Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Series Historia et Sociologia, 34, 2024, 2 UDK 009 Annales, Ser. hist. sociol., 34, 2024, 2, pp. 133-262, Koper 2024 ISSN 1408-5348 KOPER 2024 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Series Historia et Sociologia, 34, 2024, 2 UDK 009 ISSN 1408-5348 e-ISSN 2591-1775 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 ISSN 1408-5348 UDK 009 Letnik 34, leto 2024, številka 2 e-ISSN 2591-1775 UREDNIŠKI ODBOR/ COMITATO DI REDAZIONE/ BOARD OF EDITORS: Roderick Bailey (UK), Gorazd Bajc, Simona Bergoč, Furio Bianco (IT), Aleksandr Cherkasov (RUS), Lucija Čok, Lovorka Čoralić (HR), Darko Darovec, Devan Jagodic (IT), Aleksej Kalc, Urška Lampe, Avgust Lešnik, John Jeffries Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Darja Mihelič, Vesna Mikolič, Luciano Monzali (IT), Edward Muir (USA), Vojislav Pavlović (SRB), Peter Pirker (AUT), Claudio Povolo (IT), Marijan Premović (MNE), Andrej Rahten, Žiga Oman, Vida Rožac Darovec, Mateja Sedmak, Lenart Škof, Polona Tratnik, Boštjan Udovič, Marta Verginella, Špela Verovšek, Tomislav Vignjević, Paolo Wulzer (IT), Salvator Žitko Glavni urednik/Redattore capo/ Editor in chief: Darko Darovec Odgovorni urednik/Redattore responsabile/Responsible Editor: Salvator Žitko Uredniki/Redattori/Editors: Urška Lampe, Boštjan Udovič, Žiga Oman, Veronika Kos Oblikovalec/Progetto grafico/ Graphic design: Dušan Podgornik , Darko Darovec Tisk/Stampa/Print: Založništvo PADRE d.o.o. 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Le norme redazionali e tutti gli articoli nella versione a colori sono disponibili gratuitamente sul sito: https://zdjp.si/it/. The submission guidelines and all articles are freely available in color via website https://zdjp.si/en/. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Ivana Vesić: Cultural Diplomacy as a Tool in Post-Conflict Reconciliation? The “Pika-Točka-Tačka” Project (2011–2014) and the Tendencies in Republic of Serbia’s post-2000s Cultural Exchange With Croatia ........... 133 La diplomazia culturale come strumento di riconciliazione postbellica? Il progetto “Pika-Točka-Tačka” (2011–2014)  e le caratteristiche dello scambio culturale tra Serbia e Croazia dopo il 2000 Kulturna diplomacija kot sredstvo pokonfliktnih odnosov: primer projekta »Pika-Točka-Tačka« (2011–2014) in kulturnih izmenjav med Srbijo in Hrvaško po letu 2000 Irena Šentevska: How do You Solve a Problem Like Bosnia?: Laibach as Cultural Ambassadors in the Post-Yugoslav Context ................................. 145 Come risolvere un problema complesso come la Bosnia?: Laibach come ambasciatori culturali nel contesto post-jugoslavo Kako rešiti primer Bosne in Hercegovine?: Laibach kot kulturni atašeji v pojugoslovanskem kontekstu Marko Aleksić: „Biti zdrava“: srpska kulturna diplomatija na pesmi Evrovizije u XXI veku ............................................ 159 “In corpore sano”: diplomazia culturale serba all’Eurovision song contest nel ventunesimo secolo »In corpore sano«: Serbian Cultural Diplomacy at the Eurovision Song Contest in the 21st Century Petra Grabrovec, Marjeta Pisk & Darko Friš: Slovenske pesmi kot nosilke narodne identitete v obdobju druge svetovne vojne ............................................ 173 I canti sloveni – un pilastro dell’identità nazionale durante la Seconda guerra mondiale Slovenian Songs as Carriers of National Identity during the Second World War Lada Duraković: Kulturna politika i popularna glazba: žanrovski kolaži Pule u šezdesetima ............................................... 189 La politica culturale e la musica leggera: collage di generi a Pola negli anni Sessanta Kulturna politika in popularna glasba:  Žanrski kolaži Pule v šestdesetih Boštjan Udovič: “Toeing the Line”: The Journal Grlica — Caught between Lofty Socialist Goals and Quality Music for Young People ................................................... 203 “Essere in linea”: La rivista Grlica tra finalità socialiste e musica di qualità per bambini e per giovani »Biti na liniji«: Revija Grlica med socialističnimi smotri in kakovostno otroško- mladinsko glasbo Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS UDK 009 Volume 34, Koper 2024, issue 2 ISSN 1408-5348 e-ISSN 2591-1775 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Andrea Leskovec: Funkcije umetnosti in vloga umetnika pri Ivanu Cankarju in Thomasu Mannu ............................................... 221 Funzioni dell’arte e il ruolo dell’artista in Ivan Cankar e Thomas Mann The Functions of Art and the Role of the Artist in Ivan Cankar and Thomas Mann Works Lara Sorgo: La lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico: una prospettiva di paesaggio linguistico dei comuni di Pirano e Capodistria .......................................... 233 Italian Language in the Public Space: A Linguistic Landscape Perspective of the Municipalities of Piran and Koper Italijanščina v javnem prostoru: Perspektiva jezikovne krajine občin Piran in Koper Nives Lenassi, Mojca Kompara Lukančič & Sandro Paolucci: Tassa di soggiorno or Tassa turistica? Terminological Challenges in Italian Translations in the Bilingual Municipalities of Slovenian Istria ................................................. 247 Tassa di soggiorno o Tassa turistica? Sfide terminologiche nella traduzione in italiano nei comuni bilingui dell’Istria slovena Tassa di soggiorno ali Tassa turistica? Terminološki izzivi pri prevajanju v italijanščino v dvojezičnih občinah Slovenske Istre Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 263 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 263 Index to images on the cover ................................. 263 133 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2024-02-05 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.09 CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) AND THE TENDENCIES IN REPUBLIC OF SERBIA’S POST-2000S CULTURAL EXCHANGE WITH CROATIA Ivana VESIĆ Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art, Institute of Musicology, Knez Mihailova 35, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia e-mail: ivavesic@outlook.com ABSTRACT In this paper I will focus on Serbian international cultural policy in relation to Croatia in the first two decades of the 21st century. Aside from giving insight into general circumstances regarding the Serbian cultural sphere after October 2000, I will discuss how tense relations between Serbian and Croatian political elites during the previous decades discouraged more extensive state-supported cultural exchange, and negatively affected the results of such initiatives. Special attention will be given to the project of joint concert seasons of the most prestigious philharmonic orchestras from Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia titled “Pika-Točka-Tačka” (2011–2014) and its various cultural-diplomatic contributions. Keywords: Serbia, Croatia, cultural diplomacy, post-conflict areas, “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project LA DIPLOMAZIA CULTURALE COME STRUMENTO DI RICONCILIAZIONE POSTBELLICA? IL PROGETTO “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” (2011-2014) E LE CARATTERISTICHE DELLO SCAMBIO CULTURALE TRA SERBIA E CROAZIA DOPO IL 2000 SINTESI Questo articolo si concentra sulla politica culturale internazionale serba in relazione con la Croazia nei primi due decenni del XXI secolo. Oltre a fornire una panoramica delle circostanze generali riguardanti la sfera culturale serba dopo l’ottobre 2000, discute anche come le relazioni tese tra le élite politiche serbe e croate nei decenni precedenti abbiano scoraggiato un ampio scambio culturale sostenuto dallo Stato e abbiano influenzato negativamente i risultati di tali iniziative. L’articolo da un particolare accenno al progetto di stagioni concertistiche congiunte delle più prestigiose orchestre filarmoniche di Serbia, Croazia e Slovenia intitolato “Pika-Točka-Tačka” (2011–2014) e ai suoi vari contributi culturali-diplomatici. Parole chiave: Serbia, Croazia, diplomazia culturale, area postbellica, progetto “Pika-Točka-Tačka” 134 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 INTRODUCTION1 In the aftermath of the fall of Slobodan Milošević on October 5, 2000, Serbian governments were fac- ing a lot of challenges concerning revitalisation of the cultural sphere as a consequence of the country’s longstanding international isolation, economic crisis, deep politization and abandonment of emancipa- tory cultural policies of socialist period (cf. Đukić- Dojčinović, 2003; Pešić, 2007; Vujošević et al., 2012). The ruptures in the nexus of once prestigious and highly esteemed state-supported cultural institu- tions, were becoming visible day-by-day starting from their decayed infrastructure to the neglected human resources and programming (Mladenović, 2001; Premate, 2003; Ast, 2005). The similar conditions were characteristic for various cultural manifestations initiated in socialist Serbia as well as in the field of cultural amateurism, cultural education, and cultural promotion (Papan & Vukadinović, 2008; Vukanović, 2011; Toković, 2019). Aside from the collapsing struc- ture of cultural production and distribution in early post-Milošević times, new Serbian leadership had to grapple with degraded public and private media together with their completely unregulated program- ming, which further eroded dominant cultural values (cf. Vesić, 2023b). Foreseeably, re-establishment and reinforcement of local, regional, and national cultural institutions, manifestations and organisations was made a complete priority while the issue of coun- try’s cultural (re)branding abroad was mostly given a marginal role. According to one of a few in-depth research works on contemporary Serbia’s cultural ac- tivities in international arena (Rogač, 2011, 336–339; Rogač Mijatović, 2014, 160–172) between 2000 and 2010 there were around 2,400 programmes that were offered in 70 countries worldwide (Europe, Asia, Af- rica, North and South America and Australia), mainly different types of exhibitions (artistic, cultural, docu- mentary, etc.), concert and theatrical performances, and events related to film and literary production. These programmes were financially or logistically 1 This article is the result of research conducted within the Institute of Musicology of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, funded by the Ministry of Science, Technological Development, and Innovations of the Republic of Serbia (RS-200176). 2 For instance, based on her own research on Serbian high-art and culture in post-socialist times, Isaković (2012) concluded that “what is globally known as ‘cultural diplomacy in the service of interests of country’” is left to chance or to sporadic initiatives, stressing that international collaboration in the field of music is mostly supported by public sector with the lack of coordination of its parts (Isaković, 2012, 126). 3 On the issue of completely incompatible interpretations of causes and outcomes of the war on the territory of the former Socialist Repu- blic of Croatia, the lack of consensus on line of demarcation, the ongoing pressures due to filing of suit (Croatia against Serbia) and coun- ter-filing of suits (Serbia against Croatia) in International Court of Justice (1999 and 2010) as well as the holding of opposing perspectives on crimes committed in the Independent State of Croatia during the WWII cf. Pavlaković (2009); Aleksić (2019); Popov (2016); Benčić et al. (2018); Geiger (2020). 4 Large part of the discussion on the mentioned project was dedicated to the work of the long-time director of the Belgrade Philhar- monic Orchestra (BPO), Ivan Tasovac, as I found it necessary to give an insight into the general circumstances that preceded the building of strong reputation of this orchestra in the national, regional, and international levels. The process of (re)affirmation of BPO seemed to be inextricably linked with the creation and launch of the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project and, as such, needed to be clarified. supported by the Serbian Ministries of Culture and Foreign Affairs and most of them were related to the field of elite culture. The dynamic of Serbia’s cultural exchange in the first decade of the new millennia showed variability as a result of internal and external political factors. However, as Ljiljana Rogač Mijatović (2014, 172) has firmly concluded, Serbian authorities were approaching the international cultural policy in an “unsystematic, particularistic and reactive manner” leaving the impression that international cultural rela- tions were not among their first concerns. The same conclusion was reached by certain Serbian cultural actors who actively participated in the high-art music scene at the time.2 The general lack of coherent strategies and organi- sational framework in the process of Serbia’s interna- tional cultural promotion that was characteristic of the 2000s persisted to a lesser extent in the following decade. These circumstances were made even more complex in connection with neighbouring countries. The heavy burden of unresolved post-war issues, particularly between Serbia and Croatia, has not only constantly put strain on their political relations,3 but also reflected on the intensity, quality, and impact of state-supported bilateral cultural exchange. As the discussion in the following sections will show, the antagonism between Serbian and Croatian political elites diminished in a certain way the results of cul- tural cooperation of neighbouring states whether initiated by non-state or state actors and prevented its advancement. This can be illustrated with the example of a neatly constructed project of cultural exchange which included three most renowned ensembles of the former Yugoslavia – Belgrade, Zagreb, and Slovenian Philharmonic Orchestras and which lasted for several years (2011–2014). Although the joint concert cycle of three orchestras, titled symbolically “Pika-Točka- Tačka” [Dot-Dot-Dot], did not evolve into a long-term regional endeavour, it clearly pointed to potentials and limitations of cultural diplomacy in the post-conflict settings.4 This project, in the case of Serbia, displayed various benefits of state’s strategic support of cultural 135 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 activities with “estranged” neighbouring countries, particularly when it is accompanied by large-scale cultural cooperation carried out by individuals, NGOs, cultural institutions, and the private sector. By contrast, even a well-defined cultural-diplomatic engagement coupled with broad non-state-supported cultural exchange cannot escape the detrimental ef- fects of antagonising practices of national political elites. The analysis of Serbia’s post-2000 cultural relations with Croatia is based on data collected from yearly reports of the Serbian Ministry of Culture and its strategic documents after year 2000, as well as abundant corpus of Serbian press coverage from the past two decades. UNDER THE SHADOW OF POLITICAL DISPUTES: AN OVERVIEW OF SERBIAN CULTURAL EXCHANGE WITH CROATIA AFTER 2000 Although Serbia, as a part of the Federal Re- public of Yugoslavia [FRY, renamed Serbia and Montenegro since 2003] (1992–2006) and Croatia formally established diplomatic relations in 1996, it was only after their long-standing leaders, Franjo Tuđman (1922–1999)5 and Slobodan Milošević (1941–2006)6 left the political scene, in 1999 and 2000 respectively, that certain steps were made in order to encourage better political, economic and cultural cooperation. One of the most important steps in the early 2000s was the mutual abolition of visa requirements for the citizens of Serbia and Montenegro and Croatia (2003), which enabled them to travel to the neighbouring country without restrictions7 as well as the signing and ratification of the Agreement on Free Trade between two states (2002–2004) with several other agreements on the protection of minorities, the prosecution of suspects of war crimes, crimes against humanity and geno- cide, on navigation etc. (Aleksić, 2019). Gradual “defrosting” of political and economic relations of the two neighbouring countries was received with enthusiasm particularly among actors in the cultural 5 Tuđman was the president of the Socialist, later Republic of Croatia from 1990 to 1999. 6 Milošević was elected the president of the Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1989 and two years later a president of the Republic of Serbia. In 1997 he became president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) (until 2000). 7 According to Milan Simurdić, the Ambassador of FRY in the Republic of Croatia between 2001 and 2005, abolition of visas “that could seem like a trivial gesture” in fact represented the “biggest breakthrough in the political relations” of two states. Simurdić also observed that “the greatest improvements regarding mutual relations were achieved when we were solving the problems of common people” (Vreme, 2006). 8 The three-day guest performance of Zvezdara Theatre in Zagreb was talked about “for months”. It was preceded by a “pragmatical agre- ement” between Serbian Ambassador Simurdić and Croatian Minister of Culture Antun Vujić (Stanivuković, 2002a). 9 HNK’s tour to Belgrade which was organised as a part of collaboration with Belgrade’s Yugoslav Drama Theater was officially cancelled because of the “technical deficiencies” of Belgrade’s theater stage, but the real reason was the refusing of one of the members of HNK’s drama ensemble, Krunoslav Šarović, to perform in front of Belgrade’s audience. His decision was supported by the other colleagues in the ensemble. In the end, HNK’s staging of drama “Očevi i sinovi” [Fathers and Sons] took place in Podgorica – a capital city of Montenegro (Stanivuković, 2002b). 10 Aside from telenovelas, Serbian audience had a chance to watch a Croatian sitcom (“Bitange i princeze”, 2005–2010) at the time (in 2007, 2010 and 2016) via Serbian TV stations. sphere. Accordingly, various initiatives based on re- establishment of communication and cooperation between cultural institutions, organisations and events came into existence after October 5, 2000. Theatres from Belgrade and Zagreb were among the first who responded to the newly-created at- mosphere of building bridges. Atelje 212 ensemble from Belgrade broke the ice with the performance of plays of Biljana Srbljanović and Ronald Harwood at Rijeka’s Ivan Zajc Croatian National Theater (October 18, 2000) (REKOM, 2016), and year and a half later Zvezdara Theater’s ensemble had a guest-performance of Dušan Kovačević’s drama Lari Tompson – tragedija jedne mladosti [Larry Thompson, or a Tragedy of a Young Man] on the stage of Zagreb Kerempuh Theater in March 2002.8 Later that year, the drama ensemble of the Croatian National Theater (HNK) held a performance in FRY, although not in Serbia.9 It is also worth mention- ing that, from 2003 to 2007, Atelje 212 had guest tours in many towns of Croatia and Slovenia with a drama written by Croatian author Vedrana Rudan, Uho, grlo, nož [Ear, Throat, Knife] (REKOM, 2016). The example of theaters was followed with lot of enthusiasm by librarians from both countries. As a result, a large-scale exchange of books from Croatian and Serbian (and Montenegrin) editors, mainly literary and scientific works, was planned to be implemented through the project “Bibliodiseja” (2005) with an aim to overcome 15 years of absence of communication between libraries across the bor- der (Radio Slobodna Evropa, 2005). The resuming of contact between Serbian and Croatian cultural institutions was accompanied by extensive collaboration and exchange in the field of popular culture and public and commercial media. A sort of revolutionary move in this respect was made by Croatian production houses, particu- larly AVA Television Production, whose five very popular telenovelas released between 2004 and 2008 were broadcasted on Serbian TV stations (TV Pink and Avala) (Wikipedia, 2023).10 Aside from 136 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 gaining attention from both Croatian and Serbian audiences, the production of TV series of this kind included engaging of Serbian actors and actresses of different generations, who were thus given an opportunity to become regionally recognised and affirmed. The practice of hiring promising or renowned actors from a neighbouring country was adopted by Serbian TV producers as well, not only in telenovela formats but also in more de- manding genres, for instance in the series “Senke nad Balkanom” (2017), “Besa” (2018–), “Vreme zla” (2021), etc. The various opportunities that a broader, regional market opened to producers, broadcasters and film and TV professionals from both countries in the mid-2000s via introduction of “light” television genre embedded in familiar plots and characters, and devoid of any reminiscences to the problematic political past and present (cf. Kostić, 2007; Zorić, 2012) were already recog- nised by the actors in music industry years before. As of 2001, Serbian and Croatian performers of the so-called zabavna,11 rock and (turbo)folk music have regularly took part in concerts or concert tours across the borders, in both prestigious and “underground” places which, except in the case of (turbo)folk stars, was followed with substantial media coverage, especially after 2004 (according to Baker, 2006).12 Certain Croatian musicians and bands (Magazin, Boris Novković and Severina) were given awards for their accomplishments by Serbian media corporation Pink in 2003 at its first and last music ceremony in Belgrade’s Centre Sava (cf. Baker, 2006). The extent of “inter-musical” dia- logues and transfers between Serbia and Croatia in the 2000s is hard to estimate given the predomi- nance of pirate music material that was circulating at the time (cf. Vesić, 2023b, 153–154) and the absence of data on regional viewing figures of Pink TV satellite programme, MTV Adria (founded in 2005), and Balkanika Music TV (founded in 2005) that promoted rock, zabavna and (turbo)folk musicians and bands from the territory of former Yugoslavia (and the Balkans). 11 The term zabavna muzika was coined in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia during the 1950s referring to “autochthonous” Yugoslav popular music production at the time as well as to the different popular music genres from various countries (Italy, France, US, Great Britain, etc.). The term continued to be used in the following decades and in post-socialist times mostly in association with the pop music genre (cf. Anonymous, 1972). 12 Among Croatian bands and musicians, the following were the first to perform in Serbia after 1990s: KUD Idijoti (2000), Darko Rundek (2000), Magazin (2001), Severina (2001) (Baker, 2006). When it comes to Serbian groups and singers it was Đorđe Balašević (2001), Miroslav Ilić (2002), Momčilo Bajagić Bajaga (2003), Željko Joksimović (2004), etc. (Baker, 2006). 13 Out of 78 permits issued by the Serbian Ministry of Culture between August 5, 2011, and September 6, 2013, for the use of part of collections of Serbian museums abroad, 9 permits were part of collaboration between Serbian and Croatian museums, 15 with Slove- nian museums, and 4 with museums from other former Yugoslav republics (Macedonia, Montenegro and Republika Srpska /Bosnia and Herzegovina/). This means that 35.89% of museum collection exchange belonged to the initiatives of regional collaboration. Between February 2011 and July 2013, Yugoslav Film Archive [Jugoslovenska kinoteka] from Belgrade took part in the 32 activities of exchange with institutions from different countries. In 2011, out of 17 such activities 5 were realised with institution from the Republic of Croatia (cf. Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja Republike Srbije, 2014, 52–68, 69–72). While there is no doubt that Serbian and Croatian cultural consumers were very well informed about latest commercial musical and TV products from both sides of the border after mid-2000s, which was even more facilitated after the massive spread of cable television operators, fast broadband internet as well as social networks and social media services in the early 2010s, it is unlikely that the majority of them had any knowledge on cultural-diplomatic undertakings of their own countries that were hap- pening at the time. However, number of cultural programmes that were “exported” from Serbia to Croatia between 2000 and 2010 with support of their Ministries of Culture and Foreign Affairs were not insignificant on average, in comparison with other countries from the region or Europe – there were 86 of them which ranked it on 8th place out of 70 countries (Rogač, 2011, 338). Still, the con- noisseurs of cultural circumstances in the region were generally not impressed by the quantity and quality of Serbo-Croatian cultural exchange initi- ated or supported by state officials. There was a feeling that this process was completely overtaken by non-state actors, and that the political elite has not shown much interest in its further development and elaboration (Vulićević, 2012). Despite critical notes in public, in reality there was small, but ob- servable progress in this domain during the lead- ership of presidents Boris Tadić and Ivo Josipović between 2010 and 2012. The short-term period of more than just cordial relations (Paunović, 2019; Helsinški bilten, 2023, 2) not only inspired a new wave of strengthening of ties between cultural in- stitutions from two countries, but it also gave rise to certain meticulously shaped projects of cultural exchange, such as “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project. Among other things, closer collaboration between museums from Belgrade, Zagreb, Osijek, Rijeka, Pula, Subotica, Novi Sad, Požarevac and others was evident since 2011 and it was similar with film institutions.13 Cultural communication across the borders contin- ued to thrive even after the change of Serbian political 137 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 leadership in July 2012,14 however the hardening of rhetoric, particularly after 2015, coupled with regular escalation of political tensions (Aljazeera Balkan, 2016; Karabeg, 2018; Komarčević, 2023) slowed down this process. Even though Serbian Minister of Culture, Vladan Vukosavljević, claimed in 2017 that Serbo-Croatian cultural exchange was “at a high level” (Vlada Republike Srbije, 2017), cultural and academic protagonists from Serbia contradicted his words. As it was underlined a year later, Serbian public was left without explana- tion and arguments which could purport [Vukosavljević’s] affirmative judgement given the fact that the political leadership of both countries have shown indifference towards advancement of interstate collaboration through cultural sphere and adequate cul- tural policies and have done a lot to minimise any attempt to solve the pressing issues in this domain. (Drašković, 2018, 104) That the institutionally-supported cultural coop- eration of two countries has been developing since the 2000s in a very slow pace was observed by many members of the non-for-profit sector as well as art- ists “when they were given a chance to appear in media” (Drašković, 2018, 104). Even when positive steps were taken in this respect, such as the case of the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project or others that were inspired by it, the political factor interfered with their outcome in a negative way by diminishing their impact. This phenomenon will be discussed in detail in the following section. THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT: THE UNTAPPED POTENTIAL OF SERBIAN CULTURAL DIPLOMACY IN POST-CONFLICT CIRCUMSTANCES Soon after the first signs of more substantial im- provement of political relations between Serbia and Croatia became manifest in 2010, the new initiatives with focus on broader and more complex type of collaboration of cultural institutions started to take shape. As a result, after a meeting held in Zagreb on October 10, 2011, managers of three leading philharmonic orchestras from the territory of former Yugoslavia – Belgrade (BPO), Zagreb (ZPO), and Slo- venian Philharmonic Orchestras (SPO) – agreed on a joint project that was to start in the season 2011/12. It was given a specific name – “Pika-Točka-Tačka” 14 In the footsteps of the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project, but with much less ambition and innovative approach, Yugoslav Drama Theater [Jugo- slovensko dramsko pozorište] from Belgrade resumed collaboration with Croatian National Theater in Zagreb in 2016 after 30-years-long interruption (B92, 2016); the same year, folk dance ensembles “Lado” from Zagreb and “Kolo” from Belgrade renewed contact after 27 years which was supported by Serbian and Croatian Ministries of Culture (N. Dž., 2016). [Dot-Dot-Dot], which could point to finally leaving the past aside and opening a completely new chapter in the process of normalization of regional cultural relations. The idea to create a firm foundation for a steady communication and interaction between prominent orchestras from Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia seemed to represent, among other things, another significant manoeuvre in a decade-long na- tional and international rebranding of the Belgrade- based orchestra. This ensemble entered 2000s in a devastated manner, with a decaying building, lack of instruments for musicians, the non-existence of chief-conductor and a planned season (Ćirić, 2012; Varbanova, 2013, 193), but has undergone thorough transformation after 2001 and, in a way, rose from the ashes in front of the stupefied Serbian public. The fact was that only several years after Ivan Tasovac, a pianist without any previous experience in man- agement of cultural institutions and ensembles, was appointed as its manager this orchestra became one of the most prominent cultural actors in the country winning the admiration both rising number of its concert subscribers and Serbian media. During the first decade of Tasovac’s management, the BPO was not only consolidated in terms of fi- nances, human resources, infrastructure, and artistic results, but it also developed fruitful contacts with some of the most acclaimed conductors and soloists from the world of classical music at the time (Ćirić, 2012; Varbanova, 2013, 193). In parallel and owing to successful strategic management, BPO gained a lot of supporters outside the group of usual classi- cal music concertgoers. As Jelena Janković Beguš, editor of the programming of the Belgrade Music Festival (BEMUS) has observed (Toković, 2019, 146), unlike some other classical music ensembles and festivals, concerts of BPO were followed by the urban elite audience “which is wealthy and wants to be entertained”. According to data from a 2009 marketing survey, the orchestra’s average subscriber was a highly educated individual between 45 and 50 years of age, mostly a medical doctor, top and middle manager, engineer, member of diplomatic corps, representative of international institutions, professor, and programmer. These socio-demo- graphic characteristics are mostly in line with the research on cultural consumption and participation and the data on popularity of classical music and concerts of classical music among Serbian popula- tion, particularly part of it with higher education including experts, entrepreneurs, executives, etc. (Mrđa & Milankov, 2020, 55). What represents a departure from these results is the fact that “music 138 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 professors and teachers, composers and, generally, people with a background in music are the minority among BPO subscribers” (Varbanova, 2013, 194). Aside from creating a high-quality ensemble and proving to the Serbian cultural policy makers, political elite and public that elite cultural institu- tions can gain recognition and media attention with a combination of disciplined artistic work, clever use of advertising strategies or experimenting with concert programming, it seems that the ambitions of BPO manager went further than that. While acquiring and maintaining prestigious status in the national framework was certainly one of Tasovac’s main priorities in the process of transforming of BPO, as of early 2000s the interest in broadening orchestra’s capacities via international cooperation and touring became openly displayed.15 BPO’s mini and larger concert tours in Italy, Austria, and Slove- nia in 2002, then Austria, Slovenia, Sweden (2006), France, Bosnia and Herzegovina (2007), and Italy (2010) (Beogradska filharmonija, 2016), prepared the ground for novel undertakings outside Serbian borders that resonated well with plans and visions of managers of Zagreb and Slovenian Philharmonic Orchestra as well as the prevailing political im- pulses across the region, particularly in Serbia and Croatia.16 The outcome was the creation of a joint concert subscription cycle of three orchestras which included five concerts during each season – three concerts were meant to be performed by a resident orchestra, and another two by guest performances of orchestras from other countries. Apart from tours of orchestras to Belgrade, Zagreb and Ljubljana, the idea was to present to audiences of three cities and countries the same repertoire, as well as the selec- tion of renowned and talented soloists. The launch of the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project took place in the season 2011/12 with the performance of SPO in Ljubljana on September 8, 2011 (Mondo, 2011).17 It encompassed a tour of this orchestra to Zagreb and Belgrade in December 2011, performing of ZPO in Belgrade and Ljubljana in May 2012, and concerts of BPO in Zagreb and Ljubljana in May 2012. The unusual conception of collaboration of three orchestras in the form of a separate subscrip- tion cycle with interweaving of tours, performances of internationally renowned and promising classical 15 As Tasovac openly underlined, his wish and the wish of the employees of the BPO was to create “the most notable cultural institution in Serbia” which he believed was mostly achieved. The next logical step was to become “the most recognizable institution from Serbia”, and the “regional framework was the necessary commonsensical step not only for us but for all in the neighbourhood with the same ambitions” (Ćirić, 2012). 16 Cf. the previous footnote. 17 This was preceded by the guest performing of the BPO in Dubrovnik in August 2011 as a part of the festival “Julian Rachlin & Friends”. This was the first performing of this orchestra in Dubrovnik after 1982 and ended with ten minutes-long ovations (SEECult, 2011). 18 This was characteristic for the first “Pika-Točka-Tačka” cycle owing to which the audience from Belgrade, Zagreb and Ljubljana had an opportunity to listen to the following soloists and conductors: pianists Andrew von Oeyen, Andreas Boyde, Alexei Volodin and Andrei Gavrilov, cellist Monika Leskovar and conductors Jonathan Schiffman and Andrew Grams. musicians18 and a combined repertoire based on works of acclaimed Classical, Romantic and early modernist composers and a selection of American 20th-century authors (Aaron Copland, Philip Glass, and Paul Schönfield) represented a very innovative step compared to the standard approach to this process. Typically, cultural institutions, particularly theatres or separate ensembles were relying on the exchange of tours as the most prominent mode of cooperation. This was not only characteristic of the post-socialist period but was also consistently applied in socialist times through the programmes of the so-called interrepublican collaboration. In effect, “Pika-Točka-Tačka” was an example of “co-production” of three orchestras whose teams worked together on shaping of the repertoire, mak- ing decisions on hiring of soloists and planning of tours (cf. Šehović, 2011). The project’s expected duration was five years which was emphasised in the addresses of orchestras’ managers to press and media after the opening of the preliminary season (Šehović, 2011; Ćirić, 2011). The first regional cultural piatiletka received an unprecedented support of the most important actors of the bureaucratic apparatus of Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia, including the presidents and prime minis- ters of the three countries, ministers of culture, and mayors of capital cities (cf. Ćirić, 2011; I. J., 2012). The significance of this project was recognised by actors in international and global politics. In fact, U.S. Department of State and U.S. Embassies in Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia openly encouraged this endeavour (Varbanova, 2013, 193) and U.S. Ambas- sadors took an active role in explaining its value and contributions in the press conferences that preceded some of the concerts during the season 2011/12 (I. J., 2012). Although South-East Europe (SEE) was given mostly a marginal place in U.S. foreign policy at the time, Barack Obama’s Administration continuously advocated for its turning into “democratic, peace- ful and prosperous” region, and, aside from the integration into “Europe’s political and economic institutions” it was also important to foster “trans- national cooperation” and “peaceful resolution of disputes” (Gordon, 2010). From the perspective of Obama’s Administration approach to SEE along with U.S. longstanding history in investing into cultural 139 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 diplomacy as a potent instrument in the steering of international relations, it is possible to understand why “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project attracted attention of U.S. institutions. The strong confidence in the project’s broad potential for post-conflict recon- ciliation and building of bridges between deeply divided peoples, cultures and states was repeatedly expressed in public appearances of orchestra man- agers and U.S. Ambassadors in Croatia and Serbia (James Foley and Merry Warlick). “Pika-Točka-Tačka” was regarded as a means to demonstrate to the broad public in Serbia, Croatia and, to a certain extent in Slovenia, that it is possi- ble and necessary to overcome the heavy legacy of war by focusing on cooperation, common interests, and universality versus particularity of human na- ture.19 In this process, music had a central role due to the widespread assumption about its intrinsic power to cross boundaries of any kind – political, cultural, social, etc.20 Given these starting points and objectives, three orchestras were meant to play the part of each country’s cultural ambassador – as prestigious institutions which, owing to their artistic level and broad national and international cultural mission, had the capacity to convey the importance of regional collaboration not only as an instrument of re-establishment and strengthening of intercultural dialogue, but also of exchange of post-socialist experience in relation to functioning of high-art sphere. What seemed important in this specific mixture of old-fashioned Cold War narratives and concepts of cultural diplomacy (cultural ambassadors, univer- sality of music and musical language, importance of elite institutions for the national identity etc.) (Fosler-Lussier, 2015) and pragmatic interpretation of post-conflict regional cultural policy (build- ing the bridges through direct collaboration and exchange of experiences, strategies, post-socialist 19 Damjan Damjanovič, director of SPO, commenting on the preliminary cycle of “Pika-Točka-Tačka”, stated that three orchestras “as the most prominent musical institutions of their own states, and, consequently, as their important ambassadors, have not just created a routine-like musical and cultural cooperation, but have overcome many barriers in peoples’ heads. After all, musical language is the one that knows no boundaries” (Ćirić, 2011). His colleague from ZPO, Miljenko Puljić, stressed that owing to the joint project “we were able to spread a positive message and to show the example of a viable regional collaboration” (Ćirić, 2011). From the perspective of Ivan Tasovac, BPO’s manager, this project seemed “completely logical” from the start because there is nothing “more natural than the collaboration of three leading regional orchestras which are having guest performances in three cultural capitals of the region”, adding that one cannot escape “political implications of the long-term regional undertaking of such kind” especially when the main participants are three national philharmonic orchestras from the countries that “definitely don’t have an idyllic past” (Ćirić, 2011). Tasovac believed that symbolism of “three dots” (“Pika-Točka-Tačka”) should be open to free interpretation “in accordance with individual political, artistic or grammatical passions” (Ćirić, 2011). 20 The universal character of musical language and music itself was often underlined in the statements of orchestra managers, conductors, guest soloists and U.S. ambassadors. For instance, the Ambassador James Foley considered music as the “language of peace” emphasising the fact that Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia have “common history and common future in European Union and Europe” (I. J., 2012). The similar stance concerning the power of music was displayed by Muhai Tang, at the time resident conductor of the BPO. Tang expressed excitement for being a part of the regional exchange project and for having a chance “to lead the orchestra through a regional musical journey”, noting that for him “music is the only language that connects people without any limitations, and its message can be understo- od by everyone” (SEECult, 2012). 21 The daily Politika published an interview with Damjan Damjanovič, director of SPO, on December 8, 2011 (Šehović, 2011), while a lengthy article dedicated to the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project appeared in the weekly Vreme a month before (Ćirić, 2011). challenges, etc.) was the need to give to the artisti- cally and organizationally neatly shaped cycle cer- tain conceptual framing and, along with that, a set of politically important messages. The framing was the cycle’s inseparable part and, as such, it served as a crucial point of reference in media coverage. This was particularly true for Serbian press and pe- riodicals which gave a lot of space to explanations of objectives of the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project, unlike their Croatian and especially Slovenian counterparts. The daily Politika and weekly Vreme even published interviews with orchestras’ manag- ers together with detailed articles dedicated to the carrying out of the preliminary cycle.21 The idea to add to project the clear-cut political messages, no matter how stereotypical some of them may seem, represented another important departure from the usual strategies of regional cultural cooperation embedded in the belief that art (or music) “speaks for itself”, or that cooperation as such speaks for itself, therefore not needing any conceptual or nar- rative elaboration. Notwithstanding the complexity of the process of appropriation of art and music and its dependence on a number of sociohistorical, economic, cultural, and political factors, grounding cultural exchange especially in the post-conflict areas only on its auto-explanatory capacity seems very problematic. For that reason, the idea to con- nect the promotion of peace, stability, commonal- ity, cooperation, progress, and development with music as a medium that, at least in theory, has a capacity to reach people regardless of their race, class, gender and cultural differences and a specific collaboration method as simple as it might appear represented a distancing from the standard approach to cultural diplomacy in post-socialist Serbia. Moreover, the practice of framing of project of cultural exchange as was the case with “Pika-Točka- Tačka” cycle starting from its symbolic title to the 140 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 publicly revealed objectives could be regarded as an innovative element untypical in the cultural exchange initiated by state or non-state actors, or in the regular circulation of Serbian and Croatian products of popular culture across the borders. This practice can not only facilitate the reception of particular exchange projects and the appropriation of its broader messages in the public, but it can also give to other types of cultural interaction more specific meaning and significance. Another novelty that was introduced with “Pika-Točka-Tačka” pro- ject was a long-term planning of cultural exchange. Unfortunately, instead of a five-years’ framework which was shaped and announced prior to the be- ginning of this project, only three seasons (2011/12, 2012/13 and 2013/14) were completed.22 The rea- sons for its earlier completion were not disclosed to the public, although certain issues came to the fore already during the last season. For instance, unlike seasons 2011/12 and 2012/13, the season 2013/14 attracted considerably less attention from the media, and the usual covering of statements of managers, or of conductors and orchestra musi- cians in Serbian press was skipped. Because of the specific model of collaboration during this season that, aside from the shortened series of tours of the whole ensembles also encompassed the exchange of selected soloists of three orchestras and their joint performing, BPO did not appear in Ljubljana in 2013/14 and the last SPO’s performing in Belgrade happened in the season 2012/13 (January 2013) (cf. Beogradska filharmonija, 2016).23 Concluding from the available data from the press, the appointment of Ivan Tasovac to the position of Serbian Minister of Culture in September 2013 seems not to have correlated with the circumstances surrounding the 22 The second season of the joint cycle brought some important novelties. Among other things, the young and talented musicians from the countries of former Yugoslavia were engaged as soloists and conductors (pianist Simon Trpčeski, cellists Maja Bog- danović, Jaka Stadler and Jasen Chelfi, baritone Ipča Ramanović, soprano Marija Kuhar Šoša, conductors Vladimir Kulenović and Simon Krečić) (Šehović, 2012), and compositions of post-WWII Serbian and Croatian authors were included in the repertoire (i.e. Dragutin Gostuški’s symphonic poem Beograd /1951/, and Ivo Josipović’s Samba da camera /1985/). To the list of musicians were added the talented conductor Rafael Payare, a violinist Ning Feng and others. The idea to bring together aspiring musicians and philharmonic orchestras resembled to a certain extent the initiative that appeared in the early 1960s among the officials of Musical Youth of Serbia and Yugoslavia and evolved into a regular cycle named “Mladi za mlade” [From Youth to Youth] (cf. Vesić, 2023a). The second season of the cycle “Pika-Točka-Tačka” was given a positive response from the participating musicians of philharmonic orchestras. Some of the BPO members found the exchange of professional experience with their colleagues from ZPO and SPO “precious”, while others commended the encouragement of healthy competition (K. R., 2012). 23 For instance, the concert of BPO in Belgrade in April 2014, as a part of “Pika-Točka-Tačka” cycle, included the performing of quartet of soloists of BPO, SPO and ZPO (violinists Tijana Milošević, Aleksandar Milošev, flautist Renata Penezić and harpist Milana Zarić) (B92, 2014). On the novelties of 2013/14 season cf. Pofuk (2013). 24 Cf. more in the footnote number 7. 