding and implementing it in spatial planning practice. 3.2 Blue-green infrastructure Blue-green infrastructure can be defined as natural and semi-natural (hence green) decentralized systems designed to manage urban stormwater (hence blue), while providing a wide range of ecosystem services (Liao et al., 2017; Lam­ond & Everett, 2019). Its basic philosophy is to mimic natural hydrological processes (i.e., retention, infiltration, and evap­o(transpi)ration) with the aim of managing rainwater locally to prevent generation of runoff and mixing with wastewater. A standard term for these measures has not yet been estab­lished in Slovenia or globally. There are a number of related terms and concepts in English that are largely based on sim­ilar processes and technologies. For example, in the UK, the most commonly used term is sustainable urban drainage sys­tems (SUDS; Woods Ballard et al.). In the US, the terms used are low-impact development (LID), best management practice (BMP), and stormwater control measures (SCM), and in Aus­tralia the term used is water-sensitive urban design (WSUD; Fletcher et al., 2015). They differ primarily in the scale, such as a single property, a street, a neighbourhood, a district, a city, or even larger regional systems. Recently, the term nature-based solutions (NBS) has also become widely used, encompassing a variety of technologies that mimic or are based on natural processes and are cost-effective, while providing environmen­tal, social, and economic benefits while enhancing resilience (Langergraber et al., 2020). These solutions bring more nature and natural features and processes into cities and landscapes through systemic interventions that are locally appropriate and resource-efficient (European Commission, 2020). We would like to emphasize that these concepts are largely based on the same technologies and have the same objectives, but, because they were developed simultaneously in different parts of the world and within different disciplines, they are named differ­ently. Based on the definitions presented, it is clear that BGI should be understood much more broadly and not merely as a water-management approach. Namely, it offers improvements not only in water management, but also in many other areas, such as climate change, agriculture, forestry, urban planning, nature conservation, disaster prevention, and even regional de­velopment. It is therefore a highly interdisciplinary approach that has not yet been fully implemented in Slovenian practice. Elements of BGI in urban space are mostly part of green ar­eas and thus, in the spatial planning context, they form part of the green system of a settlement or green infrastructure as introduced by the Spatial Development Strategy of Slovenia by 2050 (Sln. Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije 2050; Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020a). In other countries, with few exceptions such as the UK and the Netherlands, the additional benefits of BGI have not yet been sufficiently communicated to national and local authorities, PUI managers, spatial planners, and the public. Unlike the tra­ditional approach based on drainage and retention of water in the sewerage system, decision-making guidelines and software tools do not yet exist for such systems. As a result, the shared benefits of BGI may be overlooked because the processes for assessing different solution scenarios are unclear and the long-term operation of these systems is subject to uncertainty or risk for stakeholders. Although some modelling tools already include modules for modelling BGI from hydraulic and wa­ter-quality perspectives, the shared benefits, such as amenity, biodiversity, and long-term cost-benefit aspects, are poorly included in these tools (Chow et al., 2014). However, certain software tools, such as E2STORMED (Morales-Torres et al., 2016) allow a comprehensive assessment of individual meas­ures with all their benefits but use simpler hydrological-hy­draulic models, and therefore the use of results from more complex models for appropriate treatment is recommended (Radinja et al., 2019). Figure 1 presents the elements of BGI according to their pri­mary purpose: reducing surface runoff, reducing peak flows, or improving water quality. At the same time, it shows which processes (e.g., retention, infiltration, and evapotranspiration) contribute to the achievement of these purposes and to what extent. Moreover, the shared benefits (i.e., ecosystem services) provided by the elements are indicated. 4 An integrated approach to urban water management International and national strategic documents that guide the development of a particular field are very important for im­plementing new concepts and practices. This article explores the extent to which spatial planning and urban water man­agement are linked because there is an evident need to pro­vide sufficient urban space for implementing BGI. This link is highly recognized and promoted in international strategic documents (Table 2) and, to some extent, it can be noted in Slovenian legislation as well (Table 3). However, it can also be noted that Slovenia has not yet fully adopted international strategies in its national legislation, and so the link between spatial planning and urban water management is somehow weak. Only rainwater infiltration and green space planning are represented (Table 3). Moreover, there are (still) no valid standards or established practices in Slovenia for BGI planning and stormwater infiltration (Radinja et al., 2017). BGI represents a way of coordinating spatial interventions (requirements and developments) and achieving some of the spatial planning objectives set out in the Spatial Planning Act (Sln. Zakon o urejanju prostora, 2017): • Protecting space as a limited natural resource by ensuring better land use through multifunctionality; • Providing quality living conditions and a healthy living environment by enhancing biodiversity; • Contributing to promoting and protecting human health by improving air quality and reducing noise levels; • Protecting the environment by reducing pollution (e.g., combined sewer overflows); • Contributing to climate change adaptation; • Creating conditions for reducing and preventing natural and other disasters by reducing the likelihood of flooding and by cooling the environment. In Slovenia, spatial and urban planning have a long tradition of planning green areas and systems (e.g., Kucan, 1994), which is reflected both in spatial planning documents and in the space itself. This is also reflected in the layout of Slovenian cities and in studies of open public spaces in various Slovenian cities (e.g., Vertelj Nared, 2014; Volgemut, 2020). It can be concluded that in the majority of cases spatial planning in Slovenia addresses urban water management only indirectly by providing green areas or systems (Table 3). Nevertheless, these areas have a posi­tive impact on urban drainage because they provide infiltration capacity and both smaller and slower surface runoff compared to paved surfaces. However, green areas have not (yet) been designed with an active function of stormwater retention and infiltration (i.e., they do not absorb surface runoff from adja­cent paved surfaces), and so infiltration is provided passively or incidentally (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020b). In terms of functionality, green areas should therefore be enhanced with BGI elements that provide additional ecosystem services, such as resilience to climate change, maintaining biodiversity, im­proving ecosystem functions, and providing other benefits to the population and the economy, particularly for public health, quality of life, and resource conservation. In this way, green systems in settlements will provide an extended set of environmental and ecological functions, thus forming green infrastructure as introduced in the proposal of the Spatial De­velopment Strategy of Slovenia by 2050 (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020a). The proposal defines green infrastructure at the regional level as green systems of regions and at the local level as green systems of settlements, thus paralleling it with the previously established planning of green systems. Moreover, the Slovenian water legislation does not impose the use of BGI elements, but, at the same time, it does not prohibit their use either because it recommends the implemen­tation of measures for surface runoff reduction, retention, or infiltration (Table 3). Therefore, taking into consideration all the characteristics of the local area and sectoral legislation, the implementation can start immediately, which can be proven by examples of successfully implemented BGI measures in Slove­nia (Ramšak & Oberžan, 2017; Klemen et al., 2020). Klemen et al. (2020) also found that expert studies for stormwater management measures are generally not provided during the preparation of spatial planning documents. This leads to the continued use of the existing water management concept, with only a few exceptions of the introduction of BGI in municipal spatial plans. Systemic measures, such as cooperation between institutions, strengthening strategic planning, and consider­ing expert solutions, are also called for in the Strategy for the Protection and Development of Green Infrastructure in the Ljubljana Urban Region (RRA LUR, 2019). The strategy em­phasizes that “integrated and inclusive management are identi­fied as key factors in sustaining the benefits and unlocking the potential benefits of green infrastructure” (RRA LUR, 2019: 33). At the same time, the strategy calls for green infrastructure planning beyond simple zoned land use. In Slovenia, some cities have already moved toward imple­menting the target proposed by Brown (2009), a water-sen­sitive city, by introducing BGI (e.g., green roofs, mandatory stormwater retention, and infiltration). However, there is a lack of a comprehensive systemic approach (i.e., the flexible institutional framework mentioned above) because there is no adequate integration with other professionals (architects, urban planners, and spatial planners) involved in designing urban space. Below, we present cities that have already adopted and implemented such management strategies and approaches. 5 Best-practice examples We have selected four examples of the systemic implementa­tion of BGI at the city or national level from Denmark, the Netherlands, China, and the United States. Their geographical representation is intended to emphasize that the adoption of BGI in managing the urban water cycle is a global trend that points to future developments in this field. Common to all examples is the integration between water and spatial planning sectors for integrated BGI planning. 5.1 Copenhagen: Adaptation to extreme rainfall events The Danish Meteorological Institute defines a precipitation event as extreme if more than 15 mm of precipitation falls in 30 minutes (Danish Meteorological Institute, 2019). In 2011, 136 mm of rain fell in 90 minutes in Copenhagen, which is statis­tically an event that occurs only once every two thousand years (Arnbjerg-Nielsen et al., 2015). As a result, the city suffered enormous damage. More than 30% of real estate owners in the city filed insurance claims, and the total damage exceeded €800 million (Arnbjerg-Nielsen et al., 2015). In response to this and some less intense rainfall events, the city adopted the Climate Adaptation Plan (City of Copenhagen, 2011) and then the Stormwater Management Plan (City of Copenhagen, 2012), which will cost about €500 million to implement. Figure 2 shows the six-step approach to selecting the most appropriate solution for managing cloudbursts: • First, the municipality identified and ranked areas within the city according to how vulnerable they are to cloud­bursts, based on data and analysis of the current situation. • In the second step, hydrological-hydraulic models that incorporated both surface runoff and sewerage systems were used to identify urban catchments and their risk of flooding. • This was followed by assessment of the current state of flood damage, together with indirect costs and climate change impacts. The impacts are estimated at €55 to 80 million per year until 2110. • The next step was the creation of a BGI elements cata­logue (i.e., the Cloudburst Toolkit) for cloudburst man­agement (e.g., a green street, an urban creek, and a reten­tion boulevard), which provided the basis for developing an ambitious adaptation plan for future cloudbursts. This was followed by architectural and landscape design, vis­ualization of proposed solutions, and robustness testing. • The fifth step involves all stakeholders, who then jointly design and create the proposed solutions. This type of design is an iterative process that leads to better solutions and ensures their quality. • In the final step, the proposed alternative solutions are evaluated financially, and the most appropriate solution is selected based on a cost-benefit analysis. 5.2 Rotterdam Rotterdam is Europe’s largest port, located in the delta of the Rhine and Meuse rivers and threatened by water from four directions: the sea, the rivers, groundwater, and rainwater. Due to its extreme exposure and the ongoing impacts of climate change, the city has adopted a climate-change adaptation strat­egy (Rotterdam Climate Initiative, 2013). The strategy is based on an approach that combines overcoming water-related issues with opportunities for urban transformation and socioeco­nomic development. Action planning is based on the results of hydrological-hydraulic models that determine the risk of flooding of specific areas within the city, whether from the sea, rivers, or extreme rainfall events. For rainfall, the main measure envisaged is BGI, which is designed to retain stormwater at the site and slow its runoff. In designing a water-resilient city, special attention is paid to every individual site, involving water committees, urban planners, a municipal administration, and other stakeholders that help create the measures. Public aware­ness and active participation are promoted through active and targeted communication. 5.3 Chinese sponge cities In response to the problems in the urban water cycle (e.g., flooding and pollution of water bodies) that were caused by the rapid urbanisation of Chinese cities, the Chinese government has developed the concept of sponge cities. In 2014, thirty cities across the country, including megacities, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Shenzhen, were included to serve as pi­lot areas from which best practices and regulatory frameworks can be transferred to other cities (Chan et al., 2018). The con­cept of sponge cities is based on BGI and the implementation of six processes in urban stormwater management: infiltration, stagnation, storage, purification, utilisation, and discharge (Liu et al., 2017). The activities that are introducing the concept in cities mainly focus on 1) the construction of sponge buildings (e.g., green roofs and rain gardens), 2) the construction of sponge streets, sidewalks, and squares using permeable mate­rials, 3) the construction of sponge parks and green areas (e.g., rain gardens, sunken green fields, and artificial wetlands), 4) the protection and remediation of natural water bodies (e.g., management of natural waterways, increasing wetlands, etc.), 5) improving the connectivity of urban water systems to al­low their continuity, 6) upgrading existing drainage systems to provide flood protection and discharge of excess water, and 7) constructing separate systems for stormwater and wastewater (Liu et al., 2017). The results of the design and performance of BGIs allow the transfer of knowledge from the pilot cities to other cities, which can follow with fast implementation and better planning of BGI (Yin et al., 2021). 5.4 The United States: The BGI concept for wastewater management Combined sewer overflows are elements in a combined sew­erage system that discharge excess stormwater and sanitary wastewater directly into water bodies during rainfall events, therefore protecting the sewerage system and the city from flooding. At the same time, they pose an environmental hazard because, although diluted, they discharge untreated wastewater into water bodies. After a requirement from the U.S. Envi­ronmental Protection Agency to establish a long-term plan for the operation of combined sewer overflows (United States Congress, 2002), Philadelphia decided on an alternative ap­proach. Consequently, the decision was made to implement BGI throughout the city, instead of building additional grey infrastructure (e.g., underground storage tanks or collectors). The result is a twenty-five-year plan called Green City, Clean Waters (Philadelphia Water Department, 2011). It was cal­culated that after forty-five years the plan would return more benefits and added value to the city than the investment. Through structured information and awareness raising of all stakeholders, the plan has resulted in residents now perceiving city streets differently. They now recognize the possibilities for transformation of previously impervious surfaces into green, lush areas that retain, treat, and control stormwater runoff. The introduction of the plan was followed by the creation of a comprehensive guide that makes it easy for potential develop­ers to become familiar with all the necessary requirements that a project must meet to adequately address water management within the development area (Philadelphia Water Department, 2014). The city is divided into sub-areas based on hydrologi­cal-hydraulic characteristics (e.g., floodplain areas and type of sewerage system), which allow developers to determine the general water management requirements (e.g., 100% infiltra­tion, and partial retention and treatment of stormwater) by using the guide. Despite the positive progress, researchers have found that pur­suing only one objective in BGI implementation (i.e., large-scale water retention) can lead to systematic implementation of a limited set of BGI measures that provide only limited ben­efits (Spahr et al., 2020). Therefore, Spahr (2020) concluded that, if cities want to achieve the ecosystem services provided by plants (i.e., air purification, reduction of noise and the heat island effect, a pleasant appearance, and public health), they will need to increase the use of this type of BGI. 5.5 Comparison of best practices In both European cases, the main cause for the paradigm shift in urban water management was prevailing climate change im­pacts and the prediction of more frequent and intense rainfall events that will cause floods. On the other hand, the Chinese and American cases were triggered by the quality of water bod­ies and the negative impact of urbanization on them. Common to all the examples is the recognition that grey infrastructure can neither provide solutions to all the emerging problems nor deliver ecosystem benefits. The cities presented have identified multifunctional BGIs as an appropriate solution, which is in line with the water-sensitive city approach (Table 1). Further­more, BGI has been successfully integrated into the cities’ stra­tegic documents, which also include well-defined objectives (Table 4). It is important that after adaptation of strategies public funds also be allocated to achieving the set objectives. The success of the cities presented in adopting BGI is also conditioned by the development of professional guidelines and planning tools that provide support to city planners. Moreover, common to all the cases presented is the involvement of the water sector in spatial planning. Water engineers use hydro­logical-hydraulic models to 1) identify (current and potential) critical points of flood risk in urban areas and assesses the impact of individual BGI scenarios on the urban water cycle through simulations, and 2) assesses the quality impact of BGI on urban surface runoff and consequently on the ecological status of the receiving water bodies. 