25 According to writer and editor Saša Ilić who gave a detailed critical insight into Tasovac’s legacy as a Minister of Culture as well as into the “life and work” of his successor Vladan Vukosavljević, Tasovac “has gone from the talented manager of Philharmonic Orchestra to the trivial starlet of the colourful tabloid pages. During his term he has done nothing except giving support to Vučić’s [Aleksandar Vučić] attack on the media and independent cultural scene. Of all his attempts to present his lack of results as a fantastic European brand, only the picture of a soaking wet and withered Minister of Culture at the Military Parade [Belgrade, October 2014] next to Serbian Prime Minister fascinated with Russian aircrafts will be remembered. Tasovac’s lack of feeling for the reality came to the climax by the end of his term when he started to reappear in media with a story that he deserves another term as a Minister of Culture in order to complete everything that has not been done for the preceding thirteen years” (Ilić, 2016). termination of “Pika-Točka-Tačka” project. What certainly represented a curious phenomenon is the fact that endeavours of this kind and format were not encouraged during his three-year-long term. Actually, only a very remote echo of it appeared in the first months of 2016, when Serbian Yugoslav Drama Theatre and Folk Dance Ensemble “Kolo” re- established contact with their Croatian colleagues and carried out guest performances.24 In contrast with Tasovac’s highly esteemed work as a manager of BPO, he did not receive a lot of praise as a Minister of Culture. On the contrary, his actions and general approach to solving a number of issues in the field of culture were often criticized and, in some circles, he was even named the worst minister of culture in Serbian recent history (Ilić, 2016).25 This was also relevant to the issue of inter- national and regional cultural relations which was, during his term, in the phase of stagnation. CONCLUDING REMARKS Although it is not clear whether political factors played a role in the termination of the “Pika-Točka- Tačka” project, they certainly had a significant impact in the period that followed. The fact that Ivan Tasovac, who became known for his fresh and innovative initiatives as a BPO manager, did not dis- play the same qualities in the position of the Serbian Minister of Culture could have had many causes, but there is no doubt that one of the contributing factors was the limited autonomy that was granted to the ministries of culture in the process of crea- tion of cultural policy after 2012 (Ilić, 2016; Ćuk & Malušev, 2014). Another explanation for a slowdown in the regional cultural exchange after 2015 could 141 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 lie in the regular flaring up of disputes, public con- frontations and accusations, and exchange of letter of protests between Serbian and Croatian political leadership (Komarčević, 2023). However, the dis- harmony in Serbo-Croatian political relations in this period appeared not to have affected the intensity of exchange in the field of popular culture which can be concluded, among other things, from the view- ing figures on the digital platforms such as YouTube (Bjella, 2021). The high ratings of Serbian (turbo)folk and pop-folk and zabavna music stars on YouTube in the past years drew attention of Croatian press whose journalist observed that “Serbs are rocking the Croa- tian YouTube” [Srbi drmaju hrvatskim YouToubeom] (Senjak, 2019). The popularity of Serbian music in Croatia was given a new turn in the late 2023 after the incredible success of the folk singer Aleksandra Prijović, who raised a dust both in Croatian and Serbian public (Mitkovski, 2023). Even though popular culture and various other segments (tourism) are resisting the negative influence of political disputes between Serbia and Croatia, the impression that cultural actors from Serbia have been emphasizing for years is that bilateral cultural exchange lacks clear institutional and narrative framework, and, without such framework, it cannot achieve noteworthy results. A short-term episode in the Serbo-Croatian cultural relations embodied in the “Pika-Točka-Tačka” cycle has shown that the combination of institutional support, clear messages, a well-designed program, and innovative concept can move things from a deadlock and even give meaning and “anchoring” to non- institutional and non-state-supported forms of cultural cooperation. Certainly, such undertakings can only be regarded as a small step forward, since, without systematic dealing with the problematic past on both sides, the idea of building the lasting bridges is left without firm grounding in the long run. 142 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 KULTURNA DIPLOMACIJA KOT SREDSTVO POKONFLIKTNIH ODNOSOV: PRIMER PROJEKTA »PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA« (2011–2014) IN KULTURNIH IZMENJAV MED SRBIJO IN HRVAŠKO PO LETU 2000 Ivana VESIĆ Srbska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Muzikološki inštitut, Knez Mihailova 35, 11000 Beograd, Srbija e-mail: ivavesic@outlook.com POVZETEK Članek se osredotoča na srbsko mednarodno kulturno politiko do Hrvaške v prvih dveh desetletjih 21. stoletja. Poleg vpogleda v splošne okoliščine srbske kulturne sfere po padcu Slobodana Miloševića oktobra 2000 in različnih ovir, ki so se postavile na pot kulturnemu predstavništvu srbske države v tujini, članek izpostavlja, kako so napeti odnosi med srbsko in hrvaško politično elito v prejšnjih desetletjih odvračali obe državi od obsežnejše kulturne izmenjave in kako so negativno vplivali na rezultate takih pobud. V članku je podrobno prikazan primer skupnih koncertnih sezon najprestižnejših filharmoničnih orkestrov iz Srbije, Hrvaške in Slovenije (Beograjska filharmonija, Zagrebška filharmonija in Slovenska filharmonija) z naslovom »Pika-Točka-Tačka« (2011–2014), ki je pokazal koristi sistematičnih in vztrajnih kulturnodiplomatskih prizadevanj v procesu obnove odnosov in zbliževanja med državami v pokonfliktnih razmerah. Ta projekt je opozoril tudi na nekatere omejitve kulturnih prizadevanj v takšnem procesu, ko jih nenehno spodkopavajo antagonistične prakse političnih elit. Predpostavke in zaključki, predstavljeni v tem prispevku, so rezultat temeljite raziskave bogatega korpusa srbskega tiska zadnjih dveh desetletij ter letnih poročil srbskega ministrstva za kulturo in njegovih strateških dokumentov po letu 2000. Ključne besede: Srbija, Hrvaška, kulturna diplomacija, pokonfliktno območje, projekt »Pika-Točka-Tačka« 143 Ivana VESIĆ: CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AS A TOOL IN POST-CONFLICT RECONCILIATION? THE “PIKA-TOČKA-TAČKA” PROJECT (2011–2014) ..., 133–144 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Aleksić, Milan (2019): Otvorena pitanja između Sr- bije i Hrvatske. Centar za primenjene evropske studije. https://media.cpes.org.rs/2019/07/Otvorena-pitanja-Sr- bije-i-Hrvatske_Milan-Aleksi%C4%87.pdf (last access: 2024-01-26). Aljazeera Balkan (2016): Dva desetljeća hrvatsko- srpskih (ne)sporazuma. https://balkans.aljazeera.net/ news/balkan/2016/9/9/dva-desetljeca-hrvatsko-srpskih- nesporazuma (last access: 2024-01-24). 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Zorić, Ognjen (2012): U Srbiji veoma popularne tv serije iz susedstva. https://www.slobodnaevropa. org/a/u-srbiji-veoma-popularne-tv-serije-iz-susedst- va/24752466.html (last access: 2024-01-26). 145 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2024-01-30 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.10 HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT Irena ŠENTEVSKA Independent Researcher, Peđe Milosavljevića 68/I, 11 070 New Belgrade, Serbia e-mail: irenasentevska@gmail.com ABSTRACT This article follows chronologically the changes in the public perception of Laibach in Slovenia, Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav countries, Laibach’s relation to the Slovenian state, and the group’s status of informal (and occasionally formal) cultural ambassadors of Slovenia in the post-Yugoslav context. Because the state (in abstract terms) and Slovenian cultural identity play such an important role in Laibach’s artistic output, their formal and informal representation of the Slovenian state and national identity are often misperceived by the media and cultural commentators. The aim of this article is to establish on which occasions and in which contexts Laibach have actually and formally represented Slovenia at international events. Keywords: Laibach, state, cultural diplomacy, Yugoslavia, Slovenia COME RISOLVERE UN PROBLEMA COMPLESSO COME LA BOSNIA?: LAIBACH COME AMBASCIATORI CULTURALI NEL CONTESTO POST-JUGOSLAVO SINTESI Questo articolo segue cronologicamente i cambiamenti nella percezione pubblica dei Laibach in Slovenia, in Jugoslavia e nei Paesi post-jugoslavi, ed il rapporto dei Laibach con lo Stato sloveno e il loro status di ambasciatori culturali informali (e occasionalmente formali) nel contesto post-jugoslavo. Poiché lo Stato (in termini astratti) e l’identità culturale slovena giocano un ruolo così importante nella produzione artistica dei Laibach, la loro rappre- sentazione formale e informale dello Stato e dell’identità nazionale slovena è spesso percepita in modo errato dai media e dai commentatori culturali. L’obiettivo di questo articolo è analizzare in quali occasioni e in quali contesti i Laibach hanno effettivamente e formalmente rappresentato la Slovenia in occasione di eventi internazionali. Parole chiave: Laibach, stato, diplomazia culturale, Jugoslavia, Slovenia 146 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO LAIBACH’S LONG CAREER Slovenia’s internationally best-known musicians and artists, Laibach have been developing their cross-media practice for more than four decades marked by political and social turmoil in the region of former Yugoslavia. Laibach works artistically with the interactions between art, politics and the processes of nation-building and popular culture. Formed symbolically in Trbovlje in 1980, Laibach responded to the situation in Yugoslavia following the death of Josip Broz Tito as a collective entity whose zeal for totalitarian authority (manifested in their sombre and militant music, imagery and overall attitude) apparently outstripped that of the socialist state. In a socio-political context where the state’s legitimacy was entering a crisis and an alternative cultural scene of civil society movements in Slovenia was working towards a liberalization and political restructuring of the Yugoslav federation, Laibach were perceived as harbingers of new freedoms for the civil society (Mastnak, 2015). The group has been surrounded by controversy from its earliest days. A series of early provocative appearances culminated in 1983 with a TV interview which enraged both the host journalist Jure Pengov and audiences throughout Yugoslavia. As a result, the presidency of the Ljubljana City Committee of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia passed a resolution that the group’s German name was inappropriate, had no legal basis, and contravened the ordinance on the proper use of the city of Ljubljana’s coat of arms, flag and name. A formal ban on all public appearances by Laibach under that name was registered in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia (Jeklič & Soban, 2015, 47, 50). In response to this situation, in 1984 Laibach founded the artistic collective Neue Slowenische Kunst (NSK), along with the visual arts group Irwin and the theatre group Scipion Nasica Sisters Theatre. NSK existed as a synchronized movement until 1992, when it was partly transformed into a virtual “NSK State”, while the ban on Laibach’s public performances remained in effect until 1987. While they were discouraged from performing in Slovenia, Laibach developed new interests and started touring across both halves of Cold War Europe. Already in November 1983 they embarked on their first Occupied Europe Tour, pursued intermittently across both sides of the “Iron Curtain”. Laibach tested their audiences’ tolerance and reactions, ignoring ideological borders and dramatizing the military and cultural colonization of Europe. Outside Yugoslavia, they initially performed in Vienna, Budapest, Kraków, Warsaw, Toruń, Wrocław, West Berlin, Copenhagen, Hamburg, The Hague, Amster- dam, Eindhoven, Maastricht and London, and failed to pass border control at Komárno in order to perform two 1 For chronological overviews of Laibach’s career, cf. Jerman (2020); Šentevska (2022). illegal concerts in Czechoslovakia (Lorenčič, 2022, 72). It was particularly striking that they performed in Poland only a few months after the suspension of martial law, introduced in response to the growth of and pressure for change from the “Solidarity” movement. At a press conference in Warsaw one of the guests politely handed them a still-warm faecal gift wrapped in the Trybuna Ludu (the official newspaper of the Polish Workers’ Party - PPR), after Laibach proclaimed themselves as communists (Skok, 2009, 6). Laibach’s “rehabilitation” in the home country coincided with the kick-off of their true international bre- akthrough, with the 1987 releases for the famed London label Mute Records, alongside such distinguished acts as Depeche Mode and Nick Cave and the Bad Seeds. With Slovenia’s newly gained political independence in 1991, Laibach gradually became recognized as Slovenia’s internationally most successful artists, a national cultural brand, and cultural ambassadors of a country aspiring towards full membership of the European Union. Since their ground-breaking orchestral concert in Cankarjev dom in 1997, Laibach have been collaborating with symphony orchestras throughout Europe, resuming work on theatre and film music, releasing new albums, touring extensively and exhibiting their work in museums and galleries across four continents.1 Their continuing relevance, however, seems to be the most palpable in the region of former Yugoslavia. This article follows chronologically the changes in the public perception of Laibach in Slovenia, Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav countries, Laibach’s relation to the Slovenian state, and the group’s status as informal (and occasionally formal) cultural ambassadors of Slovenia in the post-Yugoslav context. This includes the role of cultural and political commentators on current affairs in the regional media. The first part of the article discusses the concept of the state in Laibach’s work and the role that Laibach played in the construction of the cultural identity of independent Slovenia. The second part di- scusses Laibach’s response to the events surrounding the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the creation of the new, post-Yugoslav states in its stead. The third part discusses Laibach’s place in the cultural exchange between the former Yugoslav republics, public reception, media inter- pretations of their work and cultural significance for our “region”. Because the state (in abstract terms) and Slovenian cultural identity play such an important role in Laibach’s artistic output, their formal and informal representation of the Slovenian state and national identity are often misperceived (much to Laibach’s satisfaction). The aim of this article is to establish on which occasions and in which circumstances Laibach have actually and formally represented Slovenia as a state, especially in the post- -Yugoslav context. 147 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 LAIBACH, SLOVENIA, THE STATE- AND NATION-BUILDING In an early attempt to discuss Laibach’s poetry, Slove- nian literary scholar Taras Kermauner, described it in 1983 as going back “to the pack of wolves outside of society, free of the cage of home” (Kermauner, 2009, 51). The more this poetry is “unforeseen, the more surprising it is, the more it breaks the rules […] as a disturbance” (Kermauner, 2009, 54). This author noted a “method, with which we attain the truth by means of darkness” as a constant theme in Laibach’s literary output (Kermauner, 2009, 55). Along with their reservations towards the romanticist concepts of authorship and propensity for Duchampian procedures, in typical early lyrics by Laibach, the state becomes a lyrical subject: “[t]he State shall provide for the physical education of the people, especially of the youth, in order to increase national health, and national, labour and defence capacities”.2 As noted by Serbian music critic and promoter Dragan Ambrozić, in his recent essay dedicated to the song Država, Laibach’s elevation of the phenome- non of the State beyond historical contexts, as something that transcends time, was something without precedent in the history of popular music (Ambrozić, 2024). Laibach’s public image in Slovenia began to change fol- lowing their contribution to the theatre production Krst pod Triglavom (Baptism under Triglav), conceived and performed in 1986 by the various branches of NSK, in the convention and culture centre Cankarjev dom in Ljubljana. With a cast of 70 actors and dancers (including ten German Shepherds) (Jakovljević, 2016, 271), Krst was the largest Slovenian theatre production to have taken place up to that point. This staging of the central modern national myth of Slovenia, France Prešeren’s lyrical poem Krst pri Savici (Baptism at the Savica), directed by Dragan Živadinov, received much public attention. NSK was subsequently awarded with Zlata Ptica (Golden Bird) for exceptional achievements in art by the League of Socialist Youth of Slovenia (Zveza socialistične mladine Slovenije – ZSMS). In that respect, NSK’s practices differed from the Western “appropriation art” in that NSK appropriated the state itself (its official institutions and sym- bols) with its artistic interventions. The support from ZSMS largely helped the normaliza- tion of Laibach’s legal status in Slovenia. The leadership of ZSMS (to a significant extent) openly embraced and supported alternative youth culture, perceiving it as inherently progressive, emancipating, and in line with the democratizing efforts in stirring up public debates in Yugoslavia, which was nearing the point of “no return”. Based on her interview with Robert Botteri, editor-in-chief of the journal Mladina Ljubica Spaskovska noted “a major shift in the realm of Slovenian youth after the 1986 Krško congress of the ZSMS, which coincided with a change in the Party leadership and a new liberal camp” (Spaskovska, 2 Own translation. Original quote is as follows: “[D]ržava skrbi za fizično vzgojo ljudstva, posebno mladine, v svrho dviganja narodnega zdravja, narodne, delovne in obrambne sposobnosti” (Laibach, 1983). 2017, 73). The agenda of the 12th Congress of ZSMS also included the demand for the legalization of Laibach’s name and activities. It had already been clear by then that the bans were possibly more damaging to the Slovenian authorities than to Laibach. The controversy revolved around Laibach’s use of the German name for Ljubljana, which first appeared in the twelfth century and remained in use until 1918. Laibach and Neue Slowenische Kunst worked with the trauma of more than thousand years of German political and cultural hegemony over the small Slovenian nation: in socialist Slovenia Laibach was an unspeakable name associated with Nazi oppression and domestic collaboration in World War II. However, the Laibach controversy brought that word into constant public circulation. Laibach were thus involved in some of the first serious discussions in Slovenia about Germanization and collaboration with the Nazis, which predated the wider historical reassessments of the war period in the coming decades. They were also seen as questioning the post-war Slovenian identity and self- -perception as a de-Germanized nation, free from foreign domination owing to the National Liberation Army, the Yugoslav partisans (Monroe, 2005, 166). Laibach’s “illegal“ period in Slovenia effectively ended when the label ŠKUC Ropot released their album Slovenska akropola on April 27, 1987. The launch coincided with the official holiday which commemorated the establishment of the Slovenian Liberation Front in 1941 (Dan osvobodilne fronte). According to an early statement by Laibach, politics is “the highest and all-embracing art, and we, who create contemporary Slovenian art, consider ourselves to be politicians” (NSK, 1985, 24). This tendency of Laibach has been translated into preaching to a concert audience, often controversially. One of the subdivisions of NSK, the theoretical Department of Pure and Applied Philosophy headed by Peter Mlakar, has been closely associated with Laibach to this day (Mlakar, 2023). As prologues to Laibach concerts, Mlakar’s politically-charged speeches, specific to the venues and locations, have been composed “out of found material – re-treating the waste products of the history of philosophy in a similar manner to the way in which Laibach reprocess discarded musical styles” (Goddard, 2006, 52). In the late 1980s Mlakar’s disturbing messages were not delivered only throughout socialist Yugoslavia, but also in Slovenia’s close proximity. Laibach’s concert Ljubljana, Trst, Celovec staged at the Slovenian Grammar School in Klagenfurt in March 1988 accordingly featured the video titled “United Slovenia”. The festival organizer Wiener Festwoche almost cancelled their concert Big Beat 88 at the Kaiser Franz Josef Reitschule in Vienna after Mlakar opened his speech with the statement “Austrians, you are Germans… but we, Slovenians, are better Germans than Germans are” (Laibach, 2024c). 148 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 Slovenia’s impending formal secession from Yugosla- via was heralded by the referendum of 23 December 1990, when a vast majority of the electorate voted in favour of a sovereign and independent state. Three days later Laibach returned to Trbovlje to celebrate their ten- -year anniversary. This was their first public performance there after their initial “misunderstanding” with their symbolic hometown in September 1980, when their first exhibition and concert, as part of the program Alterna- tive Slovenian Culture supported by Ljubljana’s ŠKUC (Student Cultural Centre) was banned (Štrajn, 2015).3 Laibach’s “homecoming” concert took place in the harsh industrial setting of the disused Trbovlje Power Station 1 (TET 1), at a temperature reaching −15 degrees Celsius. Preceding Slovenia’s actual independence, the concert was self-consciously titled “Deset let Laibacha – Deset let slovenske samostojnosti” (“Ten years of Laibach, ten years of Slovenian independence”). Describing the event, John Honderich wrote in The Guardian: Laibach’s approach is to prepare an acid bath for their audience with pile-driver percussion, metal cutter electric guitar, sirens, horns and 3 Laibach’s black-and-white linocut posters which announced the events “provoked strong protest from the local socialist youth organization and from ordinary citizens and became a cause for a lengthy debate about artistic freedom, violence, fascism, and law and order. What the Trbovlje populace found most revolting about the posters was their purported visual and graphic violence and political obscenity” (Erjavec, 2003, 143). harsh guttural incantatory vocals […] With ap- parently fascistic banners and 1940s clothes, the whole effect is of a ritual or rally. It is highly unpleasant and can be genuinely disturbing, and also for those who can relate to it, very beautiful. (Monroe, 2005, 184) Laibach’s commitment to a politics of “non-ali- gnment”, understood as critical distancing from the existing political institutions, resulted in NSK’s decision to also declare political independence in 1991 by founding the “NSK State” or “State in Time”. According to NSK both the state and its institutions needed to be constructed (anew), which in reality happened in Slovenia with the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991. While new states were being created on the territories of former Yugoslavia, NSK’s state utopia designated its own conceptual terri- tory, working with the institutionalized presence of state symbolism and artefacts in the cultural realm. The more the real power of global capital grows, individual states cling more desperately to their national symbols as empty signifiers of bygone eras. Laibach and NSK underscored that, using totalitarian imagery to assert Figure 1: Laibach at Yalta, 1994. Laibach launched this montage as promotional material for the release of the album NATO (Mute Records Ltd.) in 1994. The NATO tour reached its peak in Sarajevo in 1995, during the occupation of the city. On November 20 and 21, the band played two concerts at the Sarajevo National The- atre with the agenda of the NATO album. The second concert took place one hour after the signing of the Dayton Agreement, which marked the end of the war and the end of the years-long siege of the city. A few days later, NATO troops invaded Sarajevo. The band members were photographed by Diego Andres Gomez, while the image was edited by the design duo TANDAR, in collaboration with Laibach.. 149 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 that Nazi-fascism had never been effectively suppressed on both sides of what was once the Iron Curtain. The NSK State also challenged the denial of cultural repression by the state under capitalism, the narrative which attributes censorship only to authoritarian communist regimes. The NSK State issued passports, visas and postage stamps, had its own visual identity and state symbols, opened embassies and consulates internationally, and has reached a population of around 15,000 citizens. As the self-described founding fathers of the NSK State, the members of Laibach were among its first passport-holders. On 21–23 October 2010 Haus der Kulturen der Welt in Berlin hosted the first world congress of NSK citizens. This was preceded by Laibach’s 30th anniversary celebrated on 23–26 September in Delavski dom in Trbovlje, with the exhibition and event Red Districts + Black Cross 1980–2010, which included a symposium on Laibach. Opening the anniversary celebration at Delavski dom, the first president of independent Slovenia, Milan Kučan, gave a speech and received a diplomatic passport from the NSK State.4 Back in October 1994, with the release of their album NATO, Laibach reactivated their “Occupied Europe” con- cept for the upcoming tour titled Occupied Europe NATO Tour. The London concert on this tour, held on December 3 at the Union Chapel, was attended by the ambassador of the Republic of Slovenia. As noted by Alexei Monroe, at that time Slovenia and the NSK State had established a new paradigm of interstate relations: when Slovenia formally offered to recognize the NSK State […] The Slovene government of the time (which included many veterans of the alternative scene) sought to present itself as prepared to write new rules and explore new possibilities, while NSK received symbolic recognition of its ambitions through the same device it uses to maintain dis- tance from Slovene politics. (Monroe, 2005, 252) The Ljubljana concert on that tour, held in the Dakota DC3 club on 26 October 1995, was broadcast on Slove- nian TV and attended by the Slovenian foreign minister (and ex-ZSMS activist) Zoran Thaler. In this capacity minister Thaler presented Laibach’s NATO album as a gift to two NATO Secretaries General, namely, Willy Claes and Javier Solana (Balantič, 2010).5 With their growing influence in Slovenia, Laibach ventured into more complex and demanding produc- tions. The year 1997 saw their first collaboration with a symphonic orchestra.6 This production, initiated by 4 As part of the same anniversary festivities, Laibach’s exhibition Gesamtkunst Laibach – Foundations 1980–1990 at Ljubljana’s International Center of Graphic Arts (MGLC), curated by Lilijana Stepančič, was opened by Major of Ljubljana Zoran Janković. 5 The same symbolic gesture was repeated in 2014 to mark the 10th anniversary of Slovenia’s membership in the alliance. This was reported on the web site of Slovenia’s Permanent Representation to NATO (Šentevska, 2022, 196). 6 Slovenian Philharmonic Orchestra, including the mixed choir APZ Tone Tomšič. 7 “Cari amici soldati, i tempi della pace sono passati” was a paraphrase from Benito Mussolini famously uttered at the 1982 Novi rock festival in Ljubljana by Laibach’s first frontman Tomaž Hostnik, who committed suicide later that year. Laibach, opened the EU-sponsored European Month of Culture program in Ljubljana. The concert held in Cankarjev dom on 15 May, was attended by two heads of state (Slovenia and Estonia), the diplomatic corps, and religious dignitaries. On this occasion Peter Mlakar addressed the audience wearing a fat-smeared butcher’s apron. His unannounced speech discussed God, orgasm and more, and famously made the Ljubljana archbishop Franc Rode and other visitors walk out. Mlakar’s “playful” attitude towards religious matters and the Catholic Church resulted in exorcism and re-con- secration of the mediaeval church on Mount Kum in Trbo- vlje, following a Laibach promo party which announced their album WAT in July 2003. Nevertheless, on its tourist website, the Municipality of Trbovlje today encourages “music enthusiasts to find out what impression the Lai- bach group left on Kum, which had its own event in 2003, under the leadership of the unconventional pastor Peter Mlakar in the church of St. Neža” (VisitTrbovlje.si, 2021). LAIBACH, YUGOSLAVIA AND THE POST-YUGOSLAV SPACE In the complex cultural and political situation of the 1980s socialist Yugoslavia, where new social for- ces were competing for empowerment and resources, Laibach caused distress with their overall attitude and imagery. Amidst the rising nationalist tensions throughout the country, Laibach’s sermons served as warnings that the “times of peace are over”.7 The continuous presence of Laibach in the public consciousness throughout Yugoslavia also had much to do with their indirect involvement in the so-called Poster Affair, the event which shook socialist Yugoslavia in the last years of its existence (Stepančič, 2015). Laibach’s membership partly overlapped with that of the NSK design group Novi kolektivizem (NK), which had already been collabo- rating with ZSMS “in a mutually exploitative process that brought work and opportunities for intervention to NSK and radical kudos to ZSMS” (Monroe, 2005, 41). A person who went by the name engineer Ni- kola Grujić “discovered” (and shared his discovery with the Yugoslav press) that the poster design by NK for the 1987 Youth Day (official celebration of Josip Broz Titoʼs birthday) was a “remake” of a Nazi propaganda painting. NK’s provocation was widely perceived as a symptom of Slovenia’s separatist tendencies which undermined the foundations of Yugoslavia’s socialist federation, and Laibach were 150 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 seen as collaborators in this misdeed. The Poster Affair eventually acquired the status of an historical event on Slovenia’s way towards political indepen- dence. As such, in 2007 it was celebrated with the exhibition Poster Affair – 20 Years Later mounted in the National Museum of Contemporary History of Slovenia (Strlič, 2009). In a recent interview for the Bosnian weekly Stav Laibach disclosed that “[poli- ticians] of the time began to take us seriously too late, which was confirmed to us by the former Yugo- slav president Janez Drnovšek, before he died, but also recently by the first Slovenian president Milan Kučan, who was requested by Slobodan Milošević to have us all locked up” (Abaz, 2021). During the late 1980s, in spite of their internationally successful record releases, extensive touring across Euro- pe and routine media reports on these activities, Laibach’s reputation in Yugoslavia remained controversial. Due to their propensity to stir public outrage, Laibach mainly performed in the largest and culturally most tolerant cities of Ljubljana, Zagreb and Belgrade, with minor excepti- ons. However, they routinely encountered setbacks even in those cities. For example, when Laibach were scheduled to appear at the 1987 Belgrade International Theatre Festival – BITEF in Michael Clark’ production No Fire Escape in Hell, “the festival management would not allow them to perform live. So the show was staged using recorded music, and they were also obliged to censor the video recordings of a patriotic speech by Tito” (Jeklič & Soban, 2015, 49). Several months later, Delo in Ljubljana reported on the “Black Rose Sect,” allegedly an alterna- tive youth suicide cult which performed quasi-Satanic rituals at Laibach concerts in Zagreb (Potočnik, 1988, 12). In the wake of the success of their 1987 album Opus Dei Laibach performed in Yugoslavia as an internationally acclaimed band, and other Yugoslav cities, such as Split and Rijeka, began to host their concerts. Their first con- certs in Sarajevo were held in the youth culture venue CDA Mladost as late as in April 1989, despite pressures on the organizers to cancel them. Amidst the turmoil surrounding the internal political conflicts and gradual disintegration of socialist Yugosla- via, Laibach continued to provoke Yugoslav audiences to reflect on the current goings-on in the country. In 1989 they tested the Yugoslav audience’s patience with new cultural and political provocations, beginning their con- cert at Dom sportova in Zagreb (April 9) with the sounds of gusle, strongly (though not exclusively) associated with Serbian folklore and heroic epics. By the end of the same month Peter Mlakar was giving a speech “to the Serb nation”, addressing the audience in German and Serbian. He was paraphrasing the Serbian strongman Slobodan Milošević while opening the concerts held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade, at that time definitely not a venue where supporters of Milošević would choose to congregate. The event also incorporated a Third Reich propaganda film The Bombing of Belgrade. During the gradual dissolution of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s Laibach displayed a keen interest in geo- political topics, such as the New World Order and the former Eastern Bloc’s turn to the free market economy. Meanwhile, they closely followed the developments surrounding the conflicts in former Yugoslavia and USSR, reunification of Europe and role of NATO in the contemporary global politics. In 1992–93 the group embarked on its most ambitious and technically most elaborate, “Kapital” tour, remaining actively occupied with the contemporary events in the former Yugoslav re- publics. For example, while promoting their first concert in Greece in September 1992, they expressed in a TV interview their support for the former Yugoslav republic Macedonia (which Greece persistently refused to reco- gnize under that name), and its president Kiro Gligorov. A year later Laibach performed in Skopje, where they were welcomed by the Macedonian minister of culture. While still in favour by right-wing activists and nationa- lists internationally, in this period they also rejected the proposals from Russian politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky to organize a Russian tour for Laibach, and from Serb film director and paramilitary commander Dragoslav Bokan to compose an anthem for his ultra-nationalist formation White Eagles (Beli orlovi) (Šentevska, 2022, 196). The fascination of the right-wing political formations with Laibach throughout the region did not cease after the 1990s. In 2015 Laibach notably sued the Croatian right-wing political party HDSSB (Hrvatski demokratski savez Slavonije i Baranje) for unauthorised use of their track Geburt einer Nation in a promo film for its newly- -established paramilitary formation (Slavonska sokolska garda). In an interview for the Serbian newspaper Danas Laibach said that those responsible for the incident in fact tricked the party very well because their version of the song “speaks much more clearly and directly about the character, composition and essence of that party than their political program… [B]y using that song, they said more about themselves than about us”. The problem, according to Laibach, was that they broke the (copyright) law and that is something that “no political party – which seeks the voters’ confidence – should allow itself, be it right-wing or left-wing” (Ćuk, 2015). During the conflicts in former Yugoslavia Laibach did not return to its former capital until November 1997, when they held a memorable concert in the sports venue Hala sportova. Although well attended and supported by the Belgrade City Assembly, the concert was scarcely reported in the Serbian media, as if Belgrade was still not ready to welcome Laibach after several years of strai- ned relations between Serbia and Slovenia. Following the racially motivated murder of the 14-year old Roma boy Dušan Jovanović by a group of skinheads, a number of Roma organizations protested Laibach’s concert in Belgrade on account of the group’s association with “Nazi ideology”, although Laibach announced that 151 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 part of the proceeds from the concert would go to the victim’s family. Moreover, the concert was announced as breaching the cultural barrier between Slovenia and Serbia which had been in place for nine years (Naša borba Internet, 1997). Due to the general atmosphere in Serbia at that time, security measures at the venue were increased dramatically. Following Peter Mlakar’s memorable speech Laibach recalled that “in the very introduction of the concert the chief of security said something in the sense of: ‘And now, comrades from Laibach, you must take care of yourselves, we will not be able to protect you’” (Laibach, 2024c). According to Laibach’s website, with this speech “the group drama- tically warned Serbs once again about their future, but unfortunately with little political effect. Milošević and Serbia soon after started their war on Kosovo and NATO finally bombed the city and the whole country in March 1999” (Laibach, 2024a). Part of the “whole country” bombed in 1999 was Montenegro, which became an independent state in 2006. In 2019, more than twenty years after Laibach’s 1997 concert in Belgrade, Montenegrin news portal An- tena M featured Peter Mlakar’s address to the audiences, referring to Laibach as the “greatest Yugoslav [music] group”. In the speech, Mlakar asked “dear Serbs” what had happened “in these ugly, misfortunate and evil times? Why has everyone abandoned you, why all this blood and misery, contempt, pain and guilt?” The reader who sent the text of Mlakar’s speech to the portal, himself posed the question: “what do you think, how many peo- ple from Montenegro would dare to say this in Belgrade today, let alone at that time?” (Aprcović, 2019). In any event, Laibach’s best remembered public appearance during the wars in former Yugoslavia were the two concerts held on 20–21 November 1995 in Sarajevo. During the last months of the siege by the ar- med forces of Republika Srpska (which lasted from April 1992 to February 1996 and tormented the city for 1425 days), the National Theatre in Sarajevo was proclaimed territory of the NSK State. NSK staff issued regular and diplomatic passports, and some of them were used for illegal escapes from the starved and exhausted city. In addition to two concerts by Laibach, the event visited by 5000 people included an exhibition and speeches by the NSK philosophy department. Peter Mlakar memora- bly addressed the audience with the words: “Agony and death to the one who committed a crime, that is alright. But only through forgiveness shall you process the cri- minal into kebabs (ćevapčiće) and burgers (pljeskavice), only in forgiving the worst fear shall you experience true happiness. You shall be the call of freedom. You shall be masters of peace” (Abaz, 2021). The first Laibach concert took place as the Dayton Peace Agreement to end the war in Bosnia and Herze- govina was being finalized at the US Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio. The agreement was signed one hour before the start of the second concert. “Before the concert, and in reference to the peace deal being brokered, graffiti could be seen on walls around the shattered city bearing the legend: F**k Dayton, Laibach are playing” (McGrady, 2001, 16). In a recent interview Ivan Novak described how Laibach reached Sarajevo in such harsh circumstances: [w]e followed a convoy, there was no way we could do it on our own, an UNPROFOR convoy, across Croatia, soon after the military Opera- tion Storm [Oluja], when all that part of Croatia with Knin and its surroundings was in flames… This was a true war situation, the houses were burning, and we came to Mostar, a terribly, completely ruined city. There was a whole lot of barricades, para-state border controls we had to go through, never knowing whether we’d be allowed to pass or not. We went there during the winter, across the mountain Igman… And somehow we reached Sarajevo, which was all demolished and shattered. (N1 podkast s Suzano Lovec, 2023) As an interesting detail from the concerts, Novak recalled asking the organizers whether it would be problematic if they performed their track Mars on River Drina (originally a patriotic march composed by Stanislav Binički, which celebrated the Serbian victory over the Austro-Hungarian army at the Battle of Cer in 1914), as this would be an extremely offensive gesture for the Bosniak soldiers attending the concerts. The organizers replied that Laibach should figure this out by themselves. After they finished the number “the reaction was really incredible. First there was complete silence, followed by a thunderous applause. Which is incredible and, of course, tells something about that legendary tolerance of the people of Sarajevo”, said Ivan Novak in the same interview in March 2023. Two months later, Laibach were back in Sarajevo to perform their “musical” Wir sind das Volk, a production originally staged in Berlin (Hebbel am Ufer) in 2020, conceived and directed by Anja Quickert and Laibach, and based on the works by Heiner Müller. The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina reported that the Gover- nment of Sarajevo Canton approved reallocation of budget resources from the Ministry of Veterans’ Affairs to the festival “Modul memorije” (a beneficiary of the Ministry of Culture and Sports), to be able to host the production Wir sind das Volk. The respective ministers Omer Osmanović and Kenan Magoda publicly expres- sed their support for this example of inter-ministerial cooperation, on account of the perceived contribution of this project to “preserving the legacy of the defence- -liberation war” in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Šentevska, 2023, 270). Due to this governmental support, tickets for the performance Wir sind das Volk were free of charge and ran out quickly. 152 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 This performance, which took place on 9 May (Europe Day) in the same venue as Laibach’s 1995 concerts, symbolically closed the festival “Modul memorije” which had been launched precisely in 1995. On behalf of Laibach, Peter Mlakar accepted the festival’s Award for contribution to preservation of cultural memory. In his speech at the award ceremony, the festival’s director Nihad Kreševljaković noted: “In spite of all the madness that Dayton [Peace Agreement] brought with it, there are two beautiful things connec- ted with this date, namely: this was the announcement of the arrival of peace and end of the bloodshed, and Laibach had a concert in Sarajevo” (N. O., 2023). In a recent interview for an academic journal from Sarajevo Laibach referred to this concert as a: “humble but also necessary expression of solidarity with the besieged city and clear rejection of the logic of military aggres- sion … We wanted to stress that the proclamation and practice of elementary statehood will be an important element in the constitution of peace in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina” (Adžović, 2023, 11). In another recent interview, published in Northern Macedonia, responding to the claim that “without Yugo- slavia Laibach is an orphan”, Laibach explained: Laibach is an orphan by its own decision and therefore we don’t nourish any kind of nostalgia for Yugoslavia, we are only nostalgic for the nos- talgia itself. Yugoslavia was otherwise an eloquent creation which in many respects anticipated what is nowadays happening in Europe. Besides, as a state and ideology, it was a relatively safe haven for fraternized, but ever quarrelling Balkan tribes. Today, the newly-formed states on the former territory of Brotherhood and Unity are mostly a small change of the international political interests and exploited hunting grounds for the local mob godfathers. We are, perhaps, openly sentimental toward this formerly common space and for that reason we extend our wishes for a lot of happi- ness and success with the [national] coexistence in it. However, we are not too optimistic that it will really come about. (Čuškova, 2023) LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS OF INDEPENDENT SLOVENIA Laibach’s extensive activities since the establis- hment of the independent Slovenian state have encom- passed fewer instances of participation in its official representation than one might expect from an entity so closely associated with Slovenian political indepen- dence in the public perception throughout the region of former Yugoslavia. After the tumultuous 1990s, at the 8 The venue was built in 1919–1921 on behalf of the League for Political Education, originally a pro-women’s suffrage group. 9 This British pop duo (George Michael and Andrew Ridgeley) was the first international pop attraction allowed to perform in China in 1985. invitation from the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia (Laibach, 2024b), they performed on 18 June 2000 at the EXPO 2000 world exhibition, as part of the presentation of Slovenia at the Messegelände Hannover. On 31 May 2008 they performed at the musical event A Night in Slovenia, organized by the National Geographic Traveller and Slovenia Tourism Organisation at the Town Hall in New York.8 In summer 2015 major news agencies and media around the world reported on Laibach’s expedition to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and their concerts held on 19 and 20 August 2015 in Ponghwa Theatre and Kum Song Music School in Pyongyang. As a result, Laibach were perceived across the globe as going to North Korea to entertain an utterly unpre- dictable audience in the most totalitarian and isolated society in the world. Laibach’s “collaboration” with Kim Jong-un’s regime stirred a lively public debate in Slovenia, informed by local knowledge of Laibach’s history and modes of operation, which was largely absent from the international coverage (Šentevska, 2020). While the right-wing commentators harshly criticized Laibach’s enthusiasm for North Korea as a sign of nostalgia for the dark, totalitarian (communist) past, Laibach tricked the “other side” of the debate table (their supporters included) mostly into showing their fascination with the Supreme Leader of North Korea (Kim Jong Un) and his mode of government. The Slovenian diplomatic service was completely unsupportive of Laibach’s endeavour: in fact, prior to the concerts in Pyongyang, Slovenian diplomats (in China and other countries) were banned from helping Laibach prepare the events (Laibach, 2024b). Some of the participants in the “North Korean” debate nevertheless emphasized Laibach’s “ambassa- dorial” capacity. For example, journalist Borut Mehle noted that this was not the first guest appearance of a Slovenian act in North Korea: the modest cultural exchange between the two countries went back to the Yugoslav era when “folklorists of Emona” paid an official visit. This, however, would make Laibach’s expedition no less “pioneering”: Mehle thus saw Laibach in the same mission as Yugoslav performers of light music who toured the Soviet Union behind the Iron Curtain (Mehle, 2015). In his comment, journalist Jure Tepina (who was a member of Laibach’s 25-mem- ber North Korean’s expedition) expressed his view that with this tour Laibach effortlessly did more for Slovenia than any politician in the preceding 30 years (Tepina, 2015). Along the similar lines, journalist and editor of the portal Fokuspokus Marko Crnkovič saw Laibach as “ambassadors of democracy”, effectively in the same role as Wham in China,9 only 30 years later (Crnkovič, 2015). 