6 Conclusion The management of urban space and its associated elements lies in the domain of various disciplines. This article has presented the current state and challenges of urban water management in Slovenia and in some cities globally. The much-needed link between water management and urban planning is encouraged in international strategic documents; however, this link has not been sufficiently adopted in Slovenian national legislation. Thus, a predominantly sectoral approach in water management and urban planning is practiced in Slovenian cities. Based on the examples of urban water-management best prac­tices presented, it can be concluded that in some cities the systemic introduction of BGI has become an established ap­proach rather than an alternative one in urban planning. This is not the case for Slovenian cities yet, but there is a great potential because Slovenian cities have sufficient well-distrib­uted green areas (public and private), which is a consequence of spatial planning practices already established (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2020b). Currently green areas are not planned according to BGI principles, and so their multifunc­tionality, which could be achieved by absorbing surface run­off from surrounding paved areas, is not (sufficiently) utilized. Therefore, a great potential remains for green areas in cities that could provide additional above- or below-ground retention ar­eas to relieve the pressure on the sewerage system and keep precipitation within the natural water cycle. The best-practice examples presented show that the implementation of many decentralized measures can significantly improve the water balance of the sewerage system and reduce the likelihood of their overflow and thus flooding of urban areas. The best-practice examples analysed show that interdiscipli­nary cooperation between different disciplines and cross-sec­toral coordination at the planning and operational levels are key in BGI planning. From the perspective of the water sector, which primarily manages the urban water cycle, it is essential that spatial planning include expert studies for the sustaina­ble management of water resources and adaptation to climate change. Furthermore, creation of guidelines and technical manuals for planning and dimensioning BGI is also of great importance for the planning and implementation phase. It can be concluded that, despite individual efforts, in Slo­venia BGI is still not recognized as an effective concept for comprehensive management of the urban water cycle. Such management requires a holistic approach, which encompasses modelling, planning, and dimensioning of the most appro­priate measures. Nevertheless, these efforts indicate a growing awareness of the importance of BGI and the need for its sys­tematic integration into the legislative framework to ensure adequate involvement of key stakeholders, interdisciplinary cooperation between disciplines, and cross-sectoral coordina­tion for comprehensive urban water management. Matej Radinja, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Civil and Geodet­ic Engineering, Department of Environmental Civil Engineering, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: matej.radinja@fgg.uni-lj.si Nataša Atanasova, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Civil and Geo­detic Engineering, Department of Environmental Civil Engineering, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: natasa.atanasova@fgg.uni-lj.si Alma Zavodnik Lamovšek, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Civil and Geodetic Engineering, Chair of Spatial Planning, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: alma.zavodnik@fgg.uni-lj.si Acknowledgements This study was supported by the project Closing Material Flows with Green Technologies (no. J2-8162) and the research programme no. P2-0180, funded at the national level by the Slovenian Research Agency. References Agudelo-Vera, C. M., Mels, A. R., Keesman, K. J. & Rijnaarts, H. H. M. M. (2011) Resource management as a key factor for sustainable urban planning. Journal of Environmental Management, 92, pp. 2295–2303. 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Uradni list Republike Slovenije, nos. 67/02, 2/04 – ZZdrI-A, 41/04 – ZVO-1, 57/08, 57/12, 100/13, 40/14, 56/15. Ljubljana. The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Table 1: The development of urban water management. Phase Water-management approach Cumulative socio-political drivers Service delivery functions 1 Water-supply city Water-supply access and security Supply hydraulics 2 Sewered city Public health protection Separate sewerage schemes 3 Drained city Flood protection Drainage, channelization 4 Waterway city Social amenity, environmental protection Point and diffuse source pollution management 5 Water-cycle city Limits on natural resources Diverse fit-for-purpose sources and conservation, promoting waterway protection 6 Water-sensitive city Intergenerational equity, resilience to climate change Adaptive multifunctional infrastructure and urban design reinforcing water-sensitive behaviours The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK Figure 1: Elements of BGI and its functions and benefits (adapted from Collett et al., 2013). The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities Table 2: Spatial planning and urban water management internationally. Spatial planning Urban water 1. Urban Agenda for the EU: The Pact of Amsterdam (EC, 2016) 1. Sustainable Development Goals (UN, 2015) The priority topics include climate adaptation (including green infra­structure solutions), sustainable land use, nature-based solutions, and air quality. – Goal 6: Ensure availability and sustainable water management and sanitation for all; – Goal 11: Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resil­ient, and sustainable. 2. New Urban Agenda: The Quito Declaration (UN, 2017) 2. Principles for Water Wise Cities (IWA, 2017) Two commitments for environmentally sustainable and resilient urban development that are strongly related to water: 72. We commit ourselves to long-term urban and territorial plan­ning processes and spatial development practices that incorporate integrated water-resource planning and management, considering the urban-rural continuum at the local and territorial scales and in­cluding the participation of relevant stakeholders and communities. 73. We commit ourselves to promoting the conservation and sus­tainable use of water by rehabilitating water resources within ur­ban, peri-urban, and rural areas, reducing and treating wastewater, minimizing water loss, promoting water reuse, and increasing water storage, retention, and recharge, taking the water cycle into consid­eration. Level 2) Water-Sensitive Urban Design: – Planning and implementing urban designs that promote regener­ative water services. – Designing urban spaces to reduce flood risks. Increasing resil­ience to flood risks by developing improved drainage solutions integrated within the urban infrastructure design to provide safe flooding spaces. – Enhancing liveability by designing visible water areas in cities. Roadside green infrastructure (rain gardens and bio-swales) and major blue-green corridors as opportunities for social inclusion: recreation, inclusive public spaces, economic development and transportation, multi-purpose spaces, and infrastructure. – Modification and adaptation of urban materials (for roofs, wall surfaces, roads, and urban furniture) to prevent the release of pollutants when exposed to sun and rain. Table 3: Spatial planning and urban water management in Slovenia. Spatial planning Urban water 1. Slovenian Spatial Development Strategy (Sln. Strategija prostorske­ga razvoja Slovenije; Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor, 2004) 1. Slovenian Development Strategy 2030 (Sln. Strategijo razvoja Slo­venije 2030; Služba Vlade Republike Slovenije za razvoj in evropsko kohezijsko politiko, 2017) Urban drainage is mentioned twice: – The topic of urban development: “From a safety point of view, settlements should have as much green space as possible to compensate for large temperature extremes and to allow for the gradual drainage of rainwater.” – The topic of wastewater and stormwater drainage and treatment: “Stormwater and wastewater shall be discharged separately where this is economically viable and technically feasible. Rainwa­ter should be retained as long as possible at sites where it falls, and surface runoff should be redirected into the nearest water body.” Goal 9: We will achieve sustainable natural resources management by: a) introducing an ecosystem-based approach to managing natural resources and by moving past the sectoral way of thinking, such as via the well-timed harmonization of national and cross-border interests in mixed fields with regard to water, food, and energy ecosystems, which should change and adapt in the future due to the consequences of climate change; b) effectively managing surface water and groundwater, coastal and maritime resources, and achieving their good condition; 2. Strategy for Protection and Development of Green Infrastructure in the Ljubljana Urban Region (Sln. Strategija varstva in razvoja zelene infrastrukture v Ljubljanski urbani regiji; RRA LUR, 2019) 2. The Water Act Goal 1: Improved environmental status Particular attention should be paid to water management (infil­tration, water retention, and flood protection) and to designing solutions that provide several functions at the same time (retention areas can be both attractive for leisure activities and have a positive impact on the microclimate). Goal 4: Climate change mitigation and adaptation It is important to manage both water-related extremes (water scar­city and flooding) and the connections with other activities, such as agriculture. Both extreme rainfall and temperatures can be mitiga­ted with green infrastructure or spatial measures in urban areas. The law stipulates that the protection of urban areas from the harmful effects of rainwater is the responsibility of the local go­vernment, which particularly includes measures to reduce surface runoff from urban areas and measures to limit the spills of waste­water and stormwater. Local government decrees usually regulate infiltration of rainwater whenever possible and permissible; howe­ver, if this is not possible, it is necessary to minimize the discharge of stormwater into the public sewerage system, either by retaining it or by reusing it (Odlok o odvajanju in cišcenju komunalne in padavinske odpadne vode v Mestni obcini Ljubljana, 2018). Spatial planning Urban water 3. The Spatial Planning Act 3. Decree on the Emission of Substances and Heat When Discharg­ing Wastewater into Waters and the Public Sewage System (Sln. Uredba o emisiji snovi in toplote pri odvajanju odpadnih voda v vode in javno kanalizacijo, 2012), Decree on the Emission of Substances in the Discharge of Stormwater from Public Roads (Sln. Uredba o emisiji snovi pri odvajanju padavinske vode z javnih cest, 2005) The law defines green systems as a planned system for protecting and developing green spaces in urban areas and other green and manmade structures that are linked with them. The purpose of spatial planning (Article 2) is to achieve sustainable spatial deve­lopment by comprehensively addressing, coordinating, and ma­naging its social, environmental, and economic aspects to achieve spatial-planning objectives (e.g., to contribute to climate change and create conditions for reducing and preventing natural or other disasters). The decree specifies under which conditions stormwater may (not) be discharged (indirectly) into groundwater, directly into inland water bodies, or into the sea. Restrictions are conditioned by the type of surface from which the stormwater originates, the water protection zones, or the type of aquifer the road crosses. 4. Decree on the Spatial Order of Slovenia (Sln. Uredba o prostor­skem redu Slovenije, 2004) 4. Decree on the Methodology for Determining Prices of Obligatory Municipal Public Services for Environmental Protection (Sln. Uredba o metodologiji za oblikovanje cen storitev obveznih obcinskih gosp­odarskih javnih služb varstva okolja, 2012) – Planning water-supply systems should rely on lower-quality water sources as much as possible when water is used as a source of process water, fire-fighting water, or other non-potable water (Article 52). – Roof and terrace rainwater should be drained within the building plot by means of soakaways, soakaway trenches, or soakaway drainage pipes, in accordance with the environmental protection regulations. The decree stipulates that the cost of collecting and treating ra­inwater from roofs must be billed under a separate heading. This informs and motivates people to retain rainwater on their property and consequently reduces the flow of rainwater into the public sewerage system. M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities Figure 2: The Copenhagen approach to stormwater management (adapted from Ramboll, 2016). M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities Table 4: Overview of successful foreign practices. Copenhagen Rotterdam China, thirty pilot cities Philadelphia Cause Floods, climate change Floods, climate change Environmental pollution, floods Environmental pollution: combined sewerage overflows Name and year of programme adoption The Copenhagen Climate Adaptation Plan, 2011; The Cloudburst Manage­ment Plan, 2012 The Rotterdam Climate Change Adaptation Strategy, 2013 The Sponge City Programme, 2014 Green City, Clean Waters, 2011 Goal 1) Preventing inflow of surface runoff into the sewerage system from more than one-third of the non-impervious area. 2) When a cloudburst with a hundred-year return period occurs, a maximum of 10 cm of surface water (prevention of flooding) Complete climate change resilience of the city by 2025 By 2030, at least 70% of pre­cipitation will be infiltrated or reused on 80% of urban areas. The prevention of inflow of surface runoff to sew­erage system from more than one-third of the non-impervious area in the next twenty-five years Developed guidelines and planning tools in response to detected prob­lems 1) The Copenhagen Cloudburst Formula (guidelines for strategic planning of BGI); 2) The Copenhagen Cloudburst Toolkit (cata­logue of BGI elements) 1) The Interactive Climate Atlas (the atlas makes it possible to compare the consequences of various climate scenarios for a given location); 2) The Climate Adaptation Barometer (the tool can be used to structure the climate change adaptation strategy and to keep track of the process); 3) The Climate Adaptation Toolbox (the toolbox pro­vides an overview of poten­tial adaptation measures for various spatial scale levels and aims) 1) The Code for Design of Ur­ban Green Space (the code is harmonized with guidelines for sponge cities, with emphasis on an integrated approach for plan­ning urban green areas); 2) The Code for Design of Urban Road Engineering (the code is harmonized with guidelines for sponge cities; it includes a chap­ter on BGI); 3)The Assessment Standard for Sponge City Effects (technical standards for assessment of sponge city effects) 1) The Stormwater Management Guidance Manual (guidelines for planning BGI, a catalogue of BGI elements); 2) A Homeowner’s Guide to Stormwater Manage­ment (practical guidelines for homeowners on how to manage stormwater) M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK The water-management aspect of blue-green infrastructure in cities M. RADINJA, N. ATANASOVA, A. ZAVODNIK LAMOVŠEK UDC: 712.253:551.588.7 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-01-004 Received: 9 Dec. 2020 Accepted: 6 May 2021 Marie-Therese FALLAST Sanela PANSINGER Gerald KREBS Martin MOSER Andreas ZOBL Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens The reintroduction of green infrastructure is a recognized approach to mitigating heat islands and flash floods in urban areas. Depending on its type and extent, green infrastructure (GI) can reduce local urban temperatures significantly and at the same time reduce the risk of flood­ing. This article views the streetscape as an important area of activity for GI-based climate-adaptation interventions for two main reasons: it serves as a conduit for urban human activity and mobility, and it acts as a significant heat store. The approach proposed unites some key ele­ments that can form the basis for all future public-realm (streetscape) design, promoting a truly climate-responsive urban environment. These include reduction of sealing to only essential areas, decentralized water management using rain-garden technology, low maintenance, aesthetic planting supporting biodiversity, and sensor-based moni­toring of thermal comfort parameters to optimize meas­ures. It utilizes low-cost sensors for obtaining thermal comfort data to locate urban heat islands. It also proposes a GIS-based decision tool bringing together relevant data sets: temperature, level of surface sealing, and flood risk, as well as aspects such as the location of services, traffic, and urban planning. A pilot application as part of an ongoing Austrian government-funded climate adaptation project is described in which this methodology has been applied. Keywords: public space, climate change, stormwater management, street drainage, sensor technology and digitization 1 Introduction Combating the effects of climate change in urban areas is a continuing challenge for cities and towns throughout Europe and the rest of the world. Decision-makers are faced with un­predictable weather situations that cause urban heat islands (UHIs) and flash floods, with an ensuing socioeconomic bur­den. The climate-change effects are exacerbated by the nature of the urban environment, with high built density and prolif­eration of impermeable surfaces that not only store heat but disrupt the natural water cycle. This not only results in reduced thermal comfort, particularly in city centres, but also in an in­creasing burden on sewer networks, often resulting in pollution at times of peak flows, which spill into natural water courses. In seeking ways to deal with these diametrically opposed cli­mate conditions, green infrastructure interventions are con­sidered a sustainable alternative to ameliorate the problem and improve urban micro-climates. Although “greening our cities” has become a buzzword for more liveable urbanity in the twenty-first century, little progress has been made to systemize and optimize such interventions with the aim of improving their long-term efficacy and return on investment. This may be due in part to the inherent complexity of this multi-layered problem, which demands coordinated interplay between many stakeholders, especially with regard to the rigid planning tools and processes employed. This article proposes a multifunctional approach that could contribute to best practice for more systematic incorporation of green infrastructure (GI) into the urban fabric. The ap­proach specifically addresses significant UHI contributors by identifying problem areas using mobile sensors. Impermeable horizontal surfaces in the urban space, with no perceivable traffic function (dead zones), are targeted for unsealing and retrofitting with GI based on rain-garden technology in a way that recognizes its importance and function as an urban design element. With this approach, the causes of UHI may be tack­led directly and sustainably while simultaneously promoting more positive and direct human interaction with nature and improving biodiversity within the city environment. To achieve the proposed level of multifunctionality, a research consortium was established as a working group under the name Climate-Responsive Street Garden (ARGE – CRG), drawing its expertise from various fields, including landscape plan­ning, hydrology, urban and spatial planning, traffic planning, IT (sensor and app development), and ecology. By actively pursuing an emphatically multidisciplinary approach to de­veloping improvement measures in combating climate change, we seek to produce truly sustainable solutions for a multifac­eted problem. This means innovation in terms of both the multifunctional approach to the resulting urban GI and the transdisciplinary development and application of the method. 