153 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 When Ljubljana was declared the Green Capital of Europe, Laibach and the RTV Slovenia Symphony Or- chestra performed a concert on 9 February 2016 at the Centre for Fine Arts BOZAR in Brussels. Laibach were asked in an interview: “How do you feel about this? Isn’t it ironic that a city that tried to ban your concerts under the name of Laibach… is now asking you for this celebration?” They responded: Very ironic – but we love the irony. What goes around comes around… Even more ironic is the fact that the Environment Directorate of the European Commission protested against the choice of Laibach in this context, stating that ‘there could seem to be a significant risk that the irony which underpins their musical style may be misunderstood by an audience unfamil- iar with the genre’ and they were openly sug- gesting that ‘for that reason, it may be prudent to look again and perhaps veer towards a more classical style of entertainment’. Now this is a much more radical censorship than the one that we faced in North Korea. Thankfully, the city of Ljubljana ignored it and we are still able to perform the show as originally planned. We just can’t link it officially to the Green Capital of Europe handover ceremony event, which is absolutely fine with us. (Kruth, 2016) Figure 2: Laibach at Drvar, BiH, 1943. This photomontage was produced to mark the rele- ase of the album “We Forge The Future”, for the Austrian label GOD Records, and serves as the cover of the booklet that accompanies the album. The album features a recording of a concert the band gave at Madrid's Reina Sofia Museum, during which Laibach recon- structed the famous concert at the Music Biennale Zagreb, where they performed on April 23, 1983. At this concert, the band projected pornographic sequences from a Super 8 mm projector over a 16 mm propaganda film about Yugoslavia, entitled 'Revolucija još traje' (directed by Milan Ljubič, 1971), which was projected on the big screen of the stage of the Moša Pijade Hall, where Laibach was performing. Due to the controversial content the concert was interrupted and Laibach was consequently banned from public performance (in Slovenia and Yugoslavia) until 1987. The montage was created by Matjaž Komelj in collaboration with the band. 154 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 In Autumn 2022, Laibach arrived at the conclusion that their presence is now needed in the occupied Ukraine. After making some enquiries, they received an invitation from the Bel Etage Music Hall and its manager Vlad Lyashenko to perform in Kyiv. With airports being closed, they were supposed to travel either by bus, ri- sking long delays at the Ukrainian border, or by a direct train to Kyiv from Warsaw or Przemysl in Poland. The concert was scheduled for 31 March 2023, while the official announcement included a remark that Laibach: Eurovision in Kyiv was possible thanks to the Armed Forces of Ukraine. It turned out that a significant portion of the Ukrainian public was irritated by Laibach’s insuffi- ciently clear support for Ukraine and statements such as “Putin was driven into a dead end and forced to start a war” (Šentevska, 2023, 254). Laibach saw their concert in Kyiv as a “test of Ukrainian audiences ‘democratic tolerance’ – something people will have to learn if they want to differ from their oppressors”.10 Nevertheless, Laibach’s expressions of sympathy for both sides in the conflict led to the cancellation of the concert in Kyiv. Back in Slovenia, Laibach’s spokesman Ivan Novak received an invitation to an informal meeting at the premises of the Government of the Republic of Slovenia, also attended by Andrej Benedejčič, State Secretary for National and International Security and Vojko Volk, State Secretary for International Affairs. The state offi- cials inquired why the concert in Kyiv was cancelled and whether it was still possible for Laibach to hold a concert in Ukraine. It turned out that Prime Minister Robert Golob and other representatives of the Slovenian government planned to visit Kyiv on the day of Laibach’s scheduled concert. Their intention was to partake in the potential response of the world media to Laibach’s gesture of solidarity with Ukraine (Šentevska, 2023, 260–261). Although Laibach’s concert was cancelled, Slovenian Prime Minister visited Kyiv on 31 March 2023 and met with the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy.11 On 21 February Laibach participated with a group of guest artists12 in the opening ceremony of the 43rd FIS Nordic World Ski Championships 2023 in Planica. Their version of the 19th century patriotic song Oj, Triglav, moj dom met with almost universal acclaim. According to journalist Suzana Lovec, this performance and the song itself made everyone in Slovenia proud of Laibach. (N1 podkast s Suzano Lovec, 2023) Five days later, their concert in Kyiv was cancelled and Laibach promptly fell from grace with a large portion of the Slovenian public. 10 Laibach in an e-mail to Vlad Lyashenko, 24. 2. 2023 (Šentevska, 2023, 257). 11 Former Prime Minister of Slovenia Janez Janša also visited Kyiv, four days before Golob, and met with the Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal. 12 Boris Benko and Primož Hladnik (Silence), vocalists Severa Gjurin and Tomi Meglič (Siddharta), zitherist Irena Anžič, percussionist Petra Vidmar, members of the Slovenian Philharmonic Choir and RTV Slovenia Symphony Orchestra. 13 Due to the recent political situation in Iran, Laibach were not able to collaborate and perform with the symphonic orchestra from Tehran, but only with individual Iranian artists, such as composers Nima A. Rowshan and Idin Samimi Mofakham, conductor Navid Gohari, or the four-member Human Voice Ensemble. The group got some bad press in which (like in the case of the expedition to North Korea) it was portrayed as dealing directly with the “regime”, almost face to face, be it Zelenskyy’s or Kim Jong Un’s (Mekina, 2023). Their position of entrepreneurial and mostly self-financed artists was once again confused with the prerogatives of official representation of the Slovenian state and its taxpayers. However, Laibach’s symphonic work Alamut (Nym, 2023), conceived as a collaboration with the Tehran Symphony Orchestra,13 was the most high-profile event on the program of the official presentation of Slovenia as Guest of Honour at the 2023 Frankfurt Book Fair. Laibach performed it with the RTV Slovenia Symphony Orchestra on 19 October 2023 at Frankfurt’s domed Jahrhunderthalle with “more than 100 people, inclu- ding technicians and two choirs”, with the logistical challenge of transporting the production being “more complicated than the symphony itself” (Anderson, 2023). Laibach’s interpretation of Vladimir Bartol’s novel Alamut published in 1938 focuses on the character of Hassan-i Sabbāh, religious and political leader of the Nizari Ismailis, who founded in XI-century Persia the military formation known as the Assassins. In his novel, Bartol, a Slovenian author born in the vicinity of Trieste, reflected upon the mechanisms of propaganda and contemporary rise of Italian fascism. Following this official engagement in Frankfurt, President of the Republic Nataša Pirc Musar awarded Laibach in absentia (while on tour) with a Medal of Merit for their long and successful career, creativeness and “encouragement of alternative approaches to music genres” in Slovenia. The Slovenian punk and rock groups Pankrti and Kameleoni were also honoured. The award ceremony was held on the occasion of the upcoming national holiday, Independence and Unity Day (26 December) (M. K., 2023). This Medal is “conferred for especially remarkable achievements and results in the fields marking an important contribution to the deve- lopment and international standing of the Republic of Slovenia” (President of the Republic of Slovenia Nataša Pirc Musar, 2024). Before this, undoubtedly most dis- tinguished accolade in their career, Laibach received a Lifetime Achievement award “Zlata piščal” in 2017 for achievements in the realm of popular music and were recipients of the municipal awards “Nagrada glavnega mesta Ljubljane” (1997) and “Prvojunijska nagrada me- sta Trbovlje” (2000) as symbolic gestures of recognition from both Ljubljana and Trbovlje, respectively. 155 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 CONCLUSION In more than forty years of their collective existence Laibach went a long way, from spearheading the radical cultural alternative in socialist Slovenia and Yugoslavia, to becoming globally relevant and acknowledged (but continually contested) artists and cultural ambassadors of independent Slovenia. As the most internationally su- ccessful Slovenian group of artists, they are featured even in mainstream domestic tourist literature. Laibach have been engaged in conflicts and collaborations with the state in Slovenia on many different levels. Nevertheless, the group has always maintained a level of independence and never arrived at a fixed social position. Laibach’s primary reference point is authoritarian po- litics in abstract terms (often interpreted as an obsession with, or glorification of, totalitarianism), which forged close ties between Laibach and former Yugoslavia’s po- litical and social history, especially in the context of Slo- venian politics in the 1980s and break-up of the Yugoslav federation. Through various artistic devices (symbolic date of birth, historic connotations of their chosen name, politically controversial iconography, elaborate an- niversary celebrations, to name but a few) Laibach have made persistent efforts at entangling the group’s history with wider, highly consequential historic narratives, often associated with the Slovenian nation/ state. Following the establishment of the Republic of Slovenia as an independent political entity, this has often resulted in confusing Laibach’s position of entre- preneurial and largely self-financed artistic collective with some form of state-sponsored and official re- presentation of their home country. Laibach were, in fact, selected to officially represent Slovenia as a state on only four occasions: EXPO 2000 in Hannover; A Night in Slovenia event in New York (2008); concert at BOZAR in Brussels (2016) and performance of Alamut in Frankfurt (2023). For Laibach, interviews have always been a creative medium, an outlet for reflection, social commentary, pro- vocation and communication of the unexpected aspects of their unique mindset. Consequently, their constant presence in the media and cultural events which shed light on the past, present and future of the countries of former Yugoslavia grants them membership in an unof- ficial diplomatic corps which works on establishing and maintaining intellectual exchange in the region - either in occasional collaboration with, or bypassing altogether, the official interstate channels. Figure 3: Members of Laibach in Pyongyang, 2015 (Photo: Jure Tepina). 156 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Irena ŠENTEVSKA: HOW DO YOU SOLVE A PROBLEM LIKE BOSNIA?: LAIBACH AS CULTURAL AMBASSADORS IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV CONTEXT, 145–158 KAKO REŠITI PRIMER BOSNE IN HERCEGOVINE?: LAIBACH KOT KULTURNI ATAŠEJI V POJUGOSLOVANSKEM KONTEKSTU Irena ŠENTEVSKA Samostojna raziskovalka, Peđe Milosavljevića 68/I, 11 070 Novi Beograd, Srbija e-mail: irenasentevska@gmail.com POVZETEK Članek kronološko sledi spremembam javne percepcije skupine Laibach v Sloveniji, Jugoslaviji in postjugoslovanskih državah, odnosu Laibacha do slovenske države in statusu skupine neformalnih (in občasno formalnih) kulturnih ambasadorjev Slovenije v postjugoslovanskem kontekstu. Sem spada tudi vloga kulturnih in političnih komentatorjev aktualnega dogajanja v regionalnih medijih. Prvi del članka obravnava koncept države v Laibachovem delu in vlogo Laibacha pri izgradnji kulturne identitete samostojne Slovenije. Drugi del govori o odzivu Laibacha na dogodke ob razpadu Jugoslavije in nastanku novih, postjugoslovanskih držav na območju nekdanje Jugoslavije. Tretji del pa obravnava Laibach v kulturni izmenjavi med nekdanjimi jugoslovanskimi republikami, njegovo javno percepcijo in medijsko interpretacijo ter kulturni pomen za postju- goslovansko območje. Ker imata država (v abstraktnem smislu) in slovenska kulturna identiteta v Laibachovem umetniškem ustvarjanju pomembno vlogo, je v Sloveniji njihovo formalno in neformalno predstavljanje sloven- ske državne in nacionalne identitete pogosto napačno razumljeno. Glavna ugotovitev članka je, da je obsežna dejavnost skupine Laibach od ustanovitve samostojne slovenske države redkeje kot bi pričakovali povezana z uradnim predstavljanjem Slovenije v postjugoslovanskem območju, sploh vedoč, da je Laibach prav na tem območju razumljen kot entiteta, ki je zelo povezana s slovensko politično osamosvojitvijo. 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Tepina, Jure (2015): Komentar: Laibach so zdru- ževalci. https://www.24ur.com/novice/slovenija/ komentar-laibach-so-zdruzevalci.html (last access: 2024-01-10). VisitTrbovlje.si (2021): Trbovlje-Dobovec-Kum- -Trbovlje. https://www.visittrbovlje.si/en/sportne-ak- tivnosti/trbovlje-dobovec-kum-trbovlje/ (last access: 2024-01-02). 159 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 1 received: 2024-01-31 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.11 „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU Marko ALEKSIĆ University of Arts in Belgrade, Faculty of Music, Music Theory Department, Kralja Milana 50, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia e-mail: marko.aleksic@fmu.bg.ac.rs ABSTRACT Serbian cultural diplomacy at the Eurovision Song Contest includes both the presentation of elements of the Serbian musical idiom and the effective use of dominant trends in European popular music. The aim of this article is to attempt to define the characteristic elements of the musical content of three Serbian songs in the Eurovision editions of the twenty-first century, such as minor mode and Aeolian mode, to indicate different aspects of the analysis of their lyrics, to clarify the peculiarities of visual identity in the performance on the Eurovision stage and to determine the role of these elements in the construction of the identity of the Serbian Eurovision song at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Keywords: Eurovision Song Contest, identity, Serbian pop song, Konstrakta, Željko Joksimović, Marija Šerifović “IN CORPORE SANO”: DIPLOMAZIA CULTURALE SERBA ALL’EUROVISION SONG CONTEST NEL VENTUNESIMO SECOLO SINTESI La diplomazia culturale serba all’Eurovision Song Contest (Concorso Eurovisione della Canzone) comprende sia la presentazione degli elementi della lingua musicale serba, sia l’utilizzo efficace delle tendenze dominanti nella musica popolare europea. Lo scopo di questo articolo consiste nel tentativo di definire gli elementi caratteristici del contenuto musicale di tre brani serbi nelle edizioni dell’Eurovision del XXI secolo, come modo minore e modo eolio, di indicare diversi aspetti dell’analisi dei loro testi, di chiarire le peculiarità dell’identità visiva nell’esibizione sul palco dell’Eurovision e infine di determinare il ruolo di questi elementi nella costruzione dell’identità della canzone serba dell’Eurovison all’inizio del nuovo XXI secolo. Parole chiave: Concorso Eurovisione della Canzone, identità, canzone serba pop, Konstrakta, Željko Joksimović, Marija Šerifović 160 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 UVOD Sve države bivše Jugoslavije imaju bogato iskustvo svog učešća na Pesmi Evrovizije. Ako imamo u vidu period njihovog učestvovanja u okviru Jugoslavije i onaj u kome učestvuju kao samostalne republike, u pitanju su vremenski rasponi gotovo izjednačenih trajanja: postoji tek nešto više od 30 godina nastupa na ovom festivalu u okviru zajedničke države i tek nešto manje od 30 godina nastupa kao nezavisnih država. U dvadesetprvom veku, Srbija se, isprva kao deo državne zajednice Srbija i Crna Gora, na Pesmi Evrovizije prvi put pojavljuje 2004. godine, nakon duže, dvanaestogodišnje pauze, uzrokovane najpre sankcijama Ujedinjenih Nacija prema tadašnjoj Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, a nakon što su one ukinute, i jednom vrstom nemarnog odnosa naci- onalnog emitera prema pitanju učešća države na ovom prestižnom festivalu. Od početka novog veka pa zaključno sa 2022. godinom Pesma Evrovizije je održana ukupno 21, umesto 22 puta, jer treba imati u vidu otkazivanje takmičenja 2020. godine zbog pandemije virusa kovid-19. U tom periodu koji je muzikološkinja Vesna Mikić označila kao „treću tranziciju“,1 a koja je odražavala burnu identitetsku transformaciju građana ove države, „od Jugoslovena, preko Srba na Zapadni Balkan“ (Mikić, 2020, 118) i koja je bila kontrapunkt državno-pravne transforma- cije od Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, preko Držav- ne zajednce Srbija i Crna Gora do samostalne Srbije – tranzicije kakva na širem evropskom području nije imala pandana – Srbija, odnosno Srbija i Crna Gora su zabeležile ukupno 16 učešća. U okviru tog broja, plasman u finale je zabeležen 13 puta, sa konačnim rezultatima koji pokazuju vrlo šarenoliku sliku: gotovo svake godine je ostvaren drugačiji plasman (ponovljen je samo plasman na 18. mestu), što znači da je bilo pozicioniranja i u top ten grupu, ali i na sredini, pa i pri dnu tabele. Ipak, od tada do danas, u srpskim evrovizijskim nastupima su se izdvojile, po svom plasmanu i ukupnom odjeku, tri pesme koje će nam poslužiti kao analitički korpus u specifičnoj studiji slučaja – pokušaju da profilišemo karakteri- stične i/ili distinktivne elemente srpskog predstav- ljanja na ovom festivalu. Prva od njih je pesma Lane moje koja je nastupila za državnu zajednicu Srbija i Crna Gora 2004. godine u Istanbulu. Izveli su je Željko Joksimović, kantautor pesme, i Ad Hoc Or- chestra i osvojili su drugo mesto u finalnoj večeri. Druga je pesma Molitva, koju je za Srbiju 2007. godine u Helsinkiju otpevala Marija Šerifović i koja je sa tom pesmom i pobedila na Pesmi Evrovizije. I 1 U svom predavanju o srpskoj i jugoslovenskoj popularnoj muzici održanom na Humbolt univerzitetu u Berlinu, objavljenom u knjizi Lica srpske muzike (posthumno izdanje), Vesna Mikić je mapirala tri tranzicije, odnosno tri perioda koji se poklapaju sa tri sukcesivne društveno-političke konfiguracije u kojima su se Srbija i Jugoslavija nalazile nakon Prvog svetskog rata: prva tranzicija obuhvata peri- od između dva svetska rata (1918–1945), druga – period od kraja Drugog svetskog rata do raspada SFR Jugoslavije (1945–1991), dok je treća označavala period od početka ratova na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije do danas (Mikić, 2020, 105–121). treća pesma je kompozicija In corpore sano kojom je Ana Đurić, pod umetničkim imenom Konstrakta, predstavljala Srbiju na evrovizijskom takmičenju održanom u Torinu, u maju 2022. godine. Pesma je u finalnoj večeri osvojila peto mesto, dok je u polufinalu završila kao trećeplasirana. Polazna osnova za ovaj rad jeste hipoteza, koja se u poslednjih nekoliko decenija zapravo sve više ispostavlja kao aksiom – dakle, kao nešto što više i ne treba dokazivati – da je Pesma Evrovizije festival koji, pored prezentovanja pesme koja predstavlja jednu evropsku državu, istovremeno omogućava i jedno omnipotentno, pa time i kulturno repre- zentovanje te zemlje. Ma koliko to predstavljanje u tako kratkom formatu – koji osim muzike u maksimalnom trajanju od tri minuta uključuje i propratnu ’razglednicu‘ koja u najviše tridesetak sekundi donosi, premda ne uvek, uvid u vizuelni identitet same države – bilo sublimirano ili se činilo nedovoljnim, u društvenim, kulturnim i političkim okolnostima današnje Evrope ono je nezamenlji- vo. Vesna Mikić, koja je ostavila neizbrisiv trag u naučnom proučavanju mnogobrojnih aspekata u fenomenu Pesme Evrovizije, s pravom je ukazala na dva vida kulturnih identiteta koji se vezuju za ovaj festival. Naime, autorka ističe da „ne možemo da isključimo ni, makar nenamerno, podsticanje pro- mocije politike nacionalnih/kulturnih identiteta u okviru ovog festivala, što je postalo posebno vidlji- vo devedesetih godina prošlog veka“ (Mikić, 2020, 144), ali ukazuje i da „ovo takmičenje odražava i stvara savremeni evropski (kulturalni) prostor“ (Mikić, 2020, 161). Dakle, Eurosong jeste mesto za afirmaciju kako ’užeg‘, nacionalnog, tako ’šireg‘, evropskog kulturnog identiteta, bez obzira na to da li ovaj prvi počinje od devedestih godina XX veka ili se ovaj drugi možda može locirati i mnogo ranije, a oba identiteta u dobroj meri jesu rezultat toga što se ovaj festival tokom vremena uistinu etablirao „kao prestižni ’event‘ globalnih razmera“ (Aleksić, 2013). U njegovim okvirima reprezentacija i evropske i nacionalne kulture, samom činjenicom da svaka pesma jeste reprezent jedne evropske države, sama po sebi mora igrati značajnu ulogu. Razumljivo je onda da je pitanje nacionalnog kulturnog identiteta pesme-predstavnice u velikoj meri vezano sa stil same pesme. Pre nego što razmotrimo ulogu odabranih srpskih nastupa na Pesmi Evrovizije u okviru srpske kulturne diplomatije na ovom festivalu, potrebno je ispitati šta pojam kulturne dipomatije znači u savremenom društvu i kulturi. Naime, kulturna diplomatija se 161 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 često shvata kao jedan vid ’meke moći‘ jedne države i, uprkos tome što postoji srazmerno dugo u političkim i kulturološkim diskursima, neretko se navodi da značajniju ulogu ima tek od početka dvadesetprvog veka (Piros & Koops, 2020, 118). Mnogi istraživači na polju savremene evropske politikologije i proučavanja politike Evropske unije, poput Silvija Pirosa (Silviu Piros) i Joakima Kopsa (Joachim Koops), ističu da kulturna diplomatija izmiče egzaktnoj, jednoznačnoj i jedinstvenoj defi- niciji (Piros & Koops, 2020, 119). Ipak, u ediciji The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy Patriša Gof (Patricia M. Goff) daje preciznije određenje ovog pojma i ističe da „kulturna diplomatija počiva na pretpostavci da su umetnost, jezik i obrazo- vanje među najznačajnijim ulaznim tačkama u kulturu“ (Goff, 2013, 420–421), dodajući da ona „može objasniti aspekte kulture koji bi inače bili teško shvatljivi stranom stanovništvu“ (Goff, 2013, 422). U tom smislu, i muzika figurira kao jedan od „ključnih aspekata kulturne diplomatije“ (Piros & Koops, 2020, 116). U značajnoj meri, kulturna diplomatija predstavlja deo zvanične politike jedne države, odnosno često funkcioniše u sklopu inten- cionalne promocije interesa vlade te države (Piros & Koops, 2020, 118). Preciznije, ona predstavlja podršku spoljnopolitičkim ciljevima neke države ili, u najmanju ruku, oblik ’meke moći‘ određene zemlje kako bi se njena nacionalna kultura učinila privlačnom (Trobbiani & Pavón-Guinea, 2020). Kroz isticanje razlike između pojmova kulturnih odnosa i kulturne diplomatije, Ričard Arndt (Richard T. Arndt) ističe da se „[k]ulturni odnosi dešavaju prirodno u svim bilateralnim odnosima, u dobru i zlu; kulturna diplomatija se dešava kada diplomate, odnosno vla- de, pokušavaju da oblikuju tok tih odnosa između dve ili više zemalja u interesu svih“ (Arndt, 2005, 551). Dean Vuletić navodi i primer službeno im- postirane kulturne diplomatije iz početnih godina zabavne muzike u posleratnoj Jugoslaviji: Tih godina [misli se na pedesete godine dvadesetog veka – prim. M. A.], jugoslovenski politički lideri pozivali su estradne pevače da više učestvuju na međunarodnim koncertima i festivalima, jer su shvatili da se popularna muzika može koristiti i u jugoslovenskoj kul- turnoj diplomatiji kako bi se Zapadnoj Evropi pokazalo da je njen komunistički sistem mo- derniji i otvoreniji od komunističkog sistema ostalih istočnoevropskih država. (Vuletic, 2019, 113) 2 U diskursu o kulturnoj diplomatiji katkad se koriste i drugi pojmovi sa sličnim značenjem. Tako Jejl Ričmond (Yale Richmond) koristi i pojam „građanske diplomatije“ da označi povezivanje istočne i zapadne kulture u vreme hladnog rata, koje je počivalo na inicijativi samih građana ili neprofitnih građanskih mreža u SAD, a koje su podstrekivale saradnju sa SSSR-om (Richmond, 2003, 119, 121). Međutim, kulturna diplomatija može biti shvaće- na i kao podrazumevani vid prezentacije države u sklopu međunarodnih manifestacija različitog tipa, ali u koji nije nužno involvirana kulturno-diplomat- ska komponenta koja dolazi iz političkog establiš- menta. Na tom tragu, Andres Rozental (Andrés Ro- zental) i Alisija Buenrostro (Alicia Buenrostro) ističu: „Poseta jednog, dobro poznatog umetnika, ako je valjano organizovana i vođena, može učiniti više na podizanju imidža i ugleda nacije u inostranstvu od poseta bezbrojnih ministara ili kapitena industrije“ (Rozental & Buenrostro, 2013, 236). Postavljajući je u diskurzivni odnos prema javnoj diplomatiji, done- kle slične karakteristike kulturne diplomatije ističe i Patriša Gof: „dok je javna diplomatija jednostrana, sa naglaskom na objašnjavanju svojih politika drugima, kulturna diplomatija ima bilateralni ili multilateralni pristup sa naglaskom na međusobnom priznavanju“ (Goff, 2013, 423). Od posebnog značaja je to što Gofova ističe da kulturna diplomatija nije ekspli- citno zamišljena kao puka promocija nacionalne kulture, te naglašava da između dveju kultura koje povezuje takav vid diplomatije mora postojati „za- jednički jezik“, a da bi se on uspostavio neophodno je znanje o tome „šta [onog – prim. M. A.] drugog pokreće“ (Goff, 2013, 423). Na taj način saznajemo da ’meka moć‘ ovog tipa diplomatije ne počiva samo u nenametljivoj promociji kulturnih sadržaja jedne države (u) nekoj drugoj državi, već i u suptilnom, pronicljivom sentimentu i afinitetu prema toj drugoj kulturi, kojoj bi prezentovani sadržaj bio namenjen. Na sličan način ovaj pojam problematizuje i Ričard Higot (Richard Higgott). On ukazuje da kulturna diplomatija nije okamenjeni produkt, već da pred- stavlja svojevrsnu živu stvar kojoj je potrebno stalno preispitivanje, „ponovno mapiranje“, i to posebno njenih dometa ka publici kojoj je prvenstveno i na- menjena (Higgott, 2020, 26); pritom je od značaja i njeno bitno ograničenje: „Kulturna diplomatija može neformalno uticati na druge, ali nikada ne može formalno da usmerava njihove tokove delovanja“ (Higgott, 2020, 36).2 Budući da je Pesma Evrovizije, kako s pravom ističe Dean Vuletić, „jedan od vodećih kulturnih događaja u Evropi“ (Vuletic, 2023, 4) i da u okviru samog takmi- čenja okuplja veliki broj država, sasvim je razumljivo da ona može biti shvaćena i kao jedan vid kulturne diplomatije. Iako se pod tim prvenstveno misli na kulturnu diplomatiju samih država učesnica, ne sme se u perspektivi isključiti ni obrnut proces – diploma- tija evropske kulture od strane same Evrovizije prema državama učesnicama, jer „za nekoliko decenija će 162 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 evropski identitet postati jak kao i nacionalni identi- teti“ (Pajala, 2013, 80).3 Tako u svojoj knjizi Postwar Europe and the Eurovision Song Contest, prvoj naučnoj monografiji o istoriji Pesme Evrovizije, Dean Vuletić kaže: „Pesma Evrovizije je stoga bila veoma fleksibilno oruđe kulturne diplomatije koje je u različitim vreme- nima imalo različita značenja za različite države, što se moglo iščitati i iz pripadnosti i rangiranja političara koji su prisustvovali takmičenju kada je ono održano u njihovoj državi“ (Vuletic, 2019, 7).4 I drugi teoretičari Pesme Evrovizije imaju slično viđenje ovog takmičenja kao oblika kulturne diploma- tije (Yair & Ozeri, 2023, 86). Dakle, pesma i kompletan vizuelno-scenski nastup kojima se određena zemlja predstavlja na takmičenju za Pesmu Evrovizije mogu biti shvaćeni i kao vid kulturne diplomatije te zemlje, bez obzira na to da li takva pesma ima institucionalizovanu političku podršku vlade te zemlje ili je takva podrška izostala; svojim neformalnim kapacitetom da utiče na druge, srodnim i prihvatljivim muzičkim jezikom kojim je iskazana i, konačno, prezentujući aktuelne trendove u pop muzici zemlje iz koje dolazi, takva pesma uistinu može biti vredno oruđe kulturne diplomatije. Ako bismo, sada, u tom predstavljanju Srbije na Pesmi Evrovizije posredstvom triju navedenih pesama mogli videti i jednu vrstu srpske kulturne diplomatije, trenutno stanje u toj diplomatiji stavlja nas u specifičnu evrovizijsku aporiju s tačke gledišta muzičkog stila odabranih pesama. Naime, s jedne strane, pesme tipa etno-balade su do sada već i previše eksploatisane da bi se ponovo mogle naći u ulozi predstavnika neke zemlje i takav postupak mogao bi se toj zemlji ’vratiti kao bumerang‘ vrlo verovatno lošim plasmanom ili bi, u najboljem slučaju, mogao predstavljati ’riskantan‘ potez – za razliku od prve decenije novog milenijuma, krajnje je neizvesno da li bi u sadašnjim okolnostima evropski žiriji i publika, koji u konačnim glasovima učestvuju u ravnomernom omeru 50%–50%, uopšte bili skloni da dobrim ocenama vrednuju takav tip kompozicije. U tom pogledu trebali bi imati na umu či- njenicu da je čak i u periodu sveopšte pomame za etno 3 Iako srazmerno još uvek retko, promovisanje evropskog identiteta u evrovizijskim pesmama zauzima značajno mesto. Paradigmatski primer te vrste desio se na takmičenju u Zagrebu 1990. godine, kada su dve najbolje plasirane pesme eksplicitno promovisale evrop- sku ’priču‘. Tako je pobednička pesma Insieme: 1992 (Zajedno: 1992) koju je za Italiju izveo Toto Kutunjo (Toto Cutugno) proslavljala evropsku ideju referišući na transformaciju tadašnje Evropske zajednice u Evropsku uniju, koja je trebalo da se desi 1992. godine, završavajući refren stihom na engleskom jeziku „Unite, unite, Europe“. Drugoplasirana, takođe kantautorska pesma Somewhere in Europe, koju je izveo irski pevač Liam Rajli (Liam Reilly), u svojim stihovima pevala je o pariskim i rimskim trgovima, staroj Sevilji, londonskom Trafalgar skveru, šetnjama starim briselskim ulicama i nemačkim šumama i, naravno, o Jadranskom moru (imajući u vidu zemlju domaćina tadašnje Pesme Evrovizije), završavajući i u ovom slučaju značajnim stihom „If you could only meet me somewhere in Europe tonight“; poruka ovog stiha je bila da je zaljubljenom čoveku svejedno gde će se ponovo susresti sa svojom voljenom, samo dokle je to ’negde u Evropi‘, što je i u ovom slučaju bila simbolička reprezetntacija evropskog jedinstva. 4 Vuletić na više mesta u spomenutoj knjizi ističe i da je često dolazilo do svojevrsnog prisvajanja Pesme Evrovizije u svrhu kulturne di- plomatije, navodeći različite kontekste u kojima je dolazilo do ovakvog prisvajanja od strane različitih država – počev od Španije, Bosne i Hercegovine i Izraela, preko Crne Gore, Švedske i Hrvatske, do Slovačke, Bugarske, Rumunije i Rusije (Vuletic, 2019, 82, 125, 127, 132, 138, 142, 143, 146, 194) – pritom posebno naglašavajući pitanje kulturne diplomatije država sa autoritarnim režimima (Vuletic, 2019, 8). U svom najnovijem eseju, Vuletić jasno ističe da je u prve dve decenije dvadesetprvog veka Rusija na Pesmi Evrovizije činila „istaknute i skupe napore kulturne diplomatije“ (Vuletic, 2023, 3). 5 Najbolju ilustraciju ovoga pružaju dve srpske evrovizijske kompozicije: pesma Ovo je Balkan iz 2010. godine, sa osvojenim 13. mestom u konačnom plasmanu i pesma Cipela iz prethodne, 2009. godine, koja se čak nije ni plasirala u finale Pesme Evrovizije. sadržajima u muzici (pa i svemu drugom is sfere ’etno‘ asortimana) na Evroviziji, izrazito naglašeno postojanje folklornih elemenata često značilo loš ili osrednji pla- sman.5 To je bio znak – prvenstveno autorima, a potom i izvođačima pesme – da po svoj prilici ne treba ići tim putem. S druge strane, pesma formirana na temelju jedne vrste konceptualne umetnosti i svih elemenata koje takva umetnost sobom nosi, jednostavno ne može sebi da dopusti da se, u takvom ili približno istom for- matu, ponovi. Razume se da prvi slučaj egzemplifikuje pesma Lane moje, a potonji – pesma In corpore sano. Pesma Molitva, pak, stoji po strani ove dihotomije, jer formalno pripada žanru klasične pop balade čija vre- dnost u diskursu popularne muzike nije za jednokratnu ili jednodecenijsku upotrebu i njena vitalnost, ako već nije vanvremenska, onda svakako nije tako ograničena kao što je to slučaj sa spomenuta dva žanra. Time se, barem delimično, može objasniti tajna uspeha ove pesme, odnosno činjenica da je jedina od ovih pesama (i svih dosadašnjih srpskih pesama na Evroviziji) koja je uspela da postane i evrovizijska pobednička pesma. Ovaj rad ima za cilj da pokuša da definiše karakte- ristične elemente muzičkog i tekstualnog sadržaja ovih pesama, kao što su molski tonski rod i eolski modus kao njegova podvarijanta u ovom kontekstu, zatim, da uka- že na upotrebu srpskog jezika u kontekstu otklona od popularne prakse pevanja na engleskom jeziku i rasvetli specifičnosti vizuelnog identiteta u samom nastupu na evrovizijskoj sceni, te da utvrdi ulogu ovih elemenata u konstruisanju identiteta srpske evrovizijske pesme na početku novog veka, a u kontekstu srpske kulturne diplomatije na Pesmi Evrovizije. Takođe, odnos muzike i teksta ovih pesama otkriva i još jedan fokus ovog rada: ukazivanje na jasnu dihotomiju u pogledu ’nosećeg‘ sadržaja pesme. Najsimplifikovanije posmatrano, speci- fično težište ovih pesama je ili njihova muzika, pri čemu tekst ostaje sekundaran, ili, obrnuto, njihov tekst, pri čemu muzika ostaje u drugom planu. Dakle, nekoliko je ključnih pitanja ovde: šta/ko je srpska evrovizijska pesma na početku ovog veka? Šta su njeni identiteti? Kako se prepoznaje i da li se uopšte prepoznaje? 163 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Tabela 1: Srpskocrnogorski i i srpski predstavnici na Pesmi Evrovizije od 2004. do 2009. godine, sa podacima o jeziku na kojem je otpevana pesma, tonskom rodu, tonalnom planu i plasmanu pesme. Tabela 2: Srpski predstavnici na Pesmi Evrovizije od 2010. do 2015. godine, sa podacima o jeziku na kojem je otpevana pesma, tonskom rodu, tonalnom planu i plasmanu pesme. Tabela 3: Srpski predstavnici na Pesmi Evrovizije od 2016. do 2022. godine, sa podacima o jeziku na kojem je otpevana pesma, tonskom rodu, tonalnom planu i plasmanu pesme. 164 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 Pre nego što pokušamo da damo odgovore na ova pitanja, potrebno je ukazati na jednu značajnu okolnost koja se tiče učešća Srbije, odnosno Srbije i Crne Gore na takmičenju za Pesmu Evrovizije i koja ih izdvaja u odnosu na druge bivše jugoslovenske republike. Ako imamo u vidu da bi kulturna diploma- tija svakako morala da ima oslonca u nečemu što je prethodno evrovizijsko iskustvo, a ono u slučaju ove dve države nije malo i odgovara tridesetogodišnjem periodu zajedničkog participiranja u okviru jugoslo- venske evrovizijske reprezentacije, očekivano je da bi nastavak prisustva na ovom takmičenju u nekoj meri morao uključivati i elemente tog prethodnog iskustva. Međutim, u slučaju Srbije/Srbije i Crne Gore postoji, za raziku od drugih ex-yu republika, period odsustva sa evrovizijskog takmičenja tokom većeg dela poslednje decenije XX veka i prvih ne- koliko godina XXI veka. Tokom ovog perioda ostale republike su imale značajan nastup i u njihovom predstavljanju na Pesmi Evrovizije su se u stilskom smislu iskristalisala tri tipa evrovizijskih pesama, u kojima je, u manjoj ili većoj meri, moguće uočiti elemente kontinuiteta sa jugoslovenskom evrovizij- skom ’školom‘: pop balada, zatim, vesela pop pesma brzog tempa i autentični tip pesme vezan za određe- nog pevača ili grupu (Aleksić, 2012). Prvi tip pesme ilustruju kompozicije kao što su Lejla (Seid Memić Vajta, 1981), Željo moja (Doris Dragović, 1986), Ljubim te pesmama (Ekstra Nena, 1992), a nakon raspada SFRJ – Nek’ ti bude ljubav sva (Toni Cetinski, 1994; Hrvatska), Prisluhni mi (Darja Švajger, 1995; Slovenija) ili Neka mi ne svane (Danijela Martino- vić, 1998; Hrvatska); drugi tip bi mogao uključiti veliki broj jugoslovenskih evrovizijskih pesama iz osamdesetih godina XX veka, kao što su Halo, halo (Aska, 1982), Džuli (Danijel Popović, 1983), Ja sam za ples (Novi fosili, 1987), Mangup (Srebrna krila, 1988) i pobednička pesma Evrovizije Rock me (Riva, 1989), dok bi iz prve decenije nakon raspada Jugo- slavije u ovaj tip mogli ubrojiti pesme poput Dan najlepših sanj (Regina, 1996; Slovenija) ili Goodbye (Alma Čardžić, 1997; Bosna i Hercegovina); konač- no, trećem tipu pesme pripadale bi kompozicije kao što su Gori vatra (Zdravko Čolić, 1973), Moja Generacija (Korni grupa, 1974), a u prvoj postju- goslovenskoj dekadi – Dvadesetprvi vijek (Davorin Popović, 1995; Bosna i Hercegovina). U kontekstu analize evrovizijskih dešavanja na prelomu vekova, ova sistematizacija bi bila privlačna makar utoliko što je posredi bio svojevrsni paradoks: koliko god da se težilo stvaranju novog, autentičnog identiteta koji bi bio komplementaran ambijentu novih država na 6 Zanimljivo je da je doslovno isti tonalni i modalni plan (cis-dis, sa eolskom molskom organizacijom) postojao kod pesme Nije ljubav stvar, sa kojom je isti kantautor osam godina kasnije predstavljao Srbiju na Pesmi Evrovizije. To se, po svoj prilici, može objasniti činjeni- com da ovom pevaču taj osnovni tonalitet u interpretativnom smislu najviše odgovara. Iako su se obe pesme jako dobro plasirale – drugo mesto za pesmu Lane moje i treće mesto za pesmu Nije ljubav stvar – vreme je već neumitno učinilo svoje, etno balada polako izlazi iz zenita svoje popularnosti na ovom festivalu i prilika za pobedu ovakvog tipa pesme se najverovatnije više neće ukazati. mapi Evrope i Evrovizije, toliko je u tim nastupima bilo onog starog, u najšrem smislu, jugoslovenskog identiteta. Srbija je zato imala značajno drugačiju poziciju i mogla je da napravi takvu vrstu stilskog ’povratka‘, takoreći sa faktorom iznenađenja, kakav bi u slučaju drugih zemalja – i to ne samo sa eks- -jugoslovenskog prostora – imao puno slabije dejstvo na sveukupan evrovizijski ’zvuk‘ a, naposletku, i mnogo manje smisla. Ovaj diskontinuitet jeste značajan momenat kada je u pitanju nastup Srbije i Crne Gore na Evroviziji nakon 2004. godine i može se percipirati na ipak donekle drugačiji način nego u slučaju drugih zemalja bivše Jugoslavije, samom činjenicom da se Srbija nije vratila niti jednom od pomenuta tri tipa pesme. MOLSKI TONSKI ROD I EOLSKI MODUS Sve tri pesme koje su predmet analize u ovom radu, napisane su u molu, preciznije u njegovoj varijanti – eolskom modusu. Ova specifičnost nji- hovog muzičkog jezika privlači analitičku pažnju sa najmanje dva aspekta. S jedne strane, spomenuta modalna karakteristika sama po sebi teško da može biti distinktivna crta ovih pesama, s obzirom na činje- nicu da je eolska harmonizacija u molskom tonalitetu veoma česta u popularnoj muzici; ipak, na Evroviziji, ma koliko ona danas bila jedan od najvećih ’rezultata‘ popularne, pa time i pop muzike, ta vrsta modalnosti nije tako učestala. S druge strane, a na tragu gore spomenutog drugog tipa ’jugoslovenske‘ pop pesme, pošto se „brza, vesela pesma, nepretenciozne, lagane tematike teksta i obavezno u duru iskristalisala kao identitet jugoslovenske pesme na ’Evroviziji‘ mnogo više nego što su se u tom smislu profilisale molske i/ ili sporije pesme“ (Aleksić, 2020, 241), utoliko više privlači pažnju pojava ovih pesama koje, osim što su u (eolskom) molu, odlikuje i spor tempo. Tako se u pesmi Lane moje uočava dosledna upotreba eolskog modusa in Cis. Na kraju pesme dolazi do modulacije za ceo stepen naviše, što je za stil pop muzike veoma tipičan postupak.6 Ipak, relativno neobičnom se može smatrati činjenica da u harmonijama pesme uopšte ne učestvuju septakordi, odnosno da harmonski fond čine odreda sve sami trozvuci eolskog modusa, grupi- sani u harmonskim obrtima tipičnim za primenu ovog modusa u stilu pop i rok muzike: VII–t–VII–s i VI–VII–t u strofi, odnosno t–d6–s–d–t u refrenu. Ovakva sim- plifikacija harmonskog jezika omogućava da još više bude istaknut kontrast paralelnih tonaliteta, koji se javlja na relaciji početka prvog i početka drugog dela refrena i koji, uprkos tome što je primenjen gotovo 165 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 šablonski (budući da je nebrojeno puta potvrđen u istoriji popularne muzike), i ovde obezbeđuje dobar i očekivani efekat na slušaoca. Zahvaljujući ovakvom harmonskom profilu i, naravno, uz etno ambijent pe- sme, osiguran, pre svega, pomoću kavala kao nosećeg instrumenta u prvom i violine (u kontekstu ove pesme možda je bolje ovaj instrument ’narodski‘ pročitati kao ćemane) u drugom delu pesme, s razlogom se stiče utisak da instrumentalni zvuk ipak preovlađuje nad vokalnom komponentom pesme.7 Pesmu Molitva u tonalnom pogledu odlikuje ne jedna, već čak dve modulacije za ceo stepen naviše: kompozicija počinje u eolskom modusu in D, instrumentalni prelaz zatim donosi modulaciju u eolski modus in E, da bi finalna pojava refrena bila u eolskom modusu in Fis. Ovakvo tonalno rešenje, naravno, i u ovoj pesmi obezbeđuje dobar efekat, ali se mora reći da je on u direktnoj vezi sa glasovnim sposobnostima samog pevača. Drugim rečima, ova- kvo podizanje tonalne osnove za ukupno veliku tercu od početka do kraja kompozicije ne bi mogao da iznese prosečan pop ili rokerski glas, imajući u vidu da to znači da kraj pesme odlazi u visoki ili vrlo visoki glasovni registar. Za interpretatorku kao što je Marija Šerifović to svakako nije bio problem. I ovu pesmu, dakle, karakteriše dosledno upotrebljen eolski modus, a u refrenu takođe dolazi do prožimanja sa paralelnim durom. Ipak, sada su tu i kumulus harmonije, kao i akordi sa višestrukim zadržicama, ali upadljivo je da dominiraju trozvuci. Pored navedenih, još jedna sličnost sa pesmom Lane moje ne može da se ne primeti: melodija refrena takođe počinje od tonične kvinte, na podlozi akorda tonike. Ipak, za razliku od druge pesme, ovakav početak važi i za instrumentalni interludijum koji donosi variranu temu refrena. Razume se da kao podrška višeslojnom značenju teksta, koje odlikuje pesmu In corpore sano, a o čemu će više reči biti u drugom delu rada, sasvim odgovara molska tonalna boja, potvrđena ne samo kroz g-mol, odnosno eolski modus in G, već i kroz odsustvo modulacije i potpuno zadržavanje u ovoj tonalnoj/modalnoj sferi. Akordski fond je krajnje sveden, gotovo sve se odvija na jednom akordu, tonici. Jedino se u strofi uočava aranžmanski krajnje prigušen i ne na uobičajen način profilisan pokret akorada VI–VII–t u eolskom g-molu. Doslednu upo- trebu modusa u ovom slučaju bismo mogli posmatrati u simboličkoj vez sa „horom starih Latina“, kako su zvanično nazvani prateći vokali pesme, odnosno sa referencom na stil gregorijanskog pevanja kojeg oni intencionalno oponašaju, a kod kojeg je modalnost osnovni vid tonske organizacije. 7 Ljubavna bol kao osnovna fabula pesme je uzdignuta kao umetnički ideal i njoj je podređen i ovakav muzički jezik pesme, i stoga ne čudi što je isti autor svega dve godine kasnije napisao pesmu Lejla za bosansko-hercegovačkog predstavnika na Pesmi Evrovizije, grupu Hari Mata Hari, u kojoj je ovaj vid ljubavnog bola – samo sada nazvan kao ’sevdah‘, odnosno pop sevdalinka – muzički predstavio na veoma sličan način: mol, eolski modus, isti harmonski obrti. Pesma je, što je u uskoj vezi sa prethodno rečenim, doživela i veoma sličan plasman (3. mesto, do sada najbolji rezultat Bosne i Hercegovine na Evroviziji). Vratimo se još jednom pesmi Molitva, budući da ona, kada je reč o specifičnoj vezi etno zvuka i modal- nosti, privlači pažnju na još jedan način. Naime, iako ova pesma formalno ne pripada tipu etno balade, u instrumentalnom interludijumu/prelazu pesme uočava se veza, odnosno tipičan ’hook‘ sa etno-pop stilom, što je razumljivo ako se ima u vidu činjenica da se uticaj etno zvuka u to vreme, u prvoj deceniji XXI veka, nikako nije mogao izbeći. Jasno je da to u izvesnoj meri pesmi daje pečat eklektičnosti, ali veliko iskustvo Vladimira Graića, kompozitora pesme Molitva, sa brojnih jugoslovenskih i srpskih festivala pop muzike, učinilo je da je i takvo spajanje „klasične“ pop balade i etno zvuka bilo dobro i skoro nenametljivo realizova- no i gotovo kao da je predstavljalo sasvim odgovarajući deo te i tako osmišljene kompozicije. Dakle, stiče se utisak da su modusi i etno stil u jednoj vrsti prirodnog saveza, čak i kada se pojave u pesmi kao što je Molitva, gde, samo na prvi pogled, ne mogu biti ni u kakvoj opravdanoj vezi. Vesna Mikić s pravom konstatuje da je tvorac Laneta, Željko Joksimović, osim što mu se mogu pripisati zasluge za „oporavak nacije“ nakon dvanae- stogodišnje evrovizijske apstinencije i, dodajmo, isto toliko duge političke stigmatizacije Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, koja je svoje reperkusije dakako imala i na Evroviziji, još zaslužniji za to što je „svojom pesmom uspostavio neku vrstu standarda, koji će više puta i on sam i kao autor i kao izvođač evrovizijskih pesama, ali i drugi autori i izvođači (širom nekadašnje SFRJ) kori- stiti“ (Mikić, 2020, 152). Drugim rečima, posle Laneta i, posebno, posle Molitve, samo je ograničena, odno- sno vrlo pažljivo dozirana upotreba etno elemenata značila ’pravu stvar‘ i potencijalno je mogla prokrčiti put do pobede ili bar visokog plasmana i to je ono što autori koji su ubrzo posle Grajićevog kompozitorskog trijumfa na Evroviziji predstavljali Srbiju – Marko Kon 2009. godine i Goran Bregović 2010. godine – po svoj prilici nisu shvatili. UPOTREBA SRPSKOG JEZIKA I VIŠEZNAČNOST TEKSTUALNOG SADRŽAJA Srpski i srpskocrnogorski predstavnici tokom 16 nastupa na Pesmi Evrovizije u novom veku su uglav- nom pevali na svom maternjem jeziku, a samo tri puta (zaredom od 2015. do 2017. godine) na engleskom, pa je stoga kao značajnu zajedničku karakteristiku pesama Lane moje, Molitva i In corpore sano potrebno izdvojiti i činjenicu da su sve tri na ovom takmičenju otpevane na srpskom jeziku. Ako ni zbog čega drugog, ovo postaje bitan element srpske kulturne diplomatije usled toga što je značajan broj drugih zemalja učesnica 166 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 koje dolaze sa neengleskog govornog područja, počev od 1999. godine, kada je dozvoljeno pevanje na jeziku po slobodnom izboru učesnika, za jezik svoje pesme uglavnom birao engleski. Štaviše, kuriozitet u slučaju pesme Molitva je još izraženiji ako se uzme u obzir podatak da je u periodu od skoro 20 godina ovo bila jedina pobednička evrovizijska pesma koja nije izve- dena na engleskom jeziku – pre nje je 1998. godine na hebrejskom jeziku Dana International otpevala pesmu Diva, a posle nje je tek 2017. godine Salvador Sobral na portugalskom jeziku izveo pesmu Amar pelos dois. U tom smislu je uspehu ove pesme značajno doprinela činjenica da je Molitva prevedena i otpevana, između ostalih jezika, i na finskom jeziku. Pošto je to bio i je- zik zemlje domaćina te Evrovizije, javnost ove zemlje je veoma pozitivno reagovala na finsku verziju pesme, a članovi srpskog ogranka organizacije OGAE (pane- vropski klub obožavalaca Pesme Evrovizije), koji su pre i tokom ’evrovizijske sedmice‘ boravili u Helsinkiju, delili su građanima finske prestonice besplatne pri- merke kompakt diska sa snimkom Molitve na finskom jeziku. To je sveukupno rezultiralo time da je Finska u finalnoj večeri Pesme Evrovizije 2007. dala Srbiji ma- ksimalnih 12 poena, što je svojevrsni kuriozitet kada je reč o istoriji odnosa finskih žirija/gledalaca prema pesmi koja dolazi iz Srbije ili Jugoslavije. Kada je reč o višeznačnosti tekstualnog sadržaja pesme, na ovom mestu se bez presedana izdvaja samo pesma In corpore sano. Analiza tekstualnog sadržaja ove pesme otkriva prednji plan njene poente, koji je sadržan u ukazivanju na loš položaj umetnika u dru- štvu, s jedne, i preteranu brigu o fizičkom zdravlju, na koju smo takoreći prinuđeni u sveopštoj medijskoj histeriji na tu temu poslednjih decenija, s druge strane. No, kako i sama Konstrakta ukazuje, a kako primećuju i brojne analize pre i posle Pesme Evrovizije 2022. godine, tekst pesme In corpore sano je višeslojan, što se, uz njen krajnje ekscentričan i, takođe, višeznačni vizuelni identitet, može slobodno označiti kao srž pe- sme i fundamentalna komponenta njene privlačnosti. Ipak, pitanje zdravlja, kako god ga ovde shvatili – kao zdravlje u svom izvornom pojmovnom smislu, kao in- dividualnu zdravstvenu negu ili, pak, kao zdravstveno osiguranje – tematizovano je u dijalektičkom diskursu kojeg Konstrakta postavlja u najmanje tri ravni. Naime, u uobičajenim repeticijama glavnog stiha pesme se uočava svojevrsni tekstualni ’dekrešendo‘ od toga da „umetnica mora biti zdrava“ do toga da „umetnica može biti zdrava“ (kurzivi – aut.), koji jasno skreće pažnju na to da imamo, s jedne strane, imperativ zdravog (a time i lepog) tela, koji u mejnstrim medijima preokupira prostor do apsolutnih razmera i, s druge strane, jedan Slika 1: Marija Šerifović na pesmi Evrovizije, 2007 (Foto: Indrek Galetin, Wikimedia Commons). 167 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 narativ o realnim pitanjima zdravlja ljudskog bića, koji medijski nije tako agresivno artikulisan. U intervjuu za portal „Nova.rs“, pre održavanja srpskog izbornog fe- stivala za Evroviziju, 18. februara 2022, Ana Đurić je, referišući na višestruka tekstualna značenja sopstvene pesme, izdvojila: odnos prema zdravlju koji ide od ’mora‘ do ’može‘. S jedne strane živimo u atmosferi (straha) u kojoj je zdravlje postavljeno kao vrhunska vrednost iza koje stoji jedna enormna potrošnja. O zdravlju se priča kao o nečemu što je u potpunosti u našoj kontroli, samo ako uradimo ovo, kupimo ono, zapratimo najnoviji trend, poslušamo ono… Mora se biti zdrav. To je presija koja nas ostavlja u strahu. S druge strane, moguće je ostvariti jedan zdravorazumski odnos u kome je zdravlje donekle u našim rukama u kome se, shodno tome, bolest i konačno smrt, prihvataju sa manje straha. A sistemska podrška je tanka, nažalost, kako u zdravstvu tako i u edukaciji na tu temu. Zdravstvo je sve više ne- dostupno i skupo. (Milovanović, 2022) Drugu ravan dijalektičkog diskursa u tekstu temati- zuje odnos između telesnog i mentalnog zdravlja, koji je trasiran tokom cele pesme, ali koji se u potpunosti razotkriva tek u njenim završnim stihovima i njihovom retoričkom pitanju: „corpus je sanum i šta ćemo sad?“ („telo je zdravo i šta ćemo sad?“) Takođe, šta nam je činiti ako u tom zdravom telu, za koje smo se pobrinuli (preciznije, za koje smo se morali pobrinuti), imamo, redom koji navodi Konstrakta, slab um, tužnu dušu, očajni um i uplašeni um? U tom kontekstu, umetnica koja mora ili može biti zdrava je tek personifikacija potencijalno svakog od nas. Konačno, pitanje zdravlja je tematizovano i kroz dijalektiku bavljenja zdravljem od strane nekog ’selebritija‘ i bavljenja istim proble- mom od strane ’običnog smrtnika‘, pri čemu kod ovog potonjeg često nije zadovoljen odgovarajući nivo zdravstvene kulture iz prostog razloga što se individua u modernom svetu – a ovde je, u tom smislu, posebno apostrofiran slobodni umetnik (kakav je u stvarnosti i sama Konstrakta) – neretko susreće sa neregulisanim zdravstvenim osiguranjem. U svakom slučaju, pesma je stvorila sasvim po- godan teren za hermeneutičku analizu – teksta, ali i muzike u odnosu na tekst. Takva analiza bi razotkrila kako ona skrivena, tacitna značenja teksta, tako ona značenja koja su potpuno suprotna osnovnom znače- nju pevanog teksta. Ovaj potonji slučaj možda najbolje egzemplifikuje slogan koji digitalno izmenjeni glasovi pevaju na samom početku pesme: „Onas eroproc ni somrefne snem“. Čak i kada bismo pokušali da nađemo prevod ove sentence to ne bismo uspeli, iz 8 Muziku pesme In corpore sano koautorski su potpisali Ana Đurić (Konstrakta) i Milovan Bošković, dok njen tekst potpisuje samo Đurićeva. jednostavnog razloga što ova rečenica na latinskom ne znači baš ništa. Zapravo, ona je unazad, od svog poslednjeg ka prvom slovu, napisana latinska sentenca „Mens enfermos in corpore sano“, koja u prevodu na srpski glasi „U zdravom telu bolestan duh“. Dakle, to je suprotno od onoga što bismo na početku pesme ili površnim uvidom u njeno značenje mogli da zaključi- mo – da pesma govori o tome da u zdravom telu po- stoji, logično, i zdrav duh. Ili, možemo reći da je prava poenta pesme predstavljena na samom početku, ali kako je data u potpunoj retrogradaciji njenog leksičkog sadržaja, ona zvuči besmisleno. A smisao, zapravo, i jeste dat na početku, ali samo ako se pravilno interpre- tira i sama Konstrakta je pažljivije slušaoce na to već upozorila. Ovakvoj interpretaciji doprinosi i činjenica da se sentenca za koju pogrešno mislimo da jeste ili da bi trebala da bude glavni moto pesme – „Mens sana in corpore sano“ („U zdravom telu zdrav duh“) – u stvari nikad u pesmi ne pojavljuje cela, već samo njen drugi deo: in corpore sano. Stoga Dijana Ćurković, pišući za internet izdanje hrvatskog magazina pop kulture „Ravno do dna“, sasvim ispravno konstatuje: „Bez obzira na ukupni plasman, Konstrakta argumentirano pobija mudrost staru tisućama godina, toliko staru da se govorila na danas mrtvom jeziku: zdravo tijelo ne znači zdrav duh“ (Ćurković, 2022). To je kriptovana poruka, indirektni govor, i upravo tome u dobroj meri i služi latinski jezik, uvodeći nas u meta sferu pesme – da nam saopšti ono što se ne vidi, što je negde ’iza‘: da možemo, ali da ne moramo biti zdravi, kao i to da je u današnje vreme ugroženo, sputano mentalno zdravlje veliki problem koji moramo osvestiti. Istina, nije da to nismo znali, ali smo dozvolili da poverujemo – iz različitih razloga i zbog različitih uticaja – kako nije potrebno da o tome mislimo. Iz prethodno rečenog se može zaključiti da, kao retko kad u istoriji ovog festivala, muzika učestvuje u in- terpretaciji teksta tako što se, uslovno govoreći, ’povlači‘ pred njim, redukujući se na najjednostavnije elemente muzičkog i harmonskog izraza (ovo pojednostavljenje izraza ne važi za produkciju pesme, inače vrhunski realizovanu), čime doprinosi da tekst i – podjednako sa njim – performans u potpunosti dođu do izražaja. I sa sigurnošću se može reći da je to intencionalno uči- njeno od strane kantautorke, odnosno autorskog dvojca pesme.8 Retorsko pitanje „I šta ćemo sad?“, primenjeno kao svojevrsna tekstualna kadenca pesme, Konstrakta ne postavlja samo sebi i neposrednim slušaocima/publici svoje pesme, već i budućim kreatorima – kako muzike, tako strategije – srpske pesme na Evroviziji, otvarajući istovremeno i niz drugih pitanja: kuda sada, posle ovog, sasvim novog koncepta? Gde idemo dalje? Vraćamo li se na etno pop, world music ili otvaramo vrata novom eurosong konceptualizmu? Kako stvari stoje, nećemo dugo čekati na odgovore na ova pitanja i rasplet drame, 168 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 koja se, ni kriva ni dužna, ovime formirala. Vreme se na Pesmi Evrovizije na poseban način ubrzava i Konstrakta je jedna od retkih koja je to shvatila – a ići brže od vremena jedna je od osnovnih taktika političke i svake druge diplomatije, pa tako i kulturne. VIZUELNI IDENTITETI, POLITIKA, „NOVA“ SUBKULTURA Pesmu Lane moje žanrovski je lako odrediti kao baladu, odnosno kao etno baladu, ako se ima u vidu prokomponovano prisustvo folklornih elemenata u muzici, instrumentarijumu i, konačno, u scenskom nastupu. Međutim, malo detaljniji uvid u njen vizuelni i auditivni sadržaj razotkriva, i neke druge identitete. Naime, Branislav Dimitrijević, u svom članku Song – pjesma – pesma za nedeljnik „Vreme“ od 20. maja 2004, u kome je napravio kritički osvrt na Pesmu Evrovizije održanu te godine u Istanbulu, navodi da je u pesmi Lane moje zapravo došlo do jedne vrste ’pomirenja‘ dva nekad moćna carstva: „Pesma je bila jedan od dosad najuspešnijih primera spajanja vizan- tijskog i osmanlijskog kulturnog komonvelta: ona je za neke udarala duhovnu žicu srpskog srednjovekovlja, a za druge erotičniju dinamiku turskog hedonizma“ (Dimitrijević, 2004). Ili bismo mogli i ovde videti jednu vrstu „novosrednjovekovlja“, kao što je Dafni Tragaki, samo iz jedne druge vizure, reinterpretirajući Umberta Eka (Umberto Eco), videla u pobedničkoj evrovizijskoj pesmi Hard Rock Hallelujah iz 2006. godine (Tragaki, 2013, 244). U svakom slučaju, često nedefinisani i previše naglašeni sveopšti multikulturni ambijent i identitet Pesme Evrovizije dvadesetprvog veka ne samo što su mogli doneti i ovakvo ’pomirenje‘ Vizantije i oto- manske Turske, ma koliko ono bilo istorijski anahrono, nego je u takvom ambijentalno-identitetskom okviru pojava ovakve pesme bila dopustiva, pa i veoma atrak- tivna. I nadasve, u ovom povratku Srbije i Crne Gore, posle niza godina u kojima je u Evropi i svetu često, nažalost, prepoznavana po lošem i u kontekstu ratnih zbivanja iz devedesetih, sadržano je Joksimovićevo „nastojanje da svetu ponudi predstavu jedne mirne, nežne, pacifikovane i zaljubljene Srbije, Srbije kakva je nekada bila i kakva u stvari jeste“ (Mikić, 2020, 145), a što je zapravo ništa drugo do kulturno-diplomatska ponuda „konstrukcije identiteta za koji mi mislimo da je onaj koji bi drugi voleli da vide“ (Mikić, 2020, 146). Politički potencijal popularne muzike je opšte me- sto, ali je, kako s pravom ističe Dimitrijević, „[p]itanje (...) samo koja politička opcija ovo ume da iskoristi, a koja ne“ (Dimitrijević, 2004). U slučaju pesme Lane moje politička opcija koja je ovo na pozitivan način uspela da ’iskoristi‘ je kulturna diplomatija 9 Od deset novih članica EU, te godine se na Pesmi Evrovizije našlo njih sedam: Letonija, Litvanija, Estonija i Slovenija su takmi- čenje završile u polufinalu, a Kipar, Malta i Poljska su se plasirali u finale, pri čemu je najbolji plasman ostvario Kipar, podelivši sa Švedskom 5. i 6. mesto. države, shvaćena u najširem smislu: kockice su se posložile, srpski, vizantijski i otomanski stil su uje- dinjeni i pomireni, predstavljeno je ne samo to ko smo i kakvi smo mi, nego i to kako želimo/mislimo da drugi treba/žele da nas vide, te je Srbija i Crna Gora imala odličnu startnu poziciju. Uprkos tome, njen kulturno-diplomatski poduhvat na Evroviziji se već na samom početku našao između dve političke ’vatre‘. S jedne strane, dobar plasman ove pesme odvijao se u senci do sad rekordnog proširenja Evrop- ske Unije, jer je svega dve sedmice pre održavanja Pesme Evrovizije 2004. u ovaj savez primljeno čak 10 novih država-članica, od čega se njih sedam našlo na takmičenju. Iako se većina tih zemalja u evrovizijsko nadmetanje uključila mnogo godina ranije, ova vrsta političkog impulsa svakako nije nešto što bi trebalo zanemariti. Te godine nijedna od ovih zemalja nije ostvarila značajniji rezultat,9 ali je izazov za srp- skocrnogorsku kulturnu diplomatiju bio srazmerno veći nego što bi bio samo godinu dana ranije. S druge strane, ukrajinska pesma Wild Dances, koja je te go- dine i pobedila, imala je značajnu političku pozadinu i to prevashodno zbog narastajuće političke krize koja je kasnije iste godine kulminirala u ’narandžastoj revoluciji‘ u toj zemlji, pri čemu treba imati u vidu i da je sama Ruslana, interpretatorka te pesme, bila upravo jedna od muzičkih ’vedeta‘ te ’revolucije‘. Zato Lane moje deluje kao pesma sa objektivno za- nemarljivim geopolitičkim i lokal-političkim nabojem na toj Evroviziji i otuda je njena kulturna diplomatija, shvaćena kao čisto muzička diplomatija (ili makar u meri u kojoj je uopšte moguće da to bude), mogla izbiti u prvi plan. Treba imati u vidu da je pesma na kraju polufinalne večeri završila kao prvoplasirana, čak ispred Ruslanine pesme koja će tri dana kasnije i pobediti u finalu, te da se često navodi kao jedna od najboljih nepobedničkih pesama na Evroviziji svih vremena. U svakom slučaju, kako je to istakla Ketrin Bejker (Catherine Baker), ova pesma je predstavljala „odgovarajuće majstorstvo i erudiciju za Srbiju koja je spremna da se pridruži ’Evropi‘ ili da se vrati u nju“ (Baker, 2023, 100). U ovom kontekstu, pesma Molitva je, bar na prvi pogled, imala najskromniji scenski nastup. Primetno je da u njemu nije bilo nikakvih ekstravagantnih kore- ografskih elemenata, za evrovizijske nastupe tipičnog skidanja odeće, niti, pak, pirotehnike. Sve je centrirano na samu muziku i glas. Upravo su ovi razlozi mnoge kritičare naveli na to da ukažu da je na Evroviziji XXI stoleća Molitva možda najzaslužnija za povratak Pesme Evrovizije pesmi, da polutautološki parafraziramo, iza čega naravno stoji aluzija na to da poslednjih decenija na ovom festivalu spektakl, performans, ples – rečju, 169 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 show – sve više uzimaju premoć nad muzikom i pe- vanjem. Međutim, određeni elementi LGBT identiteta, pa čak i novovremenske gej subkulture, bili su vidljivi u mnogim manje ili više eksponiranim sadržajima vezanim za ovu pesmu. Na pres-konferenciji održanoj odmah posle pobede u finalu jedan švajcarski novinar upitao je Šerifovićevu šta misli o činjenici da je imala ogromnu podršku lezbijki koje su je zapravo videle kao ’svog‘ predstavnika. Kako samo pitanje, tako odgovor Šerifovićeve u kome je kratko izjavila da je njoj to sa- svim u redu (Grujić, 2007), odmah su stavili do znanja da njena pesma ne predstavlja samo Srbiju, nego i gej populaciju. Osim toga, na dočeku u Beogradu, koji se inače za pobednike raznih svetskih takmičenja, koji dolaze iz Srbije, tradicionalno organizuje na jednom od gradskih trgova, tom prilikom su se uz srpske, vijori- le i zastave duginih boja. Međutim, ovakvu interpreta- ciju u punom kapacitetu je bilo moguće uspostaviti tek postfestum, budući da srpska javnost najvećim delom nije znala za ove konotacije, niti je na taj način mogla da tumači više nego uspešne rezultate televotinga, tim više što je Šerifovićeva tek šest godina kasnije (2013.) javno obznanila svoju seksualnu orijentaciju. Takođe, kako ispravno primećuje Vuletić, ni srpski političari nisu priznavali kvir aspekte ove pesme, fokusirajući se samo na patriotske konotacije njene pobede. „Među- tim, producenti ’Molitve‘ su znali šta rade: namerno su to napravili kvir činom kako bi privukli više pažnje i glasova međunarodne publike ESC-a“ (Vuletic, 2019, 173). U svom autorskom tekstu za nedeljnik „Vre- me“, objavljenom pod nazivom S one strane duge, a povodom srpske evrovizijske pobede, Jelena Grujić s pravom skreće pažnju da je ovo takoreći tek skorašnji fenomen: „Iako se danas čini da je tako oduvek bilo, Evrovizija se tek poslednjih godina ’pomirila‘ sa svojom najvatrenijom publikom – homoseksualcima i homose- ksualkama“ (Grujić, 2007). Finalni simbolički doprinos tom pomirenju dala je i koreografija same pesme: na samom kraju nastupa jedan od bek vokala iz Beauty Queens-a i Šerifovićeva su spojile dlanove i napravile srce. Naposletku, činjenica da se Marija Šerifović „ne uklapa u rigidne (heteronormativne) standarde ženske lepote“, kao da je išla na ruku njenom kreativnom timu koji je, kako poentira Mikićeva, ponudio „’gej rešenje‘ (sa pet ’zgodnih‘ ženskih pratećih vokala obučenih u isto muško odelo kao i pevačica)“. Ovo ’rešenje‘ je ne- sumnjivo doprinelo „uspehu nastupa i pesme“ (Mikić, 2020, 178), a ako ovome dodamo i činjenicu da su i esencijalni muzički kvaliteti same pesme i izvanredna interpretacija Marije Šerifović rasplamsali, makar i samo te godine, nostalgiju za ’izgubljenim rajem‘ stare Evrovizije, više je nego jasno da je srpska kulturna diplomatija dobila svoj idealni format i, još značajnije, da je svoju misiju obavila na najbolji mogući način. U oblasti studija Pesme Evrovizije, pobeda Šerifovićeve je intenzivno proučavana, naročito iz ugla njene seksualne orijentacije i reperkusija koje je prijem ove pesme izazivao širom Evrope. U tom pogledu vrednu analizu nastupa Marije Šerifović daje i Elejn Eston (Elaine Aston) u svom radu „Competing Femininities: A ’Girl’ for Eurovision“, nudeći različite poglede na ovo takmičenje iz feminističke perspekti- ve. Pesma Evrovizije je u dvadesetprvi vek ušla, kako ističe Estonova, sa „eksplozijom uspešnih girl-power nastupa“, pritom misleći na pobedničke pesme ženskih solo izvođača iz Letonije 2002, Turske 2003. i Ukrajine 2004. godine (Aston, 2013, 167). Uočavajući u sva tri scenska nastupa dašak Madoninog (Madonna) stila, ona ih definiše kao paradigme milenijumskog trenda o „devojačkom osnaživanju žena“ (Aston, 2013, 164). Međutim, nastup Marije Šerifović je doneo sasvim dru- gačiji, alternativni, vid ženstvenosti i isticanja „moći devojaka“, ali u kome nije bilo ni traga od glamura, niti, pak agresivnog scenskog nastupa: [...] taj čin je defamiliarizovao i deegzotizovao prihvatanje glamurozne ženstvenosti od strane Pesme Evrovizije. Stilizovani kao neka vrsta brehtovskog gesta, prateći vokali koji su okružili Šerifovićevu svojom robotskom koreografijom [...], raskošnim frizurama koje su imale izgled nedavno doterane Barbi lutke, i kič crvenim broševima u obliku srca zakačenim na njihova crna odela, otuđili su spektakularnu ženstvenost kao ’dodatak’ društvenim i seksualnim nejedna- kostima. (Aston, 2013, 174) Ovakav scenski koncept srpske evrovizijske pesme iz 2007. godine Ketrin Bejker je nazvala „faktorom Mo- litva“ i dodala da je ova pesma, osim što je predstavljala korak u osnaživanju LGBTQ prava, opisala „još jednu epizodu u kosmopolitskom kreiranju srpskog identite- ta“ (Baker, 2023, 101). Pesma In corpore sano je najviše privukla pažnju time što je na scenu donela jednu vrstu konceptualne umetnosti, u stvari pravog umetničkog performansa, krajnje netipičnog za Pesmu Evrovizije i u tome do- brim delom leži tajna uspeha ove pesme. U analizama Eurosonga iz te 2022. godine, ova pesma se žanrovski najčešće pozicionira u sferu avangardnog popa ili, pak, eksperimentalnog popa. Premda u pesmi ima vidljivog uticaja art pop muzike, a čak ne bi bilo preterano reći i da ona sadrži ponešto od vorholovske ideje izvornog pop arta, Konstraktina pesma je zapravo aluzija na poznati performans Marine Abramović “Art must be beautiful / Artist must be beautiful” (deo umetničke instalacije “Four performances” iz 1975. godine). Odnos između uloge glasa i scenskog izraza u pe- smi kao element srpske evrovizijske diplomatije igra značajnu ulogu i najbolje se ogleda u relaciji između pesama Molitva i In corpore sano. U Konstraktinoj pesmi, glas kao umetnički glas koji razotkriva talenat i vokalne kapacitete izvođača (kao u slučaju Marije Šerifović), nije uopšte u centru pažnje. Pošto nema 170 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 zahtevnih melodijskih visina i pošto ne iziskuje de- monstraciju glasovne snage samog pevača, pesmu In corpore sano bi mogla, teorijski, da izvede i osoba sa ograničenim, ili čak i ispodprosečnim pevačkim sposobnostima. Kao i u slučaju Molitve, i u pesmi In corpore sano su minimalizacija i svedenost scenskog izraza – u odnosu na većinu srpskih i pesama drugih država na Evroviziji u novom milenijumu – još na- glašeniji, transparentniji i, nadasve, intencionalni. Sa još snažnijom porukom deluju krajnje neuobičajeni scenski rekviziti – lavor, voda i peškiri – kao simboli elementarnog zdravlja koji su upotrebljeni u dvostru- koj funkciji – putem njih se ukazuje na neospornu važnost zdravlja, ali se i pitanje medijske eksploata- cije teme zdravstvene nege i njena na mnogo načina pogrešna apsolutizacija ovime istovremeno ironizuju. Takođe, kako su interpretatori dve od tri pesme u našoj analizi žene, obe su na svoj način odgovorile na pritisak imperativa lepote kod umetnika, posebno – kod umetnica. Marija Šerifović je svojom pojavom napravila fundamentalni otklon od takve nepisane obligatnosti, stavljajući fokus na svoj glas i snagu svo- je pesme, i u tome u potpunosti uspela, a Konstrakta je ’fizičke‘ komponente svoje pojave na sceni svesno stavila u senku smisaone poente teksta pesme koju je otpevala: ako imamo prelepo telo, ne znači da ćemo biti mentalno zdravi i, na koncu, da ćemo biti srećni. ZAKLJUČAK Odnos umetnosti u klasičnom smislu reči i popu- larne kulture je konačno tematizovan i objektivizovan, i to je jedna od glavnih poruka srpske pesme na Takmičenju za Pesmu Evrovizije, održanom 2022. godine. Mnogo više od činjenice da od svih zemalja bivše zajedničke države Srbija jedina ima titulu pobe- dnice Pesme Evrovizije te da ima srazmerno najbolji plasman na ovom takmičenju, ističe se utisak da je Sr- bija možda i najbolje ’savladala‘ evrovizijsku ’lekciju‘ novog veka, u okviru koje nezaobilaznu ulogu igraju originalnost, konceptualnost, kao i otklon od još uvek prilično živog jugoslovenskog modela pop muzike. U jednoj vrsti simboličke interpretacije refrena pesme In corpore sano, može se reći da je Srbija uspela da definiše ’zdrav‘ odnos prema stilu popularne muzike, primerenom današnjoj Pesmi Evrovizije: u kulturnoj diplomatiji nije toliko reč o predstavljanju elemenata srpskog nacionalnog muzičkog idioma u onom obli- ku i onoj meri koji je prihvatljiv kako evropskom, tako, još preciznije, evrovizijskom formatu, koliko o uspešnoj ’upotrebi‘ trendova koji u datom trenutku vladaju evropskom popularnom kulturom – world music-a, specifičnog konceptualnog muzičkog gesta ili savremene gej subkulture – koji su gotovo redovno kontrapunktirani odgovarajućim elementima samog muzičkog i, posebno, harmonskog jezika. Dimitrijević u spomenutom članku o Pesmi Evro- vizije 2004. ukazuje i na važnost još jednog, filozof- skog aspekta predstavljanja države pesmom, ističući da je ovaj festival revija „nacionalnih pop-kulturnih identiteta koji upravo imaju za cilj da se dopadnu drugima u zajednici evropskih nacija. Upravo stvara- nje i trajanje jednog specifičnog kulturnog konstruk- ta koji zovemo ’evrovizijskom pesmom‘ nije samo rezultat želje da se Drugi pobedi pa i ponizi (kao u sportu), već želje da se Drugi zavede čak i po cenu sopstvenog poniženja“ (Dimitrijević, 2004). Sasvim je jasno iz ovoga da se u savremenom iskustvu Evrovizije ogleda paradigma teorije drugosti, suština koja proizlazi iz istorijskog razvoja ove teorije od Hegela, preko Huserla, do Deride, pa i Hatena ili Ja- kobsona: šta je taj drugi u odnosu na mene, odnosno kako funkcioniše koncept drugosti kao konstitutivni element ljudske preokupacije sobom, jastvom? I to jeste jedna opšta crta paradigme kulturnih politika zemalja učesnica na Pesmi Evrovizije. U slučaju Srbije, njena kulturna diplomatija je evrovizijsku transpoziciju teorije drugosti ili – danas bismo rekli – teorije markiranosti, samo učinila još vidljivijom: iako to možda nije bio primarni cilj ovih pesama, ali dok je Lane zaista htelo da Drugi bude zaveden, dotle je In corpore sano htela da se drugi zapita – o tome kuda idemo u ovako postavljenoj mejnstrim kulturi i zašto smo, uporno se fokusirajući samo na fizičko zdravlje, zaboravili na mentalno zdravlje i individue i društva. 171 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 »IN CORPORE SANO«: SERBIAN CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AT THE EUROVISION SONG CONTEST IN THE 21ST CENTURY Marko ALEKSIĆ Univerza umetnosti v Beogradu, Fakulteta za glasbo, Oddelek za glasbeno teorijo, Kralja Milana 50, 11000 Beograd, Srbija e-mail: marko.aleksic@fmu.bg.ac.rs POVZETEK Med vsemi državami nekdanje Jugoslavije je po njenem razpadu Srbija edina država, ki je na tem tekmovanju zmagala. Članek analizira tri srbske pesmi, ki so bile del študije primera o tematikah, s katerimi se Srbija predstavlja na Evroviziji. Gre za pesmi Lane moje v izvedbi Željka Joksimovića in Ad hoc orke- stra (2004), Molitva v izvedbi Marije Šerifović (2007) in In corpore sano v izvedbi Konstrakte (2022). V prispevku smo skušali ugotoviti značilnosti in vlogo elementov glasbene in besedilne vsebine v navedenih skladbah ter sporočilnosti odrskih uprizoritev teh pesmi pri konstruiranju identitete srbskega tipa evro- vizijske pesmi v 21. stoletju. Pri tem smo uporabili različne metode analize, mdr. metodo tradicionalne harmonske analize, hermenevtično analizo besedila ter primerjalno metodo skladb. Ugotovitve so sledeče: (1) Za vse tri pesmi je značilno, da so zapete v srbskem jeziku in da so komponirane v molu, to je v eolskem modusu. (2) Glasba sodeluje pri interpretaciji besedila, ki ga reducira na najpreprostejše elemente glasbenega in harmonskega izraza, kar pripomore k temu, da besedilo in izvedba stopita v ospredje. (3) Vizualna identiteta v nastopih Marije Šerifović in Konstrakte je imela subtilno sporočilo in je opozarjala na različne možnosti interpretacije našega odnosa do gejevske subkulture oziroma problematike zdravja. Ključne besede: Pesem Evrovizije, identiteta, srbska pop pesem, Konstrakta, Željko Joksimović, Marija Šerifović 172 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Marko ALEKSIĆ: „BITI ZDRAVA”: SRPSKA KULTURNA DIPLOMATIJA NA PESMI EVROVIZIJE U XXI VEKU, 159–172 IZVORI I LITERATURA Aleksić, Marko (2012): Between Nostalgia and Rea- lity: Combining Recognizable Elements of Pop Music of Former Yugoslavia and Contemporary Music Genres in Creation of New Identity of Successor States in Their Re- presentation on European Music Scene. 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London – New York, Routledge, 83–95. 173 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2023-10-28 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.12 SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE Petra GRABROVEC Študijski center za narodno spravo, Tivolska cesta 42, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: petra.grabrovec@scnr.si Marjeta PISK ZRC SAZU, Glasbenonarodopisni inštitut, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: marjeta.pisk@zrc-sazu.si Darko FRIŠ Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Koroška cesta 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenija e-mail: darko.fris@um.si IZVLEČEK Prispevek predstavlja izražanje narodne identifikacije Slovencev v obdobju druge svetovne vojne z zapeto slovensko pesmijo. Izpostavljen je položaj Slovencev v različnih okupacijskih sistemih in pomen pete slovenske pesmi za krepitev narodne zavesti. Hkrati pa je predstavljen položaj Slovencev po okupaciji slovenskega ozemlja in sočasna razdvojenost naroda, ki se je odražala tudi na pesemski ustvarjalnosti tega obdobja. Na podlagi analize izbranih pesmi so predstavljeni elementi narodne identifikacije in sočasne propagande, v katerih je prepoznan tudi njihov širši pomen. Prispevek orisuje pomen prepevanja pesmi za ohranjanje in krepitev kolek- tivnega spomina in narodne zavesti, navkljub razdvojenosti družbe. Ključne besede: druga svetovna vojna, zapeta slovenska pesem, okupacija, raznarodovanje, narodna identifikacija, partizanske pesmi, domobranske pesmi I CANTI SLOVENI – UN PILASTRO DELL‘IDENTITÀ NAZIONALE DURANTE LA SECONDA GUERRA MONDIALE SINTESI L‘articolo presenta l‘espressione dell‘identificazione nazionale degli Sloveni durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale attraverso la canzone slovena cantata. Viene sottolineata la posizione degli sloveni nei diversi sistemi di occupazione e l‘importanza della canzone slovena cantata per il rafforzamento della coscienza nazionale. Allo stesso tempo viene presentata la posizione degli Sloveni dopo l‘occupazione del territorio sloveno e la simultanea divisione della nazio- ne, che si rifletteva anche nella creatività canora di questo periodo. Sulla base dell‘analisi delle canzoni selezionate vengono presentati gli elementi di identificazione nazionale e di propaganda simultanea, in cui viene riconosciuto anche il loro significato più ampio. Il testo sottolinea l’importanza del canto per la preservazione e il rafforzamento della memoria collettiva e della coscienza nazionale, nonostante la divisione della società. Parole chiave: Seconda Guerra Mondiale, canzone slovena cantata, occupazione, denazionalizzazione, identificazione nazionale, canti partigiani, canti degli ”domobranci“ 174 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 UVOD Slovenci so drugo svetovno vojno dočakali v okviru Kraljevine Jugoslavije, ki je bila na predvečer vojne notranjepolitično nestabilna, in sicer je bila v gospodarski in tudi v politični krizi. 6. aprila 1941 je z napadom Tretjega rajha na Kraljevino vojna zajela tudi slovensko ozemlje, ki je bilo kasneje razdeljeno med različne okupatorje, in kot poudarja Tone Ferenc, »najbrž v zasedeni Evropi ni bilo naroda, katerega ozemlje bi okupacija tako razkosala kot slovensko narodno ozemlje« (Ferenc, 2006a, 72).1 Slovenci so torej tedaj živeli pod različnimi okupacijskimi sistemi (nemškim, italijanskim, madžarskim in hrvaškim) in so bili deležni različnih okupatorjevih raznarodovalnih procesov, ki so stremeli k cilju opraviti z obstojem slovenskega naroda. Pri tem prav tako Ferenc opozarja, da ni šlo za totalno fizično uničenje Slovencev, ampak načrtovano postopno raznarodovanje v par letih ali de- setletjih, ki bi pripeljalo do popolnega izginotja naroda. Vzdušje večine Slovencev po začetni okupaciji je bilo protiokupatorsko. Kot izpostavlja Jelka Piškurić, »pri tem od začetka ni šlo za dilemo, upor ali ne, temveč so se različne politične struje ukvarjale z vprašanjem, kakšna naj bo taktika do okupacijskih oblasti, da bi se preprečilo najhujše posledice« (Piškurić, 2021, 49). V poteku vojnega dogajanja sta se med Slovenci osno- vali dve nasprotujoči si stališči. Na eni strani je bilo stališče tradicionalnih meščanskih strank (Slovenske ljudske stranke, liberalcev in socialnih demokratov), ki so stremele k taktiki čakanja na izid vojne na ve- likih bojiščih, posledičen obračun z okupatorjem in konspirativno pripravo na osvoboditev, na drugi strani je bilo stališče Protiimperialistične fronte (po napadu Tretjega rajha na Sovjetsko zvezo 22. junija 1941 prei- menovane v Osvobodilno fronto – OF), ki je stremela k odkritemu boju proti okupatorju (Griesser Pečar, 2004; Ferenc, 2005a, b; 2006a; Judt, 2007; Granda, 2015; Čoh Kladnik, 2020; Piškurić, 2021; Grabrovec, 2022). Dogajanje druge svetovne vojne z aspekta slovenske zgodovine je večplastno in obenem protislovno. Ker je bilo ozemlje razdeljeno med več okupatorjev, so bile razmere v posameznih pokrajinah različne. V celoti gledano pa je bila za skupen razvoj dogodkov bistvena Ljubljanska pokrajina, ki jo je Bojan Godeša poimeno- val kot »središče slovenstva«, saj so v njej hkrati delovali podporniki obeh stališč (Godeša, 2008). T. i. razkol med Slovenci je bil prisoten do konca druge svetovne vojne 1 V tem primeru je govora o slovenskem ozemlju, ki je bilo v okviru Kraljevine Jugoslavije leta 1941 okupirano in razdeljeno med različne okupatorje. Že leta 1920 je bil del slovenskega etničnega ozemlja z Rapalsko pogodbo priključen h Kraljevini Italiji, del pa na podlagi koroškega plebiscita k Avstriji. V prispevku bomo obravnavali tudi območje današnje Primorske, ki je doživela fašizem že pred izbruhom druge svetovne vojne in je bila z Londonskim memorandumom leta 1954 priključena k Jugoslaviji, od leta 1991 pa je del Republike Slovenije. Ne bomo pa obravnavali območja avstrijske Koroške, ki po izvedenem plebiscitu ni bilo nikoli več del slovenskega ozemlja v skupnem državnem okviru, čeprav še danes tam živi slovenska manjšina in ohranja slovenski jezik ter kulturo. 2 Nekaj vasi v Posavju je k svoji državi priključila Neodvisna država Hrvaška, ki je bila ustanovljena 10. aprila 1941. Ker gre za manjše geografsko območje, ki ni imelo večjega vpliva na razumevanje petja slovenske pesmi kot izražanja narodne identifikaci- je, ga v tem prispevku ne bomo obravnavali. in je zaznamoval vsakdanje življenje ter vplival tudi na povojne dni (Griesser Pečar, 2004; Godeša, 2008; Čoh Kladnik, 2021, 179–188; Kleindienst & Tomšič, 2021, 197–232). Polarizacija družbe je vplivala na mani- festacije kulturnih oblik, ki jih lahko prepoznamo kot nosilke propagande in tudi narodne identitete. Oba slovenska politična pola sta namreč v poudarjanju slovenstva in podpiranju kulturne ustvarjalnosti v slovenskem jeziku videla možnost za krepitev nacionalne identitete slov- enstva, prav te identitete, ki so jo hoteli oku- patorji v imenu graditve »nove Evrope« uničiti (Gabrič, 2005, 56). Kot nakazuje navedek, je kultura igrala pomembno vlogo pri utrjevanju slovenske narodne identitete, ki je bila v obdobju druge svetovne vojne pred izzivom obstoja. V tem prispevku želimo predstaviti vlogo zapetih slovenskih pesmi, ki so bile med drugim element izražanja narodne identifikacije v okviru ohranjanja slovenske kulture in sočasno pri ohran- janju slovenstva kot takšnega. Med elementi ljudske kulture, ki so bili že v 19. stoletju osrednji za narodno identifikacijo, je bila še posebej izpostavljena ljudska pesem, ki naj bi pomenila »skupno identifikacijsko stičišče za vse sloje Slovencev, za kmečki in rastoči meščanski sloj« (Cigoj Krstulović, 2014, 214). Pesem ima zaradi besedil v slovenskem jeziku ter afektivne moči glasbe posebno moč prenašati sporočila, bodisi ideološka, bodisi politična. Sočasno so indoktrinaci- jo skozi glasbo uporabljali z namenom uspešnega in hkrati subtilnega vplivanja na širše množice, saj je uspešno povzročila intenzivne emocije (Schutte & Visagie, 2012; Grabrovec et al., 2023). SLOVENSKA PESEM V RAZLIČNIH OKUPACIJSKIH SISTEMIH Slovenci so v obdobju druge svetovne vojne doživeli štiri različne okupacijske sisteme, ki so na različne načine vplivali na vsakdanje življenje.2 Območje Gorenjske, Koroške, Štajerske, severozahodni del Prek- murja in severni del Dolenjske je okupirala nacistična Nemčija. Nemški okupacijski sistem je vključeval raznarodovalni proces oz. proces ponemčevanja. S tem je želela nemška oblast dokončno rešiti sloven- sko vprašanje, saj slovenskemu narodu ni priznavala 175 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 pravice obstoja. V okviru takšnega prepričanja lahko razumemo zapis iz Marburger Zeitunga ob okupaciji: »S to zgodovinsko spremembo se za naše mesto in državo začenja novo obdobje.«3 Slovenci so v okviru nemškega raznarodovalnega procesa doživeli množično izseljevanje (predvsem slovenskega izobraženstva, duhovščine, priseljencev po letu 1914 – primorskih Slovencev, Slovencev iz obsoteljskega in obsavskega pasu ter oseb, ki so jih ocenili za rasno neustrezne). Poleg spremembe videza slovenskih pokrajin (spremembe in ponemčevanje krajevnih imen ter zamenjave slovenskih napisov) in ponemčevanja krstnih ter rodbinskih imen se je okupator lotil tudi načrtnega uničenja slovenskega družbenega življenja. To se je odražalo v ukinitvi slovenskih društev, vključno s pevskimi zbori, organizacij in združb s posebnimi odločbami, objavljenimi v glasnikih ali uradnih listih. Ker so bili med drugim ukinjeni slovenski zbori, se je iz javne rabe umaknila peta slovenska pesem. Na glasbenih dogodkih so odzvanjale zgolj nemške pesmi, ki so bile sočasno predmet propagande. Marburger Zeitung je ob prireditvi na Ptuju junija 1944 izpostavil, da je bila nemška pesem že v obdobju Kraljevine Jugoslavije pomemben element narodne identitete ptu- jskih Nemcev, kar je predstavljalo temelj za nadaljnjo nemško propagando: »Vsak prebivalec Pettaua se še vedno spominja, kaj je Männergesangverein [moški pevski zbor, op. a.] pomenil za nemščino mesta v času tuje vladavine. […] Tukaj, z zmagovito močjo nemške pesmi, so dobili nov pogum za vztrajanje, novo vero v prihodnost.«4 Na Ptuju, ki je že iz 19. stoletja veljal za eno izmed »nemških trdnjav« na Štajerskem, je Štajerska domovinska zveza (Steirischer Heimatbund) organizirala raznovrstne kulturne prireditve (koncerte, gledališke igre, tekmovanja kulturnih in športnih skupin; cf. Mavrič-Žižek, 2016), ki so bile v izrazitem nemškem propagandnem duhu (Chomicki et al., 2023).5 Slovenska beseda in posledično slovenska pesem se je v nemškem okupacijskem sistemu umaknila v intimo posameznika za zidove domov. Kljub temu je slovenska pesem zazvenela ob posebnih, a redkih priložnostih (npr. ob praznikih). Zaradi razpleta vojnih dogodkov Nemci niso uspešno in dokončno izvedli raznarodoval- nega programa pri Slovencih. Kot izpostavlja Ferenc, ni mogoče zanikati njihovega uspešnega raznarodovanja pri Slovencih v mestih in trgih, še zlasti pri otrocih in mladostnikih, ki so bili podvrženi nacističnemu 3 Marburger Zeitung, 9. 4. 1941: Befchichtiliche Wende, 1. 4 Marburger Zeitung, 27. 6. 1944: Deutsches Lied im Unterland Vom Pettauer Männergesangverein und einem Sängertreffen in Pettau, 6. 5 Podobna situacija je predstavljena za Rogaško Slatino, kjer je nemški okupator tudi skozi prepevanje nemških pesmi indoktriniral ljudi v duhu nacionalsocialistične ideologije (cf. Siter, 2021, 137). 6 Takšen nemški okupacijski sistem je veljal na Slovenskem za območja, ki jih je Tretji rajh okupiral leta 1941, in ni veljal za območje cone Jadranskega Primorja (Adriatisches Küstenland), ki je bilo ustanovljeno po kapitulaciji Italije septembra 1943 (cf. Ferenc, 2006b). 7 Med mobiliziranci najdemo tudi Branka Pistivška – v (kasnejši) Zahodni Nemčiji živečega slovenskega narodnega buditelja, publicista in nasprotnika povojnega jugoslovanskega enopartijskega državnega aparata (cf. Friš & Hazemali, 2017, 807–922). 8 Z zaupno okrožnico št. 3832 z dne 19. julija 1927 je ministrstvo za notranje zadeve odredilo prefektom v Julijski krajini ukinitev vseh slovenskih društev, ki so še delovala na tem območju, najkasneje do 1. oktobra 1928 (cf. Bajc, 2014). raznarodovalnemu in sočasno propagandnemu aparatu v izobraževalnem procesu (Ferenc, 2010a; 2010b; Godeša, 2012; Repe, 2015; Predan, 2023).6 Kljub prepovedi javne rabe slovenskega jezika je ta živel med mobiliziranimi Slovenci v nemško vojsko, med drugim tudi v obliki zapete slovenske pesmi. O tem pričajo spomini Franca Erceta, ki je bil marca 1943 vpoklican v nemško vojsko in govori o tem, da so Slovenci kljub slabemu vzdušju ob mobilizaciji na vlakih prepevali pesmi, se pogovarjali in med seboj tolažili. Večkrat je zazvenela pesem v času vojaškega usposabljanja, kjer so se med drugim tudi na njeni podlagi mobiliziranci različnih narodnosti med seboj identificirali. »V bataljonu je bilo tudi veliko prisilno vpoklicanih Alzačanov. Z njimi so se Slovenci zelo dobro razumeli. Prvi so peli marseljezo, Slovenci pa svoje« (Kokalj Kočevar, 2022, 144). V bataljonu Erceta je bila dovoljena uporaba slovenščine, saj so lahko Slovenci pisali in med seboj govorili v maternem jeziku ter tudi na odobritev podoficirjev prepevali slovenske pesmi, ki so jim bile všeč.7 Zanimiva je tudi pripoved, kako so bili na podlagi identifikacije z zapeto pesmijo drugače sprejeti v tujini, kljub nezaželeni nemški uni- formi. »Nekoč so spoznali skupino Čehinj, vendar jih zato, ker so bili v nemških uniformah, niso niti po- gledale. Kot prisilne delavke so živele v bližnjem gradu in pomagale obirati hmelj, ko pa so zapeli slovensko, so kar pritekle k njim in jim govorile »Ještě zaspívajte«, še pojte« (Kokalj Kočevar, 2022, 142). Na drugi strani so imeli Slovenci s fašizmom stike že pred začetkom druge svetovne vojne. Kljub temu, da je prispevek časovno zamejen z obdobjem druge svetovne vojne, bomo prikazali dvojnost italijanskega okupacijskega sistema, ki so ga bili deležni Slovenci. Te dvojnosti pa ni mogoče prikazati brez osvetlitve situacije Slovencev, živečih na slovenskem etničnem območju, ki je po Rapalski pogodbi leta 1920 pripadlo Kraljevini Italiji. Že pred vzponom fašizma so bili Slovenci na tem območju deležni raznarodovanja. Italijanska oblast je sočasno z obljubami o spoštovanju slovenske kulture in tradicije močno nastopila proti vsem oblikam slovenstva (cf. Bajc, 2014). Nasilje nad Slovenci je vrh doživelo že pred podpisom rapalske pogodbe, s požigom Narodnega doma v Trstu julija 1920. Kasnejša fašistična oblast je z raznarodovanjem še temeljiteje nadaljevala in z zakonodajo tudi pred letom 19288 močno omejevala delovanje Slovencev 176 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 s posegom v šolstvo, kulturo, rodovna imena, topo- grafijo (spremembe imen krajev, rek, gora) (cf. Batič, 2018; 2020; 2024), gospodarstvo, socialno življenje, društveno življenje idr. (Bajc, 2014). Za ohranitev slovenske kulture so bili na tem območju v veliki meri zaslužni duhovniki.9 Marija Stanonik v delu Slovenska pesem v tujem škornju izpostavlja zgodbo duhovnika Franca Malalana iz Ospa, ki je slovenske predšolske otroke učil abecede, branja in pisanja maternega jezika ter tudi prepevanja slovenskih ljudskih pesmi, kot so Barčica po morju plava in Na planincah, še preden so stopili v italijanske šole.10 Prav tako je pomembno vplival na prepevanje cerkvenega zbora, ki si je pod njegovim okriljem upal prepevati slovenske pesmi zunaj cerkvenih zidov. K ohranitvi slovenskih pesmi in slovenskega jezika je tako kot številni drugi primorski duhovniki doprine- sel tudi duhovnik Peter Butkovič iz Sovodnja. Kljub fašističnemu preganjanju se ni odpovedal pridigam v slovenskem jeziku, prepevanju slovenskih pesmih pri svetih mašah in poučevanja slovenskega jezika pri verouku (Stanonik, 2014). Duhovnik in skladatelj Vinko Vodopivec je s svojim skladateljskim delom prispeval h krepitvi slovenske identitete. Ob izdaji njegovega dela Mešani in moški zbori je Stanko Premrl leta 1923 v reviji Dom in svet zapisal, da jih »vsem podeželskim pevskim zborom priporočam, zlasti goriškim, ki so jim tudi v prvi vrsti namenjeni« (Premrl, 1924, 48). Iz tega lahko razber- emo, da so bila glasbena dela Vinka Vodopivca že tedaj prepoznana kot dela, ki so bila med drugim prim- erna za krepitev narodne zavesti primorskih Slovencev. Slovenska duhovščina je pod fašizmom izdajala tudi molitvenike s slovenskimi ljudskimi pesmimi, saj so se lažje izognili cenzuri in zaplembam kot preostali slovenski tisk (Stanonik, 2014). Eden od pomembnih načinov izkazovanja slov- enske narodne zavesti in sočasno nasprotovanje italijanski politiki raznarodovanja ter posledičnega poitalijančevanja Slovencev je predstavljalo prav prepevanje slovenskih pesmi. V času fašizma je tako petje »ostalo edino »nacionalno« orožje, saj be- sedilo pogosto podleže melodiji ali pa jo ta prekrije« (Granda, 2007, 52). V času narodnostnega preganjanja je ljudska pesem živela najbolj intenzivno (Barbo, 2003, 158), saj so kljub prepovedim predvsem mladi moški iz upora peli po vaseh. Čeprav je bila v prvih letih fašizma slovenska pesem še dovoljena na uradnih 9 Slovensko manjšino na Primorskem je v obdobju med obema svetovnima vojnama podpirala (tudi finančno) Kraljevina Jugoslavi- ja, pri čemer je veliko vlogo odigral dr. Anton Korošec. V tridesetih letih je bila finančna podpora slovenski manjšini ilegalna in osredotočena predvsem na duhovščino, ki je ohranjala narodnozavedno vzdušje na tem območju (cf. Pelikan, 2021), predvsem z ohranjanjem slovenskega jezika in posledično slovenske kulture (cf. Pelikan, 2012a, b; 2018). 10 Po uvedbi Gentilijeve šolske reforme leta 1923 so lahko slovenski duhovniki izvajali verouk eno uro na teden v slovenskem jeziku v okvi- ru šolskega sistema. Nato je prosvetno ministrstvo leta 1928 zahtevalo, da tudi verouk poteka v italijanskem jeziku, nakar so slovenski duhovniki prestavili verouk slovenskih otrok v cerkve, kjer je še dalje potekal v maternem jeziku (cf. Pelikan, 2003). 11 Istra, 18. 5. 1935: Spet aretacije radi slovenske pesmi, 1. 12 Istra, 31. 5. 1935: Io sono un Italiano e me ne vanto!, 2. prireditvah, pa so se pevci, ki so v gostilni v Cerovem v Brdih ob kozarčku vina zapeli nekaj nabožnih in ljud- skih pesmi, morali zagovarjati pred goriškim sodiščem (Prinčič, 1998, 29). Zaradi aretacij fantov, ki so peli slovenske pesmi ob vasovanju ali druženju v gostilnah, je »[n]ekdaj tako veselo odmevajoča slovenska pesem v goriških Brdih […] onemela«.11 Kazni za petje pa so bili deležni tudi otroci. »Pred pričetkom tega meseca [maja, op. a.] se je zgodilo, da so šolski otroci v našem Doberdobu zapeli med odmorom na šolskem dvorišču nedolžno slovensko pesmico. Učitelj jih je zato prete- pel in zaprl do trdne teme. Peti bi namreč morali: »Sem Italijan in na to sem ponosen!««.12 Po letu 1927, ko so prepovedim slovenskih javnih kulturnih prireditev sledili razpusti društev, med njimi tudi Prosvetne zveze, znotraj katere je delovalo kar 117 pevskih zborov (Simčič, 2022), so se pevci shajali po domovih in večkrat zapeli slovenske pesmi kljub fašistični policiji, ki je ostro nastopila, če je izvedela za tovrstno početje. Pevci so se zbirali predvsem v odmaknjenih vaseh: tako so npr. na silvestrovo ali novega leta dan pevci iz Oslavja in Gorice prirejali pravi koncert slovenskih pesmi v Višnjeviku v Goriških brdih, »saj so se v tej odmaknjeni vasi pevci čutili varne pred karabi- njerji, domačih izdajalcev pa ni bilo« (Sirk, 2009, 44). Včasih pa so fantje načrtno izzivali orožnike: v gostilni so namenoma zapeli po slovensko in ko so jim mlajši fantje sporočili, da prihajajo orožniki, so se umaknili na drugi konec vasi, kjer so ponovno zapeli in se smejali orožnikom, ki so jih iskali v gostilni. To se je nadaljevalo, dokler se skupina ni razkropila in so se posamezniki oglašali z različnih delov vasi, orožniki pa so jih neuspešno lovili (Pisk, 2018, 122−123). Podobno je bilo v Čezsoči: Čezsoška mladina je po ukinitvi društev ka- zala odkrit prezir do fašizma. S prepevanjem slovenskih pesmi je nagajala karabinjerskim patruljam. Trije ali štirje pobje so ponoči na glas zapeli pri lipi sredi vasi. Karabinjerji so se pognali proti njim, pevci pa so se hitro razbežali. Tedaj je začela druga skupina fantov peti na drugem koncu vasi in karabinjerji so se pognali proti drugemu »pevskemu zboru«, medtem je znova zapela prva skupina. Fantje so se ob skrivalnicah s karabinjerji nadvse zabavali. (Stanonik, 2014, 27) 177 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Slovenske pesmi, predvsem vojaške, so bile pris- otne ob vpoklicu slovenskih fantov in mož v italijansko vojsko,13 čeprav prepevanje pesmi v slovenskem jeziku ni bilo dovoljeno in je največkrat izzvalo nasilje. Ob mobilizaciji in odhodu slovenskih mož v Afriko14 maja 1935 je prišlo do krvavega spopada v Gorici med Slovenci in fašisti, k čemur je botrovalo prav prepe- vanje slovenskih pesmi. Kot navaja Istra: Kakor navadno ob takih prilikah spremljajo domačine, tudi če jih je le par, vsi njihovi tovariši, sorodniki in vaščani tako da se včasih zbere na kolodvoru cela masa ljudi. […] Eden izmed njih je intoniral slovensko pesem in vsi so pričeli peti za njim. Tem so se pričeli pridruževati še drugi […] Ves čas so prepevali in slišale se pesmi, kakor pred desetimi in več leti.15 Temu sprevodu je sledilo izzivanje in zmerjanje Slovencev s strani fašistov in fanatičnih Italijanov, kar je naposled privedlo do spopada. »Vse je nastalo popolnoma spontano in kot izraz občega mnenja in nasprotja proti sedanjemu stanju.«16 Podobna situacija se je pripetila tudi mesec kasneje, ko se je manjša skupina vpoklicanih slovenskih fantov odpravila na kolodvor v Gorico. Pri tem so ponovno prepevali slovenske pesmi, kar so želeli tajni policisti s silo preprečiti. Po besedah Istre so »oboroženi poli- cisti […] domačine razgnali in nekega med njimi, ki je dobil z orožjem težje poškodbe, odvedli na policijo. Tu so ga ponovno tako zverinsko pretepli, da je poškodbam podlegel.