1.1 The significance of street space The scope for action is most restricted in areas often most af­fected by UHIs and flash floods. Particularly in urban centres, the competition for ever-decreasing urban space means that a large proportion of surfaces are sealed, resulting in the loss of natural soil function and the ability to cool. Although GI is a highly sustainable form of climate-change amelioration, there is not an insignificant need for space. This requires designers to examine the street space more critically to prioritize and reassign function. Where is the need for action most press­ing? Which type of green infrastructure should be prioritized where? Against this backdrop, cities and towns wish to max­imize the positive effects of the investment and minimize negative aspects, which leads to requirements for appropriate decision tools and the need to promote multifunctionality (Monteiro et al., 2020). There has been much discussion about the possibilities of space-saving vertical greening of facades as a possible alterna­tive to climate-proof cities. Although they can make a valua­ble contribution, they do have some drawbacks (Manso et al., 2015). In an established city structure with a historical city centre protected by legislation to retain a specific cultural and identity-creating heritage, the options for green infrastructure such as vertical or roof gardens are diminished (Pansinger & Förster, 2018). Until appropriate technology is developed in keeping with historic preservation requirements, alternative approaches are needed. A literature review shows that climate resilience mainly deals with larger systems, whereas the field is still developing at the building level (Kristl et al., 2020). Significantly, one square meter of green roof area is sufficient to evaporate two litres of water per day and bind ten grams of fine dust per year as well as absorb 375 grams of CO2. Green roofs also reduce street noise and contribute to energy savings of buildings (Willenbrock, 2020). In addition, a greener urban environment is generally perceived as more pleasant and thus contributes to the quality of the urban ambience (Kozamernik et al., 2020). The drive to promote active mobility and the quality of the public realm in recent times (Markvica et al., 2020) demands a rethink about how street space is organ­ized. Pedestrians and cyclists experience their environment much more acutely than those using public transport or cars. The makeup of the “urban plinth” has been described as an important factor in making towns and cities attractive and liveable (Gehl, 2015). High ambient temperatures (i.e., UHIs) are also likely to dissuade active mobility and affect the quality of public space for healthy and infirm city-dwellers alike. In the future it is not only necessary to make cities interesting and attractive; they must mitigate climate change as well. 1.2 Prioritizing multifunctional green interventions on the ground City heat maps show that horizontal surfaces in urban areas (Figure 1) such as roofs and roads are often most exposed to solar energy and contribute significantly to urban heat storage potential. Efforts have been made to increase the uptake of green roof technology with various forms of subsidies (Inter­net 1). This may support uptake, but it is rather ad hoc in its application. The grants available take no account of location or in-situ ambient conditions, and this type of GI is currently not suitable for retrofitting pitched roofs or those with histor­ical relevance. The same may be said for vertical greening. A further hindrance is that green roofs require private initiative. Decisions by private owners to pay for such measures are pri­marily influenced by financial considerations. Unless there is a financial imperative or advantage, the uptake for such tech­nology will remain low. It must be asked whether such an ap­proach corresponds to the optimum and effective investment in GI as a climate amelioration measure. Why do municipal­ities not adopt a policy aimed at “harvesting the low-hanging fruit first”? Roads and many parking areas are generally under municipal control and account for a significant proportion of heat storage in urban areas. Consequently, implementing climate-change measures on municipally owned streets is not as fraught with obstacles as is the case for greening privately owned buildings. At the same time, they are conduits for all urban mobility – including pedestrians and cyclists. Regarding the attractiveness of cities at the human scale, it has been es­tablished that the makeup of the “urban plinth” is significant (Gehl, 2015). The occurrence of UHIs is an additional factor for reducing the appeal of urban areas. It is therefore imperative to deal with this aspect where it originates: in the street space. Ultimately, the aim must be to reduce the asphalt and concrete surface (heat storage) in these areas while allowing adequate mobility and quality of life for the urban population, improv­ing liveability and sustainability. This process is an opportunity to make cities smarter, greener, and healthier, where there is a balance between energy and function, environment and aes­thetics, and technology and nature, where people and their needs are foregrounded, and where the previous two-dimen­sional street is transformed (Pansinger, 2018). It is therefore logical to prioritize this part of the urban fabric as an initial step in implementing climate-adaptation measures. It is therefore necessary to revisit urban space to identify op­portunities that may have previously been overlooked. In urban areas a multitude of factors – in addition to lack of available space, also increased ground sealing, high traffic volumes, and below-surface services – stand in the way of introducing larg­er-scale green areas. Consequently, the demand for smaller and more flexible solutions increases (e.g., parklets or mobile trees) constituting a type of “green acupuncture”. This translates into small interventions with the potential to release new energy flows within urban space – in line with the concept of a “dou­ble archipelago” of disconnected urban islands and isolated green spaces constituting the city (Christiaanse, 2018: 45). The contribution that high-quality urban green space can make to the intense discourse on the worrying decline in biodiversity (IPBES, 2019) on a global scale should be considered as a vehi­cle both to improve actual biodiversity in cities and to mobilize citizens by bringing the problem into sharper focus. This can be achieved by paying particular attention to the quality and not just the quantity of green infrastructure. The IPBES report (IPBES, 2019) highlights the importance of “nature-based solutions, healthy urban environments, improved access to green spaces, and ecological connectivity within urban spac­es.” In contrast to current monoculture-style urban planting, species-rich planting schemes, which draw predominately from native varieties, can have a profound and lasting positive effect on urban ecology. These include increased robustness against disease and a reduced requirement for fertilizers and pesticides (Isbell et al., 2017). Consequently, the knock-on effect is that insects and other pollinators can make an unhindered return, providing insight into the workings of nature. The experience has shown that the adoption of such diverse plantings results in a marked increase in the number and volume of insect varieties (Mody et al., 2020) and this can be noticed by the public. Thus, the opportunity presents itself to promote the message to the public that biodiversity in general is not only the foundation of humanity’s continued existence but also underpins a worth­while living environment in the urban context. 2 Method The previous section described the elements to be integrated into the climate-responsive street garden system. It has been recognized that decisions about how, where, and what GI in­tervention to introduce need to be formalized in a systemized procedure (Koc et al., 2018). Competing demands for space (e.g., traffic, people, services, etc.) must be reflected in the data structure and content of the problem space, and ultimately in the resulting tool. The complexity demands making decisions about the necessity of GI interventions based on the viability of implementing the measures. Some agencies and cities have made efforts to generate tools that assist in selecting pilot pro­jects based on community involvement or demonstrate the shared benefits brought about by green interventions (e.g., In­ternet 2). These approaches consider two or three aspects or functions but fall short of the requirements to make an ob­jective selection based on localized conditions and the spatial framework where the measures are to be implemented. Currently, thermal comfort data are collected using remote sensing, aerial infrared photography, and/or satellite images (Xuexiu et al., 2020). Drone technology (Soto-Estrada et al., 2017) has also been successfully implemented to collect data related to urban temperature. These data sets are used to gener­ate and calibrate urban climate models. The limitations of these approaches are twofold. Whether carried out using drones or otherwise, aerial photography provides only a snapshot of the situation. Localized climate conditions vary continually over time and situation. The inherent dynamic is not accounted for in this method. The behaviour of thermal conditions over longer periods of time would facilitate a more refined approach to introducing measures and allow monitoring of the effects after introducing those measures. The entry point for this ap­proach is based on a five-dimensional model that demonstrates the versatility of green spaces and reflects the present and fu­ture needs of city dwellers (Figure 2). This model reflects the green infrastructure planning principles set out by Monteiro et al. (2020). Against this background, a systematic and reproducible ap­proach has been developed, referred to in this article as cli­mate-responsive street gardens. The main aim is to optimize the process and result of introducing green infrastructure into urban areas by setting up a systematic and reproducible ap­proach. The core elements of the system are identified and combined to ensure a high degree of multifunctionality. It is hoped that the proposed method will provide the foundation for future design interventions, guaranteeing the inclusion of climate adaptation measures in public realm design. This in turn ensures maximum functionality, in addition to aesthetic considerations, primarily for retrofitting existing urban struc­ture but also for new construction. The procedure adopted to achieve this aim includes the fol­lowing aspects: • Urban planning analysis and the identification of possible fields of action in relation to existing and planned spatial organization based on GIS data, aerial photographs, and planning instruments. • The development of a low-cost method for collecting thermal comfort data (ambient temperature and humid­ity). The thermal comfort data will be used to ascertain where GI climate adaptation measures are required and are part of the input for the GIS decision tool. In ad­dition, the data allow continuous post-implementation monitoring of effectiveness. • The design of a decision tool based on a suitability as­sessment model that docks onto existing technology and brings together previous data sets (e.g., utility plans, traffic volumes, vegetation maps, legislation, and spatial models) and additional collected data (e.g., thermal data); the tool generated supports decision-making with regard to the introduction of climate-responsive street gardens into the streetscape. • The identification and incorporation of core elements for climate-change amelioration such as unsealing of road surfaces where appropriate and necessary, integration of decentralized surface-water management systems, and ap­plication of high quality, low-maintenance, native plant­ing to promote biodiversity and provide suitable aesthetic value in the urban context. Thus, by deliberately unsealing or converting current green areas into climate-responsive street gardens, several functions are covered: cooling, sustainable rainwater management and street drainage, aesthetic and acoustic enhancement, greater acceptance of public spaces, and an increase in biodiversity. Through continuous measurement and evaluation of the meas­ures with specially developed sensor technology with respect to air temperature, humidity, and precipitation values as well as biodiversity audits, the positive effects of climate-responsive street gardens on the immediate environment are also quan­titatively verifiable and can be accessed at any time via the specially developed app. 3 Results This section presents the following results: • Developing suitable sensors and an app to collect and disseminate thermal comfort data; • Generating a model for developing the GIS-based de­cision tool; • Defining a computational approach for incorporating surface-water management; • Establishing design criteria for appropriate planting de­sign and soils adapted to alternate dry periods and pe­riodic flooding as well as challenging urban conditions (e.g., polluted surface water); • Securing the pilot implementation of this multifunction­al approach in an urban setting; and • A general plan of areas with pronounced heating and flooding risk and incorporating the plan into urban plan­ning instruments. 3.1 Developing sensors to collect thermal comfort data The approach to developing the sensors examined ways to al­low continuous and long-term collection of thermal data. In terms of cost and investment of resources, it was deemed not feasible to install a large network of sensors to collect temper­ature and humidity. As an alternative, this project proposes implementing a limited number of mobile sensors with GPS trackers, which by their nature can collect data in a wider catch­ment area. The sensors are to be installed on bikes, either on e-bikes or electric mopeds used by mail carriers, or bike delivery couriers, allowing consistent and wide coverage of city areas. Alternatively, the public could be mobilized to install sensors on their bikes, which would not only provide an additional data source but potentially raise awareness of climate effects (Figure 3). The current prototype of the mobile sensor collects data for air temperature and humidity, which are important indica­tors of thermal comfort in urban areas (Fihure 4). A built-in fan allows steady air circulation with the surroundings and increases measuring accuracy. Traditional sensors exposed to direct sunlight supply readings that do not correctly reflect the ambient temperature. Data transfer is carried out using NB-IoT technology via the mobile phone network. NB-IoT was specially developed to deliver data in an energy-saving manner. The battery-operated sensors can therefore continu­ally collect and transfer data over an extended period. Most providers offer this service at a low cost. The first prototypes are already in operation and the data are administrated by a specially designed app (climapp), which can be downloaded onto any smartphone. The results can be viewed on open-source street maps, which show the temperature differential along the street network according to colour (green = cool, red/orange = hot). This approach offers a low-cost alternative to provide a continual and reliable supply of thermal comfort data, which can be used to update the GIS-based assessment tool described above. 3.2 A GIS-based suitability assessment tool model Urban areas are systems with a great deal of inherent complexi­ty that continually evolves as cities grow and densify. Managing this complexity has required the adoption of methods that adequately handle spatial information in a stable manner and ensure that this information remains nuanced and is continu­ally updated. This has consequently seen the rise of geographic information systems (GIS), which have specifically been de­veloped to handle the complexity of the spatial data allowing informed decision-making in planning relating to all areas in the urban context. The importance of GIS lies in its ability to pull together vast amounts of information necessary to balance competing priorities and solve problems, such as optimizing the introduction of new green space, as is the intention of this project. The value of this approach has already been recognized as assisting in pinpointing potential locations for rain gardens (Fuskova, 2017). The simplified schematic diagram (Figure 5) shows the pro­posed model, which combines current data sets (services plans, aspect ratio, level of impermeability, traffic flows, standards re­lating to road dimensioning, etc.) and additional thermal com­fort data collected by the specially designed mobile sensors. Following the assembly of the relevant data, the implemen­tation of the multi-criteria weighted overlay analysis allows planners to pinpoint areas deemed suitable for introducing green space as a climate-response measure based on specific attributes already selected. This makes it possible to answer the following questions: Where are the measures required? Where are they possible within the context considered? Adopting such an approach would enable planners to make consistent and informed decisions about introducing green space meas­ures based on rational analysis, thereby guaranteeing efficacy, improved return on investment, and increased transparency. 