«17 Eden odmevnejših dogodkov, ki so zaznamovali zgodovino Slovencev pod fašizmom, je zagotovo smrt zborovodje in nadzornika cerkvenih zborov v goriški nadškofiji Lojzeta Bratuža leta 1937. Običajno je bilo, da so se pri polnočnici prepevale stare slovenske božične pesmi, kar je veljalo tudi za Podgoro pri Gorici. To namero so želeli preprečiti nekateri člani fašistične organizacije. Ob prisotnosti policijskih agentov je sv. maša minila brez inciden- tov, vendar je bil dva dni kasneje, 27. decembra 1937, Bratuž skupaj s štirimi pevci po slovesni maši 13 Nabor za vojaško službo je bil v slovenski tradiciji ritual, ki je potrjeval zrelost fantov za vojaško službo. Tako rekruti kot vozovi so bili okrašeni z rožami. Fantje so hodeči v špalirju največkrat prepevali vojaške koračnice, kot so Regiment po cesti gre, Delaj, delaj dekle pušeljc in druge (cf. Golež Kaučič, 2013, 71–72). 14 3. 10. 1935 je Italija napadla Etiopijo, tedaj imenovano Abesinijo, z namenom pridobitve dodatne kolonije. Do tedaj je že imela v lasti Libijo, Eritrejo in Somalijo (cf. Kacin Wohinz & Verginella, 2008). 15 Istra, 25. 5. 1935: Krvav spopad slovenskih fantov in fašistov v Gorici, 3. 16 Istra, 25. 5. 1935: Krvav spopad slovenskih fantov in fašistov v Gorici, 3. 17 Istra, 5. 7. 1935: Nova žrtev fašističnega nasilja, 2. 18 Istra, 15. 1. 1937: Morali so piti mazilno olje ker so peli slovenske božične pesmi v cerkvi, 2. 19 V časniku Istra je bilo navedeno, da se je po pogrebu Bratuža, ki je potekal v krogu najbližjih sorodnikov in številčnih agentov, na pokopališču ob polnoči zbralo 12 fantov in Bratužu v čast zapelo nekaj pesmi, med drugim tudi pokojnikovo najljubšo, Kra- guljčke (cf. Istra, 5. 3. 1937: Grob pokojnega Lojzeta Bratuža stražita dva karabinjerja, 2). 20 Istra, 19. 3. 1937: Nekaj podrobnosti o Bratuževi smrti in pogrebu, 1. 21 Istra, 5. 3. 1937: Grob pokojnega Lojzeta Bratuža stražita dva karabinjerja, 2. 22 Slovenec, 14. 4. 1941: Razglas italijanske zasedbene oblasti, 1. odpeljan na sedež fašistične stranke v Podgori, kjer je bil vsak posebej zaslišan. Ob tem so bili prisiljeni popiti mazilno – ricinovo olje s primešanim bencinom. Od vseh zaslišanih je le Lojze Bratuž usodno zbolel in dva meseca pozneje podlegel bolezni.18 Posebno čast so Bratužu izkazali štirje pevci s prepevanjem njegove najljubše pesmi Kraguljčki pod oknom v bolnišnici dan ali dva pred njegovo smrtjo, kljub policijski straži. O tem priča spomin Teofila Simčiča, ki navaja: »[u]mirajoči Lojze se je zdrznil in prisluh- nil. Čez njegov izmučeni obraz se je razlil smehljaj. »Pojejo – je šepnil s komaj slišnim glasom – meni pojejo – pridni, pridni fantje« (Simčič, 2022, 142).19 Da je smrt Bratuža imela veliko simboliko za Slovence, priča dejstvo, da so pokojnika takoj ob smrti zastražili in k njemu niso pustili niti družine. »Goriški kvestor je pozval k sebi njegovega brata in mu zabičal, da ne sme dopustiti, da bi pogreb postal politična manifestacija.«20 Vsekakor pa je bila smrt Bratuža za Slovence simbolnega pomena, kot so zapisali v Istri, je: »V našem narodu […] ta žrtev razpihala žerjavico, ki je tlela. Narodova zavest se je s krvjo nedolžne žrtve okrepila in razplamtela.«21 Ob italijanski okupaciji preostalega slovenskega ozemlja, in sicer Notranjske, preostalega dela Do- lenjske, Bele krajine in prestolnice Ljubljane leta 1941, je bila okupacijska politika do Slovencev na tem območju drugačna. Časnik Slovenec je ob tej priložnosti objavil razglas italijanske zasedbene oblasti, ki se je med drugim glasil: »Vaša lastnina, vaše šege in navade se bodo spoštovale«,22 ob tem pa so pozivali, naj se ne žali ali napada italijanskih oboroženih sil. V primerjavi z nemško in madžarsko okupacijsko politiko je bila italijanska milejša, saj je oblast stremela k pridobivanju naklonjenosti Slovencev, še zlasti izobraženskega sloja, in k posto- pni ter dolgoročni italijanizaciji prebivalstva. Oku- pator je za osnovo raznarodovalnega programa opre- delil dvojezičnost in s tem, vsaj na zunaj, dajal vtis permisivne okupacijske politike. Odpor Slovencev proti poitalijančevanju in nakopičeni neuspehi na vojaškem področju so okupatorju kmalu sneli masko te permisivnejše politike (Ferenc, 2006a). 178 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 Italijanska okupacijska oblast je izpostavljala kul- turo, saj je verjela v njeno povezovalno vlogo v procesu zbliževanja slovenskega in italijanskega naroda. V načrtu je bilo zbliževanje italijanske in slovenske kulture na račun slednje.23 To se je do neke mere odražalo tudi na zborovskem delovanju, ampak samo v začetnem obdob- ju okupacije leta 1941. Sodelovanje lahko prepoznamo v zborovsko-orkestralnem koncertu Glasbene matice, ki ga je organizirala 16. junija 1941. Na koncertu so se zvrstila italijanska in slovenska glasbena dela, ki so jih predstavljali kot krono glasbenokulturne manifestacije. Pozneje so se sporedi zborovskih koncertov spremenili, saj so se na repertoarjih zvrstile samo slovenske ljudske in avtorske pesmi. Takšen je bil koncert Ljubljanskega zvona julija 1941, koncert pevskega zbora Sloga no- vembra 1941, zborovski in orkestralni koncert Glasbene matice novembra 1941 ter koncert Akademskega pevs- kega zbora (APZ) decembra 1941. S sklepnim koncertom APZ-ja se je zaključilo obdobje zbliževanja italijanske 23 Zanimiva je primerjava glasbenega življenja v mestu Pulj, ki je v drugo svetovno vojno stopil kot italijanska provinca že leta 1940. Kot izpostavlja Lada Duraković, je že v zadnjem obdobju fašizma postala glasba močno ideološko orožje, kar kot takšno na Slovenskem s strani italijanskega okupatorja ni bilo prisotno (cf. Duraković, 2015). 24 Odlomek intervjuja z Emilijo Soklič, Državna proslava ob dnevu upora proti okupatorju, 26. april 2023 ob 20. uri, prenos I. program RTV (RTVSLO, 2023). 25 Jutro, 6. 7. 1941: Koncert »Ljubljanskega zvona«, 3; Jutro, 16. 11. 1941: Na koncertu »Sloge«, 3; Jutro, 20. 11. 1941: Zborovski in orke- stralni koncert Glasbene matice, 4; Slovenec, 14. 12. 1941: Koncert Akademskega pevskega zbora, 3. in slovenske kulture, saj je okupator v koncertu pre- poznal neuspeh okupacijske kulturne politike. Hkrati pa je koncert s svojim čustvenim nabojem postal simbol afirmacije slovenstva v tedaj okupirani Ljubljani. »Ljudje so jokal, da so ved‘l, da so domovino izgub‘l, zaradi okupacije. Zato so jokal.«24 Koncert APZ-ja je povzročil nadaljnje zaostritve cenzure, predvsem so cenzorji postali pozorni na morebitna namigovanja v besedilih (Loparnik, 2005).25 Kljub začetnemu sodelo- vanju se je začela italijanska okupacijska politika za- ostrovati, predvsem zaradi vedno večjega uporniškega ozračja med Slovenci. Vedno bolj so prihajale v ospredje asimilacijske težnje okupatorja, pri čemer jih je ovirala prav slovenska kultura kot eden izmed stebrov narodne zavesti, ki so ga posledično začeli omejevati (Godeša, 2005). Tretji okupacijski sistem, ki je doletel Slovence, je bil madžarski. Večino Prekmurja je zavzela Madžarska, ki je zasedeno slovensko ozemlje 22. julija 1941 Slika 1: Leta 1939 je nastala fotografija Janka Premrla, ki prikazuje znak upora Slovencev ob prepovedi prepevanja slovenskih pesmi ob rekrutiranju. Naborniki iz Št. Vida (Podnanosa) so si namreč prevezali usta kot simbol molka, ker je bilo prepovedano petje slovenskih pesmi (Janko Premrl, hrani Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije). 179 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 z odlokom priključila k Železni županiji (središče Sombotel) in Županiji Zala (središče Zalaegerszeg).26 Z aneksijo 27. decembra 1941 je območje Prekmurja postalo upravno del Madžarske in prebivalci polno- pravni madžarski državljani. Na podlagi tega so bili že istega leta moški državljani vpoklicani na služenje vojaškega roka ali mobilizirani v madžarsko vojsko. Raznarodovalni procesi so doleteli tudi Slovence v madžarskem zasedenem območju. Okupator je s tega območja izselil tiste Slovence, ki so se priselili po letu 1918, duhovnike in prosvetne delavce. Madžarski okupator je prekmurske Slovence označil za Vende. Na podlagi tega prepričanja je bila knjižna slovenščina prepovedana ter ukinjena v javni rabi in šolskem sis- temu, uveden pa je bil madžarski jezik in prekmursko narečje – t. i. vendščina na območjih z večinsko prekmurskimi Slovenci. Uvedeni so bili tudi tečaji madžarskega jezika za odrasle državljane. Posledično je bila iz knjižnic umaknjena slovenska literatura, ki so jo sežgali. Prav tako so bila razpuščena sloven- ska društva. V skladu z madžarskim jezikom so se preimenovali kraji, ulice in trgi v Prekmurju. Področje kulture je bilo zelo omejeno, saj je bilo prepovedano vse v povezavi s slovenskim jezikom, izjema je bil le verski tisk, npr. Najszvetejsega Szrca Jezusovoga veliki kalendar (1904–1944), Lüteranski Duševni list … Zaradi okupacijskih ukrepov so bili odpuščeni vsi slovenski uradniki in učitelji, slovenski duhovniki pa so bili premeščeni v notranjost Madžarske (Čoh Klad- nik, 2020; Kerec, 2021). Prekmurska pesem je živela v zasebnosti domov, v javnosti pa ni bila prisotna vse do jeseni 1943. Prosvetno ministrstvo (Vallas es közogtatasugyi ministerium) je namreč v šolskem letu 26 Po ozemlju Prekmurja je stremela tudi nacistična Nemčija zaradi nemško govoreče manjšine v Prekmurju (Fikšinci, Kramarovci, Ocinje in Rottenberg), polnilnice »kisle vode« družine Vogler v Petanjcih in naravnih virov nafte, ki ga je dobavljala Nemčija na podlagi konce- sije (cf. Kerec, 2021). 27 SCNR, Zapuščina dr. Julija Savellija. 28 Gre za obdobje po ustanovitvi Slovenskega domobranstva septembra 1943. 29 V slovenskem zgodovinopisju obstaja različna terminologija za poimenovanje političnih taborov v obdobju druge svetovne vojne. Tako se na primer v delu Slovenska novejša zgodovina: 1848–1992 pojavlja poimenovanje Osvobodilna fronta slovenskega naroda in slovenski »meščanski« politični tabor ali protirevolucionarni tabor. V delu Petra Vodopivca, Od Pohlinove slovnice do samostojne države: Slovenska zgodovina od konca 18. do konca 20. stoletja, sta politična tabora poimenovana kot partizansko gibanje, Osvobodilna fronta ali odporniško gibanje in nasprotniki Osvobodilne fronte, protikomunistični tabor ali tradicionalne slovenske stranke in politične skupne. Podobno poimenovanje je v delu S puško in knjigo: Narodnoosvobodilni boj slovenskega naroda 1941–1945 uporabil Božo Repe, medtem ko je v delu Tamare Griesser Pečar Razdvojeni narod: Slovenija 1941–1945: okupacija, kolaboracija, državljanska vojna, revolucija uporabljeno poimenovanje stran narodne osvoboditve in tradicionalni tabor. Precej podobno je poimenovanje tematike glasbe, ki je bila v tem obdobju ideološko ločena. Izpostaviti je treba predvsem delo Darje Koter, Slovenska glasba 1918–1991, kjer je posebno poglavje namenjeno glasbi med vojno in obravnava glasbeno dejavnost partizanskega gibanja in glasbeno dejavnost Slovenskega domobranstva. S tematiko glasbe med drugo svetovno vojno se je ukvarjal tudi Franc Križnar. V delu Slovenska glasba v narodnoosvobodilnem boju obravnava zgolj glasbo, nastalo v okviru strani narodne osvoboditve, medtem ko v znanstvenem članku Kako misliti glasbo v času druge svetovne vojne na Slovenskem (1941–1945)? obravnava kulturo in glasbo v NOB in kulturo in glasbo pri domobrancih. Marjetka Golež Kaučič v delu »Fantje se zbirajo…«: Vojna in vojaki v slovenski ljudski pesmi obravnava tematiko ustvarjanja partizanov in domobrancev, pri tem pa ne uporablja posebne terminologije. Politična tabora bi lahko v obravnavi pesemske ustvarjalnosti poimenovali tudi kot revolucio- narni in protirevolucionarni tabor, pri čemer bi izhajali iz trditve, ki jo je izpostavil Bojan Godeša v delu Kdor ni z nami je proti nam: Slovenski izobraženci med okupatorji, Osvobodilno fronto in protirevolucionarnim taborom, kjer je v okviru ideologije OF na osvobojenem ozemlju nastajala t. i. revolucionarna umetnost (cf. Godeša, 1995), čeprav avtor uporablja poimenovanje poli- tičnih taborov kot OF in protirevolucionarni tabor. Omenili smo zgolj nekaj primerov poimenovanja in izpostavili dilemo, vendar je na tem mestu razprava o terminologiji preobsežna in je lahko predmet nadaljnjih raziskav tako na področju zgodovinopisja kot muzikologije in etnologije za obdobje druge svetovne vojne. 1943/1944 uvedlo poučevanje maternega jezika eno uro na dan in je zajemalo tudi prepevanje pesmi v slovenskem jeziku (Huber, 2012). EN NAROD, DVA TABORA, DVOJE PESMI: PROPAGANDA IN IDENTIFIKACIJA Vzemi narodu jezik in kulturo, iztrgaj mu iz srca vero – in uničil ga boš na veke. Tega so se zavedali vsi naši narodni nasprotniki – a vse te dobrine so bile le preveč zasidrane v Slovencih – zato niso uspeli.27 Kot je že uvodoma zapisano, je slovenska zgodovina obdobja druge svetovne vojne večplastna, prepletena in zaznamovana z različnimi procesi, ki so vplivali na razplet dogodkov. Stališči, ki sta se oblikovali na Slov- enskem, sta pustili svoje sledi tudi na pesemski tradiciji tega obdobja, zato je na podlagi tega ter sočasnega razvoja propagande gradivo tematsko deljeno. Obrav- navane so zbirke pesmi, ki so bile izdane med letoma 1941 in 1945 na strani narodne osvoboditve – t. i. par- tizanske pesmarice in zbirke pesmi, ki so bile izdane med letoma 1943 in 194528 na tradicionalni strani – t. i. domobranske pesmarice.29 Na strani narodne osvoboditve je bila kultura pomemben del bojevanja, predvsem v moralnem in obenem tudi propagandnem smislu. Pri sledn- jem je bila glasba pomembna, saj je bila s svojo afektivnostjo in privlačnostjo primerno sredstvo učinkovite in hkrati prikrite indoktrinacije (Ivešić, 2020, 609–610). Glasbena dejavnost je bila v okviru OF dobro organizirana, saj so v vojaških 180 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 enotah praviloma delovale kulturno-prosvetne skupine. To so bile bodisi manjše ali večje pevske skupine – pevski zbori (npr. Invalidski pevski zbor) in instrumentalne skupine (npr. Vojaška godba Generalnega štaba Narodnoosvobodilne vojske in partizanskih odredov Slovenije in Vojaška godba VII. korpusa), bodisi posamezniki z instrumenti (običajno s harmoniko ali kitaro) (Križnar, 1992; Koter, 2012). Kot izpostavlja Franc Križnar, je bila »glasba […] ena od oblik organiziranega upora proti okupatorjem« (Križnar, 1992, 14). V obdobju med letoma 1941 in 1943 so bile pogoste preproste in izvajalsko nezahtevne skladbe. Velikokrat so bile to vsebinsko prilagojene ali popolnoma spremen- jene stare ljudske vojaške pesmi slovenskega ali tujega izvora (npr. Bolen mi leži, Kosec koso brusi, Pobič sem star šele osemnajst let, Šivala je deklica zvezdo, Stoji tam v gori partizan, Počiva jezero v tihoti ipd.). V obdobju med letoma 1943 in 1945 pa se je razmahnila glasbena ustvarjalnost slovenskih skladateljev, ki so se priključili OF. To so bili Karol Pahor, Ciril Cvetko, Radovan Gobec, Rado Simo- niti, Makso Pirnik, Bojan Adamič idr., ki so v tem obdobju ustvarili vidnejša avtorska glasbena dela. Ta odslikavajo tedanje družbene značilnosti, vojni vsakdan, upanje, svobodo, upor ipd. Gre za dela, kot so: Na juriš (prir. Pahor, bes. Tone Seliškar), Slovenska pesem (prir. Gobec, bes. Karel Desto- vnik - Kajuh), Samo en cvet (prir. Simoniti, bes. Destovnik - Kajuh) idr. Prepevanje pesmi je imelo poleg kulturne vloge tudi psihološko, sociološko in nenazadnje propagandno vlogo (Križnar, 1992; 2014; Koter, 2012; Golež Kaučič, 2013). V okviru OF je bila med vojno zelo aktivna ilegalna tiskarska dejavnost, kjer so med drugim tiskali tudi partizanske pesmarice. V začetnem obdobju vojne se je sicer t. i. partizanska pesem širila večinoma ustno in je v veliki meri temeljila na ljudskih pesmih. Mar- jetka Golež Kaučič izpostavlja, »da se je večina teh pesmi pela, kar pomeni, da se je ohranila temeljna prvina ljudske pesmi, ne glede na to, da se je besedilo spremenilo« (Golež Kaučič, 2013, 52). Prva pesmarica Slovenske partizanske pesmi je bila izdana junija 1942 pod okriljem Glavnega poveljstva Slovenskih partizanskih čet in je obsegala pesmi Naprej, zastava Slave, Partizanska (Naglo puške smo zgrabili), Inter- nacionala, Pesem o Volgi, Nabrusimo kose, Matjaževa, Kovači smo, Le vkup, uboga gmajna!, Kosec koso brusi, Bilečanka, Pesem Kominterne, Sovjetska domovina, Hej Slovenci in Žrtvam. Tehnika razmnoževanja pes- marice je bila ciklostil in je vsebovala samo besedila pesmi, ki so ponekod opremljena z risbami (MNSZS, Slovenske partizanske pesmi, 1942). Ker je bilo v vojni največ zanimanja za pesmarice, je bila reprodukcija teh najintenzivnejša. Natančno število pesmaric, 30 Navedene pesmarice hrani Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije. izdanih med letoma 1942 in 1945, je težko določiti (Križnar, 1992), so pa bile tedaj izdane npr. Kovači smo in … (1942), Pesem borbe (1943), Naša pesem (1944), Partizanska pesmarica (1944), Zapojmo (1945) idr. Nekatere pesmarice so bile opremljene samo z besedili pesmi, predvsem iz začetnih let vojne. Kasneje pa so bile pogoste pesmarice z notnimi zapisi. Posebnost so tudi pesmarice za otroke in mladino, ki so izšle v letih 1944 in 1945 na osvobojenem ozemlju (Križnar, 1992). Niso pa samo pesmi predstavljale temelja obstoja slovenstva oz. slovenskega jezika, ko je bil ta z okupa- torjevimi ukrepi prepovedan, ampak je bila ta temelj na splošno kultura narodnoosvobodilnega boja (NOB) v svojih ideoloških okvirih in znotraj nje partizanske pesmi kot simbol upora (Repe, 2015). Na podlagi tega je prepevanje v slovenščini poleg simbola upora predstavljalo tudi element krepitve morale in utrje- vanja nacionalne identitete. V tem aspektu so bile, kot izpostavlja Ana Hofman, v primerjavi s partizanskimi pesmimi preostalih jugoslovanskih narodov slovenske bolj nacionalno naravnane. Zatorej je v slovenskih partizanskih pesmih redkeje uporabljena tematika Jugoslavije in Josipa Broza - Tita, kar je bila osrednja tema partizanskih pesmih preostalih delov Jugoslavije (Hofman, 2015). V pesmih, tako ljudskega izvora kot avtorskih, je moč prepoznati propagandna sporočila in tudi el- emente narodne identifikacije. Če izpostavimo pesem Primorski partizan, ki je med drugim objavljena v pesmaricah Nam pesem graditi, živeti, pomaga (1943), Partizanska pesmarica (1944), V hribu dela se dan (1944) in Partizanska pesmarica (n. d.),30 v besedilu prepoznamo izpostavljeno ljubezen do naroda – »ker ljubim ves slovenski rod, postal sem partizan« (MNSZS, Nam pesem graditi, živeti, pomaga, 1943, 32). Rdeča nit pesmi je tegoba vojnega vsakdana, kot sta strah za življenje bližnjih in upanje na svobodo ter boljše dni. Če izhajamo iz konteksta raznarodovalnih procesov okupatorja, besedilo opisuje boj Slovencev za narodni obstanek. V nadaljevanju pesmi je izpostavljeno tudi, »da narod vstaja spet, na vzhodu zarja že žari, prihaja novi svet«, kar lahko razumemo kot prispodobo za novo, povojno obdobje. Podobna tematika je obravnavana v pesmi Kosec koso brusi, ki jo najdemo že v prvi izdani partizanski pesmarici Slovenske partizanske pesmi. V besedilu je poudarjen boj za pravdo in svobodo, hkrati pa je poziv kmečkemu stanu za omenjeno borbo. Boj za svobodo Slovencev lahko razumemo ne samo kot svo- bodo izpod okupacije, ampak tudi nekdanje jugoslo- vanske oblasti. Radoslav Hrovatin izpostavlja, da je pesem »kontaminacija več starejših variant slovenskih narodnih pesmi« (Hrovatin, 1960, 427), novo besedilo pesmi pa je bilo oblikovano v obdobju vlade Milana Stojadinovića kot odgovor nanjo. Predvidevamo, da 181 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 je tukaj izpostavljen drugi mandat Stojadinovićevega vodenja vlade v Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, ko se je začel v zunanji politiki približevati nacistični Nemčiji in fašistični Italiji (Hrovatin, 1960). Kosec koso brusi, a žanjica žanje, kmet pravico terja, ali je ne najde. Naprej v borbo za pravdo in svobodo, za pravdo in svobodo slovenskega naroda! (MNSZS, Slovenske partizanske pesmi, 1942, 6) Pesem Partizani v gozd gredo je varianta pesmi znane slovenske ljudske vojaške pesmi Regiment po cesti gre, ki je postala priljubljena že v času avstrijsko- pruske vojne (Kumer, 1992, 138; Golež Kaučič et al., 2007, 40), razmahnila pa se je v obdobju Velike vojne. Besedilo pesmi se bistveno ne razlikuje od svoje osnovne različice, vendar je ponekod propagandno prirejeno. Podobno kot v različici pesmi Regiment po cesti gre iz pesmarice Slovenske vojaške narodne pesmi iz leta 1915 (Marolt, 1915, 7) je tudi v pesmi Partizani v gozd gredo moč prepoznati ponazoritev 31 Samospev je skladba za vokalno izvedbo ob instrumentalni spremljavi, običajno klavirja. slovenske trobojnice. V pesmi iz leta 1915 je zaporedje barv nekoliko spremenjeno (rdeča in modra barva sta po vrsti zamenjani), kar lahko povezujemo z namensko zamenjavo barv zaradi podobnosti s trobojnico tedan- jega nasprotnika v vojni – ruskega carstva (Grabrovec et al., 2023, 725). V primeru pesmi Partizani v gozd gredo je zaporedje barv zapisano v pravilnem vrstnem redu (bela, modra, rdeča) in to sočasno potrjuje prej omenjeno domnevo, saj v obdobju druge svetovne vojne podobnost slovenske in ruske trobojnice ni predstavljala propagandno-politične zadrege. Skozi besedilo pesmi je tudi večkrat poudarjeno slovenstvo, npr. »v borbo za slovensko vas […] nosi moj slovenski fant […] svoboden bo spet slovenski dom!«, obenem pa so izpostavljeni propagandni simboli OF, npr. »nosi ga pogumno partizan! Z rdečo zvezdo ga pripni« (Hro- vatin, 1960, 437). Med avtorskimi skladbami, ki so nastale v času NOB, so zagotovo najkvalitetnejša glasbena dela samospevi.31 Izpostaviti želimo skladbo skladatelja Rada Simonitija Bosa pojdiva dekle, prvotno poznano kot skladbo Talcem. Samospev je bil oblikovan na Slika 2: Prepevanje v vrstah partizanov. Potujoča igralska skupina VII. korpusa v Suhi Krajini, oktober 1944 (Vir: Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije). 182 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 podlagi ljubezenske pesmi Karla Destovnika - Kajuha za potrebe Zbora odposlancev slovenskega naroda v Kočevju (1.–3. oktober 1943). Prvič je bila skladba izvedena v tenorski legi ob spremljavi harmonike. Prav tako je na Kajuhovo pesem Bosa pojdiva dekle skom- poniral skladbo skladatelj Svetozar Marolt - Špik, ki jo je posvetil tenoristu Marjanu Kristančiču. Skladba je harmonsko in melodično podrejena liričnemu besedilu (Križnar, 1992), ki subtilno sporoča trpljenje naroda med vojno – »bosa pojdiva prek zemlje trpeče, […] temni, pretemni so talcev grobovi« (ARS 1810, 282, 24). Obenem je pesem, kot je že v prvotnem naslovu razvidno, posvečena talcem, ki so, kot navaja Kajuh, »pali za našo svobodo« (ARS 1810, 282, 24) in jim pesem v prenesenem pomenu izraža čast s položenimi češnjevimi cvetovi. Nekatere pesmi so močno propagandno oblikovane in je v njih mogoče prepoznati zgodovinske dogodke. Ena takšnih pesmi je Turjak, katere avtor je neznan. Glede na zapis pesmi sklepamo, da je namenjena petju (na podlagi vzklikov »hej«). Besedilo opisuje oble- ganje in padec gradu Turjak, kamor so se po kapitulaciji Italije septembra 1943 umaknile vaške straže oz. tedaj ustanovljena Slovenska narodna vojska in tudi četniki. 14. septembra 1943 je grad obkolila partizanska vojska. Med 14. in 19. septembrom je potekalo obleganje gradu in hkrati tudi pogajanje med obema stranema. Ker se vaške straže in četniki niso želeli predati partizanom, je 19. septembra 1943 grad Turjak padel (Griesser Pečar, 2004). V besedilu so izpostavljeni nasprotniki, vaške straže, kot so jih videli na strani narodne osvoboditve, kar prepoznamo v poimenovanju »beli«. Hkrati je v kontekst postavljena navezava vaških straž in italijan- skega okupatorja, zoper katere so se partizani bojevali v tem obdobju. Čez zemljo pod nebo noč pokriva vso naravo zagrmi, prileti, krogle padajo v daljavo Italijani so vojsko končali – hej vsi beli so v Turjak zbežali – hej Zdaj Turjak stari grad bil je belih postojanka partizan kot junak se borita brez prestanka. […] (ARS 1887, 95, XXX) Podobno so predstavljeni nasprotniki partizanskega gibanja v osvobodilni vojni v avtorski pesmi Mateja Bora Hej brigade, ki je v pesmarici Naša pesem iz leta 1944 zapisana s stihom »Hej brigade hitite, /razpodite, požgite,/ gnezda belih podgan, črnih psov!« (UKM, Naša pesem, 1944, 17). V tem lahko prepoznamo oznako za Slovensko domobranstvo – »gnezda belih podgan« 32 Predhodnika današnjega Glasbenonarodopisnega inštituta ZRC SAZU. 33 O tematiki domobranske glasbe tudi v Golež Kaučič (2016; 2013); Koter (2012); Križnar (2014). in menimo, da se oznaka »črnih psov« navezuje na (vizualno) podobo vojaških enot nacistične Nemčije. Danes je pesem Hej brigade poznana in razširjena z verzi »Hej brigade hitite, /razpodite, zatrite,/ požigalce slovenskih domov!« (ARS 1810, 282). Tradicionalna stran je za izražanje narodne identitete uporabljala celotno ljudsko kulturo. Za ta namen je bil ustanovljen v okviru Informacijskega oddelka pri Pokrajinski upravi Narodopisni odsek, ki je poleg materialne kulture, duhovne kulture, ljudske noše, ljudske dramatike in prireditev ter plesov obrav- naval tudi ljudsko glasbo. Narodopisni odsek je za namen izobraževanja o ljudski kulturi v letu 1944 or- ganiziral predavanja, kjer so različni predavatelji, npr. dr. Ludvik Puš, dr. Ivan Grafenauer, dr. Sergej Vilfan, dr. Franc Kotnik, France Marolt idr., obravnavali prej omenjene tematike. Ludvik Puš je v referatu izpostavil, da »je slovenski narod storil na polju občestvene kul- ture velike stvari in da je tudi žetev na tem polju lepa […]. Želim, da bi mogli dvigniti iz naše zakladnice čim več dragocenih kulturnih prvin in s tem še bolj afirmi- rati življenjsko upravičenost in silo svojega dragega naroda pred vsem svetom« (ARS 1912, 32, 197). Na predavanjih sta tematiko ljudske glasbe in plesov ter ljudskih pesmi predstavila France Marolt, tedanji ravnatelj Folklornega inštituta,32 in dr. Ivan Grafenauer, literarni zgodovinar, s čimer so želeli predstaviti »skrb za gojitev pristno slovenske glasbe in plesa v vsem narodnem življenju« (ARS 1912, 32, 199). Glasbena dejavnost se je na tradicionalni strani začela načrtno razvijati šele po ustanovitvi Slov- enskega domobranstva septembra 1943. Od takrat dalje lahko govorimo o t. i. domobranski glasbi in domobranskih pesmih. O živosti petja med domo- branci je malo znanega, saj so bile raziskave zgolj priložnostne.33 Glasbenonarodopisni inštitut (GNI) ZRC SAZU je leta 2006 opravil terensko raziskavo, s katero so ugotovili, da se ljudje še spominjajo domo- branskih pesmi, kot so Moja domovina, Mi legionarji, Za dom v boj idr. (Golež Kaučič, 2013). Izrednega pomena je tudi pričevanje udeleženca domobran- ske vojske, ki sta ga leta 2006 posnela sodelavca GNI Mirko Ramovš in Urša Šivic. Po besedah in- tervjuvanca so domobranci največkrat prepevali na vojaških vajah, pogosto pesem Moja domovina, ki so jo imeli za svojo himno. Med domobranci niso bile pogoste pesmarice, saj so običajno peli stare ljudske vojaške pesmi ali pa tiste, ki se jih je bilo enostavno naučiti (ZRC SAZU, Arhiv GNI, DAT 27. 6. 2006). Kljub temu pa so bile med letoma 1943 in 1945 na tradicionalni strani izdane vsaj štiri pesmarice, ki so se ohranile, in sicer: Domobranci pojemo, Slovenske narodne pesmi 1, Pesem mladine in Narodne in domobranske pesmi. 183 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 V uvodniku pesmarice Domobranci pojemo iz leta 1944 je zapisano: Povsod kamor gredo naši ljudje, gre z njimi naša pesem, ki jih veže na rodno grudo in jih vsak dan spominja, da so sinovi slovenskega naroda. Narodna pesem je tista, ki je združevala naše ljudi v najtežjih časih in jih združuje tudi danes […]. Danes se je slovenska narodna pesem preselila v domobranske vojašnice in druži domobrance iz vseh hrajev naše domovine. […] Slovenci! Narodna pesem je duša naše domov- ine. Kdor ljubi domovino, poje narodno pesem v domačem krogu in v vojašnici. (Domobranci pojemo, 1944, 1) Po mnenju Križnarja so domobranci »razumeli kulturo kot del lastne identitete« (Križnar, 2014, 401), kar lahko na podlagi repertoarja domobranskih pes- maric tudi potrdimo. V pesmaricah je večina pesmi slovenskih ljudskih, kot so Regiment po cesti gre, Oj ta soldaški boben, Po zimi pa rožice ne cveto, Kaj ti je deklica, idr. Avtorske pesmi pa so običajno Naprej zastava Slave, Domobranska, Moja domovina (Oče mati), Domobranska himna idr. Izpostaviti je treba, da so transformacije ljudskih pesmi v domobranskih pesmaricah zelo redke in imajo posledično manj propagandnih sporočil, kar pa ne velja za avtorske pesmi, ki so podobno kot partizanske propagandno obarvane. Tako kot v partizanskih pesmaricah je tudi v pesma- rici Narodne in domobranske pesmi zapisana pesem Fantič sem star šele osemnajst let. Pesem, ki je nastala v 19. st., je bila stalni del repertoarja zbirk vojaških ljudskih pesmi iz obdobja prve svetovne vojne. V času Velike vojne je bila razširjena različica pesmi z verzom »cesar me hoče k soldatom imet« (Marolt, 1915, 4), kar tematizira tedanje razmere v Avstro-Ogrski monarhiji in v njej ne prepoznamo elementov slovenske narodne identifikacije. V obdobju druge svetovne vojne pa sta se pojavili dve verziji, ki sta si med seboj različni. V partizanskih pesmaricah je različica z verzom »Hitler me hoče k soldatom imet‘« (MNSZS, Nam pesem gra- diti, živeti pomaga, 1943, 31) in v nadaljevanju tudi Slika 3: Pesmarica Domobranci pojemo iz leta 1944 (Vir: original hrani Petra Grabrovec). 184 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 poudarja boj za slovenski narod z verzom »za delovno ljudstvo bom šel se borit, da delavec, kmet, slovenski ves svet, iz težkih verig bo otet« (MNSZS, Nam pesem graditi, živeti pomaga, 1943, 31), ki je obenem tudi propagandno obarvan v skladu z idejami strani narodne osvoboditve. Na drugi strani pa se v domobranski pes- marici Narodne in domobranske pesmi pojavi različica te pesmi z verzom »narod me hoče k vojakom imet« (ARS 1902, 61, 69/III), v katerem prepoznamo element narodne identifikacije, saj je izražen t. i. klic naroda k obrambi in s tem k narodnemu obstoju. V pesmarici Narodne in domobranske pesmi je zapisana Leži, leži ravno polje, ki ima nekoliko spremenjeno besedilo in jo lahko primerjamo s po- dobnimi transformacijami slovenskih ljudskih pesmi v partizanskih pesmaricah. V vseh kiticah se pojavljajo spremembe, ki odražajo duha tedanjega časa, in sicer borbenost, slovensko domobranstvo, navezavo na vero in predvsem personifikacijo naroda, kot npr. »po cesti marširajo, slovenski domobranci so. […] slovenski narod kliče nas. […] domobranci ne pobegnejo. Domobranci, srčni bodimo, presvetli Bog nas varval bo« (ARS 1902, 61, 69/III). Tudi v domobranskih pesmaricah zasledimo propagandna sporočila, s katerimi je tradicionalna stran nasprotovala strani narodne osvoboditve. To je predvsem pogosto v avtorskih pesmih, medtem ko je to nasprotovanje v ljudskih pesmih prisotno v drob- cih (običajno z izpustitvijo kakšne kitice, ki vsebuje simbole, povezane z NOB). Takšen primer je pesem Regiment po cesti gre, ki je zapisana v pesmarici Domobranci pojemo brez kitice z omenjeno rdečo barvo (Domobranci pojemo, 1944, 6–7), čeprav se je med domobranci sicer pogosto pela v svoji starejši različici (ZRC SAZU, Arhiv GNI, DAT 27. 6. 2006), ki je vključevala stih »Dala mu je rdečega, svoj’ga srca gorečega« (Marolt, 1915, 7) in je tako skupaj s preo- stalimi kiticami omenjala barve slovenske trobojnice. Izrazito propagandno sporočilo ima domobranska pesem Slovensko ljudstvo vedi… neznanega avtorja. Pesem označuje krivce vojnih dogodkov na Sloven- skem, kot so jih videli na tradicionalni strani, npr. »Prelepa vas slovenska, si bila ti nekdaj, dokler te ni obiskal ta partizanski raj. […] Grobovi po gozdovih že skoraj tulijo« (ARS 1902, 61, 69/III). Gre za direktno omembo partizanskega gibanja kot krivca za žrtve, istočasno pa pesem poziva k maščevanju kot boju, ki bo prinesel konec vojne – »maščujte nas vi bratje, le zob za zob raj bo« (ARS 1902, 61, 69/III). V teh verzih lahko prepoznamo ubesedeno t. i. bratomorno vojno, ki se je odvijala med Slovenci med drugo svetovno vojno. Skupno je v vseh štirih domobranskih pesmaricah zbranih 113 slovenskih ljudskih pesmi.34 Pri teh težje 34 Število se nanaša na vsoto vseh slovenskih ljudskih pesmi v pesmaricah. To pomeni, da so v seštevku tudi podvojene pesmi, odvisno, kolikokrat so zapisane v posameznih pesmaricah. prepoznamo identifikacijske navezave s slovensko narodno zavestjo. Ob tem je Marjetka Golež Kaučič izpostavila, da »so njihova ideološka prepričanja te- meljila na ljudski pesmi kot izražanju nacionalnega in je za njih pomenilo nekaj svetega in nespremenljivega« (Golež Kaučič, 2016, 221). SKLEP Zapeta pesem ni zgolj predmet razvedrila in kratkočasenja, ampak lahko v sebi skriva posebno moč, ki jo je mogoče razumeti na različne načine. Zagotovo so lahko besedila pesmi primerno sredstvo izražanja pripadnosti, bodisi neki večji nacionalni skupnosti bodisi manjši pokrajinski, lokalni skupnosti. Nenaz- adnje so pesmi lahko tudi učinkovito sredstvo indok- trinacije, kar se je dodobra pokazalo prav v obdobju druge svetovne vojne. Slovenci so drugo svetovno vo- jno dočakali v različnih državnih okvirih in bili kasneje ponovno razkosani med različne okupatorje. V skladu s tem so bili deležni različnih raznarodovalnih procesov, ki so bili v svojem bistvu enaki, vsem je bila namreč skupna namera uničenje slovenskega naroda. Kot eden izmed elementov ohranjanja in sočasnega krepljenja narodne zavesti se je izkazala zapeta slovenska pesem, ki jo je okupator velikokrat dojemal kot grožnjo in jo v skladu s tem prepovedoval. Zato je namen pričujočega prispevka predstaviti elemente narodne identifikacije Slovencev, ki so prisotni v pesemski ustvarjalnosti tega obdobja na Slovenskem. Poudarjena je zapeta pesem z namenom preprečitve zamenjave s poezijo, ki je lahko tudi predmet nove raziskave. V povezavi z drugo svetovno vojno na Slovenskem ne moremo mimo razkola, ki se je zgodil v tedanji slovenski družbi in zaznamoval celotno obdobje. V skladu s tem je bila razdvojena tudi pesemska ustvarjalnost, čeprav jo je združevalo prav to, da je bila element narodne identifi- kacije pri obeh političnih taborih. Kot ključen element lahko izpostavimo prav ustvarjanje in prepevanje v slovenskem jeziku na obeh straneh. Ne gre pa prezreti, da je razdvojenost pesemske ustvarjalnosti tičala pred- vsem v ideoloških (in sočasno propagandnih) okvirih posameznega političnega tabora. Besedila pesmi, kjer so predstavljeni nasprotniki (na eni strani vaške straže in slovenski domobranci, na drugi strani partizani ter pri obojih tudi okupator), cilji, ideje in tudi zgodovin- ski dogodki, so bila s svojo sporočilnostjo in namenom pretanjene indoktrinacije primerno sredstvo za lažje prodiranje k širši množici. Vsekakor pa lahko trdimo, da je bila peta pesem – ne glede na politični okvir – pomembna spremljevalka Slovencev v prelomnih dogodkih druge svetovne vojne in je na podlagi tega pesemska ustvarjalnost pripomogla k sooblikovanju in ohranjanju slovenske narodne zavesti. 185 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 SLOVENIAN SONGS AS CARRIERS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR Petra GRABROVEC Study Centre for National Reconciliation, Tivolska 42, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: petra.grabrovec@scnr.si Marjeta PISK Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Ethnomusicology, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: marjeta.pisk@zrc-sazu.si Darko FRIŠ University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Koroška cesta 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: darko.fris@um.si SUMMARY On the basis of songs published in songbooks from the Second World War, this paper presents Slovenian song as an element of national identification during the Second World War, i.e. during the period when the very existence of the Slovenian nation was challenged. The period of the Second World War in Slovenian historio- graphy is multifaceted and intertwined with various processes, which are also reflected in the legacy of song creativity in Slovenia. During the Second World War, songs reflected the rebellion, national consciousness and simultaneous division that was present in Slovenian society. The paper analyses the lyrics of Partisan and Home Guard songs, in which we have identified traces of national consciousness and also of the propaganda activities of individual political groups. The paper highlights the importance of Slovenian song during the Second World War as a historical source that reflects the intimate experience of the individual, as well as the collective memory and identification of the wider community – the nation. 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MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Kovači smo in …, 1942. 188 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Petra GRABROVEC et al.: SLOVENSKE PESMI KOT NOSILKE NARODNE IDENTITETE V OBDOBJU DRUGE SVETOVNE VOJNE, 173–188 MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Nam pesem graditi, živeti, pomaga, 1943. MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Partizanska pesmarica, 1944. MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Partizanska pesmarica, n. d. MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Pesem borbe, Pokrajinski odbor OF za Gorenjsko in Koroško, oktober 1943. MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Potujoča igralska skupina VII. korpusa v Suhi Krajini, oktober 1944. Avtor pa ni poznan. Re- produkcija. Inv. št. 8669/10. MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, Slovenske partizanske pesmi, 1942. MNSZS – Muzej novejše in sodobne zgodovine Slovenije, V hribu dela se dan, 1944. 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Ljubljana, Študijski center za narodno spravo, 23–49. Predan, Rudolf (2023): Spomini na vojni čas in mejo: Zatiranje slovenskega jezika. https://okupaci- jskemeje.si/exh02–ch07.html#exh02–ch07–subch01 (zadnji dostop: 2023-07-28). Premrl, Stanko (1924): Vinko Vodopivec: Mešani in moški zbori. Dom in svet, 37, 1, 48. Prinčič, Nikolaj (1998): Onstran dobrega. Slike iz življenja Bricev 1918–1943. Prvačina, samozaložba. Repe, Božo (2015): S puško in knjigo: Narod- noosvobodilni boj slovenskega naroda 1941– 1945. Ljubljana, Cankarjeva založba. RTVSLO (2023): Odlomek intervjuja z Emilijo Soklič. Državna proslava ob dnevu upora proti okupa- torju, 26. april 2023 ob 20. uri, prenos I. program RTV Slovenija. Schutte, Charla & John Visagie (2012): ”Lieder sind Brüder der Revolution“: An Ideology – Critical Ap- proach to the Use of Song as Vehicle for Propaganda. International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, 43, 1, 107–138. SCNR – Študijski center za narodno spravo, Zapuščina dr. 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ZRC SAZU, Arhiv GNI – Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU, Arhiv Glasbenonarodopisnega inštituta ZRC SAZU. Zvočni posnetek. DAT 27. 6. 2006. 189 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2023-12-29 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.13 KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA Lada DURAKOVIĆ Sveučilište Jurja Dobrile u Puli, Muzička akademija u Puli, Rovinjska 14, 52100 Pula, Hrvatska e-mail: ldurakov@unipu.hr ABSTRACT The sixties of the last century were a key period for the assertion of popular music practices in Pula: the first album of popular music was recorded, the first breakthrough of a „serious“ composer into the entertainment sphere took place and the first rock band guitar party was organised. By analysing newspaper articles and archival material, as well as through the method of oral history, the article highlights some of the key points of the cultural-political discourse on popular music practices: modern and newly composed folk music and rock & roll. Keywords: Pula, sixties, popular music, rock & roll, newly composed folk music LA POLITICA CULTURALE E LA MUSICA LEGGERA: COLLAGE DI GENERI A POLA NEGLI ANNI SESSANTA SINTESI Gli anni ‘60 sono stati un periodo cruciale per l’affermazione delle pratiche musicali popolari a Pola: è stato registrato il primo album di musica leggera. Ė successa la prima incursione di un compositore di musica classica nel mondo dello spettacolo e la prima rassegna di gruppi rock. L’articolo analizza articoli giornalistici e materiale d’archivio, utilizza il metodo della storia orale per evidenziare alcuni dei punti chiave del discorso di politica culturale nei confronti delle pratiche musicali popolari: la musica popolare, folk popolare di nuova composizione e rock and roll. Parole chiave: Pola, anni sessanta, musica leggera, rock and roll, folk popolare di nuova composizione 190 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 UVOD …vrijeme je da prestanemo dijeliti muziku na tešku i laku, na ozbiljnu i na zabavnu. Jer - postoji samo dobra i samo loša muzika. Postoji vrijednost ili ne postoji. (HR DAPA 829, 10, 2.4.5.3.7) Bolje je čuti dobar šlager nego lošu simfoniju. (HR RP, VA 180) Razdoblje od kraja Drugog svjetskog rata pa sve do početka šezdesetih godina prošloga stoljeća pred- stavljalo je formativni period, kako za pozicioniranje Jugoslavije na vanjskopolitičkom planu, tako i za etabliranje popularne kulture. Afirmacija popularno- kulturnih žanrova bila je u velikoj mjeri sinkronizira- na s međunarodnim odnosima i uvjetovana njihovim mijenama. U ranom je poraću sovjetski utjecaj prožimao sve aspekte umjetnosti i kulture. Kada se nakon raskola sa Sovjetskim Savezom država počela u ekonomskom, političkom i vojnom pogledu oslanjati na Zapad, to je omogućilo otvaranje zapadnim utje- cajima i na tim područjima. Od sredine pedesetih, na prihvaćanje suvremenih kulturnih trendova svakako je pridonijelo i vanjskopolitičko, izvanblokovsko pozici- oniranje države te konstrukcija perspektive na ideji „trećeg puta“. Smjernice vanjske politike vezivale su je uz zemlje trećega svijeta, dok su je ekonomski, a dijelom i politički interesi upućivali na Zapad. U pro- cesu izgradnje imidža države kao zemlje otvorenosti i demokracije, Jugoslavija je odlučila tolerirati zapadne popularne prakse u većoj mjeri od drugih istočnoe- uropskih komunističkih zemalja, ali uz dosljedno poštivanje načela i postulata partije (Rolandi, 2022; Vuletic, 2010; Janjetović, 2011). To je stvorilo uvjete za prisvajanje popularne glazbe, no proces njezina legitimiranja tekao je sporo i postupno: metamorfoze popularnih žanrova prešle su, po riječima Mila Cipre, dugačak put „od prezre- ne Pepeljuge do mondene dame internacionalnih pretenzija“.1 Komunistička je vlast u prvom poratnom razdoblju glazbi namijenila prosvjetiteljsku, obrazovnu funkci- ju, njezin je zabavni aspekt bio potisnut na sporedni kolosijek. Uz folklor i masovne pjesme, fokus kultur- ne politike bio je na klasičnoj glazbi, u čije se resurse prioritetno ulagalo. Tzv. „visoka kultura“ morala je postati dostupna širokim narodnim masama koje bi ju, zahvaljujući intelektualnom rastu i obrazovanju, 1 HR HDA 1228, 135 (muzička kultura), Materijali sa zasjedanja Prosvjetnog sabora Hrvatske, izlaganje Mila Cipre „Muzička kultura u suvremenom socijalističkom društvu“, 4. i 5. 11. 1965. 2 Improvizacije svojstvene jazzu nosile su u sebi nepredvidivost, razuzdanost, neusklađenu s propisanim vrijednosnim okvirima (Vučetić, 2012, 173). Sinkopirani ritam percipiran je „mehaničkim i primitivnim“, a visoki tonovi limenih puhača drečavim. Kompleksne misaone koncepcije, bile su u suprotnosti s kulturnim imperativima o poželjnim tendencijama u glazbi, koje su pretpostavljale jednostavnost, razumljivost i prijemčivost kod širokih masa (cf. Rolandi, 2022, 105; Janjetović, 2011, 35; Duraković, 2010, 55–56). 3 HR HDA 636, 2, O problemima tzv. „lake muzike“ na radiju i o „štetnim posljedicama“ glazbenih programa na radijskim postajama na ukus osnovnoškolaca i srednjoškolaca. Kongres SAVMUH-a, 20. 8. 1956. trebale biti sposobne razumjeti i vrednovati (Rolandi, 2022, 34). Umjetnost koja je navodila na razbibrigu nije bila usklađena s prosvjetiteljskom misijom koju joj je nova ideologija namijenila, a koja je pretposta- vljala njezinu „idejnost“, „kultiviranost” i „odgojnost” (Duraković, 2019, 97). Vođene su brojne debate o zapostavljanju klasične glazbe na račun popularne, a pod lupom ideologije u ranom je poraću bila i jazz glazba koja je simbolički podsjećala na „zapadnjački društveni nesklad“ (Gabrič, 1995, 102).2 Liberalizacija političke i kulturne sfere, gospodar- ske promjene, razvoj potrošačke kulture i otvaranje Zapadu od sredine pedesetih rezultirali su pozitivnim promjenama u kulturnoj domeni što je utjecalo i na repozicioniranje popularne glazbe. Zapadnjački su utjecaji nepovratno obilježili prostor bivše države, no njezino prihvaćanje i dalje nije prolazilo bez trzavica. Poklonici kulture zabave, uvjereni u njezinu legitimnost nastavili su se sukobljavati s neistomišlje- nicima, koji su smatrali kako ona „odvraća narod od istinskih oblika umjetničkog izraza“ (Senjković, 2008, 94). Konzervativniji predstavnici glazbeničke struke procjenjivali su zabavnoglazbene prakse s elitističkih pozicija, smatrajući ih manje vrijednim, te tako nasta- vljali reproducirati narativ podjele kulture na „elitnu“ i „masovnu“ (HR DAPA 829, 10, 2.4.5.2.18). S obzi- rom da je upoznavanje mlade generacije s ozbiljnom glazbom davalo neznatne rezultate, akademskim se glazbenicima predlagao rad na kreaciji domaće zabavne glazbe koja će imati obrazovni predznak, promicati pozitivne društvene, radne i moralne vrije- dnosti, te će istovremeno poslužiti i kao priprema za slušanje i prihvaćanje klasične literature.3 Takve su utopističke ideje o popularnoj glazbi kao „prolaznom fenomenu“ i poligonu za osvješćivanje kvaliteta klasične glazbe u šezdesetim godinama prevaziđene. Autonomni potencijal popularne glaz- be je prepoznat, rigidni stavovi gotovo u potpunosti iščezli. Unatoč tomu što je i dalje smatrana manje vrijednom u umjetničkom i obrazovnom smislu, zaključeno je da je najoportunije kanalizirati njezi- na kretanja, te ih čim bolje uskladiti sa službenim narativom sustava. To je desetljeće bilo posebno obilježeno razvojem jugoslavenske proizvodnje gramofonskih ploča, kao i širenjem mreže radio postaja. Elektronički su mediji omogućili distribuci- ju različitih žanrova, što je osnažilo dojam blizine zapadnog svijeta na glazbenom tržištu. Uspon popularne kulture bio je obilježen utemeljenjem 191 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 glazbenih festivala, a produkcija domaće zabavne glazbe se razvila u dovoljnoj mjeri da omogući stva- ranje prvih jugoslavenskih zvijezda zabavne glazbe (Buhin, 2016). Strukovna glazbenička udruženja i druge strukture bliske službenoj kulturnoj politici, bila su usredotočena na stvaranje domaće zabavne glazbe koja bi bila usklađena s ideološkim kriteriji- ma, a ujedno i „specifično jugoslavenska“. Unatoč brojnim raspravama i konzultacijama, referatima na sastancima i člancima u revijama i novinama, konsenzus o tome kako bi točno takva glazba trebala izgledati nije nikada donesen.4 Unisono je mišljenje postignuto tek oko odraza idealiziranog života u socijalizmu, odnosno jugoslavenske vedre stvarnosti i optimistične vjere u budućnost, koja se trebala ogledati u visokokvalitetnim glazbenim sastavnica- ma te pjesničkim predlošcima ispunjenim pozitiv- nim vrijednostima. Ambivalentno i nejasno je bilo i pitanje prisustva tradicijske glazbe u poželjnom zabavnoglazbenom obrascu. Kulturni establišment je interpolaciji folklornih idioma u „autohtono našu“ produkciju uglavnom bio naklonjen. Dio strukovnog miljea međutim, izjednačavao je selo i njegov glazbeni izričaj s nazatkom, primitivizmom i zaostalošću te je smatrao da „folklorizirana“ za- bavna glazba ne može biti reprezentativni primjer predstavljanja suvremenog jugoslavenskoga društva kojim bi domaća glazba mogla parirati zabavnoj glazbi (zapadno)europske scene (Buhin, 2016).5 U dominantnim diskursima kulturne politike, publiku naklonjenu „narodnjacima“, činili su većinom ljudi pridošli iz ruralnih, manjih sredina, nenaviknuti „na najviše kulturne forme koje se u gradu nude, kao što su koncerti ili pozorišne predstave” (Kos, 1972, 69; Hofman, 2013, 293). Prema autorskim pjesmama pisanim u duhu naro- dnog melosa (tzv. novokomponiranoj glazbi) kulturna je politika bila manje dvosmislena. Pratile su je razne kontroverze i predrasude, koje su se odnosile kako na autore i izvođače, tako i na publiku (Vidić Rasmussen, 2002). Nastajala je izvan službenih institucija i bila je izložena kritici establištmenta, koji ju je smatrao „degeneracijom istinskog folklora“ (Marković, 2015, 3), „masakrom narodne umjetnosti“ te „proizvodom niske estetske i umjetničke vrijednosti“.6 Dominantan glazbeni izbor mlađih naraštaja u šezdesetima postao je rock and roll koji, zbog 4 Opisujući htijenja kulturne politike na temelju uvida u građu vezanu uz Opatijski festival, Anita Buhin zaključuje kako „Stilski, zabavna glazba nije smjela biti ni ‘previše zapadnjačka’, ali ni ‘previše narodna’, ni ‘previše balkanska’, ali ni ‘previše buržoaska’, ni ‘previše dosadna’, ali ni ‘previše erotična’“ (Buhin, 2016, 156). O raspravama vezanim uz kvalitetu zabavne glazbe cf. HR HDA 636, Savez muzičkih udruženja Hrvatske. 5 Prema riječima Mila Cipre, od ranog poraća pa do sredine šezdesetih, „zabilježeno je nekoliko razvojnih faza u odnosu na folklor – od shvaćanja da je folklor izraz naše stoljetne zaostalosti pa ga suvremeni čovjek može prihvatiti samo u nekom suvremenom aranžmanu… pa do pravog kulta folklora“ (HR HDA 1228, 135 (muzička kultura), Materijali sa zasjedanja Prosvjetnog sabora Hrvatske. Izlaganje Mila Cipre „Muzička kultura u suvremenom socijalističkom društvu“, 4. i 5. 11. 1965). 6 HR HDA 1228, 135 (muzička kultura), Materijali sa zasjedanja Prosvjetnog sabora Hrvatske, izlaganje Vlade Seljana „Mediji mehaničke reprodukcije muzike i njihova uloga u širenju muzičke kulture“, 4. i 5. 11. 1965. nepodudarnosti s marksističkom ideologijom i vrije- dnostima socijalističkog društva, nekonvencionalnog ponašanja, nepoštivanja autoriteta i neusklađenosti sa socijalističkim moralom nije dočekan „raširenih ruku“ (Božilović, 2020, 204). Poput drugih popularnih ža- nrova, prošao je dug put od odbacivanja i osude do prešutnog ili otvorenog prihvaćanja (Škarica, 2005). Do mirne i plodonosne koegzistencije između kultur- ne politike i pristalica „električarske epidemije“ došlo je tek kad se pokazalo da je subverzivni potencijal rock and rolla minimalan ukoliko nad njim postoji nadzor, te da je bojazan da će postati poligonom za izražavanje društvenog nezadovoljstva bezrazložna (Janjetović, 2011; Škarica, 2005). U drugoj polovini šezdesetih, partijski analitičari počeli su ga definirati kao kulturni pokret usklađen sa socijalističkim vrije- dnostima (Raković, 2018). PULA U ŠEZDESETIMA: SOCIOKULTURNA SKICA Stupanjem na snagu odredbi iz Mirovnog ugovora između Italije i Jugoslavije u rujnu 1947. godine, Pula je postala dijelom Hrvatske, odnosno Jugoslavije. Uz sve probleme vezane uz konstituiranje nove vladavi- ne, njezinu je poslijeratnu realnost uvelike obilježio i egzodus. Gubitak velikog broja stanovnika, pretežito Talijana koji su u nju ugradili vlastita htijenja i energi- ju i oblikovali ga prema svojim potrebama, ostavio je duboki trag u identitetu grada. Novi žitelji, doseljeni iz svih krajeva tadašnje Jugoslavije ali i iz središnjeg, u razvoju zaostalog dijela Istre, donijeli su nove vizije razvoja grada i društvenog ponašanja. Narodnosne promjene rezultirale su snažnim kulturnim utjecajem pridošlog stanovništva koje se tek trebalo socijalizirati, odnosno „pograđaniti” (Dukovski, 2004, 71). Prema popisu iz 1961. godine, u Općini Pula je živjelo 62 145 stanovnika od čega 76% Hrvata i 8% Talijana, dok su ostali žitelji bili većinom pripadnici drugih jugoslavenskih naroda (Gelo et al., 1998). U sklopu procesa izgradnje u šezdesetima, Pula je postala važno turističko ali i industrijsko središte. To je rezultiralo daljnjim snažnim migracijskim tijekovima i mijenama demografske strukture grada te oblikovalo zajedništvo prepletenih kultura, jezika i mentaliteta. Kulturni je život u šezdesetima bio intenzivan i di- namičan. Istarsko narodno kazalište, stjecište dramskih, glazbeno-scenskih i koncertnih događanja u tim je 192 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 godinama bilo na početku silazne putanje, suočeno s brojnim problemima: dotrajalom zgradom, dugovima, malim i nemotiviranim ansamblom, ne odveć zainte- resiranom publikom.7 Najsnažniji pokretači kulturnog života Pule bila su brojna kulturno-umjetnička društva, čiji je rad predstavljao jedan od vidova pomoći društvu i prilagođavanju doseljenika iz unutrašnjosti Istre i iz drugih krajeva Jugoslavije na život u gradu (Duraković, 2010). Okupljalište talijanske nacionalne manjine bila je Zajednica Talijana (popularni Circolo) u sklopu koje je djelovalo i kulturno-umjetničko društvo s glazbenim i dramskim ograncima. S novom su se domaćom i inozemnom kinematografijom Puljani mogli upoznavati gledajući filmove u pet kino dvorana, a najposjećenija i najpopularnija manifestacija bio je „Pula film festival“ koji se održavao u ljetnim mjesecima u Areni. U tom su se ambijentu također odvijale i glazbeno-scenske predstave na kojima su većinom nastupali jugoslavenski operni ansambli. U gradu je djelovao ogranak Muzičke omladine u kojem su posebno aktivni bili učenici osnovne i srednje glazbene škole. Jedini profesionalni orkestar bio je Puhački orkestar garnizona Jugoslavenske narodne armije koji je uz repertoar tipičan za vojne or- kestre poput koračnica, izvodio djela ozbiljne i zabavne glazbe, priređivao promenadne koncerte i uveličavao razne svečanosti i protokolarna događanja (Duraković, 2010; Marin, 2023). Mehanizmi proizvodnje, distribucije i potrošnje popularne glazbe nisu se bitno razlikovali od istih procesa u drugim krajevima zemlje. Puljani su dobi- vali informacije o novinama iz svijeta glazbe slušajući Radio Luksemburg, a putem lokalnog radio programa Radio Pule, osnovane 1960-te, kao ispostave Radio Televizije Zagreb, mogli su upoznavati zabavnu glazbu s područja čitave Jugoslavije te, u nešto manjoj mjeri, iz inozemstva. Slušala se domaća glazba čiji su izvođači slijedili inozemne modele i talijanska glazba, posebno hitovi sa festivala „Sanremo“. Pjesme s tog festivala koji se prenosio na jugoslavenskim radijskim i televi- zijskim postajama već su se iste noći nakon emitiranja „skidale“8 kako bi čim prije postale dio repertoara na plesnim zabavama. Popularna je bila i meksička glazba, kao rezultat jake prisutnosti meksičke kulture u jugo- slavenskom kulturnom prostoru, uvjetovane politikom međunarodnih odnosa, a slušao se i jazz te rock and roll (Duraković, 2010).9 7 Likvidacijski odbor Skupštine općine Pula u travnju 1971. godine donio je rješenje o prestanku rada Istarskoga narodnog kazališta. Nakon obnove zgrade, kazalište je ponovno otvoreno u svibnju 1989. godine. Vidi više na službenim stranicama Istarskog narodnog kazališta (INK, 2024). 8 Izraz se među glazbenicima koristi za praksu slušanja glazbe s različitih medija i potom uvježbavanja pojedinih pjesama bez notnog teksta. 9 Više o prisutnosti glazbe s festivala „Sanremo“ i meksičke glazbe na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije cf. Rolandi (2022), Vučetić (2012). 10 Dnevne novine su tako primjerice pisale o koncertima „Dubrovačkih trubadura“, Gabi Novak, Kiće Slabinca, Vice Vukova, sa- rajevskog sastava „Pro Arte“ uz pjevača Vladimira Savčića Čobija, „Diksilend“ ansambla i ansambla „Meteori“, iz Zagreba, te ansambla meksičkih pjesama „Magnifico“ iz Skopja, Kvarteta „4M“, Tereze Kesovije i mnogih drugih (cf. Glas Istre, 26. 1. 1968: Dubrovački trubaduri 8. veljače u Puli, 6; Glas Istre, 11. 11. 1969: Gostuje Gabi Novak, 4; Glas Istre, 6. 10. 1967: Dva dijela jedne priredbe, 5; Čabaravdić, 1970, 4; Glas Istre, 21. 7. 1970: Magnifico gost Doma JNA, 4; La Voce del Popolo, 6. 9. 1963: Assente il „grande“ Ivo Robić, è stato grandissimo Predrag Gojković, 4). Novine na domaćoj i inozemnoj glazbenoj sceni, do šire su publike dolazile najviše putem „plesnjaka“, na kojima su glazbeni sastavi zabavljali lokalno stanovni- štvo. Plesne su se zabave održavale na raznim mjestima u gradu, od omladinskih domova, do mjesnih zajedni- ca, restorana, hotela i noćnih barova. Svirao se široki dijapazon skladbi različitih žanrova, „zabavnjaci“ s domaćih festivala, inozemne pjesme koje su u originalu ili u prijevodu na hrvatski jezik pjevali domaći izvođa- či, rock and roll uspješnice (Aldo, 2023; Giovanni, 2023; Dario, 2023). Omladina se vikendom najčešće okupljala u „Uljaniku“ i „Circolu“, gdje je svirala živa glazba. Podrumske prostorije i vrt Doma Jugoslavenske narodne armije, bile su mjesto u kojem se mogla čuti glazba s područja Jugoslavije, posebice „narodnjački“ hitovi (cf. Kocković Zaborski, 2012). U šezdesetima su u gradu otvorene brojne diskoteke, povremeno su djelovali jazz ansambli, a prvi rock bandovi osvajali su pozornice omladinskih klubova (Marin, 2023; Jambrošić, 1959). Grad je imao vlastite „pjevačke zvijezde“, na solističkim nastupima ili u sklopu zajedničkih gostovanja, nastupali su brojni interpreti iz čitave Jugoslavije.10 To je desetljeće bilo općenito ključno za afirmaciju popularnoglazbenih praksi koje će obilježiti budućnost grada: snimljen je prvi album zabavne glazbe, estradno je područje počelo predstavljati izazov i za obrazovane skladatelje, osnovane su prve rock and roll grupe, a sredinom desetljeća se započelo s organiziranjem gita- rijada koje su, metaforički rečeno, Pulu markirale kao „rockerski“ punkt na zemljovidu bivše države. PRVA PJEVAČKA ZVIJEZDA I ZABAVNOGLAZBENI DISKOGRAFSKI PRVIJENAC Dublje ukorjenjivanje zabavne glazbe u društvene tijekove omogućilo je izdvajanje pojedinih pjevača iz mase, čemu su ponajprije pridonosili njihovi nastupi na festivalima i pojavljivanje u medijima. Na stvara- nje i rast glazbene industrije umnogome je utjecala izdavačka kuća „Jugoton“ koja je kao prva tvornica gramofonskih ploča na državnoj razini, zapadnu po- pularnu glazbu dovela na domaće poslijeratno tržište. Tijekom pedesetih godina bilo je uobičajeno distri- buiranje snimaka stranih pjesama na izvornom jeziku u izvedbi domaćih izvođača ili pak u prijevodu na hrvatski jezik. U šezdesetima su se počele pojavljivati 193 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 i prave jugoslavenske zvijezde zabavne glazbe, koje su zbog svoje popularnosti i stečene slave uspijevale snimati vlastite ploče sa skladbama pisanim isklju- čivo za njihovu interpretaciju (Buhin, 2016). Odabir i tretman pjevača i način izvedbe pjesama ovisili su o društveno-političkom kontekstu, kao i konkretnim oso- bama uključenima u produkciju, za što su obično bili angažirani urednici s radio postaja, školovani glazbenici i dirigenti koji su imali veliki utjecaj na fizionomiju nove jugoslavenske glazbe (Vukobratović, 2023). U Puli se u to vrijeme, u omiljenu pjevačicu zabav- nih melodija prometnula Lidija Percan. Nastupala je na plesnim večerima, na koncertima, brojnim društvenim događajima, na festivalima, na ljetnim terasama s raznim glazbenim sastavima. Posebno aktivna je bila u Zajednici Talijana, uspješno je nastupala na festivalu Melodije Istre i Kvarnera. Sredinom šezdesetih, tada u lokalnim okvirima već etablirana pjevačica, neumorno je obilazila sponzore da bi pokušala prikupiti sredstva za snimanje ploče, odlazila na razgovore u „Jugoton“, no prema vlastitim riječima nije mogla ponuditi ništa „… osim svog glasa, ni probne snimke, ni pripremljene pjesme ni raspisane aranžmane“ (Dezsö, 2022, 24). Konačno su je u izdavačkoj kući 1967. godine na razgo- vor pozvali Pero Gotovac i Vladimir Seljan, koji su u to vrijeme iz inozemstva dobili snimku pjesme „Mamma mia dammi cento lire“ i ponudili joj snimanje ploče.11 Ta se pjesma, uz druge tri, našla na njezinom prvijencu pod nazivom „Lijepa Istranka“, prvoj ploči istarskog izvođača zabavne glazbe. Snimljena je 1967. godine u studiju „Jadran filma“, a objavljena godinu kasnije. Orkestrom je dirigirao Ferdo Pomykalo koji je potpisao i aranžmane svih pjesama.12 Razlog zbog kojeg je mladoj, neosporno nadare- noj i popularnoj, ali široj javnosti ne odveć poznatoj pjevačici pružena, u ono vrijeme nesvakidašnja prilika snimanja ploče valja pripisati i političkim okolnostima koje su usmjeravale kulturnu politiku. Godine 1968. 11 Zahvaljujući nekim djelatnicima „Jugotona“ poput Pere Gotovca, prodor talijanskih hitova u repertoare jugoslavenskih umjetnika je u šezdesetima bio velik, rearanžirale su se, izvodile i snimale na hrvatskom jeziku pjesme Domenica Modugna, Waltera Malgonija, Adri- ana Celentana, Milve, Rite Pavone i mnogih drugih (Rolandi, 2022, 110–111). 12 Snimljene su četiri kompozicije. Prva, canzona „Mamma mia dammi cento lire“ (pogrešno pripisana talijanskom pjevaču Adiju Calbru jer je pjesmu, valja pretpostaviti, u njegovoj izvedbi dobio „Jugoton“) nepoznatog autora nastala je oko 1850. godine i govori o emigraciji Talijana sa sjevera zemlje u Ameriku tijekom 19. stoljeća. Druga je prepjev skladbe po kojem je album i na- slovljen, „La bella Istriana“. Napisali su je članovi tada najpoznatijeg orkestra plesne glazbe u talijanskoj regiji Emilia Romagna, Secondo i Raoul Casadei. Pjesma u ritmu valcera govori o ljetnoj ljubavi s lijepom djevojkom iz Istre, a prijevod Maria Kinela vjerno prenosi (u poetskom smislu i nadmašuje) originalni tekstualni predložak. Slijede dvije autorske kompozicije skladatelja Nella Milottija i tekstopisca Boška Obradovića. Valcer „Pula vas čeka“ opisuje ljepote grada, a „Istro ti“, u ritmu rumbe, tematizira nostalgiju iseljenika za rodnim krajem i sreću zbog skorog povratka u domovinu. Oba teksta pisana su hrvatskim književnim jezi- kom, a uglazbljenje prve sadrži i diskretne folklorne prvine. 13 Cf. Glas Istre, 12. 7. 1968: Svečani koncert u Areni, 6; Glas Istre, 13. 12. 1968: Uspio koncert Fratellanze, 6; Glas Istre, 21. 6. 1968: Kulturna kronika - Pula, 6; Glas Istre, 31. 5. 1968: Izvanredan prijem beogradskih umjetnika, 6; Glas Istre, 12. 4. 1968: U Povodu proslave 25. godišnjice priključenja Istre Jugoslaviji. Svečana akademija u Beogradu, 6. 14 Nakon krize u pedesetim godinama kada su političkim dekretima između ostalog ukinuta mnoga talijanska kulturna središta i ugašene manifestacije te se ograničavala mogućnost upisa u manjinske škole svima koji nisu mogli dokazati da su pripadnici talijanske narodnosti, šezdesete su bile plodonosne godine za talijansku kulturnu zajednicu. Tomu je doprinijelo „odmrzavanje“ odnosa između Italije i Jugoslavije nakon Londonskog memoranduma što je omogućilo kulturne razmjene, organizirana okupljanja i manifestacije. Godine 1965. sklopljen je i sporazum o suradnji s Narodnim sveučilištem u Trstu nakon čega je Italija započela financijski podupirati talijanske kulturne centre (Ivetic & Giuricin, 2001; Ivetic, 2006). obilježavala se 25. obljetnica donošenja odluke o sjedinjenju Istre, Rijeke, Zadra i otoka s Jugoslavijom. Kulturna je aktivnost zemlje bila u velikoj mjeri foku- sirana na obilježavanje tog jubileja, pa je pružen širok poticaj izdavaštvu, likovnoj i glazbenoj umjetnosti. Otvorene su brojne izložbe poput kulturno-povijesne izložbe „Glagoljica“ u Sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Rijeci, objavljeni su zbornici radova o novijoj povijesti Istre te autorska izdanja poput „Knjige o Istri“ Tone Peruška (Lubiana, 2018; Jelić, 1970). U Domu JNA u Beogradu izvedeno je novo djelo Slavka Zlatića, kantata „Gruda motovunska“, pisana u čast jubileja. Obilježavanje do- nošenja odluke popraćeno je u Puli mnogim glazbenim programima. Između ostalih, održan je svečani koncert u Areni na kojem su uz Simfonijski orkestar i mješoviti zbor Radio televizije Zagreb nastupili članovi pulskih kulturno – umjetničkih društava. Tom je prigodom pod ravnanjem Slavka Zlatića praizvedena kantata „Istarska legenda“ Nella Milottija na tekst Tugomila Ujčića. Organizirani su nastupi Umjetničkog ansambla Doma JNA iz Beograda te uzajamna gostovanja kulturno umjetničkih društava pripadnika talijanske manjine iz Pule i Rijeke.13 Diskografske kuće, koje dotad, kako čitamo u ilustriranom tjedniku Arena „nisu bile zainteresirane za istarske izvođače ….valjda zbog velikog jubileja“, financijski su poduprle objavu prve ploče tradicijske glazbe iz Istre, u izvedbi narodnih pjevača iz sela Cere, a priliku za snimanje svog prvijenca tako je dobila i Lidija Percan (Černjul, 1968, 6). Ploča na kojoj je jedna pjesma bila na talijanskom jeziku, druga prepjev talijanske pjesme koja „govori o Istri, sa simpatijama ali bez skrivenih političkih aluzija“ (Dezsö, 2022, 25), a zadnje dvije autorski uradci Nella Milottija, Talijana po nacionalnosti, a antifašista i ljevičara po vokaciji, predstavljala je metaforičku sliku idiličnih odnosa između Talijana i Hrvata i neupitne riješenosti nacionalnog pitanja u Istri.14 194 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 Prodana je u srebrnoj nakladi od 25.000 primje- raka, što je Lidiji Percan otvorilo vrata za daljnje diskografske pothvate i razvoj karijere: u idućoj 1969. godini objavila je drugu ploču, pripremala treću, dobi- la poziv za gostovanje u Americi, a u 1970. nastupila pred predsjednikom države.15 „GNJILI POMIDORI“ I MORALNA PANIKA: PRVE ROCK AND ROLL GITARIJADE Prva polovina šezdesetih godina bilo je razdo- blje sve jačeg prodora rock glazbe s kojom su se Puljani upoznavali putem ploča uvezenih iz ino- zemstva te inozemnih radio postaja, a kasnije i pu- tem koncerata domaćih rock skupina. U glazbi koja je ohrabrivala na rušenje uvriježenih društvenih normi i pravila te na razmišljanje izvan partijskih doktrina branitelji ideoloških postulata vidjeli su opasnost za socijalističku omladinu. Konzervativ- noj su javnosti slušni i vizualni aspekti rocka - od gestikulacije do neuobičajene tehnike pjevanja i sviranja bili odbojni. U ponašanju rockera vidjeli su javnu manifestaciju svega onog za što se smatra- lo da mladi socijalistički čovjek treba suspregnuti (Rolandi, 2022). Omladinski je tisak podupirao nji- hove nastupe, a dnevne novine, posebno lokalne poput pulskih, uglavnom su ih ignorirale. Novinari starog kova nisu bili skloni glazbenom izričaju „dugokosih čupavaca“ te su o rock koncertima 15 Uoči otvorenja zračne luke na otoku Krku, u srpnju 1970. godine je uz nekolicinu izvođača s područja Kvarnera i Istre odabrana za nastup pred predsjednikom Josipom Brozom Titom u hotelskom kompleksu Uvala Scott (Dezsö, 2022, 39). izvještavali rijetko, uglavnom onda kada bi neki događaj izazvao javnu sablazan. Tako su se i na- kon jednog od prvih velikih koncerata popularnih izvođača rock glazbe u Puli, nastupa Matta Collinsa tj. Karla Metikoša i „Crvenih koralja“ u ljeto 1964. u Areni, novinari sa zgražanjem pitali „odgaja li ta glazba i na koji način publiku?“. Zabrinuto su se u svojim napisima osvrtali na činjenicu da je mladež u publici te večeri oponašala ponašanje glazbenika na sceni. Nastup rockera, ocijenili su, nema nika- kve veze s plemenitom umjetnosti koja mora „u sebi nositi tri glavna elementa: dobru muziku, kvalitetnu izvedbu i odgojni (eventualno zabavni) karakter“ (Barić, 1964, 5). U idućim godinama, pulska je publika, kao i u ostatku zemlje, punila koncertne dvorane na nastu- pima rock skupina koje su postupno postale prihva- tljiv fenomen u očima kulturne politike. Prvi rock sastavi u gradu započeli su s djelovanjem već prije „bandovskog booma“ u državi sredinom šezdesetih. Godine 1961. u Puli je djelovala grupa „Romby“, koju su činili osamnaestogodišnji gimnazijalci. Sli- jedili su „Sateliti“, „prvi rezidencijalni band“ koji je u ljetnim mjesecima 1964. godine svirao u Omladin- skom domu „Uljanik“ te njihovi rivali, „Logaritmi“, a do konca šezdesetih pridružili su im se i brojni drugi (Burić, 2018). Grupe su svirale obrade inozemnih hitova koje su vještiji i snalažljiviji sastavi skidali s top lista Radija Luksemburg. Repertoar je ovisio i o instrumentima kojima su sastavi raspolagali, a koji su bili većinom kućne izrade. Bandovi prije početka sedamdesetih nisu imali vlastitih autorskih pjesama, publika je na plesovima željela slušati uživo hitove koje je čula na radiju. I sami mladi svirači, često ne- sigurni u svoje izvođačko umijeće, bili su zadovoljni takvom situacijom koja ih je oslobađala potrebe stvaranja vlastitog repertoara, koji je iziskivao veće interpretativne vještine (Škarica, 2005; Burić, 2018; Giovanni, 2023). Savez omladine Jugoslavije, iako isprva nejedin- stven u pitanju potpore rock and rollu, pružio mu je podršku, pa su grupe često svirale u mjesnim zajednicama i domovima omladine poput kluba „Uljanik“. Takav je odnos kulturne politike bio samorazumljiv, prihvaćanjem rockera suženi su potencijali za nezadovoljstvo mladih, u javnosti je stvorena slika osluškivanja suvremenih glazbenih tijekova sa Zapada. Iako u izvorima nema previše tragova o zahtjevima koje je sistem postavljao pred mlade bandove, osobna svjedočanstva, poput onog basiste grupe „Logaritmi“, govore u prilog tomu da je zaziranje od vanjskog izgleda rockera koji su raz- bijali stereotipe o tome kako socijalistički omladinac treba izgledati i dalje bilo prisutno: Slika 1: Omot prve ploče Lidije Percan (Izvor: DISCOGS, 2024). 195 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Paradoksalno, svirali smo rock and roll u „Uljaniku“ [omladinskom klubu, op.a.] i bubnjaru su došli iz uprave i naredili mu da se mora ošišati. Jedno vrijeme je bio zabran- jen ulaz u američkim kaubojskim hlačama (jeans). Na sastanku komiteta - „Uljanikom“ je upravljao Savez socijalističke omladine brodogradilišta - jednom su nam pokušali zabraniti sviranje u trapez hlačama, bio je to „strah od loših vjetrova sa Zapada“. (Langer u Burić, 2018) Unatoč zahtjevima da se omladinu zaštiti od štetnih pojava, uglavnom nisu uvođene nikakve posebne mjere za njihovo suzbijanje (Ramet, 1994). Od sredine šezdesetih rock grupe su po- vremeno svirale na proslavama revolucionarnih jubileja, prilikom dočeka štafeta, što je bar sim- bolički predstavljalo priznanje njihove ideološke pravovjernosti. Svirači su bivali sve vještiji i s vremenom je repertoar bilo lakše „skinuti“, ali je problem predstavljalo snabdijevanje instrumen- tima i opremom. Električni instrumenti bili su skupi, trebalo ih je nabavljati iz inozemstva, pa su ih glazbenici izrađivali sami. Često su zaradu sa „svirki“ ulagali u kupovinu opreme, prihod im je služio za poboljšanje uvjeta bavljenja svojim hobijem. I u tom pogledu, međutim, povremeno su mogli računati na institucionalnu podršku. S jedne strane je bila revolucija mladih – slo- boda, utjecaj Zapada, međutim ovi koji su na vrhu u politici bili, shvatili su da je to šansa i za njih, i pustili su nas … nisu branili rock and roll, naravno da je došao odmah i na štafete, jer taj rock and roll i ti bandovi su vukli publiku. Ti koji su nas gnjavili zbog hlača, ne smijemo ih kritizirati….kupili su nam i opremu na kojoj smo svirali … i zatim smo je i otkupili. (Langer u Burić, 2018) Sredinom šezdesetih, u Puli su se, kao i širom Jugoslavije počele organizirati gitarijade na koji- ma su se mlade grupe predstavljale većem broju slušatelja i gledatelja, svuda izazivajući pažnju neobuzdanim ponašanjem glazbenika i publike. Novinari su ta događanja podvrgavali analizi, propitivali štete li odgoju omladine i u kojoj su mjeri ulančana sa socijalističkim vrijednostima. Nerazumijevanje novog glazbenog žanra bilo je preveliko da bi novinari pisali o samoj rock sceni, komentirale su se uglavnom frizure, oblačenje i ponašanje na sceni. Godine 1965. po prvi je put u organizaciji Udru- ženja muzičara održano natjecanje vokalno instru- mentalnih sastava s područja Istre u velikoj dvorani kina Beograd pod nazivom „Birajmo najbolji vokalno instrumentalni sastav Istre za 1965“. Na natjecanje su se prijavile grupe „Logaritmi“, „Nelidi“ i „ Sateliti“ iz Pule, „ Diamanti azzuri“ iz Umaga te „Logaritmi“ iz Buja, a kao gosti, nastupili su „Sonori“ iz Rijeke (Barić, 1965). Ljubitelji rocka u Puli u to su vrijeme bili podijeljeni na one koji su slušali „Logaritme“, i na pristalice „Satelita“. Nastup pulskih „Nelida“ te grupa iz Buja, Umaga i Rijeke protekao je mirno, međutim nastup dvaju suparničkih bandova izazvao je niz incidenata, pa je tako prva pulska gitarijada zaključena skandalom. Buka … je postepeno tekla do kulminacije. Prvo su se čuli lagani povici, da bi se sve više pretvarali u graju i galamu kakva ne vlada ni na nogometnim terenima. Povici zviždanje i vriskovi su nadopunjavani i udar- cima o različite metalne ploče i poklopce, čegrtaljke, a dvojica su čak imala trubu i rog. Uskoro nastupilo je bacanje krumpira, jabuka, banana i drugih predmeta. Jasno, u takvom metežu skoro ništa se nije moglo ni čuti. (Čabaravdić, 1965, 5) Slika 2: Plakat s prve gitarijade (Izvor: u vlasništvu Sveučilišne knjižnice u Puli). 196 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 Po sjećanju samih članova banda: …ispred bine je bila ludnica, publika je kreštala, djevojke su čupale kosu kao da su sviraju Beatlesi… bacali su jaja i grah, neka zahodska školjka je završila na bini, bilo je mrkva, po- midora, kupusa, Franci je dobio rukohvat od stolice u glavu… mi iz banda smo mjerili koga su gađali više a koga manje, taj koga su gađali manje, znači da ga je publika preferirala. (Jardas & Langer u Burić, 2018)16 Gitarijada je izazvala niz medijskih reakcija, polemiziralo se oko toga je li uopće trebalo orga- nizirati natjecanje ili je bilo primjerenije upriličiti susret, jer je takmičarski duh manifestacije izazivao podjelu publike na tabore i stvorio uvjete za nered i galamu. To što se na gitarijadi dogodilo, tvrdio je novinar „Glasa Istre“ u osvrtu na događanje, nije „palo iz vedra neba“ već „ima dublje korije- ne“. Lamentirao je oko nekulture mladića koji se „izgleda, nisu podšišali, već punu godinu“, odgoja i niske društvene angažiranost mladih koji su pre- malo uključeni u rad omladinskih organizacija, pa im pravljenje galame predstavlja „ventil za oslo- bađanje viška energije“. Osvrnuo se i na kriterij raspoređivanja sredstava za društvenu aktivnost iz budžeta općinske skupštine i trošenja novca na ovakve manifestacije „nauštrb korisnih omladinskih organizacija poput Saveza izviđača“, zaključivši tekst konstatacijom „da je krajnje vrijeme da se svi upitamo koliko i što činimo za odgoj mlade genera- cije“ (Čabaravdić, 1965, 5). Na incident na gitarijadi osvrnuli su se na strani- cama dnevnog tiska i popularni „pučki tribuni“ Jurina i Franina: …kada su svirali „Sateliti“ – mladići i divojke ki su navijali za „Logaritme“ iz Pule su toliko vriskali i švikali da se niš ni moglo čuti, a kada su pak svirali i kantali „Logaritmi“, onda su pak vriskali i švikali oni ća su navi- jali za „Satelite“... Da bi samo vikali i švikali još bi bilo dobro, ali su u orkestre hitali i mrkve, gnjile pomidore, jabuke, svirili na roge, pljuvali… Čuja san da je ona divojka ća je ovega lita na Verudeli bila izabrana za mis Pule hitila jabuku u jenega mladića i da je on doša blizu nje i pljunuja joj pravo u oko. Čuja san da je brižan spiker dok je ništo govorija na pozornici dobija u glavu jedan kus daske….17 16 Franci je Franci Blašković, tadašnji basist grupe „Sateliti“. 17 Glas Istre, 12. 11. 1965: Jurina i Franina, 5. 18 Cf. Glas Istre, 12. 8. 1966: Takmičenje VISova u Areni. Zbog dernjave „navijača“ muzika se vrlo slabo čula, 6; Glas Istre, 1. 10. 1970: Istarska gitarijada, 4. Tajnik podružnice Udruženja muzičara, profesor Frano Barić, nastojao je post festum dijelom skinuti odgovornost sa svoje strukovne udruge i prebaciti ga na Udruženje muzičara narodne i zabavne glaz- be. Pokušavši se ograditi od odgovornosti, tvrdio je da je uprava Udruženja muzičara stavljena pred gotov čin i o organizaciji događaja obaviještena u zadnji čas, kad su skoro sve pripreme za gitarijadu bile završene (Barić, 1965). Moralna panika nije izazvala zabrane ni ogra- ničenja, čak naprotiv, iduće se godine gitarijada natjecateljskog karaktera održala u Areni u organi- zaciji Koncertne poslovnice i Udruženja muzičara narodne i zabavne muzike. Izostala su upozorenja na alarmantno stanje među omladinom i prodike o ispravnom putu njihova odgoja, kao i komentari na odjeću i ponašanje, a mlake reakcije na gitarijade uslijedile su i u idućim godinama.18 Masovnost izlaska mladih na gitarijade rezul- tirao je prihvaćanjem novog glazbenog izraza i spornog oblačenja i ponašanja, početno nego- dovanje je s vremenom utihnulo. Odnosi među nositeljima kulturne politike i rock and rollom bili su više kompromisni nego konfliktni. Bilo je opor- tunije održavati kontrolu nad omladinom, negoli se suočiti s možebitnim pobunama i izvođenjem nepoželjne glazbe u ilegalnim okupljalištima, u kojima bi događanja bilo teško kontrolirati. Režim je i nadalje određivao gabarite dozvoljenog, ali je kulturna politika otvaranja prema rock and rollu i institucionalizacija tog žanra uvelike utjecala na formiranje prozapadnih i liberalnijih pogleda i stavova mladih. U cilju zadovoljavanja obiju strana, kako bi se uskladile socijalističke društvene vrijednosti s novim glazbenim praksama radili su se obostrani ustupci. Bunta protiv sistema bar nai- zgled nije bilo: nije bilo autorskih pjesama pulskih bandova pa time ni potencijalnih pobuna i revolta u pjesničkim predlošcima, a u pjesmama na engle- skom jeziku, koji je u to vrijeme malo tko dobro poznavao (uključujući i većinu izvođača) bilo je teško detektirati subverzivni potencijal. Rock and roll nije izmicao društvenoj kontroli, a moralna panika koju su mediji povremeno širili bila je veća od destabilizacijskog potencijala u instrumentima „dugokosih urlatora“. Do kraja šezdesetih toleran- cija je prerasla u podršku. Shvativši da ih ne može pobijediti, politika je odlučila pridružiti im se, pa je omogućavala prostore i infrastrukturu za održa- vanje proba i koncerata mladih bandova i trudila se izići ususret ljubiteljima rock and rolla. Za to su se 197 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 posebno zalagali kreatori kulturne politike koji su osvijestili oportunost prihvaćanja novih strujanja u glazbi te u rock and rollu prepoznali platformu za progresivne promjene u društvu. ŽANROVSKI SUŽIVOT – OD „KLASIČARA“ DO „NARODNJAKA“ U Puli je tijekom šezdesetih godina nastavljen proces naseljavanja stanovnika iz svih jugosla- venskih republika. Epitetu „Jugoslavije u malom“, kako su je ponekad nazivali, svakako je pridonio i status jednog od najprepoznatljivijih „vojnih gradova“. Doseljeno je stanovništvo činilo važan dio publike naklonjene zabavnoj, ali i narodnoj glazbi, izvornom narodnom stvaralaštvu kao i „novokomponiranim“, autorskim pjesmama koje su nastajale prvenstveno u istočnim dijelovima ze- mlje. U koncertnim prostorima u gradu stoga su se 19 Cf. Glas Istre, 6. 10. 1967: Dva dijela jedne priredbe, 5; La Voce del Popolo, 6. 9. 1963: Assente il „grande“ Ivo Robić, è stato grandissimo Predrag Gojković, 4. 20 Zabilježeno je primjerice da su 1963. koncert održali Nada Mamula, Safet Isović, Anica Josić i Vaska Ilijeva. Godine 1965. i 1970. uspješan „ciganski zabavni šou“ priredila je Esma Redžepova uz ansambl Teodosievski. 1970. u skoro punoj velikoj dvorani ovacijama ispraćeni popularni pjevači i kompozitori narodnih pjesama Toma Zdravković i Muharem Serbezovski. Na večeri narodne muzike iste godine pod nazivom “O majko, majko“ sudjelovali su poznati interpretatori narodnih pjesama Beba Selimović, Zaim Imamović, Meho Puzić, Hamdija Čustović i Hasko Haverić, a pratio ih je kvartet Omera Pobrića. Godine 1962. i 1966. „odličnim glasovima i izvođačkim kvalitetama“ pulskoj su se publici predstavili pjevači Zora Dubljević, Zehra Deović, Nadežda Smilović i Husein Kurtović, uz harmonika- ški kvartet Radojke i Tina Živkovića (cf. Glas Istre, 24. 6. 1970: Esma Redžepova opet u Puli, 4; Glas Istre, 12. 5. 1970: Koncert narodnih pjesama, 4; Glas Istre, 11. 3. 1970: Veče narodne muzike, 4; Glas Istre, 22. 6. 1962: Uspjeli koncert Predraga Gojkovića u Puli, 5). često održavali koncerti na kojima su pojedinačno ili zajedno nastupali pjevači i grupe različitih glaz- benih žanrova iz svih republika i pokrajina.19 Takve manifestacije bile su pokazatelj smjernica kulturne politike grada, ali i raznorodnosti ukusa i glazbenih preferencija publike. U dvoranama Doma Jugoslavenke narodne armi- je te u ljetnim mjesecima u njezinu vrtu, odnosno „bašti“ iza zgrade, često su gostovale zvijezde narodne i novokomponirane glazbe. Iako su ta gostovanja bila u pravilu dobro posjećena, mediji koncertima nisu pridavali veliku pozornost, o njima se pisalo rijetko i sporadično, uglavnom samo u obliku najava.20 „Narodnjaci“ su, kao i u drugim krajevima zemlje bili markirani kao „šund“ koji konzumiraju slušatelji niskog kulturnog standarda, uz njih su se vezivale predodžbe o ruralnosti i ekonomskoj ali i prije svega kulturnoj nerazvije- nosti. Unutar proklamiranog „bratstva i jedinstva“ Slika 3: Kolaž plakata koncerata (Izvor: u vlasništvu Sveučilišne knjižnice u Puli). 198 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 i unatoč njemu, u gledanju na glazbene preferen- cije ljubitelja narodnjaka nerijetko su se očitovale stereotipne predodžbe o nazadnosti dominirajućih republika njihova podrijetla (cf. Vidić Rasmussen, 1995; Hofman, 2013; 2016; Jansen, 2005). Stanov- nici doseljeni iz predgrađa i manjih istarskih mjesta bili su naklonjeni istarskom folkloru, u gradu su djelovala kulturno-umjetnička društva unutar kojih se njegovala tradicijska glazba svih republika. Na- stupi folklornih grupa iz čitave Jugoslavije bile su i dio turističke ponude u ljetnim mjesecima. Uspo- redno se u šezdesetima javila „novokomponirana“ glazba, koja se izvodila po kavanama i na raznim proslavama.21 Poneki se glazbeni broj tog žanra mogao čuti na pulskoj lokalnoj ispostavi državnog radija, Radio Puli, putem emisija „Želje i poruke“, koje je oblikovala publika naručivanjem prigodnih pjesama, no „novokomponirana“ nije bila dovoljno medijski prisutna da se u većoj mjeri inkorporira u kulturalne prakse domicilnog stanovništva, koje je na nju nerijetko gledalo s visine i smatralo je glazbenim izrazom manje obrazovane i nazadne manjine.22 „Narodnjačka“ mikroscena naizgled je funkcio- nirala kao zatvorena struktura s vlastitim glazbenim diskursom. U življenoj praksi međutim, u prostorno stiješnjenom suživotu različitosti kakva je bila Pula, prožimanja su bila neminovna: ljubitelji narodnja- ka, asimilirali su i prihvaćali većinsku (prije svega popularnu) kulturu, a taj je proces nerijetko bio i dvosmjeran. U preplitanje „različitih glazbenih svjetova“ bilo je uključeno i tzv. ozbiljnoglazbeno područje: članovi orkestra JNA koji su svirali i u zabavnim i narodnim sekcijama orkestra, predavali su (pre- težito puhačka) glazbala u Muzičkoj školi, bili su aktivni u logističkoj podršci Muzičke omladine. U gradu je djelovao mali broj akademskih glazbenika, među kojima je jedan od najznačajnijih bio Nello Milotti, nastavnik solfeggia i klarineta u Muzičkoj školi te autor najpoznatije istarske masovne pje- sme „Marš istarskih brigada“ i ozbiljnoglazbenih uradaka poput simfonijske poeme „Obala“ (1961) i kantate za mješoviti zbor, soliste i simfonijski or- kestar „Istarska legenda“ (1964), kojom je obranio diplomski ispit na odsjeku kompozicije Muzičke 21 Prema sjećanjima kazivača, „narodnjaci“ su se svirali i u restoranu „Rivijera“ na Rivi, u popularnom „Ekecu“ u centru grada, u snack baru u uvali Saccorgiana, a posebno su često „narodnjaci i pevaljke“ treštali iz raznih lokala za vrijeme trajanja Jugoslavenskog filmskog festivala. U „gaža“ bandovima koji su svirali tu vrstu muzike bilo je glazbenika doseljenih iz drugih republika ali i “rođenih Puležana“ (Milan, 2023; Giovanni, 2023). 22 O prisutnosti i reproduciranju ove predodžbe do današnjih dana svjedoči i afera otkazivanja narodnjačkog koncerta u Puli 2023. godine od strane gradonačelnika, u svrhu „očuvanja identiteta“ i „obrane srednjoeuropskih, mediteranskih i građanskih vrijedno- sti“, o čemu su 2023. godine mjesecima pisali svi mediji na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije (cf. Redakcija Istra 24, 2023). 23 HR HDA 636, 2, Izvještaj tajnika Udruženja muzičkih radnika radiostanica i filmskih poduzeća Hrvatske Glavnoj godišnjoj skup- štini od 5. 6. 1956. 24 Glas Istre, 22. 6. 1962: Uspjeli koncert Predraga Gojkovića u Puli, 5. 25 Glas Istre, 22. 6. 1962: Uspjeli koncert Predraga Gojkovića u Puli, 5. akademije u Ljubljani (Duraković, 2010). Uz to, bio je omiljena ličnost pulskih „plesnjaka“ koje je u slobodno vrijeme organizirao u Zajednici Talijana i na kojima je sam, ili uz pratnju kolega, izvodio inozemne hitove ali i vlastite zabavne melodije. U drugoj polovini šezdesetih redao je velike uspjehe na festivalu Melodije Istre i Kvarnera. Kompozicij- ski i stilski atraktivne, njegove pjesme pisane u stilu šlagera, šansone, talijanske kancone, prožete istar- skim tradicijskim elementima ili pak primorskim melosom oslanjale su se na uporišne točke diskursa „poželjnih tendencija“ u zabavnoj glazbi. Mladima su prenosile pozitivne vrijednosti o važnosti rada i čuvanju baštine, te zrcalile ideološki poželjne postulate o idiličnom životu u najzapadnijem dijelu zemlje. Bile su usklađene s diskurzivnim kanonom Udruženja muzičara, koji su od „skladatelja koji u svojim klasičnim skladbama tretiraju pitanja više općeljudska“, tražili da zabavne melodije sadržajno povežu uz „male stvari iz svakodnevnih zbivanja, iz svijeta koji nas okružuje i za koji se najneposrednije zanimamo“ te da njihova glazba „uz svoje općenite stručne kvalitete u produkciji i reprodukciji…(bude) organički povezana s nama, s našim životom.“23 Milotti, koji nije puno mario za elitističke stavove svojih kolega o tome da za obrazovane glazbenike koji drže do svog ugleda bavljenje zabavnom glaz- bom predstavlja „srozavanje statusa“, obilazio je glazbena događanja raznih žanrova i rado u njima i sam sudjelovao. Zabilježeno je primjerice njegovo gostovanje na koncertu Predraga Gojkovića Cuneta koji se 1962. godine predstavio pulskoj publici so- lističkim koncertom u dvorani doma JNA, na kojem je pjevao meksičke, crnačke duhovne, domaće i strane zabavne melodije te narodne pjesme. Nakon koncerta je oduševljeni beogradski pjevač poljubio Milottija i „očito uzbuđen, … izjavio da će lansi- rati ostvarenja skromnog pulskog kompozitora“.24 Na svom je predstojećem solističkom koncertu u Beogradu obećao izvesti četiri Milottijeve skladbe, među kojima i dva prijevoda pjesama na talijanskom jeziku.25 Ovakva je simbiotska veza predstavljala obostranu korist za umjetnike. Nello Milotti zadobio je naklonost interpreta koji je njegove uratke mogao popularizirati na koncertima širom Jugoslavije. Beogradski je pjevač pak u svoj raznoliki repertoar 199 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 mogao inkorporirati atraktivne uratke iz Pule, čiju je glazbu izvan granica Istre rijetko tko poznavao, i to pjesme u originalu pisane u jeziku manjine. Prepli- tanje i suživot u politički kompleksnim prostorima različitih kultura, omogućavali su nastanak novih glazbenih imaginarija i proizvodnju kolegijalnih i uzajamno poticajnih zajedničkih priča. Bilo je to i simbolično „priznanje drugog“ kao jednakovrije- dnog: ukazivalo je na otvorenost komunikacije u izgradnji glazbenih identiteta grada. * * * Uvid u popularnoglazbene prakse Pule u šezde- setima otkriva njihovu kompatibilnost s dominantnim glazbenim narativima u ostatku države. Unatoč tomu što se kulturna politika, trudila promovirati „više“, „obrazovne“ ciljeve kulture i umjetnosti, svoje je kriterije neminovno morala prilagoditi izmijenjenim potrebama i glazbenim preferencijama mladih. Dio establišmenta prema popularnoj glazbi bio je indiferentan, mnogi nisu ni sami bili u stanju razu- mjeti, a ni usmjeravati njezine tijekove. Zabrinjavalo ih je prvenstveno smanjeno sudjelovanje mladih u strukturama socijalističke države, prvenstveno u omladinskim organizacijama. Veliki dio kreatora kulturne politike na lokalnoj razini je konstituiranje popularnih žanrova tolerirao, a jedan je dio i pragma- tično sudjelovao u njezinu osmišljavanju. Zabavna se glazba u to vrijeme potpuno afirmirala i integrirala u sve segmente društva. Pula je dobila prvu gramofonsku ploču istarskog izvođača, pulska pjevačica pozive za prekooceanske nastupe te naj- veću potvrdu društvene uspješnosti pjevača mainstre- am zabavne glazbe – poziv za nastup pred Josipom Brozom Titom. Način zabave Puljana u šezdesetima svakako je promijenio i rock and roll, u kojem se bilježe pionirski poduhvati već početkom šezdesetih, kada se osniva prva grupa u tom žanru, te sredinom tog desetljeća kada se započinje s organiziranjem gitarijada. Sadržaji poruka koje je rock and roll posredovao nisu pozivali na bunt i revolt, ali je ta glazba svakako utjecala na modernizaciju i neposredno joj doprinosila. Izravno suprotstavljanje društvenim vrijednostima i pravilima, najviše se očitovalo u oblačenju, frizurama te pona- šanju na koncertima, plesnjacima i gitarijadama, no nisu uvođene nikakve sankcije za suzbijanje nepo- željnih trendova. Rock and roll je institucionaliziran i smješten u gabarite koji su omogućavali kontrolu nad njime. Otvorena su mu vrata mjesnih zajednica, omladinskih klubova te nerijetko i protokolarnih par- tijskih svečanosti. Na pitanje koja je točno publika slušala narodnu glazbu, posebno novokomponiranu nemoguće je pre- cizno odgovoriti, jer su te prakse većinom prolazile „ispod radara“ medija i kulturne politike. Vjerojatno su joj najprivrženiji bili pripadnici srednje i starije generacije, vojska i radnici doseljeni iz istočnih dije- lova zemlje, dok je veliki dio Puljana na nju gledao s prezirom i neodobravanjem. Njezini ljubitelji među- tim svakako nisu bili homogena grupa, getoizirana i izdvojena iz svih ostalih popularnoglazbenih praksi grada. Predodžba o Puli kao snažnoj glazbenoj utvrdi koju su od šezdesetih godina naovamo izgradile (i) popularnoglazbene, kako mainsteram tako i subkul- turne prakse legitimiran je u svim sferama javnog diskursa, osim u akademskom prostoru. Danas, više od pola stoljeća od razdoblja koji se u ovome radu razmatra, riječi iz citata u zaglavlju ovog teksta čiji je autor jedan od najcjenjenijih i u akademskim teks- tovima najcitiranijih istarskih glazbenika i publicista Slavko Zlatić, čini se tek treba biti osviješten. Sadržaji vezani uz popularnu glazbu u visokoškolskim pro- gramima pulskog Sveučilišta skromni su i sporadični, a mikrohistorijske studije o svakodnevici Pule u prošlosti koje bi uključivale zabavnoglazbene prakse kao autonomne audiovizualne i estetske činjenice iz muzikološke perspektive u potpunosti izostaju. Akademska je javnost, od šezdesetih naovamo perpe- tuirala predodžbu o vrijednosnoj hijerarhiji žanrova izgrađenu u poraću, te uspostavila demarkacijsku liniju po kojoj su istraživanja i interpretacija prisustva popularne glazbe u javnoj sferi smještene na marginu. Utoliko ovaj članak, iako suženog referentnog polja razmatranja, treba shvatiti i kao svojevrstan poticaj na samorefleksiju. 200 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lada DURAKOVIĆ: KULTURNA POLITIKA I POPULARNA GLAZBA: ŽANROVSKI KOLAŽI PULE U ŠEZDESETIMA, 189–202 KULTURNA POLITIKA IN POPULARNA GLASBA: ŽANRSKI KOLAŽI PULE V ŠESTDESETIH Lada DURAKOVIĆ Univerza Juraja Dobrile v Pulju, Glasbena akademija v Pulju, Rovinjska 14, 52100 Pulj, Hrvaška e-mail: ldurakov@unipu.hr POVZETEK Z analizo časopisnih virov, arhivskega gradiva ter uporabo metode ustne zgodovine se v prispevku markirajo nekatere ključne točke diskurza kulturne politike v razmerju do popularnih glasbenih praks v Puli v 1960-ih. Vpogled v vire kulturne politike razkriva njeno kompatibilnost z dominantnimi glasbenimi narativi v Socialistični federativni Republiki Jugoslaviji v tem obdobju, ki je bila ključna za sprejetje popularne in »novokomponirane« ljudske glasbe ter rock & rolla. Popularna glasba je bila v tistem času že popolnoma obče družbeno sprejeta in integrirana v vse segmente družbe. Takrat je bil med drugim posnet prvi album puljske pevke Lidije Percan, glasbenik z diplomo iz kompozicije Nello Milotti pa je že dosegel številne uspehe. V zgodnjih 1960-ih je bila ustanovljena prva rock & roll skupina, sredi tega desetletja pa so se začele organizirati (puljske) kitarijade. V okviru »spoštovanja« državne ideo- logije so rock & roll bandi lahko vadili in nastopali v lokalnih skupnostih, mladinskih klubih in tudi na protokolarnih partijskih slovesnostih. 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Pula, Centar za kulturološka i povijesna istraživanja socijalizma Sveučilišta Jurja Do- brile, 13. 4. 2023. 203 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2024-01-27 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.14 “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE Boštjan UDOVIČ University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: bostjan.udovic@fdv.uni-lj.si ABSTRACT This paper seeks to underscore the significance of Grlica as a pivotal journal for youth music in Slovenia from 1953 to 1988. It explores how Grlica played a crucial role in conveying the ideological and socio-political aspects of the socialist system prevalent during that period. Applying historical-developmental and historical-comparative methods, the paper presents three key findings. Firstly, Grlica was primarily a professional journal, with little to no ideological components. Secondly, the ones we do find were predominantly present in the initial period of Grlica’s publication, i.e., until 1965, becoming increasingly rare as time wore on. Thirdly, composers who published their works in Grlica held diverse ideological and musical orientations, indicating that Grlica was not only a profes- sional journal but also characterised by broad-minded and open perspectives. Keywords: Grlica, ideology, socialism, youth music, Slovenia “ESSERE IN LINEA”: LA RIVISTA GRLICA TRA FINALITÀ SOCIALISTE E MUSICA DI QUALITÀ PER BAMBINI E PER GIOVANI SINTESI Lo scopo dell’articolo è quello di illustrare l’importanza della rivista Grlica come rivista fondamentale per la musica per bambini e per giovani in Slovenia tra il 1953 e il 1987 per la trasmissione di elementi ideologici e sociopolitici del sistema politico e socioeconomico (socialista) dell’epoca. Utilizzando il metodo storiografico e storico-comparativo, l’articolo presenta tre conclusioni. In primis, Grlica è stata in gran parte una rivista speciali- stica con poche componenti ideologiche. In secondo luogo, le componenti ideologiche erano presenti soprattutto nel primo periodo di pubblicazione della rivista, cioè fino al 1965, poi si riscontrano molto raramente. Infine, i compositori che pubblicarono le “loro” composizioni in Grlica erano ideologicamente e musicalmente orientati in direzioni diverse, il che significa che Grlica non è stata soltanto una rivista principalmente specialistica, ma anche una rivista di ampio respiro e di mentalità aperta. Parole chiave: Grlica, ideologia, socialismo, musica per bambini e per giovani, Slovenia 204 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH PROBLEMATIQUE1 The end of the Second World War ushered in sig- nificant changes for Slovenia. The old pre-war social order gave way to a new one, which also wielded au- thority to intervene across various societal domains. The fact that music and musical activities were not exceptions is evidenced by the relatively swift intervention of post-war authorities in this domain as well. As Gabrič (1991, 489) notes, as early as 22 January 1944 – almost a year and a half before the end of the Second World War on Slovenian soil – (most likely) Boris Kidrič summarised the essence of the ‘new Yugoslavia’ and its nascent cultural policy, which certainly encompassed music. The main focus of his speech was the ideal of the new artists, who would no longer be constrained by the limitations of petty-bourgeois art,2 but would politically emanci- pate themselves and become not only artists but also political activists. This activism should be cultivated through the artist’s political maturity, implying that the ‘new authorities’ should refrain from “giving directives on how to write”. The artist would there- fore find the correct path as part of his own political emancipation — consequently, he would also know how to “write correctly” or to write in a manner that ensures “the work of art will embody quality and di- rection” (Gabrič, 1991, 489).3 In this speech, Kidrič also emphasised that “just as the Party has waged the political struggle, it must also construct art” (Gabrič, 1991, 489–490), the statement clearly signalling that art, including music, would not evade the Party’s expectations and demands in these ‘new times’. After the end of the Second World War, it became evident that the field of music and music-making4 1 This article is a result of the Research Project “Music for the young people since 1945 and Jeunesses Musicales in Slovenia (J6-3135)”, bilateral project between Slovenia and Serbia “Music as a means of cultural diplomacy of small transition countries: the case of Slovenia and Serbia”, and the Research Programme “Slovenia and its Actors in International Relations and European integrations” (P5-0177), all financed by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (ARIS). 