3.3 Incorporating data for decentralized rainwater management The change in the hydrological cycle is one of the key impacts of increasing imperviousness (Shuster et al., 2005). On the one hand, unsealing urban surfaces allows reactivation of the soil as a means of cooling the environment by evapotranspiration to ameliorate UHIs. On the other hand, it directly tackles a further consequence of climate change: reducing or precluding the severe effects of extreme rain events. The assessment of urban hydrological processes differs in some ways from the nature of the remaining input data in the decision system be­cause the effect of rainfall, for example, on the urban system must be computed first. The type of computation significantly depends on the area of interest and its spatial structure as well as on the objective. Although rather simple tools are sufficient for assessing the water balance of an urban area (Sprung et al., 2017), advanced simulation tools are required to assess the temporal and spatial development of urban flooding events (Krebs et al., 2014a). The study objective is also directly cor­related with the data demand, and often different assessment approaches in terms of tools must be used for hydrological assessments prior to and after the installation of green infra­structure (Krebs et al., 2013, Krebs et al., 2014b, Leimgruber et al., 2019). After this computational pre-processing, the output produced (e.g., flooding maps) is used as input in the decision tool to identify the optimal locations and soil designs for the climate-responsive street gardens implemented. 3.4 Selecting appropriate plantings for climate-responsive gardens Not all green space is created equal (Wood et al., 2018). The quality and not just the quantity of green space plays a particu­larly important role in the urban context and in the context of this project. Green infrastructure in cities must comply with several criteria related to the demands of planting in the public realm. These include not just pleasing aesthetics, but also the ability to adapt and remain stable (or attractive) in the face of harsh climate conditions and impacts (e.g., high/low tem­peratures, traffic, litter, residents, and pets) while at the same time requiring as little maintenance as possible for financially stretched municipal departments. This is a tall order that in the past has resulted in the prolific use of monoculture plant­ing regimes, which are no longer in keeping with the future requirements of urban green space. Based on the five-dimensional model presented in Figure 2, the core functions of climate-responsive street gardens for plant­ings in the urban context are: • Providing cooling and shade; • Allowing decentralized management of surface water; • Increasing biodiversity in urban flora and fauna; and • Improving health and wellbeing. Planting regimes that can meet a large part of the core criteria take their inspiration from “gravel gardens”, which were first brought to the attention of a wider audience through the work of the British garden designer and horticulturist Beth Chatto (2000). The gravel gardens were an experiment in setting up a garden in one of the driest parts of England with no irri­gation and poor, free-draining soil. The resulting spectacular garden display is renowned for containing a rich and attrac­tive drought-tolerant plant species mix that is never watered. The gravel garden technique has been replicated in many gar­dens throughout the world, and the benefits for planting in the public realm are starting to be recognized (Fallast, 2018; Figure 6). Diverse plant communities in the urban realm are a recurring theme in the work of Hitchmough (2017) and Dunnett (2019), the latter of whom has particularly demon­strated that aesthetics and increased functionality through rain catchment and retention are by no means mutually exclusive. A further development in urban realm planting is demonstrat­ed by Smith (2019) as an attractive low-maintenance alterna­tive to grassed areas where low-level planting is required; the technique incorporates dwarf varieties of chamomile and other species combining horticultural practice with ecology to create a “grass-free lawn” requiring no mowing or fertilizer. Based on a combination of these planting regimes, a planting list was developed that takes account of the core functions and incor­porates native varieties where appropriate. The resulting plant list forms the basis for the planting design of climate-responsive street gardens and is to be implemented and monitored in the pilot case studies. The plant list is available from the authors upon request. The free-draining nature of the engineered ground matrix (50:50 gravel:soil) make this type of planting ideal for use in rainwater management systems (i.e., rain gardens). One of the main benefits of rain gardens with a rich diversity of planting is the ability, as a result of the rooting system, to retain the porous structure of the soil, thereby allowing free drainage through the layers. The self-regulating nature of such planting communities means that this is a low-maintenance and conse­quently low-cost alternative. The species-rich planting design promotes biodiversity at all levels and provides green space interventions that delight the senses and contribute to health and wellbeing for city dwellers (Figure 7). 3.5 Pilot application of a climate-responsive street garden system This approach is currently being used in the framework of the KLAR (Germ. Klima Anpassungsregionen) research pro­ject by klima energie fonds in the municipality of Wolfsberg in Carinthia, Austria. This approach was selected because it corresponds to the aims of the KLAR project: developing and implementing ways to combat the effects of climate change in the urban setting. Based on an interdisciplinary analysis con­ducted by the CARG working group in the summer of 2020, an area in the immediate vicinity of the main train station in Wolfsberg was identified where this approach could effectively be implemented as a pilot project. Apart from exhibiting a high degree of ground sealing (almost 95%) and prone to the UHI effect with some of the highest temperatures in the district, the forecourt area has an important function as a mobility hub and commercial district that will take on increased significance when the Koralm Railway link is put into operation in 2025. The implementation is planned for 2021. A network of stationary sensors will be installed to monitor the thermal comfort situation before implementation of the measures and post-implementation. The pilot phase relies on activating existing green space by converting the area direct­ly in front of the train station entrance into a rain garden measuring approximately 200 m˛. The area that has been des­ignated as the rain garden will undergo some modification to allow surface water to drain into the engineered soil. The monoculture planting is to be replaced with a perennial/grass mix of appropriate native species to withstand dry conditions and periodic flooding. The aim is to maintain an acceptable aesthetic while promoting maximum biodiversity in the urban context. If the GI intervention proves successful, it will be extended to other areas. The effects (reduction of temperature and public acceptance for new planting) will be monitored during the project duration. 4 Discussion and next steps The pilot results represent the first steps in the development of this approach and form a solid basis for further advancement. Clearly there remains a significant amount of work to be done in developing a system that is more widely applicable. The en­visaged next steps are also discussed in this section. The sensors may be used as a stationary unit or as a mobile unit. A mobile unit offers the greatest flexibility in terms of low-cost continuous thermal comfort data collection in com­parison to current methods using aerial images from aircraft or drone-mounted cameras (Soto-Estrada et al., 2017). The main advantage of the system presented is a continuous supply of data, which allows a more comprehensive picture of the situation with respect to changing ambient conditions over time. It has been found that the need to mount an extra de­vice onto a bike presents an obstacle to widespread adoption. An additional disadvantage is that the module is currently not weatherproof, which precludes a permanent fixture. Fu­ture development is therefore focussing on incorporating the sensor into current bike accessories (such as the bike bell) or integrating it into the bike frame itself. Some loss of data was experienced when the battery charge was low. It is therefore also planned to produce a module powered by solar cells, allowing for continuous off-grid application. An application for grant funding for this development has been submitted to the Styrian government (SFG, Steirische Forschungsgesellschaft) and is currently under review. The data can currently be viewed on open-source streets maps. A higher degree of accuracy in terms of being able to zoom in on the streetscape to deter­mine precisely where the measurements originated will be the next development step, requiring a refined information-design approach. The basic model for the GIS-based decision tool has been es­tablished and will be implemented as the next step. The chal­lenge lies in putting together the heterogeneous data sets from the various stakeholders into a coherent model. The thermal comfort data collected via the mobile and stationary sensors does not present this problem, and these data may be adapted at the source to suit the requirements of the tool. The standardized planting regime was selected based on re­quirements related to aesthetics, biodiversity, robustness, and knowledge about low-maintenance planting regimes for gravel gardens and rain-garden technology. Field testing the planting communities is the next stage for ascertaining suitability for their function in the urban street setting. The field testing will be carried out over two to three seasons to allow the planting to establish itself. Factors to be assessed include behaviour with respect to prolonged periods of high temperatures and reduced precipitation, the frequency of the requirement for interven­tion to maintain the planting feature, reaction to surface-water contamination from winter de-icing and traffic pollution, rat­ing of attractiveness, and corresponding public acceptance. An ecological audit is also planned to establish the effects on the level of biodiversity in this area (i.e., the variety and numbers of pollinating insects). The results will be used to optimize the planting regime accordingly. State-of-the-art hydrologic-hydrodynamic simulation tools al­low the design and evaluation of decentralized nature-based stormwater management strategies at various urban scales ranging from small rain gardens to a city-scale strategy. An important aspect is the increasing availability of data, both spa­tial and hydro-meteorological data, which supports a realistic evaluation of the effectiveness and performance of stormwater management strategies. Thus, hydrologic-hydrodynamic sim­ulation results have provided crucial input for the GIS-based decision tool. The pilot implementation in the small city of Wolfsberg de­fined for the first time the term climate-responsive street gardens as a move toward incorporating a much wider functionality than is found in most current urban green infrastructure in direct response to the diverse challenges to city life caused by climate change. It is therefore appropriate to extend the meaning of garden to include not only visible planting as an aesthetic and cooling element, but also the unseen contribu­tion of subterranean layers, which are specifically engineered to serve a variety of important functions in the urban environ­ment. In addition, climate-responsive street gardens are also an invitation to the public to consider the true value of green infrastructure in terms of ensuring continued biodiversity and the wellbeing of body and mind for the foreseeable future. They are a truly urban “green machine” (Wallace, 1990) at all levels. An important aspect of the monitoring process following im­plementation is to establish the level of public acceptance of this type of multifunctional green infrastructure and to ascer­tain whether the additional functionality that directly address­es climate adaptation could play a role in gaining increased public support. It is considered that the implementation of the climate-responsive street garden approach generates add­ed value to various aspects of present and future urban life. Based on integrated green infrastructure planning principles (Monteiro et al., 2020), the approach allows optimal and sus­tainable use of resources such as space and water by relieving urban wastewater systems, resulting in reduced direct costs and protection of natural watercourses. It offers a self-regulating, low-maintenance version for climate amelioration while po­tentially increasing urban biodiversity using site-consistent and species-rich planting (Mody et al., 2020). The spatial reconfig­uration of the street space through the inclusion of GI in this form has the potential to promote psychological wellbeing ac­cording to the principles of horticultural therapy when applied to the public realm (Ulrich, 1984; Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989) and may encourage increased active mobility (walking and cycling) by offering more attractive routes created by the new greenery (Fallast, 2017; Dunnett, 2019). In addition, it offers identity-creating activation of public space (Pansinger, 2019). This approach also seeks to demonstrate that it is not always large projects in big cities that are required. Often it is small acupuncture-like measures that can bring about important changes and innovations (Figure 9). 5 Conclusion Multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens are primarily intended for implementation in the streetscape (i.e., the public realm). In the pilot phase, it is intended to specifically target areas in the road that are asphalted but closed to motorized transport (i.e., “dead” zones with no specific traffic function) for retrofitting to facilitate acceptance by the general public. An important part of the process is also about raising aware­ness that road space should not only be understood as a traffic connection, but that the street should be perceived and used as a public space and as a fundamental asset for urban ecosystems. The approach presented therefore aims to innovate by devel­oping a systematic procedure for implementing green inter­ventions in the urban public realm by applying: • A GIS-based suitability assessment tool that brings to­gether all relevant data required to make decisions about the location and type of green intervention; • A multifunctional approach and interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary method to implement measures to combat climate change; • Mobile sensor technology with GPS tracking to gather microclimate data subsequently employed by the suitabil­ity assessment tool, which allows low-cost and continued monitoring of dynamic urban microclimates, setting itself apart from the current ad hoc approach to introducing green space into the urban context as a means of com­bating the effects of climate change; and • A flexible system that caters to the requirements of an established urban fabric, which is often subject to strict planning regulations and restricted by space, and offers flexible but effective green space interventions (“green ac­upuncture”), which can positively influence local climate conditions in a sustainable manner. Multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens are a small-scale transferable measure. This approach rethinks colours, tex­tures, depths, and functionality, thereby reshaping elements such as heat, rain, dust, and noise in urban areas into the “new shape of green”. Marie Therese Fallast, PLANUM Fallast & Partner GmbH, Graz, Austria E-mail: mt.fallast@planum.eu Sanela Pansinger, Adasca, Graz, Austria E-mail: sanela.pansinger@adasca.org  Gerald Krebs, University of Technology, Institute of Hydraulic Engi­neering and Water Resources Management, Graz, Austria E-mail: gerald.krebs@tugraz.at Martin Moser, Quadratic GmbH, Graz, Austria E-mail: martin.moser@quadratic.at Andreas Zobl, Quadratic GmbH, Graz, Austria E-mail: andreas.zobl@quadratic.at References Chatto, B. (2000) Drought-resistant planting – Lessons from Beth Chatto’s gravel garden. London, Francis Lincoln. Christiaanse, K. (2018) Collected text on the built environment 1990–2018. Rotterdam, NAI010 Publishers. Dunnett, N. 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(2020) Analysis of the thermal en­vironment in pedestrian space using 3D thermal imaging. Energies, 13(14), 3674. DOI: 10.3390/en13143674 M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens Figure 1: Total solar radiation on horizontal and vertical surfaces with various orientations in Istanbul (source: Kaynakli, 2011). M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Figure 2: A five-dimensional application model (source: authors). Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens a b c Figure 3: a) NB-IoT bike-mounted sensors constitute a mobile network collecting thermal comfort data in the public realm with a continual low-cost data supply; b) NB-IoT sensors can be used for every bicycle; c) 2 to 3 °C temperature differences as seen on an open road map (dark grey and light grey; source: authors). M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Figure 4: Prototype of the climapp sensor, which collects mobile data on local climate conditions (source: authors). Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens Freeboard Substrate/top soil Sub-base Geo-cooling/thermal harvesting Figure 5: A GIS-based suitability assessment tool for siting multifunctional street gardens in the urban landscape (source: authors). M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL Figure 6: Requirements of contemporary urban planting: high aes­thetics, promoting biodiversity, and low maintenance (source: au­thors). Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens Freeboard Substrate/top soil Sub-base Geo-cooling/thermal harvesting Figure 7: Gravel gardens provide free-draining ground conditions suitable for the quick uptake of surface water (source: authors). M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL a b Figure 8: (a) Forecourt of the main railway station in Wolfsberg, (b) Visualization of the forecourt as multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens (source: authors). Systematically retrofitting city streets: Meeting the demands of climate change through multifunctional climate-responsive street gardens M-T. FALLAST, S. PANSINGER, G. KREBS, M. MOSER, A. ZOBL UDC: 711.5:001.891.32:004 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-01-005 Received: 5 Mar. 2021 Accepted: 28 Apr. 2021 Marjan HOCEVAR Tomaž BARTOL Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines In research articles, cities usually occur as topics (e.g., sub­jects or actors) or places of studies (e.g., sites, destinations, locations, or spaces). Investigation of more general pat­terns is rare because research usually focuses on individual cities. We use science mapping, based on Scopus data and Vosviewer visualization software, to examine city-related research across journals and disciplines (subject areas), and to assess how multiple city functions are reflected in journals. Comparable European Union capital cities (Berlin, Madrid, Rome, and Warsaw) serve as models. The patterns are remarkably similar regardless of the city. Na­tional and regional journals are the most common pub­lication venues. Research takes place within three major disciplinary clusters: 1) the social sciences, and arts and humanities, 2) medicine, and 3) natural/technical scienc­es (environmental, earth and planetary, agricultural, and biological sciences). Medicine shows an early prevalence, and recently the social sciences have been strongly rep­resented in these studies. Although the relationships are based on different journals, they are comparable for all cities and can be used to assess cities of similar size. This study was conducted just before the Covid-19 pandemic, and it can serve as a reference to identify research patterns before and after because the outbreak may bring about changes in future city-related research. Keywords: cities, science mapping, research fields, bibli­ometrics, visualization 1 Introduction Cities feature prominently in research articles. They usually appear in different contexts: first, as an investigative field (e.g., culture, geography, history, medicine, or urban planning) and, second, specific cities as places or typologically defined areas (e.g. capital cities, Asian cities, or smart cities) and also meta­phorically (e.g., the city as a lab, network, assemblage, business, classroom, or platform). Therefore, cities can serve as topics for research (e.g., as actors, relations, brands, case studies, exam­ples, engines, experiments, factors, drivers, instruments, etc.), or come about as sites where a particular study has taken place: as a destination, location, locale, setting, site, space, and so on. Our purpose is not to theorize about how cities are studied academically. In the context of the conceptual background of our empirical study, we merely state that the growing complexity of social, spatial, environmental, and technological intertwining is re­flected in both the heterogeneity of analyses and attempts to integrate them. This is especially true for urban and regional studies in the treatment on particular, general, and relation­al attributes of the urban (Hocevar, 2005; Cox & Evenhuis, 2020). The issue of object/subject/topic/treatment can be blurred. Thus, for example, very heterogeneous “living” actors of the city such as planners, politicians, artists, entrepreneurs, researchers, media, and so on can be treated together with “in­animate” aspects such as land, museums, manufacturing plants, publications, and studies. Both subjects and objects of the city or in the city, regardless of their affiliation, have an agency of a sort to form a network of functions, connections, or as­semblage, which can be translated into the actor as a whole. To provide a rough illustration of such an interweaving, we cite research perspectives derived from the epistemological premise of ANT (Actor–Network Theory) and socio-material assemblage concepts analysing relations between entities and their constituent elements (Latour, 2005; Brenner et al., 2011; Gutzmer, 2016). Human and nonhuman actors, so-called act­ants, function together, which is reflected in external relations. On the other hand, many empirically oriented articles tend to focus on individual cities where specific issues are addressed: cultural activities, the economy, the environment, food and nu­trition, health and disease, history, pollution, tourism, traffic, urban forestry, urban morphology, and so on. Although many articles focus on specific or typologically grouped cities, the work that deals with the city as a research site is less frequent or at least ambiguous when used. For example, the term labo­ratory has been used to refer to the city as a place of research and also to illustrate a type of field research (Karvonen & Heur, 2014). In addition, even research paradigms can be named after cities, such as the Chicago School of (Urban) Sociology (Gieryn, 2006; Guggenheim, 2012). In the context of ANT, the city as a laboratory figures as an actant, whether it is a metaphor or a concrete and actual site. More specifically, smart cities and urban sustainability have also been investigated as topics through quantitative bibliometric methods (Ingwers­en & Serrano-López, 2018; Wang et al., 2019; Marvuglia et al., 2020), although not based on specific cities. Kadi (2019) included all European capitals and focused on gentrification. Berlin, Rome, and Madrid (the subjects of our study) were addressed in the context of history by Therborn (2002) and Gómez et al. (2018), in the framework of city branding (de Rosa et al., 2019), and in a study on the share of publications of the world’s major agglomerations (Grossetti et al., 2014). Research fields in relation to cities were identified by Nunes et al. (2019), who used the journal classification system of re­search areas of the Web of Science. Cities as central themes are most often found in the social sciences, where comparative studies have developed a number of quantitative and qualitative comparative techniques (Ward, 2010), which sometimes also try to balance the many divides (e.g., wealth, geography, and political systems) in comparative research (Robinson, 2011). Cities are also the subject of re­search in the life sciences; for example, in the plant sciences and environmental science (e.g., the case of Berlin; Sukopp, 2008), or climate research (Lamb et al., 2019). In this respect, the areas of urban research as identified by Raynor (2019) were more inclusive (also involving environmental factors and natural resources) but they were based only on cities in Aus­tralia. More comprehensive comparisons of different cities are however rare. In the studies pertaining to information sciences (e.g., bibliometrics and science mapping), cities are most fre­quently addressed in the sense of tracking affiliation (author’s address), as well as metropolitan units, regions, countries, and so on (Bartol & Hocevar, 2005; Frenken et al., 2009; Mat­thiessen et al., 2010). Maisonobe et al. (2017) investigated global cities in the context of scientific output and scientific disciplines. Bornmann & de Moya-Anegón (2019) examined German cities with regard to the concentration of scientific activities. Also evaluated were scientific cooperation between cities and institutions (Leydesdorff & Persson, 2010) and the output of cities on specific topics, for example, urban globali­zation (Kanai et al., 2018). Various contexts of cities based on The Rise of the Network Society (Castells, 1996) have also been “scientometrically” evaluated (Zhen et al., 2020). Mapping of specific topics is often carried out using visuali­zation software (e.g., Vosviewer, CitNetExplorer, CiteSpace, and Pajek). Hajduk (2017) investigated city logistics. Visual­izations identified clusters of different schools of thought in the relationships between cities (Peris et al., 2018). Cities as primary sites of knowledge were also assessed for intellectual property output (i.e., patents; Kogler et al., 2018). In a study on medicine and public health, cities were evaluated on issues relevant to the aging of the population (de Oliveira et al., 2019; Xiang et al., 2020). Various bibliographic elements in publica­tions (countries, journals, title words, author keywords, etc.) were visualized in environmental sciences (e.g., cities’ ecologi­cal infrastructure; Sun et al., 2020). Terms dealing with trees and parks in the city were mapped into clusters by Xing and Brimblecombe (2020). Sometimes, the principal publications were assessed, for example, on the topic of creative cities (Rod­rigues & Franco, 2020). Article keywords (urban, city, or cities) were also used (Kirby, 2012). However, big-data approaches are also possible, taking into account the need for informed interpretation (Zook et al., 2019). We examine and compare cities in the context of the func­tions as reflected in different areas of publishing. An addition­al motivation was the onset of the health emergency caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2). However, we do not address Covid-related citations (as yet) in relation to urban matters. The time lapsed (less than one year at the time of this study) is still too short. We would rather find out what the line of research was before the crisis in order to provide a basis for possible more complex comparative studies in the future. Many previous quantitative studies that have looked at cities have focused primarily on the city as the site of an author’s institution, but this is not very informative for a city in the context of its functions. Our aim, in contrast, is to examine a city as the setting of a study or as a direct research topic, or both. Thus, we do not study a city as a bibliographic “address” but the city as an “actor”. We compare equivalent cities in different countries in order to assess parallels that perhaps transcend assumed differences. The hypothesis is that, although the cities considered in this study belong to very different geographical and linguistic con­texts and have undergone historical development, the research fronts are quite similar. We assume that this is reflected not only in the choice of academic publication channels and in a similar ratio between national and international journals, but also in the topics investigated by researchers. The hypothesis is examined through the analysis of bibliographic and text data. The bibliographic data (i.e., growth patterns over several dec­ades, journal titles, languages, co-authorship, and country of af­filiation) provide the basis for comparison whereby elementary patterns of similarity can be assessed on the basis of weighing publishers’ data. However, these should be complemented by an assessment of distribution along disciplinary lines. Here, our preliminary pilot analysis suggests that there is a shift in emphasis toward the social sciences as well as the arts and humanities that is similar across the cities studied. Disciplinary development can be more precisely determined by using advanced visualization software to construct maps based on text data. We not only identify distinctive clusters of re­search topics, and possible interconnections and links, but also detect the development in time that underpins preliminary information from the bibliographic data. Again, these patterns are very similar across cities, regardless of the potentially very different publication venues (e.g., journals). 2 Materials and method Our preliminary pilot revealed an important share of city-re­lated articles in national and regional journals (also in national languages). Therefore, we chose the Scopus database over Web of Science (WOS) although WOS has recently introduced the ESCI (Emerging Sources Citation Index) in its Core Collec­tion promoting regional and specialty area publishers. Visu­alization and clustering used Vosviewer software. The analysis covers all articles up to 2019 (Scopus command: pubyear < 2020). Analysis of text data was conducted on the abstracts of the articles. The title field cannot be used because this field contains both the translated title (English) as well as the original title, where the words from the original titles skew visualizations. The target was selected European cities. Given the very differ­ent city size, it only made sense to compare not only equivalent cities but also larger cities, which have usually more connec­tions (Levinson, 2012). In addition, a sufficient number of records are required for the visualizations to reveal applicable clusters. We checked major cities with a population around one million and upward. We excluded London, Paris, and Moscow because these cities are much larger and would thus merit a comparison on their own. Next, there was the challenge of disambiguation: does a name really refer to the city in question or perhaps only denote a phenomenon, procedure, or concept named after the city? For example, there are at least fifteen cities called Berlin or Rome (Pouliquen et al., 2006). The uni­form solution was to include both the name of the city and the respective country (both as a noun and adjective) in the retrieval. It is possible that an article is about the city, but the abstract (or keywords) will not include the country name. This is a limitation. However, the procedure of including countries is consistent because the location by country maximizes search precision (Overell & Rüger, 2008) due to the absence of am­biguities (Volz et al., 2007). We compared, on the same principles, major European Union (capital) cities: Amsterdam (constitutional capital), Athens, Berlin, Brussels, Bucharest, Budapest, Copenhagen, Madrid, Prague, Rome, Stockholm, Vienna, and Warsaw. Accordingly, we coupled each city with the respective country noun (n.) and country adjective (a.). Two terms were usually enough, with some exceptions (Holland/Dutch/Netherlands, Denmark/Danish/Dane, etc.). Finally, we selected all (capital) cities that returned more than 2,000 articles (ar) or review articles (re), with the respective city in intersection with the corresponding country. The search statement was thus designed as follows: (TITLE(city) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY(country-n. OR coun­try-a.) AND DOCTYPE(ar OR re) AND PUBYEAR < 2020 The cities meeting the criteria were Berlin, Madrid, Rome, and Warsaw (Table 1). We do not provide the demographic sta­tistics on these cities because these are available in many data sources (e.g., in Internet 1). According to different urban ty­pologies (cities as local administrative units, functional urban areas, metropolitan regions, etc.), Berlin, Madrid, and Rome are fairly comparable regarding their size and demographics (depending on typology). Warsaw is somewhat smaller. These cities were also ranked very similarly in studies by Csomós (2017) and Hanna and Rowley (2019). Table 1 also provides the number of all city names (column 2: Total), in addition to the numbers applicable in this study (column 4). For example, there are 11,747 and 7,249 articles with Berlin and Rome in the title, respectively; for Madrid and Warsaw, this share is lower. Berlin, for example, frequently has only figurative historical and political connotations (e.g., Ber­lin Wall). Rome also carries references to antiquity. Thus, the city name alone is not suitable for retrieval because the names have special uses, such as metonymy or polysemy. We also examined major non-capital cities. Munich and Ham­burg returned just over one thousand articles each, and Mi­lan about 1,270. The endonym Milano retrieved additional records. It seems that the endonym has also acquired interna­tional use. This is not the case with Rome (Ital. Roma) because the term Roma, in relation to Italy, invariably refers to the ethnic group. The major metropolis Barcelona, which features prominently in research publications, returned almost 2,500 articles. Here we also included Catalonia/Catalan. However, this city was not included in our study because we limited our study to one city per country. In this respect, Madrid was somewhat more in line with the other three cities, which are also capital cities. 3 Results and discussion 3.1 Yearly growth of articles The increase in targeted articles has been steady, with some fluctuations (Figure 1). Before 1960, such articles are rare. Ar­ticles about Madrid show the most vigorous growth. Warsaw and Berlin present similar trends at first. The steady beginning, and then some decline (Warsaw) or surge (Berlin), only sta­bilizes (with an upward trend) in the early 1990s, likely on account of “normalization” of political situation in central and eastern Europe. The once-divided Berlin reflects contributions from both Ger­man states: the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). The place of publication cannot be ascertained very precisely giv­en the weak and deficient Scopus inclusion of country data (discussed later in this study). As inferred from journal titles (Table 2), the high counts in mid 1980s are not attributable to special events because most are mapped to the subject area of medicine. Similar applies to Warsaw. The still weak stand­ings of Warsaw in the last decade likely reflect the economic situation and lower research and development funds available to research institutions in transition (Odrobina, 2016). 3.2 Journals and articles Subsequent records cover all Scopus articles up to 2019 (pub­year < 2020). Journals show strong “national” patterns. Most of the top five journals have an original title in the national language, although many also publish articles in English. In addition, most are mapped to medicine (Table 2). The journal names in Table 2 are spelled out as in Scopus. All consecutive words are lowercased for consistency. Figure 2 shows journals that each published at least four ar­ticles on the subject of our study. The five principal journals (from Table 2) are located at the beginning (left side) of the x-axis. The number of articles per journal quickly decreases. The very long tail of journals that published three, two, and one article is not shown. Such inversely proportional patterns are very similar for all cities and exhibit clear characteristics of power laws. Incidentally, such power law patterns were also found in other processes contingent on the scaling functions of city size (Bettencourt et al., 2007). We also checked some citation patterns. The journals in the same linguistic group cite similar journals quite strongly. Other studies have also detected effects of geography and distance on knowledge flows (Pan et al., 2012; Abramo et al., 2020). In our case, we assume this to be attributable to the subject addressed: the city featured in the article title and was thus relevant in a specific geographic context. However, has the representation of journals been steady throughout the years? 3.3 Country and city of affiliation, language of articles Roughly half of all articles were (co)authored from the country of the respective city (Table 3). Moreover, between 80 and 90% of articles from these countries were co-authored by authors from that particular city. However, US and UK authors hold second and third place everywhere. Similar US/UK domi­nance was also reported in some other studies (Okorie et al., 2014). Although the most important share of all articles was published in national journals, recent attention has shifted toward international publishing, although national journals still hold top place. Shares of national languages have been decreasing, English having by now taken the principal role. Not all articles are supplied with author-country information. The numbers for Poland should have been much higher. For example, many of the 1,206 Polish-language articles were pub­lished from an “undefined” country. Such limitations have also been reported in WOS (Liu et al., 2018), but this seems to be much more considerable in Scopus, especially for older documents. The omission of a county is much more critical than omission of language (Jacsó, 2009). We also detected deficiencies with city data. The affiliation-city field failed to correctly detect the city. Therefore, we needed to employ the complete affiliation field where, for example, Rome was fre­quently spelled out only in Italian. Warsaw was spelled out in Polish, but in various adjective/noun cases. Co-authorship links are not very strong (Figure 3). Weak co-authorship between countries in Europe was also detected by Jokic et al. (2019). However, the US and UK are similarly linked with all countries. Visualization is thus in line with the numbers in Table 3. Articles from Spain are, on average, more recent (marked with a darker shade), and from Poland older (marked with a lighter shade), which is also in line with the data in Figure 1. In the case of Germany, we needed to construct a thesaurus in order conflate different variants. In the database country field, there were also ddr (Germ. Deutsche Demokratische Republik), frg (Federal Republic of Germany) and west ger (West Germany). 3.4 Subject areas Figure 1 presents yearly progress, but we wished to see how this was reflected across the different research fields. Namely, research disciplines possess diverse publication patterns, and therefore journals are mapped to different subject areas. The journals in this study were mapped to twenty-seven Scopus subject areas. The patterns of scatter are remarkably similar, the top five categories being the same for all cities. Medicine is predominant, and the social sciences are ranked second. However, counts of research areas must not be generalized too much because one journal can be mapped to several ar­eas or to other areas than what one might expect (Hocevar & Bartol, 2016). Figure 4 (based on yearly growth) reveals detailed patterns: medicine has been overtaken by the social sciences for all cities. The category arts and humanities has also been progressing. Here one also needs to take into account the specifics of publication in “basic” disciplines and “strategic” disciplines (van Rijnsoever & Hessels, 2011). National research and development policies can also play a role in differences among different disciplines (Cugmas et al., 2019). 3.5 Clusters and time scale of related research topics The last and the principal part of this study is based on text data (terms in abstracts) tackling the content of research taking place in the four cities. The terms (individual words and noun phrases) are arranged into clusters according to relatedness as detected by the software (we excluded terms from structured abstracts as well as the term city, which is found in virtually every abstract). The first figure for each city (Figures 5, 7, 9, and 11) pre­sents clusters of related and interconnected terms indicating research areas and topics. The circles representing associated terms are marked by a distinctive shade for each cluster. The second figure (Figures 6, 8, 10, and 12; the time scale of re­search topics) shows the same terms, but focuses on develop­ment in time. The darker (the more saturated) the circle, the more recent the average year. Circle size indicates the rele­vance of a term. The strength of links within each cluster and between clusters is shown with lines. These terms provide a general idea of research emphases and approaches. Each map consists of tens of thousands of terms, and so only selected labels are visualized (to avoid overlap), usually terms with at least ten occurrences. Employing the same principles for all maps facilitates compar­ison on the same basis. The number of terms varies among the cities, depending on the number of articles as well as city-spe­cific terminology. Identification of clusters, the timescale of av­erages, and the number of terms are defined by the algorithms explained in the program manual (van Eck & Waltman, 2019). The interpretation of clusters (i.e., research subjects) employs the categorization scheme of Scopus subject areas. All maps are based on articles from the complete Scopus database up to 2019 (pubyear < 2020). 3.5.1 Berlin The visualization program identified 47,000 terms, which oc­cur at least ten times in 3,778 articles (Figures 5 and 6). Only the most relevant terms are shown. Three different clusters can be noticed. The strongest cluster (on the right) pertains to medicine and related research. As shown in Figure 4 (previous subsection), medicine was especially strong in earlier periods, hence some strong accents of light shades (Figure 6). This fig­ure complements Figure 5 in terms of time tendencies. The more general terms occur more frequently and are thus larger. Topics of more recent importance can be noted to the right (darker shades). Because they are recent, they occur in smaller numbers (hence smaller circles). The lower left cluster (Figures 5 and 6) presents topics that pertain strongly to the social sciences, as well as arts and hu­manities, business, economics, and other related areas. Even though these are separate subject areas in Scopus, it is appar­ent that the research is interlinked, given the position in the cluster. Considering the recent advance of the social sciences, this cluster is expected to grow. The recent accents (darker shades) are obvious, and they include the terms activist, debate, urban space, and urban development. The most recent terms in this context are small and overlapping, and thus not visible (e.g., gentrification). Links between different clusters also exist. For example, at the bottom centre of Figures 5 and 6 are the terms medical education and public health service. This is an area of convergence between the medical and social sciences (i.e., interdisciplinarity). The upper (smaller) cluster is defined by environmental sci­ence, followed by Earth and planetary sciences, engineering, agricultural and biological sciences, and so on. Some frequent terms can be highlighted: agriculture, contamination, species, and water. Some contexts in which Berlin is highlighted specifically “as something”, as used verbatim in article titles, are the following: Berlin as: a case study, an example, a capital, a model, a … resort, a location, a destination, the virtual centre, the site, a creative field, a relic border, a natural and socioeconomic system, and so on. Such contexts usually pertain to the social sciences and to arts and humanities, and they can also be figurative. In other (more frequent) contexts, Berlin appears as a “matter-of-fact” place of research: “during summer in Berlin,” “micro-geograph­ic analysis for Berlin,” and so on. 3.5.2 Madrid The maps are based on 2,954 articles and 47,000 terms (very similar to Berlin). The program identified five clusters (Fig­ure  7) with two distinguishable (interlinked) clusters related to Medicine (right side of the map). The lower medical clus­ter involves epidemiology, microbiology (disease, infection …). The upper medical cluster is more diverse, involving age, man, woman … and also blood pressure, diet, food. Just as at Berlin, the educational issues in Medicine show connections with the Social Sciences (bottom centre). Social Sciences (lower left) are again more recent and connected with Arts and Humanities. The two upper left clusters are marked by Earth and Planetary Sciences, Environmental Science, and also Agricultural and Bi­ological Sciences and Engineering, in various interconnections. The left-most cluster is located closer to the Social Sciences below and contains, on average, the oldest topics (light shades, farthest left, Figure 8). We can note a dense “sub-cluster” of geological topics. Related environmental-biological topics are more recent. The upper cluster is linked with environment and pollution. It is also connected with the upper medical cluster reflecting the impact on the health of city dwellers. In the articles, Madrid appears as a case study, an exam­ple, a key factor in sustainable mobility, a liberation from, a communication ecosystem, a mercantile and financing institu­tion, and a place of research, as indicated by article titles such as “Women living homeless … Madrid”, “Epidemiology and etiol­ogy … Madrid”, and “3D groundwater flow … Madrid aquifer”. 3.5.3 Rome Rome returned 2,411 articles. The figures are based on 38,500 terms mapped to three different clusters (Figure 9), showing similar structure as the clusters at Berlin. Again, medicine was strong in earlier periods (right cluster, lighter shades, Figure 10). The lower left cluster (social sciences and arts and human­ities) is again more recent, showing convergence with medi­cine in the area of education. Also at Rome, the upper-left cluster is strongly linked with Earth and planetary sciences and environmental science, with terms such conservation and excavation located closer to the social sciences and the arts and humanities. At the top, there are topics related to climate and pollution, which lean toward medicine. In the articles, Rome appears as a window of observation, a full urban experience, a stage, the source, “Spanish Avignon”, a capital, a memorial landscape, a destination, and a place of research, as indicated by article titles such as “Recreational drugs ... Rome”, “... Smart homes network in Rome”, “Com­bined magnetic, chemical ... anthropic context in Rome”, and “Urban regeneration process ... Rome”. 3.5.4 Warsaw Warsaw is linked to 2,071 articles. The 24,000 relevant terms are mapped to four clusters (Figure 11). Medical topics are contained in two (interconnected) clusters. The lower-right cluster reflects, for example, epidemiology (with the terms dis­ease and infection). The two clusters to the left are somewhat interconnected. Many terms revolve around the generic term area with links to both clusters. The lower left cluster contains more recent research fronts (darker shades, Figure 12), which can again be labelled as related to the social sciences (and to an extent to the arts and humanities). The upper-left (smaller) cluster shows connections with Earth and planetary sciences, environmental science, and agricultural and biological scienc­es. These topics are, on average, older (lighter shades) than topics in the lower left. Average medicine-related topics are also discussed early on the time scale. This corroborates our previous assumption that the cumulative data in Table 3 no longer reflect the current situation of research articles. In the articles found in Scopus, Warsaw appears as a commuting centre, an air transport node, an example, a chief town, an en­demic focus, and a place of research, as indicated in titles such as “Local institutions of culture as urban … Warsaw”, “Short-term impact of PM2.5, PM10 … Warsaw”, “Postmodern architecture under socialism … church in … Warsaw”. 3.6 The four cities in perspective The aim was not to evaluate and compare cities on the basis of an author’s affiliation, but to examine cities as objects (topics) and sites (locales) of research in order to map the multiple functions performed by heterogeneous agencies (actors) of a city as reflected in scholarly journals. The study was based on the evaluation of the role of four capital cities (Berlin, Madrid, Rome, and Warsaw) that have experienced some differences in the more recent historical con­text. These cities represent specific geographical and linguistic settings, ranging from the western/southern Mediterranean to central/eastern Europe. Nonetheless, the topics covered in the articles are remarkably similar across the four cities, which was our hypothesis about the similarities in disciplinary develop­ment. The clusters of topics clearly show not only comparable accents, but also similar research trends over time. The trends show a growing interest in city-related social issues. The analysis included not only text data (disciplinary devel­opment) but also bibliographic data (scattering across publi­cations). National and regional journals are important for all four cities. One might dismiss such journals as less important in the context of high-ranking international journals, but such journals can still provide an important avenue for presenting findings based on specific cities. This can complement research published in international studies that focus on general sum­maries, possibly with multiple authorship, in which individual contributions and local subject contexts are less clear. Sim­ilarities are also reflected in co-authorship and country of affiliation. The majority of articles are published by authors from the respective city. However, international collaboration is strongest with the authors from the UK, US, and France. Again, these patterns are very similar across all four cities. 4 Conclusion The study found that city-centred research is being conducted in a few fairly well-defined major disciplinary clusters. Where­as medicine, which used to dominate, has stagnated, the social sciences now show the strongest presence. The arts and human­ities have also made considerable progress. Less dynamic but steady is the growth of subjects in environmental science, and Earth and planetary sciences. Although journals have always played an important role in life sciences and related disciplines, it seems that journal articles have by now also been fully em­braced by the social sciences. The results of different disciplines cannot be directly compared with each other because there are many factors that influence publication behaviour in specific disciplines. Because the publication patterns are so similar for all four cities studied, our tentative guess is that this could be true for many other cities as well. In this respect, different cities of different sizes could also be compared, which remains to be investigated. What will the future accents and research priorities in cit­ies be? This study assessed the state of research at the end of 2019, just before the health emergency caused by coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) or the Covid-19 pandemic. In many cases, cit­ies were particularly affected, although not all in the same way. This is where regional and national journals can play an im­portant role. The connections and research links may generate different and more innovative trends in interdisciplinary co­operation, perhaps between the social sciences and medicine, and also involving other disciplines. True interdisciplinarity has been weak to date, but it could create new relationships. This needs to be pursued further. Marjan Hocevar, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Spatial Sociology, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: marjan.hocevar@fdv.uni-lj.si Tomaž Bartol, University of Ljubljana, Biotechnical Faculty, Agrono­my Department, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: tomaz.bartol@bf.uni-lj.si References Abramo, G., D’Angelo, C. A. & Costa, F. (2020) Does the geographic proximity effect on knowledge spillovers vary across research fields? Scientometrics, 123(2), pp. 1021–1036. DOI: 10.1007/s11192-020-03411-x Bartol, T. & Hocevar, M. 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BARTOL Table 1: City name occurring in the title in intersection with the respective country, and the number of records. TITLE(city) Total TITLE-ABS-KEY(country-n. OR country-a.) TITLE(city) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY(country-n. OR coun­try-a.) Berlin 11,747 Germany OR German 3,778 Madrid 4,868 Spain OR Spanish OR Spaniard 2,954 Rome 7,249 Italy OR Italian 2,411 Warsaw 3,065 Poland OR Polish OR Pole 2,071 Figure 1: Yearly growth of articles referring to the cities (illustration: authors). Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines Table 2: Number of journal articles by top five journals. City and journals Articles Berlin Zeitschrift fur arztliche Fortbildung 67 Gesundheitswesen 38 Berliner und Munchener tierarztliche Wochenschrift 36 Deutsche Gesundheitswesen 35 Geburtshilfe und Frauenheilkunde 28 Madrid Estudios geograficos 68 Revista espanola de salud publica 67 Boletin geologico y minero 42 Enfermedades infecciosas y microbiologia clinica 39 Revista clinica espanola 38 Rome Nuovi annali d'igiene e microbiologia 55 Annali di igiene medicina preventiva e di comunita 53 Annali dell istituto superiore di sanita 33 Medicina nei secoli 31 Atmospheric environment 23 Warsaw Przeglad epidemiologiczny 113 Roczniki panstwowego zakladu higieny 101 Archiwum historii medycyny 64 Polski tygodnik lekarski 63 Przeglad lekarski 53 Figure 2: Inversely proportional decreasing number of different jour­nals and articles per journal (illustration: authors). M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Table 3: Four cities as sites or topics in article titles, authors’ affiliation, language of articles. Articles Articles Articles Articles Site/Topic Berlin 3,778 Madrid 2,954 Rome 2,411 Warsaw 2,071 Affiliation Germany 1,817 Spain 2,239 Italy 1,315 Poland 972 Berlin 1,479 Madrid 1,943 Rome/Roma 1,190 Warsaw/Warsz* 907 US 271 US 160 US 185 US 72 UK 186 UK 98 UK 137 UK 40 France 55 France 60 France 65 Germany 38 Canada 51 Germany 38 Germany 50 France 15 Netherlands 49 Italy 38 Spain 38 Italy 9 Switzerland 47 Portugal 23 Australia 26 Netherlands 9 Austria 40 Canada 17 Netherlands 21 Belgium 8 Italy 34 Mexico 16 Canada 19 Russian F. 8 Australia 32 Australia 15 Belgium 17 Czech R. 6 Language Ger 1,772 Spa 1326 Ita 609 Pol 1,206 Eng 1,876 Eng 1,678 Eng 1,648 Eng 799 Eng in 1995 0.41% Eng in 1995 0.43% Eng in 1995 0.71% Eng in 1995 0.59% Eng in 2019 0.79% Eng in 2019 0.69% Eng in 2019 0.94% Eng in 2019 0.86% Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines Figure 3: Co-authorship in articles by country of authors’ affiliation (illustration: authors). Figure 4: Growth of articles per Scopus subject area (illustration: authors). M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines Figure 5: Clusters of interrelated research areas and topics (Berlin) (illustration: authors). Figure 6: Time scale of research topics (Berlin) (illustration: authors). M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Figure 7: Clusters of interrelated research areas and topics (Madrid) (illustration: authors). Figure 8: Time scale of research topics (Madrid) (illustration: authors). Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines Figure 9: Clusters of interrelated research areas and topics (Rome) (illustration: authors). Figure 10: Time scale of research topics (Rome) (illustration: authors). M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Figure 11: Clusters of interrelated research areas and topics (Warsaw) (illustration: authors). Figure 12: Time scale of research topics (Warsaw) (illustration: authors). Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines M. HOCEVAR, T. BARTOL Cities as places and topics of studies: Mapping research clusters across disciplines Klemen SENICA A city at a turning point Title: Creativity in Tokyo: Revitalizing a mature city Authors: Matjaž Uršic and Heide Imai Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan Place and year of publication: Singapore, 2020 Number of pages: 248 DOI: 10.1007/978-981-15-6687-5 Tokyo is a megacity that, in the seem­ingly distant pre-Covid-19 era, was globally considered a metropolis of haute cuisine, as well as a global hub in many other respects, thus attracting people from around Japan and the globe for shorter or longer stays. As a result, Tokyo is also a megacity that, due to ongoing development, is changing so rapidly that its transformation often surprises even the locals if or when they manage to get off the beaten track of their everyday lives. In their book Cre­ativity in Tokyo: Revitalizing a mature city, the spatial sociologist Matjaž Uršic and the cultural studies scholar Heide Imai discuss how Tokyo residents (crea­tively) respond to the rapid changes and the fact that, in the race to become a major global financial center, the city is being flooded by non-places. In the spirit of modern scholarly vol­umes, each of the book’s nine chapters can be read as an independent and complete whole, as implied by the de­cision to provide references at the end of each chapter. Chapter one presents the theoretical and methodological re­search premises, the authors articulating their substantial analytical challenge as follows: “We attempt to connect both bottom-up (local community) and top-down (creative class) approaches for a more holistic, albeit still limited, in­sight into how creativity is formed in Tokyo” (p. 7). In studying creativity, they do not focus on “the output, or the creative product, but rather on the process that either ignites or obstructs urban creativity” (p. 6). They combine this analytical approach with the eth­nographic method of participant obser­vation, semi-structured interviews, and narratives, providing fresh insight into Tokyo’s recent urban development. Chapter two first highlights the press­ing social issues of contemporary Japan, a country that continues to stagnate economically after the burst of the real estate and stock market bubbles in the early 1990s. As a result, both the coun­try and the city are dealing with a de­cline in birth rates, population ageing, a labour force shortage, and other issues. In this respect, the authors point out that Tokyo’s creative ecosystems cannot be entirely explained with international hub theories as these ecosystems are de­fined by specific local features. One such special feature is that, despite consider­able investment in the development of innovative technologies, Japan has found itself struggling to sell its prod­ucts in the global market despite their quality. In chapter three, Uršic and Imai discuss the relocation of the inner Tsukiji Fish Market, a once popular tourist site and a cultural institution that “symbolical­ly, historically, and socially represented one of the most important local con­sumption spaces in the city” (p. 62). However, because Tokyo’s Ginza dis­trict, where this market was located, is subject to substantial transformation (i.e., gentrification), the central and best-known part of the market was re­located to Toyosu Island in Tokyo Bay, not without opposition from the locals. Chapter four raises the issue of precar­ious work, although without a broader critical examination of the neoliberal economic model, which has predom­inated in Japan since 2000 and is the legacy of the extensive structural re­forms of Junichiro Koizumi’s govern­ments and his political-economic phi­losophy of “no pain, no gain”, which still deprives many young creatives of social and economic security and sub­sequently forces them into insecure forms of employment. Nonetheless, the authors argue that the official discourse that advocates the need for employment flexibility of creatives today actually “mystifies the upsides of flexibilization, while neglecting or ignoring the collat­eral damage found in the precarization of the working and living conditions of small creative actors” (p. 91). Even though, in the big picture, the Japanese economy seems to be largely composed of multinational corporations, its actu­al structure is different. In addition to external factors, the rapid economic de­velopment and expansion into foreign markets, especially in the automobile and electrical engineering industries in the second half of the twentieth cen­tury, were also or primarily facilitated by small and medium-sized enterprises. Over the past two decades, these have been much more exposed to the “invis­ible hand of the market” than before. In chapters five to eight, the authors focus on the Tokyo neighbourhoods (e.g., Ichigaya, Okachimachi, Koenji, etc.) where they have conducted their field research during the past decade. The districts of Hikifune and Kyojima are particularly interesting, having un­dergone many changes in recent years, whereas some of their parts still preserve the spirit of times past, specifically the Showa period (1926–1989). Kyojima is one of the few areas in Tokyo that was not destroyed by the heavy American air raids at the end of the Second World War. Hence its many wooden buildings now cause headaches for the munic­ipal and local administrations in this highly earthquake-prone city. Between 2008 and 2018, many young artists and entrepreneurs were drawn to this area, where they started renovating and transforming the old buildings for their creative purposes. Through interviews, the authors succeed in portraying the vibrant life of the area, to which a wide variety of creatives in the broadest sense of the word have moved from around and beyond Japan to pursue their crea­tive ambitions. One of them is a Norwe­gian woman named Britt, who, together with Yamato-san, designs unisex denim yukata. According to the interviewees, their business is thriving. The above raises the question of wheth­er the Tokyo-based examples of good practice presented by the authors (e.g., p. 126) can also be applied to Slovenia. Instead of having the centres of even the largest Slovenian cities greeting visitors with vacant display windows covered in tattered “for rent” notices, surely the local political elites could seek to revive vacant spaces by offering them to creatives, artists, young entrepreneurs, and the like, charging only token rents. These would not only lend a new (artis­tic) character to the city centres, a move at least some of the locals would wel­come with great enthusiasm, but also gradually begin attracting visitors and tourists from near and far, with posi­tive implications for both the local and national economies. As highlighted by the authors, such regeneration of dere­lict urban areas usually also stimulates large chain stores – which in Slovenia tend to be concentrated in large malls on the urban outskirts – as well as oth­ers to return to urban centres. Although Slovenia certainly has the knowledge, skills, and creative ideas to achieve this, the parochialism of urban policymak­ers that gravitate toward flashy but ephemeral urban regeneration solutions seems to be an insurmountable obstacle. However, in the long run, such instant solutions developed without discussion with the wider local community and well-considered links with other places and stakeholders, at least at the regional level, only rarely provide added value to the (tourist) products and services that cities offer. Despite its laudable focus on ordinary Tokyo residents, this book also has some weaknesses. What stands out in the in­troduction (pp. 1–2) is excessively apol­ogetic self-reflection – inevitable in this field of study – which leads the reader to believe that, at a certain point in the process of writing the book, the authors (temporarily) yielded to the idea that only the Japanese can understand and objectively interpret Japanese culture. However, as many anthropological and sociological studies published since the 1990s demonstrate, Japan is not a culturally monolithic entity. Therefore even a native researcher might succumb to an ideological explanation of Tokyo’s urban creativity or gain unconventional insight into the research question. Ulti­mately, in the globalized academic com­munity, even native researchers usually employ Western theoretical approaches to explain typical elements of Japanese culture. Would the authors also have felt the need to question their foreignness if they had written about urban crea­tivity in some other global city, such as London? In addition, what may bother the reader somewhat is the book’s Tokyo-centric­ity – which, on the whole and given the book’s title, is understandable, but a somewhat broader analytical perspec­tive would nonetheless have been an advantage. Tokyo is a vast and dense­ly populated post-metropolis, but the claim that it has a population of 38 million (p. 22) is incorrect. The pop­ulation of the administrative unit itself, officially known as the Tokyo Metropolis, which comprises twen­ty-three special wards (tokubetsu-ku), is officially just under 14 million, whereas the figure provided in the bookis, ac­cording to the latest data, roughly the population of greater Tokyo. However, this area also includes neighbouring Yokohama (Japan’s second-largest city), an administrative part of the Kanagawa prefecture. In their field research, Uršic and Imai also focus exclusively on the neighbourhoods under the jurisdic­tion of the Tokyo Metropolitan Gov­ernment. Moreover, it seems that the myriad of problems Tokyo is facing (p. 23) are nonetheless smaller than those of many other Japanese provincial cities and rural areas in general. The latter are affected by strong depopulation, result­ing from the fact that young people in particular are moving to the metropolis and other megacities along Japan’s Pa­cific coast in search of better education and employment opportunities. Even a brief visit to the interior of another nearby prefecture, Saitama, reveals the multi-layered social and economic im­pacts of this negative trend. Although the Covid-19 pandemic has slightly halted it, it would be premature to con­clude that it has also reversed it. Despite the above, Creativity in Tokyo is highly useful and interesting read for spatial sociologists and anthropologists on the one hand, and for urban plan­ners, architects, and specialists in Japa­nese studies on the other, helping them understand the fluid urban character of this city. Klemen Senica, University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan E-mail: klemen.senica@phiz.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp Biography Matjaž Uršic is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology and a research consultant at the Centre for Spatial Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana. He has worked at several East Asian uni­versities, including Tokyo Metropoli­tan University, the University of Seoul, Soongsil University, and National Cheng Kung University. He is involved in various international research and development programmes to revitalize and change the role of urban centres, including H2020, RISE, the NRF Joint Research Program, Smart Urban Fu­tures ERA-NET, and ERDF.   Heide Imai is an associate professor in the Faculty of Intercultural Com­munication, Senshu University, Japan. She has taught at universities in Japan, the UK, and Germany. She is currently engaged in several research projects on urban problems and policies in Japan, Korea, and China. Her publications include Tokyo Roji (Routledge, 2017) and Asian Alleyways (with Marie Gib­ert-Flutre; Amsterdam University Press, 2019). Information about the book https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-15-6687-5 Domen ŽALAC Fighting the socio-ecological crisis through commoning Title: The commons in an age of uncertainty: Decolonizing nature, economy, and society Author: Franklin Obeng-Odoom Publisher: University of Toronto Press Place and year of publication: Toronto, 2021 Number of pages: 264 + i-xv Franklin Obeng-Odoom’s The Com­mons in an age of uncertainty is con­ceived as an action plan to save today’s political economy along the lines of redefining the ecological and political economy of the future. Placed at the forefront of the study presented in the book is an overview of two schools of thought – Conventional Wisdom (CW) and the Western Left Consen­sus – which the author contrasts with the Radical Alternative (RA). According to Obeng-Odoom, environ­mental crises cannot be conceived of without political economy. Therefore, he divides his action plan into various detailed categorizations of nature and society. Through his many years of re­search presented in this book, he places himself at the intersection of the social and natural sciences. He combines these into a concrete premise: guidelines for community-based organization and definition of ownership relationships in the context of cities, technologies, oil, and water in order to fight against the socio-ecological crisis resulting from the neoliberalization of private ownership of land, its resources, and manmade products. He defends the thesis that today’s treatment of nature and the environment is the result of an economic and political imperative of growth that over the past decades has striven toward radical exploitation of environmental resources based on a dichotomous understanding of public and private property. The book first offers a methodologically dialectic analysis of the historical and ontological foundations of the concept of the commons as one of the elemental property categorizations, among which private property is merely one of the lower environmentally unsustainable ownership categories. The dominance of the concept of private property in public discourse is reflected in the pre­dominance of private property, which has largely become the privilege of a narrow circle of individuals and trans­national corporations (TNCs), which work against the needs of the wider society. Irresponsible and unfair man­agement of the natural environment and its resources leads to a state of an obvious socio-ecological crisis at the global level. The reasons for this in­clude growing social inequality, increas­ing migrations at various levels, global warming, spatial segregation of the pop­ulation, and degradation of the urban living environment in urban slums. All these phenomena clearly indicate the environmental, social, political, and economic uncertainties today’s society is dealing with. Nonetheless, the author highlights the fact that this uncertainty is not new. It is primarily its conception and experience that are different: they are increasingly atomized into individu­als and their relationship between their own existence and the impact this has on the space and environment they live in. From the perspective of the humani­ties and social sciences, these uncertain­ties take the form of various anxieties and emotions, and pessimism toward the future. The author highlights two interconnected ontological approach­es that influence the current discourse about common resources and the com­mons, and are covered by the paradigms of the Western Left Consensus (WLF) and Conventional Wisdom (CW) al­ready mentioned above. The author uses the first half of the twentieth century – that is, the period of gradual reorganization of industrial capitalism and TNC organizational units, which even today still represent the largest source of uncertainty for the ecosystem and society – as the historical basis of uncertainty. This reorganization takes place in the field of political econ­omy, in which the TNC organizational units operate independently of the socie­ty. TNC decisions and actions influence the degradation and reconfiguration of the environment and space. Among other things, the author refers to John Kenneth Galbraith, an intellectual rep­resentative of post-Keynesian econom­ics and the conceptual founder of CW. Proceeding from Galbraith’s work, the author introduces an analysis of politi­cal economy by emphasizing the politi­cal and cultural milieu and contextual­izing his own inherited African attitude toward commoning. Understanding the political and cultural milieu is crucial for in-depth insight into the “content” of social life, the individual, and society. As mentioned above, Obeng-Odoom presents an action plan by reconceptu­alizing the overlooked concept of the commons and commoning. The more notable authors he uses to conceptualize the development of the commons and common resources include the win­ner of the Nobel Prize in Economics, Elinor Ostrom, who represents a devel­opmental succession of the CW school of thought. Ostrom introduces the concept of Common Pool Resources (CPR), which Obeng-Odoom defines as a necessary urban concept of sus­tainable management, which combines the commons and common resources into a form of tangible and intangible property without institutional control or the need for privatized regulation. This is about the emancipation of the community, which should manage the commons and common resources on its own in an autonomous and sustainable manner. In this regard, the author rais­es the issue of a community’s rational operation and its role in addressing eco­logical challenges. The main WLC issues refer to the estab­lishment of commoning and who would be suitable for managing the commons and how. This is a consensus approach based primarily, if not entirely, on an­ti-capitalist, antiracist, and antipatriar­chal values that affect the relationship between land (natural resources), rights (social protection, civil rights, human rights), and political and legislative governance. The author proposes a third way of thinking within the context of com­moning the management of public re­sources and the commons: the Radical Alternative (RA), whose purpose is to unravel or “decolonize” the historical development of social relationships in the Global South in relation to the Global North. He thereby raises the issue of advantages and shortfalls of the CW and WLC paradigmatic dis­courses. At best, the RA is a vision or retrospective of possible alternative restructuring of the ownership of com­mon resources and the commons to date based on reconceptualizing the concept of land, property rights, and possession of tangible or intangible goods that are not connected with the capitalist com­modification of all dimensions of the environment and space. An interesting contribution to urban studies, in addition to a comprehensive examination of the socio-ecological cri­sis, is provided by the second part of the book, which is based on the develop­ment of the overlooked African theory of commoning the urban environment, with emphasis on the right to uncon­taminated and healthy community space. This also raises the issue of fair use of energy resources for transport and industry in urban centres that pol­lute the environment. Pollution origi­nates from the inefficient use of energy and material resources that indirectly lead to environmental degradation. In some African countries, plastic waste alone accounts for up to 10% of all waste; therefore, the author’s definition of petroleum products makes sense: socio-ecological substances with envi­ronmental and social dimensions that directly and indirectly affect the health of the environment and people. More­over, the author highlights the exam­ple of marketizing the export of waste from the Global North to the Global South. Throughout, Obeng-Odoom seeks to clearly illustrate the theoretical paradigms set through their structural limitations, which he transcends with empirically supported examples that he devises along the lines of the Radical Alternative discourse. Domen Žalac, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: domen.zalac@gmail.com Biography Franklin Obeng-Odoom is an associ­ate professor of global development studies at the Helsinki Institute of Sus­tainability Science at the University of Helsinki in Finland. Obeng-Odoom’s research and teaching interests centre on the political economy of develop­ment, urban and