2 In Kidrič’s paper, there is an allusion to this concept in the phrase “the heritage of café chitchat” (cf. Gabrič, 1991, 489). 3 Our interpretation of the text suggests that by using the term ‘direction’ [tendenca in the Slovenian original], Kidrič likely referred to the thematic content of the artist’s work or its alignment with the postulates and ideological framework of the ‘new authority’. 4 This term encompasses all fields that engage with music or incorporate musical elements. For further insights into the definition and understanding of this concept, refer to Ovnik (2024). 5 Venišnik Peternelj (2019, 11–12) points out that Marjan Lipovšek did not join the partisans but was a member of the Liberation Front. “After the end of the war, in July 1945, he was accused of collaborating with the occupiers, pilfering parcels intended for the partisans, and breaking Cultural Silence. He was acquitted in August 1946, and in October 1946, he was employed by the Academy of Music, where he was elected an associate professor.” 6 According to Pompe (2019, 99), if the post-war authorities had been consistent in their principles and actions, it should have been detrimental to Lucijan M. Škerjanc that, as a composer, “he aligned himself with the conservative bourgeois tradition of the past, or ‘world-weary impressionism’”, while also dedicating his Symphony No. 3 to Emilio Grazioli, the High Commissioner of the Ljubljana Province. 7 Stefanija (2018, 209) explains the unique status accorded to Stanko Premrl by highlighting that he was perceived by the authori- ties as a sympathiser of the Liberation Front. This is further corroborated by a letter from the Society of Slovene Composers to the Council for Education and Culture of the People’s Republic of Slovenia dated 19 October 1954. The letter not only provides posi- tive endorsements of Stanko Premrl and his support for the Liberation Front but also underscores “his significant reputation among cultural institutions within the Partisan movement, particularly for having composed the music to Prešeren’s poem Zdravica, which was frequently performed at partisan rallies.” would not be exempt from the post-war upheaval. A high price was exacted from those who broke (or were deemed to have broken!) the Cultural Silence (kulturni molk), as this was seen by the party as legitimising their collaboration with the occupier. Some of them were initially accused, such as Marjan Lipovšek and Primož Ramovš (Pompe, 2019, 96), but were soon acquitted and later became pillars of mu- sical life in Slovenia.5 Furthermore, Pompe (2019), Stefanija (2004), and Udovič (2021) argue that the post-war authorities shaped this new music and art in a chaotic manner. On the one hand, they wanted to reshape music-making concurrently with broader societal changes, yet they also reverted to old pat- terns relatively quickly. This included appointing individuals to prominent positions in the Slovenian music community whom they may have viewed with suspicion for various reasons. Pompe (2019, 99) highlights the case of Lucijan M. Škerjanc,6 who became chancellor of the Academy of Music after the war. In the same vein, Stanko Premrl, who, writing for the Cerkveni glasbenik bulletin, in 1941 penned an article titled “In Recognition of the Momentous Change” (Ob zgodovinski premembi), welcoming the Italian occupation of Ljubljana (Udovič, 2021, 240). While the authorities closed down the journal after the war, their attitude toward him remained very respectful. He continued to publish his compositions not only through the Society of Slovene Composers but also in other publications, including Grlica.7 However, not everyone was fortunate enough to have the authorities turn a blind eye. The unlucky cases unfortunately include the Glasbena matica mu- sical society, which was disbanded at the end of the war, leading to its activities being primarily limited to its choir. While the real reasons for this will probably 205 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 never be known,8 we do know the legal justification put forward by the authorities. Decree No. 1720/1- 45, promulgated by the Ministry of the Interior and signed by Minister Zoran Polič, lists the reasons given for dissolving the Glasbena matica, including that “Glasbena matica, the Philharmonic Society, and its concert subsidiary, among others, catered to the whims of the occupiers and domestic traitors with all its apparatus” and that “it stayed active even during the Italian and German occupation, continuing as if it were business as usual, even though it was patently clear that such activities run counter to its once great achievements and those of the Slovenian musical arts in general”. The Ministry concludes the paragraph by asserting that “the responsibility for Glasbena matica’s continued activities, including those of its orchestra, choir, and concert management, does not lie solely with its leadership, but with the Glasbena matica musical society as a whole, which is why the decision to dissolve Glasbena matica and all its subsidiaries is fully justified” (emphasis added by the author). The report then proceeds to present ‘other evidence’ of Glasbena matica’s collaboration with the occupier, ultimately concluding that “Glas- bena matica neglected its responsibility to the na- tion, whitewashed and denied its past through such actions, and that its members failed in their national duty” (ARS 231, 58).9 Although these two examples demonstrate the complete absence of a strategy for influencing the de- velopment of art, including music, and the confusion of the post-war authorities regarding how to handle musicians, musical institutions, and music-making in general, a clear common denominator within this confusion emerges: the post-war authorities, like any authoritarian regime, sought to co-opt music and music-making to consolidate their political power. This in turn justified all means. The illustrated pragmatism of the post-war regime is highlighted by Gabrič (1991), who describes the sig- nificance of promoting the establishment and strength- ening of choirs after the Second World War. During the period of Cultural Silence, the formation and activity of these choirs were discouraged, as their existence could potentially legitimise ‘normal life’ under abnor- mal conditions (i.e., occupation). However, with the 8 Stefanija (2005, 51) lists four reasons: (a) Glasbena matica’s failure to adapt to the ‘new times’; (b) its internal inability to grow while maintaining the quality of musical production; (c) the inherent rejection of musical professionalism, and (d) the leader- ship’s focus on the past, emphasising the musical society’s own cultural mission and consequently promoting exclusivism. While Stefanija (2005) largely attributes the dissolution of Glasbena matica to its own actions, Cigoj Krstulović (2015, 295) is more sceptical, suggesting that a significant reason for the musical society’s dissolution lay in both the socio-political changes and dif- fering interpretations of music and music-making. She identifies the former in the processes of “democratisation of mass culture [...]”, which led to the “standardisation and trivialisation of musical creation”, and the latter in the fact that the “[m]odernisation of musical life demanded the autonomy of art”, and in music, its liberation from “the trap of functionality and ‘usefulness’”. 9 Name of the document: “Addressed to Glasbena matica. For the attention of Dr Vladimir Ravnikar, 24 December 1945.” The fact that most of the accusations were complete fabrications or taken out of context is highlighted by Vladimir Ravnihar in his work Ad Aeternam Memoriam, where he refutes all the accusations with evidence. conclusion of the Second World War, these dilemmas dissipated, and the post-war authorities actively began to support the formation of choirs. Gabrič (1991, 533) provides the following data to confirm this trend: In 1945, there were 752 choirs in Slovenia, with just over 20,000 members. The new authorities placed particular importance on ensuring that the choirs were predominantly composed of working-class individuals [...]. The number of choirs grew rapidly, with the most significant growth observed in the Slovene Littoral (the Primorska Region). In 1945, Primorska had 95 choirs, which increased to 223 by the following year and 230 by 1947. By 1947, there were a total of 820 choirs in Slove- nia, comprising 219 men’s choirs, 89 women’s choirs, 320 mixed choirs, and 192 youth choirs. In 1947, these choirs collectively performed 1,948 events. Men’s choirs accounted for the largest share with 641 performances (33% of all events), followed by mixed choirs with 587 performances (30% of all events) (sup- plemented based on Gabrič, 1991, 533). The growth in the number of choirs can be at- tributed to several factors. One of these factors is the public demand for socio-cultural engagement, which was significantly restricted during the occupation. Additionally, the post-war authorities recognised that choir singing could serve as a subtle form of political propaganda and reinforce the regime’s ori- entations. Consequently, they actively encouraged these activities and directed the singing programmes to align with the ‘new times’. The authorities recom- mended that choirmasters shape their programmes to align with new expectations and the new era. How- ever, as Gabrič (1991, 534) notes, this led to tension between traditional folk songs and the ‘new’ songs [i.e. songs with socialist themes – author’s note]. Ac- cording to the authorities, the latter were neglected, which hindered the education and shaping of the new man, thereby impeding the consolidation of the new socio-political order. The authorities’ influence was thus exerted in various ways, particularly in the realm of music, especially in the early years. In addition to the 206 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 aforementioned examples, it is important to mention the activities and perspectives of the authorities regarding the Society of Slovene Composers (cf. Kralj Bervar, 2011, 16–51), as well as other areas such as music criticism (Weiss, 2024, 227–244), the introduction of ideological components into the functioning of the Ljubljana Opera House (Pompe, 2018, 73–77), and, crucially, children’s and youth music, the central focus of this paper. This article aims to analyse ideological elements in music for young people in Slovenia, with a par- ticular focus on the music journal Grlica. The first volume of Grlica was published in 1953, and despite (financial) difficulties, it continued to be published until 1988. In its first issue, Grlica featured an article titled “Our Work Plan”, outlining its mission. The Editorial Board10 stated that the new Grlica11 would “comprise a book and a sheet music section”, with the sheet music section containing compositions suitable for all school levels (from single voice to four voices). Additionally, “the literary supplement [would] address all current youth music issues” (Uredniški odbor, 1953, 1). Among the listed issues, it is particularly noteworthy for our analysis that Grlica would also publish timetables for singing on significant holidays, such as national holidays: 1 May (Labour Day), 22 July (Day of the Uprising of the Slovene Nation), 27 April (Liberation Front Day),12 29 November (Republic Day), Tito’s Birthday (25 May), Women’s Day (8 March), Prešeren Day (8 February), as well as school commencement and end-of-school celebrations (Uredniški odbor, 1953, 2).13 For our analysis, we define the corpus of mate- rial by focusing on vocal and instrumental compo- sitions from Grlica that contain an ideological or socialist component. This criterion operates at two levels: either by looking at the title of the composi- tion or its lyrics. Therefore, the works (hereinafter: 10 Members of the Editorial Board included: Radovan Gobec, Pavle Kalan, Janez Kuhar, Slavko Mihelčič, and Ciril Pregelj, with Radovan Gobec serving as the editor-in-chief of Grlica. 11 This previous Grlica is described as a music magazine for young people edited by Srečko Kumar. 12 27 April was effectively abolished as a public holiday during the 3rd session of the 1st Ordinary Session of the People’s Assembly of the People’s Republic of Slovenia (8 June 1951), with its significance being transferred to a new holiday—the Day of the Uprising of the Slovene Nation. The informal reason for this change was that the Serbs opposed the idea of Slovenians celebrating a holiday that would imply they rose up against the occupier ahead of them, as Serbs celebrated their Day of the Uprising on 7 July, marking the first wartime action of the Rađevo troops. Formally, Miha Marinko explained the abolition of Liberation Front Day in the People’s Assembly as follows: “We are the only republic in Yugoslavia that has a national holiday tied to a party-political event, while in four republics, the beginning of an actual armed uprising is celebrated as a national holiday.” He added, “[i]t is certainly much more appropriate for the national holiday of a republic to be tied to such historical facts that signify either the direct beginning of a revolution or acts of national importance. In our case [the celebration of Liberation Front Day – author’s note], when we impose on the historical date of the foundation of our all-people political organisation, important as it is for us as a nation from a historical-political point of view, a national significance which it can- not have”. “27 April as a national holiday obscures for the outside world the actual historical situation of our armed war of liberation. It is particularly unusual for the broader perception abroad to set a party-political holiday as a national holiday” (People’s Assembly of Slovenia – Transcript, 1952, 38). The decision of the People’s Assembly was published in the Official Gazette of the People’s Republic of Slovenia, No. 21/1951. Liberation Front Day was reinstated in 1968. 13 However, subsequent issues of Grlica largely lack this kind of content. 14 Hereafter, we use the term composition inclusively for both vocal and instrumental works analysed. 15 The latter is the subject of an intriguing discussion by Županović (1973, 287–307), who concludes that it is not a traditional Slovenian song, as often thought in Slovenia, but rather a melody of a “German rebellion song from 1525” (Županović, 1973, 293). compositions)14 selected for analysis include those with titles or lyrics referencing national holidays, partisans, the national liberation struggle, May Day celebrations, pioneers, the Slovenian or Yugoslav flag, Josip Broz Tito, the youth movement, workers’ rights, workers in general, and the socialist revolu- tion. Additionally, revolutionary poems such as those about Matija Gubec, Puntarska [A rebellion song], and similar figures are conditionally included within this framework.15 However, we will also take into consideration popular and academic treatises published in Grlica. This discussion forms the framework for our initial research question (R), which aims to explore the presence of ideological and socialist elements in Grlica in general. Building on this foundation, we aim to ascertain the sections of Grlica (sheet music or popular and academic treatises) where these ideological components were prominent (R1), and identify the composers who primarily composed texts that addressed the ideological aspects of the socialist regime (R2). These research questions will be addressed through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative methods will primarily illustrate numeri- cal trends within the Grlica music supplements from 1953 to 1988. Complementing these, we will employ two qualitative methods: the historical-developmental and historical-comparative approaches. These will scrutinise the content of Grlica’s music supplements alongside its popular and academic writings during the specified period. Our focus will be on determin- ing whether Grlica became more or less ideologically influenced over time, changing in ways that either benefited or ran contrary to the socialist regime’s ide- ology. This developmental and comparative analysis aims to uncover shifts in Grlica’s ideological stance between 1953 and 1988. 207 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 The article unfolds in three interconnected parts: an introductory chapter sets the stage, fol- lowed by a theoretical framework exploring the role of ideology in music and its significance in the secondary socialisation of individuals (in our case, through the educational system). Next, an empiri- cal chapter divides into two sections: an analysis of Grlica’s music supplements and an examination of its academic and popular articles. These sections will identify specific features and characteristics gleaned from our analysis. Concluding the article, a discussion and summary will present our main findings, address research questions, and propose avenues for future investigation. MUSIC AS A TOOL OF SOFT POWER AND IDEOLOGICAL EXPRESSION: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS The question of ideology in music presents a seemingly unsolvable dilemma, as it involves under- standing music and ideology through two opposing lenses. Those who argue that music is primarily an aesthetic entity (for more on music aesthetics, cf. Barbo, 2008) often struggle to accept its connections to ideological and social realities. Conversely, those who view music as inseparable from its social con- text always interpret it through a socio-political lens, inherently linked to specific ideologies. A concrete example illustrates this point: On 3 September 2018, Israeli radio broadcast a recording of Wagner’s ‘Twilight of the Gods’ (Götterdämmerung) from the 1991 Bayreuth Festival (RTV SLO, 2018). While this composition is renowned for its musical excellence, some listeners did not evaluate it solely on aesthetic grounds. Instead, they interpreted its broadcast within the framework of its ideological and socially conditioned context. This dual interpre- tation prompted numerous complaints, leading Israel Radio to apologise for broadcasting the final opera in Wagner’s Ring Cycle and acknowledge the impact of their decision. There are numerous insights and conclusions regarding the dilemmas surrounding the aesthetics of music and its communicative power. Maria Bergamo (2003, 9ff) asserts that music communicates in a distinct, independent manner that is neither object- based nor linguistic. According to Adorno, “music speaks, but it does not say anything, and in particular it does not speak in a disordered way” (Rutar, 2001, 136). Its communicative strength lies in its non-verbal nature, transmitting messages through sound. How- ever, these messages are inseparable from the music itself (Adorno, 1956, n.p.). It is crucial to recognise that the impact of music varies among individuals: 16 Josip Vidmar was a significant Slovenian writer, critic, and politician, a prominent figure in Slovenian political life post-1945. some are affected intellectually, others emotionally, and still others aesthetically (Bedina, 2000, 110). Emotionally, music plays a significant role in conveying ideological elements, as noted by Francis (1997), who posits that ideology primarily influences emotions. Furthermore, emotional responses to music are not solely personal; they are often shaped by socio-political contexts. To illustrate this inter- play, consider the evolution of Premrl’s Zdravljica towards becoming the Slovenian anthem. In 1986, a ceremony commemorating the 400th anniversary of Trubar’s death took place at Rašica. Kmecl (2005) vividly recalls the event: [I] distinctly remember us saying at the time, ‘when they begin to sing [Zdravljica – author’s note], we would rise’. If we consider it a solemn song that resonates with our identity, then we must treat it as we do a national anthem. Ini- tially, about ten of us stood, then old Vidmar16 glanced around, realised the sentiment, and stood as well. Soon, the entire audience at the Trubar celebration stood up. Earlier records suggest Zdravljica served as a mobilising song, often evoking, according to some, intense personal emotions. However, in this instance, as described by Kmecl, Zdravljica transcended indi- vidual sentiment to reflect the broader social atmos- phere of the performance. Singing Zdravljica in 1986 was a departure from previous renditions in 1948 or 1963, signifying more than musical expression. It symbolised the collective dissent of Slovenians towards the prevailing conditions in Yugoslavia and Slovenia at that time. In this context, we can concur with Rutar (2001, 10), who asserts that music itself “constitutes an ideological form and practice. Accordingly, it serves processes of social domination and hegemony”. Such a perspective situates music as a medium of mediation, through which other ideological or socio-pragmatic messages are communicated. These messages originate from the social superstructure, i.e. the ruling class, and are transmitted via music to individuals, appealing either to their rational or emotional faculties. Debrix (2002, 205) similarly acknowledges music’s efficacy in conveying ideo- logical messages, emphasising that “music generates meanings that serve specific political and ideologi- cal objectives”. Therefore, music and its message are inherently intertwined with a “political or ideologi- cal framework that accompanies its performance”. It is crucial to recognise that ideology is not a static concept but encompasses diverse frames and spec- tra. When discussing the transmission of ideology 208 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 through music-making, we must consider these ideo- logical dimensions, which can influence individuals through rationality or emotional resonance. Each instance is unique, so generalisations in this realm are inherently limited.17 Ideology, as illustrated in examples such as Twilight of the Gods and Zdravljica, is not always directly articulated or overtly presented. Instead, it can permeate music indirectly through musical texture, elements of melody, or textual motifs (in the case of vocal songs). Social ideology can thus be conveyed through musical intervals (such as Carnolian/Alpine third or sixth, Istrian minor second or fourth, hymnal fourth, etc.), time signa- tures (like 4/4 for marches, 3/4 for Viennese waltzes, 2/4 for polkas, and 2/4, 6/8, or 12/8 for gondolier dances or lighter music), and rhythmic patterns (including syncopation, punctuated rhythms, etc.). However, the transmission of political or social ideology through music is not solely influenced by instrumental and vocal compositions; it is also shaped by performance. Thus, those who introduce or avoid ideological elements in music aren’t just its composers but also its performers (cf. Udovič, 2021, 183–184). Ideology seldom enters music directly; rather than being overtly coercive, it manifests primarily through elements of appeal, attraction, or other forms of subtle messaging. Unlike direct messages, these subtle cues tend to be more enduring and challenging to dismiss. These subtle and often elusive messages, which are present yet difficult to pinpoint precisely, can be defined as the soft power of ideology (Nye, 1990). What characterises this soft power of ideology, akin to Gramsci’s concept of hegemony (1955)? Primarily, it operates indirectly, influencing individuals not through direct imposi- tion but by creating favourable circumstances, fostering feelings of acceptance or desirability, and suggesting ideas perceived as beneficial—whether rationally or emotionally—for the individual. In this context, it naturally raises the question of how ideology is transmitted from the social su- perstructure to individuals or social groups. Amat (2021) distinguishes two modes: the direct and indirect. Direct transmission, often referred to as vertical, originates from state authorities and is typi- cally perceived as imposed, compelling individuals 17 For instance, various studies have examined the incorporation of ideological components into music (cf., for instance, Cigoj Krstulović (2017); Mayer-Hirzberger (2017); Szabó-Knotik (2017); Šentevska (2024); Vesić (2024); Duraković (2024); Aleksić (2024). 18 Knudsen & Onsrud (2023) discuss the transmission of ideology by music teachers in primary schools in Norway. 19 It can also be transmitted from teacher to student. Students may perceive teachers not only as authorities but also as role models or friends, further influencing ideological transmission. 20 Udovič (2021, 309) observes that Slovenian music education textbooks are de-ideologised and “completely sterile, as they focus solely on uncontroversial authors and songs”, adding that “the Slovenian musical landscape presented to primary and secondary school pupils today is perceived as lacking connection to its own (musical) heritage.” to accept it under threat of social sanction at the very least. In contrast, indirect transmission, char- acterised as horizontal or peer-to-peer, develops among equals—peers, colleagues within specific social or political organisations, or professionals in related fields. The educational system, identified as an ideo- logical apparatus of the state (Althusser, 2018, 50ff), combines both modes of transmission, disseminat- ing state and other ideologies. The vertical mode of ideological transmission, exercised directly by institutions, manifests through curricula, teachers’ lectures, organised celebrations, and other institu- tional emphases (Apple, 2018).18 These are struc- tured based on laws, regulations (e.g., curricula), or guidelines. In contrast, the horizontal mode operates predominantly through the soft power of attraction among social groups or individuals whom an individual seeks to please or associate with. In a typical educational setting, these two modes intertwine. However, it is crucial to emphasise that while the vertical mode establishes the framework for ideological transmission, the horizontal mode is where ideology is more enduringly and effectively conveyed—peer-to-peer.19 This horizontal transmis- sion persists because it serves not only as a conduit for ideological messages but also fulfils the indi- vidual’s need to find common ground with others based on shared identity characteristics. This phenomenon aligns with situated learning theory (Lave & Wenger, 1991), which highlights that individuals often learn best in situational contexts. According to this theory, learning occurs as indi- viduals immerse themselves in identity communi- ties they aspire to belong to. For instance, a child may choose to join a choir because encouraged by a music teacher or principal (vertical influence), or because their friends or those they wish to impress or identify with (horizontal influence) are also par- ticipating in the choir. Music education, including the broader teaching of music-making, illustrates how ideology can be subtly conveyed through subliminal messages. This occurs not only through the music students listen to in classrooms (Green, 2003), but also through the selection of vocal and instrumental compositions presented in textbooks20 and performed in choirs, school events, and local gatherings. 209 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF GRLICA ISSUES FROM 1953 TO 1988 Introduction and Methodology The analysis of Grlica is framed by the research ques- tions introduced earlier in this paper and restated here for clarity and coherence. Our research aims to explore the presence and extent of ideological and socialist elements in Grlica. Specifically, we investigate where these elements were more prevalent—whether in the sheet music supple- ment or in popular and academic articles—and identify composers who predominantly composed music on the basis of texts with ideological or socialist themes. Our analysis involved a comprehensive review of all issues of Grlica from 1953 to 1988.21 This involved using a blend of quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse both the sheet music supplements and the popular and academic articles. Below, we present the results of this analysis. Analysis Quantitative Analysis of the Sheet Music Supplement Between 1953 and 1988, Grlica published a total of 93 issues, some as double or triple editions, and occa- sionally faced interruptions due to financial constraints. Upon reviewing all issues of Grlica, we segmented its publication history into three distinct periods, reflecting its initial growth, subsequent stability, and eventual decline. The first period spans the inaugural decade (1953–1964), characterised by robust editorial and authorial commit- ment evident in substantial contributions of vocal and instrumental works despite financial challenges. Despite these difficulties, the majority of single issues were published during this time, highlighting a strong output of sheet music. The second period, covering 1965–1975, marks Grlica’s maturation phase. During this decade, edi- torial shifts reduced emphasis on choir singing in favour of 21 An interesting observation from our review of the journal is the significant economic volatility experienced by Grlica throughout its publication history. Despite considerable interest from primary school music teachers and choirmasters, many subscribers failed to pay their subscriptions, leading to a high rate of unsubscribing due to financial constraints. This economic instability posed a constant challenge to Grlica’s publication, creating a struggle for survival from its inception. The journal lacked adequate institutional support to ensure economic independence, which would allow the editorial team to focus primarily on maintaining the quality of the music content for young people. 22 While Grlica may initially appear as a journal primarily catering to children’s and youth choirs, our assessment reveals it as a publica- tion of exceptional professional quality, still relevant for today’s primary and secondary school music teachers and choirmasters of choirs for young people and adults. 23 It is important to note some exceptions that slightly skewed these averages, such as the publication of 63 canons in issue 3–4/67–68, which was specifically devoted to this musical form, and 38 songs in issue No 1–2/75–76, as part of Jež’s supplement Pojem-plešem [I’m Singing and Dancing]. Conversely, there were periods with fewer publications, such as only 7 songs in issue No 1/61, 8 in issue No 2/62, 6 in issue No 2/63, and 3 in issue No 3/66 (Pahor’s special issue). 24 Zajček dolgoušček is one of the most popular songs for children today. Parents sing it to their children, they in turn also learn it in nurser- ies and schools. 25 Gobec (1966, 2) highlighted Grlica’s role in promoting martial and social themes, stating: “The musical supplement of Grlica comprises 822 pages and 564 compositions spanning 10 years. There are 98 (17.4%) songs with militant, revolutionary, and work-related [sic., it should read workers’ – author’s note] themes, and 15 (3%) songs on social themes [...].” classroom-based music, marking a shift in Grlica’s mission. Ongoing financial strains continued to affect publication frequency, a concern increasingly acknowledged by the editorial board. The third period signifies the decline of Grlica. The period between 1976 and 1988 witnessed significant changes in the landscape of music education in primary schools, including the reduction of music lessons from two to one per week (Uvodnik, 1973/74, 1–11), and the introduction of more focused educational approaches. Grlica experienced its final decline in the mid-1980s, coinciding with the abolition of the Department of Music Education and Choir Conducting at the Ljubljana Peda- gogical Academy.22 Each issue of Grlica typically contained more than 10 compositions, with occasional variations due, in our assessment, to the length of compositions or the oc- casional extra composition published in one issue and consequently omitted in the next. Throughout its publica- tion history, Grlica published a cumulative total of 1,130 compositions, averaging approximately 33 compositions published in the journal’s music supplement per year (Chart 1).23 Dividing the total number of compositions published in Grlica between 1953 and 1988 by our stated periods reveals notable trends: 560 compositions were published in the first period (1953–1964), constituting 50% of the total; 231 compositions (20%) were published in the second period (1965–1975); and 339 compositions (30%) were published in the third period (1976–1988). Analysing the presence of ideological elements in music for young people reveals a relatively small proportion of ideological compositions in Grlica.24 Out of the total corpus analysed, 118 compositions engaged with socio-political or ideological themes, amounting to 10.5% of all published compositions. There are no significant differences between the periods, although the proportion of compositions with ideological and socio-political content in the first period appears slightly higher compared to the other two25 (we find that these compositions were generally concentrated around important national holidays or anniversaries). For instance, Grlica No 4/57 featured a special appendix with 11 210 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 revolutionary compositions translated and adapted to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the October Revolu- tion. Similarly, Grlica No 1/59 included 15 composi- tions with socialist, socio-political, or ideological themes to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the founding of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (ZKJ). In 1977, Grlica published a special collection titled Songs about Tito and Other Compositions for Young People, where 8 out of 21 compositions could be classified as having socio-political or ideological themes. Interestingly, Grlica No 3-5/84 referenced the 40th anniversary of the end of the Second World War, yet only 1 out of the 12 compositions in that issue could be associated with the socio-political or ideo- logical (socialist) subject matter of the time (Chart 1). 26 In the entire corpus analysed, Gobec published 35 original compositions with socio-political or ideological content (out of a total of 65 compositions composed for Grlica). 27 Ana Marija Miklavčič (2016) also notes Jobst’s reputation as a church composer. However, a closer examination reveals that Jobst’s musical oeuvre “includes 641 manuscripts and printed works, of which 438 are secular and 203 are church music”. Our own under- standing of Jobst as a church composer is primarily attributed to the fact that—as noted by the author herself—“between the two world wars [...] he distinguished himself with a number of church compositions”, also composing many solo instrumental organ works after the Second World War (Miklavčič, 2016). 28 The connection between Tomc and Gobec is underscored by a significant episode in Slovenian music history involving Tomc’s composition Stara Pravda [Old Justice], which also marked a turning point for Radovan Gobec. In 1954, Gobec approached composer Matija Tomc to set verses from Aškerc’s poem cycle Old Justice to music, which would then be performed by the Tone Tomšič Academic Choir at its 10th-anniversary cel- ebration in 1956 at Union Hall. Making good on his promise, Tomc delivered the music to Gobec, who enthusiastically prepared for the concert and invited Tomc to attend. At the conclusion of the event, Gobec was honoured with the Golden Wreath, which he then presented to Matija Tomc, who accepted it with a slight bow. The following day, Gobec was summoned by Janez Vipotnik, a local Communist party functionary, who revoked his party membership card, “deeply affecting Gobec” (Gobec, 2018). This was only the beginning of a public backlash, further exacerbated by media scrutiny. Sergej Vošnjak, editor of Slovenski poročevalec, wrote the following in his article Criticising the Critics: “The Tone Tomšič Academic Choir celebrated the tenth anniversary of its existence by performing chorales. One might have expected the critics [talking about the response to the performance of Old Judgement by music critics – author’s note] to emphasise how such a renowned choir should have sung about more novel, progressive themes. Instead, critiques focused narrowly on vocal technique and sound quality ... Also talking about the challenges inherent in composing song cycles, sidestepping the broader observation that the struggle for old justice did not include supplications to the heavens, but was harsh and cruel” (Vošnjak, 1956, 8). For more on the topic, cf. Škulj (1997) and Weiss (2010). Chart 1 illustrates a significant disparity between the total number of compositions published annually in Grlica and those with socio-political and ideological themes. This numerical contrast becomes particularly compelling when considering the composers behind these ideologically charged compositions. Among the most prominent contribu- tors in this regard is Radovan Gobec, who during his tenure as editor in the first decade published 15 such compositions or adaptations in Grlica.26 Other notable composers include Ciril Pregelj, Peter Lipar, Ciril Cvetko, and Anton Jobst, a recognised church composer in Slovenia, all of whom contributed compositions that could be considered at least ideological.27 Of interest regarding the regime’s stance on certain composers28 is the presence of works by Lojze Mav, Stanko Premrl, and Matija Tomc. All three were priests and Figure 1: The first published composition in the inaugural issue of Grlica (Source: Grlica, 1953a, NP1). 211 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 composers whose compositions appeared predominantly in the first period under Radovan Gobec’s editorship. For example, between 1953 and 1965, Grlica published 22 compositions by Premrl, 19 by Tomc,29 and 2 by Mav. In 1958, Stanko Premrl was even awarded a cash prize by Grlica for his composition Vlak (Train).30 Content Analysis of Socio-Ideological Elements in the Sheet Music Supplement The content analysis of the sheet music, focusing on the ideological and political themes emphasised in Grlica’s supplement, reveals two main characteristics. 1. Firstly, we can divide the entire period of Grlica’s publication into two sub-periods: (1) the time be- tween 1953 and 1961 and (2) the time after 1962, based on socio-ideological themes.31 - During the first sub-period, Grlica closely aligned with the political and social ideology of the country and political system at that time. This alignment is evidenced by the number of published compositions and the topics they 29 Grlica published a total of 38 compositions by Tomc. 30 That Stanko Premrl and Matija Tomc received special treatment in Grlica is also confirmed by the notes on their anniversaries, and in Tomc’s case, by the promotion of his sheet music book Za mladega pianista (For the Young Pianist) (Grlica, 1959, 47). On Matija Tomc’s 60th birthday, Grlica published a congratulatory message with best wishes, while ‘neglecting’ to mention that he was also a priest when listing his titles (Grlica, 1960a, 10). Stanko Premrl received similar congratulations. On his jubilee, it was noted that he was “the choirmaster for the Ljubljana Cathedral and an excellent organ player”, but they relativised this fact by emphasising that Stanko Premrl “has had a lasting influence on secular music” (Grlica, 1960b, 70). 31 Interestingly, although not directly related to music but to the outside appearance of the journal Grlica, is the aesthetics of its musical supplement. This changed from the initial relatively drab to a much more aesthetic format in 1962, with issue 4–5 (VIII), only to become more modernist and, in our opinion, visually un-anaesthetic again a few years later. 32 Today, the song is sung in nurseries, and parents teach it to their children, etc. In this sense, it was robbed of the ideological factor. covered. These topics can be classified into three categories: (1) youth as an ideological concept, (2) statehood and statecraft, and (3) the socio-political system (Table 1). These categories encompass 76, or 65%, of all published compo- sitions. Among them are now widely accepted songs such as the previously mentioned Lepo je v naši domovini biti mlad [Oh to Be Young in Our Homeland] (Radovan Gobec; Grlica No 1/53), Vstajenje Primorske [Primorska in Arms] (Emil Ulaga; Grlica No 1/53), Naša četica koraka [Our Little Company is on the March]32 (Janez Bitenc; Grlica No 2/55–56), a special edition containing (Russian) revolutionary songs prepared for the anniversary of the October Revolution (Grlica No 4/56–57), and a special supplement to the journal featuring (Yugoslav) partisan songs pre- pared for the 40th anniversary of the founding of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (Grlica No 1/59). This period concludes with a collection of 12 compositions for young people’s choirs, in- cluding Pregelj’s arrangement of Za vasjo je čredo pasla [She Tended Her Flock Outside the Village] Chart 1: Number of compositions with ideologically significant themes by year (1953–1988) (Source: Our analysis). ”Ideological compositions“All compositions 212 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 (originally called Partisan’s Wife) and Stoji tam v gori partizan [A Partisan Stands There on the Mountain]. During this period, alongside the emphasis on partisan songs, there were a few songs dedicated to Josip Broz Tito.33 33 Five such compositions were published during this sub-period. 34 During these years, two significant changes occurred in Grlica. First, Radovan Gobec was replaced by Jakob Jež as editor in 1967, following two interim editors. Second, Grlica’s mission shifted from being a choral journal for young people’s music to focusing ‘more’ on classroom singing, resulting in less emphasis on choirs. These changes to the musical supplement included greater inclusion of children and young people through Orff instruments, student participation in clapping as ac- companiment, and other sound effects. 35 It is not entirely clear when the slogan “Nation-Party-Youth-Action” [Narod-partija-omladina-akcija] emerged in Yugoslav post-war his- tory. Some sources suggest that the slogan [emphasis in bold by author] became relevant within the framework of work brigades in the 1960s, before official authorities ‘corrected’ it by substituting “action” for “army” [Nation-Party-Youth-Army – Narod-partija-omladina- armija]. Regardless of these ambiguities, the phrase became part of the music in the composition Tito je naše sunce [Tito Is Our Sun], performed on the Youth Day (25 May 25, Tito’s alleged birthday; he was actually born on 7 May) in 1979. The lyrics of this song were written by Pero Zubac, with music by the established composer Kornelije Kovač. 36 Something incomprehensible from the perspective of today’s political correctness is the publication of the composition Cigan je zmaknil klarinet [The Gypsy Stole the Clarinet], with lyrics by Silvin Sardenko and music by Breda Šček, which ends with the phrase “Ti, ti tatič, cigan!” [“You, you, little gypsy thief”] (Grlica, 1955/1956, 39–41). Even more unacceptable from today’s standpoint is the composition Roža krvava [The Bloody Rose], which describes a mother killing her own child (composed by Janez Močnik; Grlica, 1979, 15). - The second sub-period, covering the years after 1962, saw a significant reduction in the number of compositions with socio-political or socio- ideological elements. Between 1962 and 1972, there were only 8 such compositions, and in the remaining 15 years until the end of Grlica’s publication, another 34 compositions were published. An analysis of Grlica issues from this period reveals several intriguing points: in Grlica No 2/64, dedicated to Rado Simoniti, a composer sympathetic to the regime, there was not a single composition with socio-political or socio-ideological elements. Similarly, in Grlica No 3/66, dedicated to Karol Pahor, a well-known partisan composer, no such compositions were present. The sheet music supplement in Grlica No 3/64 was entirely de- voted to Slovenian folk songs, provided by the Institute for Ethnomusicology of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SAZU). Addi- tionally, Grlica No 3/67–6834 featured a special supplement dedicated to canons, and Grlica No 3–5/73–74 included a special sheet music supplement of compositions by a Slovenian musical expressionist Marij Kogoj. After 1975, socio-political or socio-ideological elements in compositions became rare, with the exception of a special issue of Grlica in 1977. From 1980 onwards, only 10 compositions with ideologi- cal or socio-political content were identified. 2. The analysis of the musical supplements across all issues of Grlica reveals another interesting fact: there are relatively fewer compositions in Grlica that explicitly highlight elements of state ideology or socialist ideology per se in the con- text of statecraft. Instead, several compositions emphasise the socio-ideological elements of the system at that time. Notably, many compositions related to young people, considered a pillar of the regime,35 and compositions emphasizing socio-political36 and ideological elements such Figure 2: Adopted folk song Lepo je v naši domovini biti mlad [Oh to Be Young in Our Homeland] (Source: Grlica, 1953b, NP22). 