regional economics, natural resources, and the environment, fields in which he has published six in­dependently authored books; including Property, Institutions, and Social Stratifi­cation in Africa (Cambridge University Press, 2020), The Commons in an Age of Uncertainty: Decolonizing Nature, Economy, and Society (University of Toronto Press, 2021), and Global Mi­gration Beyond Limits: Ecology, Eco­nomics, and Political Economy (Oxford University Press, 2022). Information about the book https://utorontopress.com/us/the-commons-in-an-age-of-uncertainty-2 Nika MUROVEC Damjan KAVAŠ Challenges of cultural heritage management and financing: The ForHeritage project Abandoned and neglected historical buildings are a common feature of many central European cities. The In­terreg Central Europe Cooperation Programme has also recognized this is­sue, and it has identified deterioration of cultural heritage as one of the main challenges to be tackled within the pro­gramme. Part of this programme is also the project ForHeritage – Excellence for Integrated Heritage Management in Central Europe. Eight partners from four countries (Poland, Italy, Croatia, and Slovenia) are participating in this project. The Slovenian partners are the Regional Development Agency of the Ljubljana Urban Region and the Institute for Economic Research. The partnership aims to combine and build upon the results of previous EU-funded projects (such as Forget Heritage, Res­taura, IFISE, CLIC) and bring them to the implementation phase to foster an integrated approach in various stages of heritage management: planning, imple­mentation, and financing. The research results gathered in past projects, as well as other experience, point to the fact that insufficient fund­ing for renovation and revitalization is the main obstacle to efficient cultural heritage management (e.g., ForHerit­age, Restaura). The financial involve­ment of the private sector is very low, and innovative financial instruments in cultural heritage are practically non-ex­istent. Another major obstacle is a lack of skills and capacities, especially concerning finance, management, and business planning (Restaura). Last but not least, there is also an evident lack of cooperation of public entities with the private sector and involvement of all relevant actors (the general public, associations, foundations, institutions, private operators, etc.) in cultural her­itage revitalization projects. ForHeritage addresses all these issues. The project builds on previous tools and experiences, pushing the results into the practice of the participating regions and beyond. Based on what was learned and the documents creat­ed in previous projects, a toolbox for cultural heritage management has been produced. The toolbox contains a set of six new, concise, and practice-oriented tools that focus on various aspects of cultural heritage management. The first tool focuses on good partici­patory governance in cultural heritage, or how to involve the public (https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.1-GG-and-PG.pdf). To manage cultural heritage successful­ly and efficiently, quality interaction be­tween different stakeholders is crucial. All the relevant stakeholders should be talked and listened to in develop­ing any cultural heritage management plan, strategy, or project. The tool aims to provide basic information to support cultural heritage managers and all rele­vant actors involved in cultural heritage management and planning processes so they can implement participatory governance tools in their work more efficiently. The tool provides practical step-by-step information, which can assist in selecting methods for dealing with stakeholders. The second tool, financial instruments and innovative financial schemes for cultural heritage (https://www.inter­reg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.4-Financial-instruments.pdf), provides an overview, practical exam­ples, and tips on how innovative fi­nancial schemes, beyond grants, can be used to sustain cultural heritage projects. Cultural heritage valorization is expensive and poses an economic challenge. Furthermore, investment in infrastructure (conservation and ren­ovation) is a minor part of the overall cost of preserving cultural heritage be­cause the major part is related to the programme rather than regular oper­ations and maintenance. One of the hardest decisions faced by those that conceive heritage-led regeneration pro­jects is how to finance them (i.e., what the most effective financial instruments are and who the best budget providers are). This difficulty is also due to a lack of information on such instruments and inspirational case studies. The use of a public–private cooperation approach in cultural heritage revitaliza­tion (https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.3-PPC.pdf) is the third tool. It presents cur­rent forms of public–private coopera­tion, their use, and recommendations on how the public and private sectors could successfully cooperate in revi­talizing cultural heritage. European countries have been relatively success­ful in mainstreaming heritage through a shift of perception on the social and economic value of heritage and its role in sustainable development. Due to de­creasing public funds and the interdis­ciplinary approach needed to revitalize cultural heritage, there is a need to find new funding sources (e.g., private cap­ital, foundations, etc.) and to find new forms of public–private cooperation. The impact assessment of cultural her­itage projects (https://www.inter­reg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.6-Impact-assessment.pdf) is the fourth tool, and it presents practi­cal guidelines on approaching impact assessment. Heritage is cultural capital just as the environment is natural cap­ital: heritage investments yield positive returns. The assessment of impact is an attempt to establish the degree to which an action causes certain changes in so­ciety. The objective is also management and control of generating an impact, and its optimization in relation to its costs. Impact measurement is essential for attracting investors so that they can assess the impact of their investments and monitor the continuous improve­ment of the organization. Impact assess­ment and measurement are therefore highly debated topics at the interna­tional level, used for defining standard methodologies. The fifth tool, transferable elements of cultural heritage revitalization pi­lot projects (https://www.inter­reg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.2-Pilot-projects.pdf), summa­rizes the experience of twelve pilot pro­jects carried out as part of the Forget Heritage and Restaura projects, which have also dealt with cultural heritage revitalization. The purpose of this tool is to provide a more transparent over­view of good practices and to derive rec­ommendations. There are two types of recommendations: those that are gener­ally applicable in all pilot projects and all stages of project development, and those that are applicable only in a spe­cific stage of the project life cycle or in a specific and clearly specified context. Thereby, the aim is to make the testing process easier for anyone dealing with similar pilot projects in the future, to help avoid certain mistakes, and to al­low more successful and effective imple­mentation of pilot activities. The last tool, focusing on how to organ­ize successful training to improve man­agement in cultural heritage (https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/D.T1.2.5-CH-training.pdf), contains practical information and some hints about holding training ses­sions for (better) cultural heritage man­agement for various target groups (i.e., public administration staff, and cultural heritage managers and operators). Rap­id development and changes in almost all areas of life – economic, social, cul­tural, and political – require lifelong learning for a successful career. Profes­sionals need to constantly develop their own skills: not only soft skills related to teamwork, planning and organization, the ability to adapt to external changes, problem-solving, and networking, but also skills related to their own activities. All the tools described are still drafts because the final versions will be de­veloped only after an extensive revision process. The revisions are based on feedback from various stakeholders and on the results of testing and validating them in practice, which will be carried out as part of four pilot projects. In Po­land, the pilot site is the Pomeranian Dukes’ Castle (Pol. Zamek Ksiazat Po­morskich) in Szczecin (photo 1 in Figure 1), where the focus will be on analysing and further developing activities based on the use of various funding sources. In Italy, the pilot activities will evolve around Holy Cross Palace (Ital. Palaz­zo Santa Croce) in Cuneo (photo 2 in Figure 1), where a participatory pro­cess needs to be established to define future content and opportunities for testing implementation of a public–private cooperation scheme. In Rijeka, Croatia, the main challenge will be how to involve all the different stakeholders and current management in a synergetic process of managing and financing the entire Bencic factory complex (photo 3 in Figure 1), which consists of a mixture of institutions already established (such as the Rijeka City Museum, Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art, and Children’s House) and planned reno­vations for identified activities (such as the city library) and also future activi­ties. The Vodnik Homestead (photo 4 in Figure 1) is the Slovenian pilot site. Here, the main activities will focus on studying options and acquiring addi­tional private funding. In addition to the pilot activities and de­veloping the final version of the toolset (and its translation into other languag­es), future project activities will focus on further implementation of the For­Heritage integrated approach in man­agement from the toolset to additional areas in a participatory process of ad­aptation to a specific context. Training and several workshops will be carried out to fill the gap in the capacities of local, regional, and national actors to exploit various funding sources for re­vitalizing neglected cultural heritage sites. Site managers and decision-mak­ers will learn how to acquire additional funds (e.g., finding new private sources and setting up innovative financial in­struments) in cultural heritage projects and apply an integrated management approach. The project thereby contrib­utes to resolving the pressing issue of the deterioration of cultural heritage sites. Nika Murovec, Institute for Economic Research, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: murovecn@ier.si Damjan Kavaš, Institute for Economic Research, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: kavasd@ier.si Project homepage: https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/ForHeritage.html Information about the pilot activi­ties: https://www.interreg-central.eu/Content.Node/ForHeritage/Pi­lot-actions.html 2 1 4 3 Figure 1: Photos of pilot sites (source: project homepage). Znanstvena monografija BIVANJE V STAROSTI Boštjan KERBLER, Maša FILIPOVIC HRAST, Richard SENDI Prirocnik STANOVANJE V STAROSTI Barbara ŽELEZNIK, Richard SENDI, Boštjan KERBLER Prilagoditve domacega okolja za kakovostno staranje Knjiga daje natancen in strokoven vpogled v bivanje starejših ljudi v Sloveniji. Poudarja izjemen pomen staranja v domacem bivalnem okolju, ki je glede na visoko stopnjo zadovoljstva in navezanos­ti na dom tudi preferenca starejših ljudi. Opisuje, s kakšnimi težavami in pomanjkljivostmi se starejši ljudje soocajo pri bivanju in kaj si želijo v zvezi s tem. Prirocnik je namenjen strokovnjakom, ki se ukvarjajo s proucevanjem in nacrtovanjem prostora, in posameznikom, ki si zase in za svoje bližnje želijo, da bi lahko v svojih domovih cim dalj casa živeli samostojno, varno, zdravo in zadovoljno. Obsega 240 strani besedil ter barvnih skiv in forografij. Vsaka knjiga stane 15 evrov. Narocite ju lahko skupaj ali posamezno pri Urbanisticnem inštitutu Republike Slovenije, in sicer po telefonu (01 420 13 27) ali prek e-pošte (info@uirs.si). Znanstvena monografija Bivanje v starosti in prirocnik Stanovanje v starosti sta bila izdana v okviru projekta Model za staranje starejših v domacem bivalnem okolju v Sloveniji (J5-8243), ki ga je iz državnega proracuna financirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv, letnik 32, številka 1, junij 2021 Urbani izziv, volume 32, number 1, June 2021 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Fotografija/Photograph: Primož Hieng Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Podrocni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Golicnik Marušic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan­ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Luka Mladenovic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban PlanningInstitute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti­tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Inštutut za raziskovanje krasa ZRCSAZU/Karst ResearchInstitute ZRCSAZU, Slovenija/Slovenia NAVODILA ZA AVTORJE 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki zoznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri cemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni clanek, 1.02 pregle­dni znanstveni clanek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov.Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referencni v domacem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO­BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižnicnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Clanki«, drugi del pa »Pred­stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezicna – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo vec kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora­bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrsticni razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilcene in na dnu stranipostavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj lociti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih crk (a, b, c in podobno) sticno ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti oznaceni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na­vedek, se napiše za dvopicjem: (Zupancic, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v clanku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na­vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Nacini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder­shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanovic, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statisticni letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, ce je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov.org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, ce avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8.Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in vdrugih državah pa avtor brezplacno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izkljucno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor clanka in vsak recenzent en brezplacni izvod publikacije. Clanki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includesoriginal research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles inthis part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library informationand other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5.Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6.In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated bya comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanovic, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http://.www.. avramov..org/.documents/.document7..pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Clanki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni clanki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro­kovni clanki. Clanki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižnicnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezicna re­vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila clankov so vkljuceni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO­BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte­national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com­puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da­tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re­lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu­des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple­te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc­tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autňnoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences,Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for UrbanDesign, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con­struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobic, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniškafakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Andelina Svircic Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/Croatia • Nico Kotze, University of South Africa – UNISA, Department of Geography,Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Blaž Križnik, Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Republika Koreja/Republic of Korea • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University,Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Cile/Chile • Breda Mihelic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti­tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, Faculty of Social Sciences, Finska/Finland • Giorgio Piccinato, Universitŕ degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti­tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemcija/Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikolaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co­pernicus University, Wydzialu Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kana­da/Canada • Matjaž Uršic, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupancic Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju­bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and SocialAdministration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Dawn O'Neal Reindl Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Translation from Slovenian Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/Translation from English Simona Lapanja Debevc Redakcija/Text formatting Damjana Gantar Prelom in racunalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP ITAGRAF, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršic, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print ITAGRAF, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna narocnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20for individuals Naslov uredništva Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv - The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si leto/year 2021 letnik/volume 32 11 URBANIURBANI IZZIVIZZIV 32/1 32/1 junij/Junejunij/June 2021 2021 sodelovanje javnosti public participation kreativna urbana regeneracija creative urban regeneration modro-zelena infrastruktura blue-green infrastructure podnebno odzivni vrtovi climate-responsive gardens znanstveno kartiranje science mapping