213 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 as the celebration of Labour Day, social order (fraternity and unity), and the importance of the partisan movement (cf. Table 1). In addition to the compositions listed in Table 1, two more were published in the sheet music supplements of Grlica that can be placed within an international socio-political (socialist) context. These are Himna miru [An Anthem to Peace, music by Zlatan Vauda; Grlica, 1974/75, NP46–48] and Vlak prijateljstva [Friendship Train, music by Radovan Gobec; Grlica, 1980, NP70– 74].37 Notably, in all the analysed sheet music supple- ments of Grlica, compositions with state-ideological elements are the fewest in number. However, those that do exist are mostly dedicated to Tito, with no other politicians mentioned.38 Socio-political and Ideological Elements in Popular and Academic Texts in Grlica The first relatively prominent ideological refer- ence appears in Grlica No 4/1954, in Stanko Prek’s article “Good Music is the Best Teacher” (Dobra glasba – najboljši vzgojitelj), where he emphasises the importance of using music in education to foster “the education of an honest socialist person”, stating that “the purpose of education in a socialist society is much more than just imparting practical knowledge […]” (Prek, 1954, 54). In the special issue of Grlica commemorating the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution, Peter Lipar wrote about music for young people: “Modern music for young people should reflect the era in which we live […]. It should be harmonically interesting and devoid of nostalgic echoes of old melo- dies and harmonies” (Lipar, 1957, 50). By 1960, Grlica proudly aligned itself “with the spirit of the times” regarding song content, evidenced by its special song supplements commemorating the 40th anniversaries of the October Revolution and the ZKJ. These initiatives aimed to preserve “the spirit of struggle, partisans, and workers’ songs” (Uredniški odbor, 1960, 50). The article concludes by lambasting those critics that looked unfa- vourably on Grlica’s editorial decisions, particularly for not publishing the kinds of songs favoured by Kumar’s Grlica. Addressing this, the editorial board stated: “It 37 Part of the lyrics by Jasna Vitežnik read [the Slovenian lyrics have been translated into English for the purposes of this paper]: If I were an architect, I’d design a grand project, a ferry worth respect. From Europe to Africa, to America, Greenland so free, From Asia to Australia, trains would roam with glee. The long train of friendship, would take us on a quest, Across the vast sea of us, a journey at its best. On the locomotive named ‘Happiness’, a flag blue, white, and red would be unfurled, you see, What would drive the train? Atomic energy! This immense power, now causing such dismay, Would propel our train of friendship, in a peaceful way. […] In the train together, we would sit, red-skinned, black, and white, a world of many colours, united in delight. […] (Grlica, 1980, NP70–74). 38 With the exception of two compositions, tentatively classified as ideologically socialist, which were published in the Grlica sheet music supplement No 1–2/72 (Matija Gubec by Nikola Hercigonja and Dvignil se je Gubec kmet [The Uprising of Gubec the Peasant], arranged by Radovan Gobec). is time to cease celebrating an era that allowed such literature to exist but simultaneously hindered the creation of more advanced content [emphasis added by the author]” (Uredniški odbor, 1960, 52). The editorial to the Twentieth Anniversary of the People’s Uprising (Grlica, 1961, special issue) was cer- tainly one of the best examples how the journal ‘toed Figure 3a: Excerpt from the composition Leninova zastava [Lenin’s Flag] (collection of compositions commemorating the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution; Source: Grlica, 1956/57a, NP14–16). 214 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 the line’ during its lifetime. It glorified partisan strug- gles and emphasised the collective effort of millions in building a new, better Yugoslavia. The Editorial’s rhetoric underscored a commitment to ideological and political doctrines of the time, stating: “We have taken up arms against backwardness and reactionary thought both in the physical and mental realms.” However, what these words actually mean is another question. The Editorial’s authors conclude by urging music edu- cators to create “as many true, new musical gems as 39 The commission also included the following members: Cvetko Budkovič, Srečko Grušovnik, Vida Hribar-Jerajeva, Pavle Kalan, Egon Kunej and Peter Lipar. 40 Among the articles discussing Musical Youth, Marjana Mrak’s contribution in Grlica notes the establishment of the Musical Youth of Slovenia on 12 December 1969. The article also highlights the comparatively delayed founding of The Musical Youth of Slovenia, noting that similar organisations had been established in Serbia and Croatia fifteen years earlier. Mrak (1969/70, 68) emphasises that the Musical Youth of Slovenia will aim to serve both teaching and social purposes. The former aims to cultivate young people’s interest in music, while the latter seeks to rejuvenate musical activities, particularly in regions distant from cultural hubs. In addition to Mrak’s report, the editors mention that there was a proposal “for the Musical Youth to collaborate with Grlica on its announcements”. However, subsequent issues of Grlica do not provide further details regarding the activities and initiatives of the Musical Youth. possible” with young people. “This is the best way to repay the sacrifices made for the new homeland, while also being the best approach to nurturing our new generations” (Grlica, 1961, special issue). In the same issue, Mile Klopčič delved into the origin and transla- tions of The Internationale. It offers real historical in- sights and dispels myths surrounding its first translation and introduction to Slovenia post-October Revolution (Klopčič, 1961, 13). He writes: It is a misconception that the text of the ‘The Internationale’ was first translated into Slove- nian at the end of the First World War, when returning prisoners of war brought both the melody and a Slovenian translation with them. In fact, the Slovenian translation of the ‘The Internationale’ dates in 1904. The translation was first published on 4 January 1904 in the inaugural issue of Naprej, a publication based in Idrija, by its editor Anton Kristan. The second known and published translation appeared in ‘Delo’. This Trieste-based weekly publication published a song called ‘The Internationale’ on 1 October 1920 […]. The next ideological stance is documented in Gobec’s discussion (1962, 1), where he summarises a consultation among music educators regarding the work and editorial policies at Grlica. Gobec highlights several proposals that emerged from the consultation, including the suggestion for Grlica to publish more literature [i.e. compositions – author’s note] from “various friendly nations or songs of nations with pro- gressive movements” [emphasis added by the author]. This primarily refers to nations adopting socialist or communist social structures, as well as nations en- gaged in decolonization and the creation of their own resistance songs. In 1963, Grlica published Recommendations for the Reform of Music Instruction (Grlica, 1963a), formulated by a commission led by Vlado Golob.39 Among other directives, it proposed establishing a “‘Musical Youth’ organisation (Jeunesse musicale)40 within the Socialist Republic of Slovenia, akin to successful models in other republics, to enhance mass musical-cultural education” (Grlica, 1963a, 4). The recommendations also underscored the need to “strengthen the social awareness, activities, and Figure 3b: Pesem o Leninu [Song About Lenin] (collection of compositions commemorating the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution; Source: Grlica, 1956/57b, NP4). 215 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 prominence of music educators, while genuine self-management should take the form of collective working methods […]” (Grlica, 1963a, 5). They also emphasised “fostering a sense of collectivity” among music students and studying music education “scien- tifically through the lens of historical dialectical ma- terialism […]” (Grlica, 1963a, 5). Vlado Golob (1963, 36) goes on to elaborate on the recommendations put forth by the commission under his leadership. He dis- cusses the evolving societal priorities where, in more advanced societies, the emotional aspects are giving way to intellectual pursuits. Golob contrasts Western countries, where investment in music is seen as a means to mitigate youth crime (through educational music programs), with socialist countries, saying these can avoid such problems by emphasising the importance of music early on, prioritising indigenous music over the influx of Western cultural influ- ences. He cautions against the uncritical adoption of Western cultural patterns, stating: “[T]oday, we are particularly vulnerable to phenomena from the civi- lised world, such as the flood of popular songs and the popularity of The Twist, which is even replacing the traditional kolo dances in the very heart of Serbia […]” (Golob, 1963, 36).41 41 In Grlica (1963b, 27), an invitation is extended to a conference of the Association of Music Teachers’ Societies of Yugoslavia on “Socialist Society and Musical Culture,” where various topics were slated for discussion, including (1) Socialist Humanism in Art and Education and (2) Ideological Movements in Our [Yugoslav – author’s note] Musical Creativity. 42 The Editorial Board of the Musical Youth of Slovenia responded to the article in Grlica No 3/1975–1976 (Uredništvo Glasbene mladine Slovenije, 1975–1976, 26). In subsequent issues of Grlica, socio-political or socio-ideological elements are noticeably scarce. However, sporadic references can still be found, such as Šivic’s proposal that music education in Yugoslavia should “align with the directives set forth by the new constitution of the state” (Šivic, 1973/74, 13), or Kušar’s ideological critique of the authors of Musical Youth’s Mozart Issue, wherein he critiques the association of Mozart with Catholi- cism (Kušar, 1974/75, 39–44).42 Excluding these two examples, it can be concluded that the emphasis on socio-political and socio-ideological elements in the popular and professional debates in Grlica disappeared after 1975. The analysis of the presence of socio-political or socio-ideological elements in popular and aca- demic texts revealed similar trends to those found in Grlica’s music supplements. The majority of dis- cussions incorporating socio-ideological concepts or emphases were published during the first decade of Grlica’s existence, after which their presence declined or vanished entirely. It can be argued that Grlica was even less ideological in its popular and academic debates than in its sheet music section. Throughout its existence, regardless of its composi- Table 1: Content-based ideological, social, and political elements in compositions (selection of compositions) (Source: Our analysis). Youth and young people in relation to ideology State-ideological elements Sociopolitical or socio-ideological elements title author Issue no. title author Issue no. title author Issue no. Lepo je v naši domovini biti mlad Radovan Gobec 1/53 Mladi vojaki Radovan Gobec 2/53 Prvi maj Ciril Pregelj 2/53 Pesem mladine Radovan Gobec 4/53 Naša zastava Radovan Gobec 1/56–57 Tako ni cvetela še naša dežela Viktor Mihelčič 5/56–57 Pesem mladih graditeljev Rado Simoniti 5/53–54 Titu za rojstni dan Radovan Gobec 1/67–68 Pesem bratstva in edinstva Radovan Gobec 3/58 Pesem mladine Rudi Pešl 1/56–57 Republiki pozdrav Stanko Bohinc 4–5/71 Rdeči nagelj Radovan Gobec 2/60 Brigadirska Slavko Mihelčič 3/59 Pesem revolucije Radovan Gobec 1/61 Pionirji partizanom Danilo Švara 3–5/78 Borcem Radovan Gobec 1–2/78 Prvi maj Jakob Jež 4–5/80 Vlak prijateljstva Radovan Gobec 4–5/80 216 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 tion, the Editorial Board primarily steered Grlica towards professionalism. This is evidenced by the fact that most academic and popular discussions focused on technical issues (e.g., challenges in chil- dren’s musical learning, the vocal range of children and young people, teaching of compositions, intro- duction of music education) and presented the state of choral music in primary and secondary schools. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The present discussion, which aimed to establish the presence of socio-political or socio-ideological elements in Grlica and its sheet music supplements throughout its existence, has revealed three character- istics of the post-war socialist period, as reflected in music for young people and Grlica’s activities. Figure 4: Report on the challenges of youth choirs (Source: Budkovič, 1968, 34). 217 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 The first and most general observation is that the state and its ideological apparatus did not systemati- cally impose the socio-political or socio-ideological characteristics of the system on Grlica. Instead, the influence seemed to flow in the opposite direction. This is evidenced by the frequent interventions from Grlica’s Editorial Board, emphasising that the maga- zine relied primarily on its subscribers and their subscription fees for its survival. The constant finan- cial instability and threat of cessation suggest that if the regime had intended to use Grlica as a tool to disseminate its socio-political or socio-ideological views, it would have ensured its economic stability from the outset. The second observation is that Grlica functioned primarily as a professional journal. Despite oc- casionally incorporating socio-political or socio- ideological elements in its popular and academic articles, as well as in its sheet music supplements, Grlica remained committed to its primary mission of promoting quality music education and apprecia- tion. This commitment to professionalism is evident in its analytical content, recommendations, and the compositions it published. The elements of the socialist system found in Grlica are largely either linked to the authors themselves or perhaps to an ideological anniversary. However, even in such cas- es, these elements are not predominant, especially not after 1965. By this time, Grlica had undergone a complete de-politicization and de-ideologization, with ideological and socio-political elements be- coming almost non-existent in both the sheet music and the popular and academic discussions. A third conclusion of this analysis pertains to the composers who contributed to Grlica. Radovan Gobec was the most prolific, particularly with compositions featuring socio-ideological elements, followed by Peter Lipar. Other notable contribu- tors included Janez Bitenc, Janez Kuhar, and Albin Weingerl. In the second period, Jakob Jež played a significant role; he became the editor of Grlica in 1967 and continued until 1988. During his tenure, Jež was among the most frequent contributors, and a younger generation of composers, such as Jani Golob and Uroš Rojko, began publishing more regularly in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Our analysis also reveals several important obser- vations. One key finding is that Grlica experienced two distinct periods during its existence. The first 43 Žvar (2012, 41) found that 13% of all published compositions were very difficult for children’s choirs. period was marked by Grlica’s focus on creating vo- cal music for primary and secondary school choirs. In the second period, Grlica’s orientation increas- ingly shifted towards music education, emphasising learning about music and music-making rather than purely choral performance (e.g. at this time we find a greater emphasis on simpler, single-voice composi- tions, as well as on the use of Orff Instruments). The second observation pertains to the complex- ity of the compositions in the sheet music supple- ment, which some Grlica users found too ambitious. Our review of these supplements partially supports this view.43 It appears that some of the music may indeed have been too challenging for youth and children’s choirs in Slovenia. This is implicitly con- firmed by the editorial board’s occasional defensive responses to such criticism or explanations justify- ing their editorial decisions. A third finding, which we might consider our own assessment, is that Grlica was a musically pro- gressive journal. This is particularly evident in the piano accompaniments to the songs, which were compositionally interesting and featured unusual musical solutions, often incorporating many dis- sonant elements. However, they also moved away from the traditional vocal-line melody, presenting a challenge for choirs. In this context, we can assert that Grlica was a journal that successfully merged the ‘old’ with the ‘new’. It was innovative, bold, and, above all, modern in its pursuit of musical solutions, offering a modern take on music for children and young people. Therefore, its decline and cessation in 1988, amid significant political changes, was a great loss for Slovenian children’s and youth choral singing. From this analysis, we can conclude that neither the state nor the federal authorities used Grlica to convey ideological messages or consolidate power. Grlica was, as much as possible in those days, ‘only’ and foremost a professional journal. As such, it was left to professional musical circles, which, in 1988, effectively led to its closure due to various disputes. The key observation is that Grlica did toe the line—not the party line or an ideological line, nor one close to the authorities, but a line focused on quality choral music for young people. This is evidenced by the many children’s and youth choirs that still build their repertoires on compositions published in Grlica fifty years ago or more. 218 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 »BITI NA LINIJI«: REVIJA GRLICA MED SOCIALISTIČNIMI SMOTRI IN KAKOVOSTNO OTROŠKO-MLADINSKO GLASBO Boštjan UDOVIČ Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede, Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: bostjan.udovic@fdv.uni-lj.si POVZETEK Namen članka je osvetliti pomen Grlice kot ključne revije za otroško in mladinsko glasbo na Slovenskem med letoma 1953 in 1988 za prenos ideoloških in družbenopolitičnih prvin takratnega političnega in družbenoekonomskega (socialističnega) sistema. S pomočjo zgodovinskorazvojne in zgodovinskoprimer- jalne metode članek predstavi tri ugotovitve. Prvič, Grlica je bila predvsem strokovna revija, ideoloških komponent je bilo v njej v celotnem obdobju izhajanja nasploh malo. Drugič, tiste, ki so bile prisotne, so bile razvidne predvsem v prvem obdobju izhajanja Grlice, tj. do leta 1965, nato pa so počasi presahnile. Končno, ključna ugotovitev je, da je na Slovenskem med letoma 1953 in 1988 obstajala glasbena revija za otroke in mladino, ki je strokovnost absolutna postavljala pred usklajenost s pričakovanji takratne politične oblasti. To se je pokazalo v številnih strokovnih in poljudnih razpravah s področja zborovskega petja, pa tudi v notni prilogi. Glede slednje velja poudariti še, da so v njej svoje skladbe objavljali skladatelji različnih svetovnonazorskih prepričanj in tudi glasbenih slogov, kar pomeni, da je bila Grlica v svojem bistvu ne samo strokovna, ampak tudi široko razgledana in odprta glasbena revija, o čemer priča tudi njena aktualnost še danes, po več kot 60 letih njenega obstoja. Ključne besede: Grlica, ideologija, socializem, otroška in mladinska glasba, Slovenija 219 Boštjan UDOVIČ: “TOEING THE LINE”: THE JOURNAL GRLICA — CAUGHT BETWEEN LOFTY SOCIALIST GOALS AND QUALITY MUSIC FOR YOUNG PEOPLE, 203–220 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Adorno, Theodor W. (1956): Music and Language: A Fragment. https://archives.evergreen.edu/webpages/cur- ricular/2002-2003/fopa/music/adorno/adorno.pdf (last access: 2024-02-07). Aleksić, Marko (2024): „Biti zdrava”: Srpska kulturna diplomatija na pesmi Evrovizije u XXI veku. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 34, 2, 159–172. Althusser, Louis (2018): Ideologija in ideološki aparati države in drugi spisi. Ljubljana, Založba *cf. Amat, Francesc (2021): From Vertical to Horizontal Ide- ology Transmission. https://broadstreet.blog/2021/05/28/ from-vertical-to-horizontal-ideology-transmission/ (last access: 2024-02-13). Apple, Michael (2018): Ideology and Curriculum. 4th Edition. 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Ljubljana, Zavod Republike Slovenije za šolstvo in šport. 221 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2024-03-22 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.15 FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU Andrea LESKOVEC Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za prevajalstvo, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: Andrea.Leskovec@ff.uni-lj.si IZVLEČEK Primerjava med Ivanom Cankarjem in Thomasom Mannom se nanaša na funkcijo umetnosti in vlogo umetnika v družbi v obdobju fin de siècla. V razpravi primerjamo po dve zgodnji deli obeh avtorjev in skušamo ugotoviti, kakšne so podobnosti in razlike med njima. Ugotavljamo, da se kljub razlikam med avtorjema, ki izhajata iz različnih kulturnih kontekstov, vloge in funkcije umetnosti in umetnika lotevata zelo podobno, kar je posledica dejstva, da oba avtorja sodita v sam vrh moderne književnosti, ki je med drugim obravnavala krizo umetnosti, simptomatično za to obdobje. Ključne besede: Ivan Cankar, Thomas Mann, funkcija umetnosti, vloga umetnika, modernistična literatura, etična razsežnost literature FUNZIONI DELL’ARTE E IL RUOLO DELL’ARTISTA IN IVAN CANKAR E THOMAS MANN SINTESI Il confronto tra Ivan Cankar e Thomas Mann riguarda la funzione dell’arte e il ruolo dell’artista nella società durante il periodo del fin de siècle. Nella discussione, si confrontano alcune delle prime opere di entrambi gli autori, tentando di individuare le differenze e le somiglianze tra i due. Si è constatato che, nonostante le differenze tra i due scrittori, derivanti da diversi contesti culturali, entrambi gli autori affrontano i ruoli e le funzioni dell’arte in maniera molto affine, il che è conseguenza del fatto che ambedue sono esponenti di spicco della letteratura moderna, che tratta la crisi dell’arte, sintomatica di questo periodo. Parole chiave: Ivan Cankar, Thomas Mann, la funzione dell’arte, il ruolo dell’artista, letteratura moderna, la dimensione etica della letteratura 222 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 UVOD1 V razpravi Ivan Cankar in Evropa – odprta vpra- šanja Janko Kos (2021, 13–24) predstavi evropske vplive in vzporednice, ki delo Ivana Cankarja posta- vljajo v širši okvir evropske književnosti in duhovne kulture. Obenem opozarja tudi na odprta vprašanja znotraj cankarjeslovja, med katera spadajo tudi vzporednice med Cankarjem in nemškim pisateljem Thomasom Mannom. Po Kosu je med avtorjema, katerih zgodnja dela segajo v začetek 20. stoletja, mogoče najti »bližnje ali pa vsaj delne sorodnosti« (Kos, 2021, 21). Pri pregledu sekundarne literature o tem hitro opazimo, da primerjava obeh avtorjev doslej še ni bila opravljena.2 Oba avtorja sodita med najpomembnejše in najbolj obravnavane avtorje svojih kultur, zato poglobljene primerjave, ki bi zajela vse vidike njunih del, v nadaljevanju seveda ni mogoče izvesti. Kljub temu pa lahko primerjava prispeva k osvetlitvi nekaterih doslej premalo pou- darjenih vidikov Cankarjevega dela, ki pokažejo, v kolikšni meri in kako je Ivan Cankar v svojih delih obravnaval estetske in družbene pretrese svojega časa. Cankar velja za simbolističnega pisatelja, če- prav je v njegovih delih, to ugotavlja že Bernik, kot posebna tehnika uporabljen tudi impresionizem (prim. Bernik, 1977). V slovenski literarnozgodovin- ski tradiciji si Cankarjevo delo večinoma razlagamo in ga razumemo z ozirom na njegovo osebnost oz. njegovo biografsko ozadje ali pa se posvečamo lite- rarnozgodovinskim in duhovnozgodovinskim okoli- ščinam, nemalokrat pa gre pri tem tudi za ideološko obarvano razumevanje.3 Prav to nemara zanemarja načine branja, ki so morda prav tako lastni besedi- lom, a jih je mogoče razkriti le z besedilnoanalitično obravnavo oz. tako, da sledimo »njegovemu delu in temu, kar je zapisano v njem« (Poniž, 2005, 80), kot tudi s primerjavo Cankarjevih del z deli avtorjev, ki so ustvarjali v istem času. V tem pogledu se zdi zanimivo Ivana Cankarja primerjati prav s Thomasom Mannom in osvetliti problem umetnosti oz. umetnika pri obeh avtorjih, saj je bila ta tema ena osrednjih v književnosti na prelomu stoletja in ima pomembno vlogo v delih obeh avtorjev. Za oba velja, da v svojih delih umetnika postavljata nasproti družbi in da umetnost predstavlja antagonizem do življenja ali, kot o delu Ivana Cankarja pravi Dušan Pirjevec, do 1 Prispevek je nastal v sklopu raziskovalnega programa »Medkulturne literarnovedne študije« (P6-0265), ki ga sofinancira Javna agencija za znanstvenoraziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost Republike Slovenije (ARIS) iz državnega proračuna. 2 Izjema je le diplomska naloga iz leta 2004 (Rupnik Hladnik, 2004). 3 Tako denimo Erwin Köstler ugotavlja, da se je tradicionalno cankarjeslovje šele po Pirjevčevi monografiji Ivan Cankar in evropska literatura, 1964, počasi ločilo od prevladujoče biografske metode, katere stališče pa se še danes oživlja npr. v publikacijah za šolsko rabo (prim. Köstler, 2007). V razpravi K problematiki hrepenenja v slovenskem cankarjeslovju pa Köstler opozarja na ideološko obarvan literarnoznanstveni diskurz o Cankarju in poskuse le-tega preseči (prim. Köstler, 2012). Duhovnozgodovinski pristop je posebej značilen za dela Janka Kosa in Franceta Bernika, pri čemer pa zlasti slednji obravnava tudi besedilne značilnosti Cankarjevih del. Pri novejši lite- rarnoznanstveni generaciji naletimo tudi na besedilnoanalitični pristop (prim. npr. Zupan Sosič, Jožica Čeh idr.). Pregled literarnoznan- stvenega diskurza o Cankarju pa seveda ni namen pričujoče razprave. materije. Pirjevec v zvezi s tem govori o »metafiziki tragičnega dualizma« (Pirjevec, 1964, 360), pri katerem »zmaguje nenehoma le materija« (Pirjevec, 1964, 362) in resnično plemeniti ljudje propadajo. Pirjevec nadaljuje, da Cankarjevi junaki poskušajo ta dualizem preseči z umikom v subjektiven svet sanj, ki jih sicer reši pred »zlom materije«, vendar jih vseeno vodi v propad. Mislim, da je ta interpretacija, o kateri ne želim dvomiti ali jo kakor koli popra- vljati, vendarle privedla do utrditve stereotipa, da se Cankarjevi liki svetu ne morejo zoperstavljati, ker svetu, torej materiji, v resnici nimajo kaj ponuditi, in zato neizogibno propadejo. Menim namreč, da ravno tematika umetnika v Cankarjevem delu kaže veliko kompleksnejšo sliko, saj je prav umetnost tisto področje, na katerem je mogoče preseči nasprotje »duha in materije«, aspekt, ki je odločilen tudi za delo Thomasa Manna. Znano je, da je Ivan Cankar zlasti v svojih du- najskih letih spoznaval kulturno, umetniško in filo- zofsko dogajanje takratnega evropskega prostora. O tem ne nazadnje priča obsežna monografija Dušana Pirjevca, v kateri pa ni najti podatkov o tem, ali je Cankar poznal določena Mannova dela (Pirjevec, 1964). Zato ne moremo govoriti o neposrednem vpli- vu, lahko pa govorimo o vzporednicah, saj so prav te »pomembna metodološka podlaga za postavljanje Cankarjeve literature v evropsko kulturno-literarno celoto« (Kos, 2021, 21). Kot pravi Kos, je smisel takšnih vzporednic tudi vrednosten, »saj se z njimi lahko izkaže enakovrednost, posebnost in izvirnost« (Kos, 2021, 21) določenega avtorja, kar sicer ni cilj niti smisel pričujoče razprave. Prav tako moj namen ni ovrednotiti dela teh dveh avtorjev, temveč me za- nima, kako sta se avtorja soočila z vsesplošno krizo ob koncu 19. in začetku 20. stoletja, ki je zajela tudi umetnost, položaj umetnika v družbi in družbeno vlogo umetnosti. Če literarno besedilo razumemo kot medij, ki z estetskimi sredstvi reflektira družbene kontekste, se pojavita dve vprašanji, in sicer o posameznih kontekstih in o načinu, kako je ta refleksija estetsko uprizorjena. V svojih zgodnjih delih se tako Thomas Mann kot tudi Ivan Cankar ukvarjata z vprašanjem družbene učinkovitosti umetnosti in vloge umetnika v družbi, pri čemer so družbeni konteksti, ki se odra- žajo v njunih delih, povsem različni. Medtem ko se 223 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Thomas Mann ukvarja z vlogo umetnika in umetnosti v meščanski družbi ob koncu Nemškega cesarstva, za katero so značilni znaki dekadentnega razkroja, in pri tem prezre življenjske razmere malih ljudi in proletariata, so v Cankarjevih besedilih protago- nisti prav slednji. Cankarjeva besedila prikazujejo življenje manj privilegiranih družbenih slojev na Slovenskem na prelomu stoletja in življenje obrob- nih družbenih skupin na takratnem Dunaju. Za oba avtorja pa velja, da je umetnik izoliran od družbe in da se aktivno zavzema za ta položaj, kajti prav iz nje izhajata njegova samozavest in legitimacija njega kot umetnika. Vloga umetnosti in umetnika v družbi sta temi, ki se odražata v skoraj vseh delih obeh avtorjev. V na- daljevanju se bom omejila na štiri besedila, v katerih je ta tema eksplicitno obravnavana, in sicer na zgodbi Tristan (1903) in Tonio Kröger (1903) Thomasa Manna ter na romana Tujci (1901) in Križ na gori (1904) Ivana Cankarja. UMETNOST IN UMETNIK V DELIH THOMASA MANNA Ena od značilnosti zgodnjih del Thomasa Manna je antagonizem med duhom oz. intelektom in življenjem, ki se manifestira kot nasprotje med esteticizmom in banalnim vsakdanjim življenjem. Zgodnje delo Thomasa Manna, ki je bil tudi sam glo- boko zakoreninjen v kulturi nemškega meščanstva, zaznamuje vpliv Nietzschejevega pojma dekadence, ki ga kot enega osrednjih Nietzschejevih pojmov na tem mestu seveda ne moramo opredeliti v vsej njegovi kompleksnosti.4 Nietzsche si sicer prizadeva za preseganje tega patološkega pojava in se ponovno obrača k življenju. V tem mu Mann sledi, čeprav v Nietzscheju vidi »psihologa propadanja« (Li, 2017, 51) oz. psihologa dekadence, kot ga imenuje v svojem eseju Razmišljanja nekega nepolitičnega člo- veka (izv. Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen, 1956 [1918]), kot tudi v svojih književnih delih. V svojem eseju, ki velja za najbolj reprezentativno besedilo za razumevanje Mannovih del (Kurzke, 2009, 143f), se opredeli za kronista in analitika dekadence in si obenem prizadeva za njeno preseganje, in sicer s pomočjo slavne »Mannove ironije« kot osrednjega stilskega sredstva svojega opusa, s katero se distan- cira tako od dekadentnih kot od meščanskih likov. V Mannovi literaturi se problem dekadence pogosto pojavlja v liku umetnika, ki se izkaže za morbidne- ga, notranje razpadlega človeka, nesposobnega za življenje, ki se distancira od banalnega sveta bur- žoazije. Čeprav tega odklanja kot nekaj preživetega, izpraznjenega, bolnega, pravzaprav nima ničesar, s čimer bi se temu zoperstavil. Vrti se okrog nekega 4 Zelo izčrpno o pojmu dekadence pri Nietzscheju prim. Horn (2000). abstraktnega radikalizma, ki nima nič skupnega s konkretno resničnostjo in socialnim življenjem, in ravno zaradi tega ostaja v nekakšnem zaporu, v katerem se vrti le okoli sebe (prim. Li, 2017, 52). Ta elitarni individualizem je način, kako se umetniški liki Mannovih literarnih del spopadajo s proble- matiko dekadence, ker v umetnosti iščejo možnost svoje eksistence v moderni družbi. Ta umetnost je lahko radikalen, življenju sovražen esteticizem ali pa ciničen intelektualizem, nekakšna »intelektualna artistika« (Valk, 2009, 13), ki ji manjka ljubezni do sočloveka. Umetniki v besedilih Thomasa Manna predstavljajo strog, asketski pogled na umetnost, hkrati pa jih preveva hrepenenje po »slasteh vsak- danjosti« (Mann, 1973, 85), nasprotje, ki se pojavi kot antiteza med duhom in življenjem. To nasprotje, ki se v zgodnjih delih Thomasa Manna pojavlja kot nasprotje med umetnostjo in meščanstvom, se kaže tudi v zgodbah Tristan in Tonio Kröger, ki kritično obravnavata vprašanje umetnosti ter umetnikovega družbenega vpliva in odgovornosti na začetku 20. stoletja. Pripoved Tristan se dogaja v sanatoriju Einfried, ki je simbol dekadentne meščanske družbe na prelomu stoletja. Trgovec Klöterjahn svojo ženo Gabriele, ki je zbolela po rojstvu sina, pripelje v morbidno okolje sanatorija. Umetniško nadarjena in krhka ženska iz stare patricijske družine v sana- toriju spozna pisatelja Detleva Spinella. Ta tam živi »zaradi sloga«, v katerem je opremljen nekdanji grad, in njegovo edino delo je pisanje in pošiljanje pisem, na katera nikoli ne dobi odgovora, njegova edina knjiga, roman »zmernega obsega« (Mann, 1973, 11) in, kot je mogoče sklepati iz ironičnega opisa, tudi zmerne kakovosti, pa kot reprezentativni objekt vedno leži odprt na njegovi mizi. Čeprav Spinell v sanatoriju ni preveč priljubljen, se mladi ženski prikupi s svojim pesniškim jezikom in este- ticističnim pogledom na svet, ki ga zaznamuje hre- penenje po smrti. Sčasoma jo odtuji od moževega meščanskega sveta in jo prepriča, da začne igrati klavir, kar so ji zdravniki sicer prepovedali. Tako nekega dne zaigra dele Wagnerjeve opere Tristan in Izolda, nakar se njeno zdravstveno stanje poslabša. Spinell njenemu soprogu napiše pismo, v katerem mu skuša razložiti nerealni svet čistega esteticizma, ki ga projicira v Gabrielo, torej svet, v katerem živi sam. Med moškima pride do spora, saj Klöterjahn pisatelja krivi za slabo zdravstveno stanje svoje žene, ki na koncu podleže svojemu trpljenju. Pripoved vsebuje številne motive, značilne za zgodnja dela Thomasa Manna: nasprotje med umet- nikom in buržujem, razumevanje glasbe Richarda Wagnerja in Nietzschejeva kritika le-te, razumevanje Schopenhauerjeve filozofije ter ironično pripovedno 224 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 držo, s katero se pripovedovalec poskuša oddaljiti od svojih likov. Umetnost, ki jo v pripovedi predsta- vlja pisatelj Spinell, se kaže kot življenju sovražen esteticizem in kot zanikanje življenja. Spinell, ki so ga v sanatoriju krstili za »gnilega dojenčka« (Mann, 1973, 10), je nesocialen lik, pripovedovalec pove, da »se ni družil z živo dušo« (Mann, 1973, 10) in da je ob pogledu na kaj lepega zapadel v »estetsko stanje« (Mann, 1973, 10), zato je videti kot karikatura pesni- ka larpurlartizma, katerega umetnost v družbi ne igra in tudi ne sme igrati nobene vloge. Spinell prezira ljudi in življenje ter se giblje v sferi lastnih fantazij, ki jih navdihuje hrepenenje po razpadu, razkroju in izumrtju, po življenju, ki presega »grdoto« obi- čajnega meščanskega življenja in slavi neuporabno »cvetočo lepoto smrti« (Mann, 1973, 10). Pripoved Tonio Kröger je izšla v isti zbirki kot Tri- stan. Glavni junak je tokrat občutljivi Tonio Kröger, sramežljiv dijak, ki si skuša pridobiti naklonjenost močnega, preprostega Hansa Hansena in ga želi pritegniti v svet književnosti, vendar mu to ne uspe. Tonio sicer ni nepriljubljen, vendar se zaradi svojih umetniških ambicij počuti »sam in izključen iz kroga rednih in navadnih ljudi« (Mann, 1973, 45). Za razliko od Spinella, ki se giblje zunaj meščanske družbe, Tonio pripada tako meščanskemu svetu kot svetu uma, medsebojni konflikt med tema svetovo- ma pa je glavna tema pripovedi. Prvi del pripovedi prikazuje Tonieva prizadevanja, da bi si pridobil priznanje in naklonjenost svojih sošolcev, drugi del pa Tonia kot priznanega in uspešnega pisatelja, ki se je umaknil iz meščanskega sveta in je »poln za- smeha ob misli na okorno, nizko življenje, ki ga je bilo tako dolgo držalo v svoji sredi« (Mann, 1973, 52). Pri tem se giblje med dvema skrajnostma, »med ledeno duhovnostjo in razjedajočim čutnim žarom« (Mann, 1973, 53), pri čemer mu prav področje čutnega vzbuja odpor. Čutnost se mu zdi negativna, njej nasprotni pol je načelo storilnosti: delo kot legitimacija umetnikovega obstoja. Jedro pripovedi je pogovor med Toniem in slikarko Lizaveto, v ka- terem oba predstavita svoje poglede na umetnost in umetnike. Tonio predstavlja tip hladnega esteticista, čeprav je v njem, v nasprotju s Spinellom, prisoten vidik, izvirajoč iz humanistične tradicije, ki se iz- raža v Lizavetinem etičnem pojmovanju literature: »očiščujoče, posvečujoče učinkovanje literature, izničenje strasti s spoznanjem in z besedo, lite- ratura kot pot k razumevanju, k odpuščanju in k ljubezni, odrešujoča moč govora, literarni duh kot najplemenitejša pojavna oblika človeškega duha nasploh, literat kot popoln človek, kot svetnik« (Mann, 1973, 59). V tretjem delu zgodbe Tonio po naključju sreča prijatelja iz otroštva, Hansa in Ingeborg, svojo neuresničeno najstniško ljubezen. Hans in Ingeborg ga ne opazita, kajti Tonio se pred njima zaradi sramu skriva. Spozna, da ga običajna meščanska družba ne bi nikoli sprejela, zato ga prevzame močno hrepenenje po običajnem, torej meščanskem življenju. V obeh pripovedih je umetnik sterilen estet, ki prezira običajno življenje. Umetnost se kaže kot od- tujena od življenja, kot radikalni esteticizem ali brez- čutni intelektualizem, ki sta jima vsakršna družbena angažiranost in skrb za druge tuja. Thomas Mann v svojem eseju Razmišljanja nekega nepolitičnega člo- veka v zvezi s tem ugotavlja, da umetnika ne zanima- jo nacionalne ali politično-socialne teme, temveč da se osredotoča na človeka samega in nastopa tudi kot kritik. Njegova kritika zadeva sam moderni subjekt, ki je tako rekoč predstavnik človeštva in ki se pravzaprav nima s čim zoperstaviti napredujoči modernizaciji. Gre za temo, ki se na prelomu stoletja v literaturi pojavlja vedno znova (prim. Kimmich & Wilke, 2006, 35). Oba tipa umetnika sta odtujena od življenja in živita izključno v svojem svetu. Vrtita se le okoli svoje osi in zato seveda ne moreta razviti družbenega anga- žmaja ali sočutja. Tonio Kröger se tega solipsističnega položaja v nasprotju s Spinellom vsaj zaveda in ga problematizira. Spinellov smisel obstoja je izključno umetnost, ki v pripovedi Tristan dobi skoraj mistično razsežnost, kar pa ga ne pripelje do unio mystica, mistične združitve, temveč zgolj v bolezen. Dekadentni esteticizem je v pripovedi kritično prikazan in ironično karikiran. Na eni strani se kaže v ironični upodobitvi Spinella, na drugi pa v izbiri pa- tetičnega jezika za opis Gabrielinega igranja klavirja kot erotične igre zapeljevanja, ki ju združuje v »čude- žnem kraljestvu noči« (Mann, 1973, 27) in na koncu botruje njeni smrti. Nietzschejeva kritika Wagnerjeve glasbe, ki tukaj pride do izraza, je obenem kritično razpravljanje o pojavu dekadence, ki po Nietzscheju pomeni propadanje, razkroj in bolezen, pa tudi prezir do fizičnega kot predpogoj za »odrešitev duše«, kar pojasnjuje protiživljenjski impulz dekadence. Spinell laže tako svojemu okolju kot tudi samemu sebi, ko si za legitimacijo svojega načina življenja naloži »gesto samooplemenitve« (Georg, 2020, 13), torej se predstavlja za plemenitejšega, kakor v resnici je. Dekadenčni impulz se kaže kot »odmiranje vitalnih energij« (Georg, 2020, 13), kot zanikanje telesa in čutov, kar sicer velja tudi za Tonia Krögerja, a se ta tega vendarle zaveda. Njegov ideal je humanistična umetnost, v kateri se ljubezen do življenja in sočlove- ka izraža v ljubezni do »vsega človeškega, živega in navadnega« (Mann, 1973, 85). Obe pripovedi obravnavata diskurz dekadence, ki ga je v nemško govorečem svetu sprožil Nietzsche. Nietzschejev koncept dekadence se razlikuje od francoskega in britanskega, ki sta dekadenco razu- mela kot protiburžoazno estetsko gibanje, ki ponuja prostor domišljije onkraj banalnega meščanskega sveta. Pri Nietzscheju antagonistično razmerje med boleznijo in zdravjem nadomesti dialektično razmerje. 225 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Subjekt zato v sebi vedno nosi oba pola in poskuša premagati dekadentno; to je ponavljajoča se tema zlasti pri Thomasu Mannu, čigar pesniške figure so dekadentni pesniki, ki jih avtor problematizira. Za Thomasa Manna esteticizem pomeni, da je vse, kar je izrečeno, pogojno in sporno, in da se intelektualizem nikoli ne jemlje povsem resno, kar seveda pojasnjuje njegov kritični in ironični odnos do takšne umetnosti (prim. Mann, 1956, 214–366). Za dela Thomasa Manna je značilno iskanje izhoda iz konflikta med esteticistično umetnostjo in življenjem, kar se kaže v ironični distanci do obeh, kajti ironija, kot ugotavlja sam, deluje dvostransko, kot »nekaj srednjega, kot niti-niti in oboje hkrati« (Mann, 1956, 83).5 Komple- ksnih pojavov in funkcij ironije v delih Thomasa Man- na na tem mestu ne moremo predstaviti; kot primer naj navedem le že omenjeni opis igranja klavirja v zgodbi Tristan, kar lahko razumemo kot apoteozo či- ste umetnosti in hkrati ironično refleksijo v kontekstu celotne pripovedi, v kateri so tako meščani kot tudi umetniki izrisani ironično, s čimer se pripovedovalec od svojih likov jasno distancira. Liki so ironizirani že s poimenovanji (vidik, ki v slovenskem prevodu žal ne pride do izraza) in z grotesknim pretiravanjem tipičnih lastnosti, kar pa ne deluje zlobno, temveč humorno in zaznamuje pripovedovalčev vmesni po- ložaj. Ta vmesni položaj Thomas Mann v svojem eseju imenuje »erotična ironija« in je izraz samorefleksije, ki skuša odgovoriti na vprašanje, ali naj bo umetnost razsvetljujoča, kritično-refleksivna in navsezadnje emancipatorna ali naj se osredotoči na refleksivno neulovljiv estetsko-čustveni učinek, ki nagovarja čustva in človeka čustveno afektira. Z drugimi bese- dami, ali naj bo umetnost hladna in intelektualna ali pa naj razveseljuje in vpliva neposredno na čustva. Tonio Kröger ugotavlja, da je treba oba pola združiti. »Občudujem ponosne in mrzle, ki iščejo pustolovščin po stezah velike, demonske lepote in zaničujejo ›člo- veka‹ – a ne zavidam jim. Kajti če le kaj more spre- meniti literata v pesnika, tedaj je to moja meščanska ljubezen do vsega človeškega, živega in navadnega. Vsa toplina, vsa dobrota, ves humor prihajajo iz nje [...]« (Mann, 1973, 85) beremo proti koncu pripovedi in lahko bi si mislili, da se pripovedovalec postavi na stran življenja. Vendar je njegov vmesni položaj ja- sen, kajti na koncu (Mann, 1973, 86) beremo: »A moja najgloblja in najbolj skrivna ljubezen velja plavolasim in modrookim, svetlim, živim, srečnim, ljubeznivim in navadnim. Ne grajate te ljubezni, Lizaveta; dobra je in plodna. Hrepenenje je v njej in otožna zavist in čisto malo zaničevanja in cela deviška blaženost.« Plavolasi in modrooki ljudje – tudi stereotipizacija je 5 Delo ni prevedeno v slovenščino. Vsi prevodi so prevodi avtorice članka. 6 Niti Pirjevec niti Zadravec ali Kos jima v svojih obsežnih razpravah o Cankarju ne posvetijo veliko pozornosti. Sicer pa roman Križ na gori omenja France Bernik. V zadnjem času se je s tem romanom ukvarjala Alojzija Zupan Sosič, z romanom Tujci pa tako Alojzija Zupan Sosič (2020) kot Andrea Leskovec (2020). sredstvo ironizacije – so v obeh pripovedih upodoblje- ni enako ironično kot liki umetnikov, kar pomeni, da jih pripovedovalec gleda z enakim spoštovanjem. Tu ni nikakršne arhimedovske točke, s katero bi lahko določili, katero stališče je pravo in kje je resnica, kar je seveda tudi ena od značilnosti moderne umetnosti. UMETNOST IN UMETNIK PRI IVANU CANKARJU Tako kot Thomas Mann tudi Cankar v več delih razmišlja o položaju umetnosti in umetnika v druž- bi. V nadaljevanju se bom omejila na romana Tujci (1901) in Križ na gori (1904), ki sta bila pri nas doslej le bežno znanstveno obravnavana.6 Zanimivo je, da za oba romana v dosedanjih raziskavah zasledimo, da gre za besedili, ki prikazujeta »trpko življenje tedanjega slovenskega umetnika in njegov odnos do domovine« (Mahnič, 1957, 281), ki ga zaniču- je. V tej interpretaciji, ki je ne želim zavračati ali kritizirati, odmeva stereotipna podoba slovenskega umetnika, ki je bil zato, »ker so ga v majhni in zaostali domovini imeli za nepotrebnega, obsojen na bedno životarjenje in pogosto tudi zgodnje umiranje« (Mahnič, 1957, 281). V takratni slovenski kulturi je slovenski umetnik veljal za izobčenca, ki so ga zaradi njegovega načina življenja, pa tudi zaradi njegove umetnosti, »zavračali kot nekaj od- večnega in nepotrebnega« (Poniž, 2005, 80). Takšna interpretacija se ponuja sama po sebi, če beremo Cankarjeva besedila, upoštevajoč trdožive stereotipe o slovenskih umetnikih, predvsem o slovenski mo- derni, ter spričo tipologije slovenskega romana, ki sta jo utemeljila in razvila zlasti Dušan Pirjevec in Janko Kos. Po tej tipologiji je posebnost slovenskega romana prav v pasivnosti in trpnosti njegovih juna- kov ter v hrepenenju in srečoiskalstvu, kajti junak slovenskega romana teži »k prividu čutno-čustvene sreče, ki mu pomeni najvišjo življenjsko zadostitev, izpolnitev in opravičilo obstoja« (Kos, 2018, 142). Zdi se, da oba romana resda potrjujeta specifiko slo- venskega romana oz. njegovega junaka, ki »ni samo nosilec ›lepe duše‹, razočarane nad svetom in zato umaknjene v pasivno držo svoje zasebnosti, ampak se ob tem čuti za žrtev tega sveta; kot nedolžna in včasih tudi grešna žrtev, ki pa v slehernem primeru izkuša na sebi krivično moč stvarnosti« (Kos, 1991, 50). To bi pomenilo, da je za propad junaka kriva izključno družba oz. okoliščine. Glede problematike umetnosti oz. umetnika se tako potrjuje predstava, ki se je vzpostavila z narativom t. i. prešernovske struk- ture, ki da je značilna za slovensko literaturo 19. in zgodnjega 20. stoletja (prim. Virk, 2021). Vprašanje, 226 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 ki se mi postavlja zlasti ob branju Tujcev, je, ali je v tem romanu krivda za propad umetnika izključno na strani družbe ali pa jo nosi tudi junak sam, ker je odvisen od družbenega priznanja, na katerem sloni njegova samopodoba, vprašanje, kateremu se posveča tudi nadaljnja razprava. Medtem ko je Križ na gori postavljen v slovensko kmečko okolje, se roman Tujci dogaja na Dunaju. V obeh besedilih Cankar problematizira položaj umetnika v podeželski oziroma meščanski družbi, kjer o njegovi usodi ne odločata talent in spretnost, temveč denar, družbeni vpliv in politično prepričanje. Cankarjevi umetniški liki pa ne hlepijo le po uresni- čitvi svojega talenta, temveč hočejo skrbeti tudi za kulturno atrofirano slovensko družbo. Glavni lik romana Tujci je še razmeroma neznan kipar Pavle Slivar, ki se udeleži natečaja za obliko- vanje kipa slovenskega pesnika. Čeprav je odziv na njegov predlog pozitiven, mu slovenski kulturniki ne izkažejo pričakovanega priznanja in razočarani Slivar zapusti Ljubljano ter odpotuje na Dunaj. Ven- dar se tudi tam ne more ustaliti in konča v socialni bedi. Beda in dvomi o sebi oz. o smislu umetnosti ga privedejo do samomora. Poleg Slivarja nastopajo še trije drugi liki umetnikov, ki predstavljajo tri različne poglede na umetnost. Meščanska družba, ki ji Cankar v romanu nasta- vlja cinično ogledalo, se kaže kot družba, ki človeka vrednoti po premoženju oz. pripadnosti družbene- mu razredu; umetnost in kultura imata vlogo le, če sta politično in nacionalno instrumentalizirani. Očitna je odsotnost zavedanja o tem, kaj umetnost kot estetski izdelek pravzaprav je, kar pojasnjuje tudi položaj umetnika v slovenski družbi na prelo- mu stoletja. Umetnik se zdi tujec, ker ga kot takega nihče ne dojema in ne upošteva in ker se distancira od takšne družbe. Toda prav zavest o drugačnosti od banalnega meščanskega sveta postane vir skorajda prekomerne umetnikove samozavesti, ki se, kot pravi Kos, kaže v volji do moči, kot »brezobzirno smešenje hinavsko prikrite grdote in laži, pa tudi kot poigravanje s cinizmom« (Kos, 2018, 257). Umetnik se počuti večvrednega, kar nedvomno velja tudi za Slivarja, ki je – vsaj na začetku romana – vzvišen in prepričan v svojo duhovno premoč. Iz zavesti, da je poseben, Slivar črpa svojo moč, ki pa je ne more sublimirati, saj je pravzaprav neploden umetnik, ki ničesar ne ustvarja in zgolj uživa v svoji drugačno- sti; »dolgočasno mu je bilo vse, kar se je le od daleč dotikalo praktičnih zunanjosti življenja« (Cankar, 1970a, 7). Slivar se sprva zdi vitalističen človek, ki na svet gleda z optimizmom in ki bi se »smejal gla- sno in hrupno […], ker je življenje tako imenitno in ker je sonce tako čudovito svetlo« (Cankar, 1970a, 7). Slivarjeva samozavest, njegovo prepričanje, da je »največji umetnik na svetu« (Cankar, 1970a, 9), ima po mojem mnenju dva izvora, v katerih se pokaže protislovna narava tega lika. Po eni strani se zdi, da je Slivar povsem moderen umetnik, ki deluje v opoziciji do družbe in se stilizira kot ne- kakšna mesijanska figura, kar je podlaga za njegovo umetniško samozavest; po drugi strani pa je odvisen od priznanja družbe, kar je v očitnem nasprotju z umetnostjo moderne, ki se je prav zaradi svoje avto- nomije morala sprijazniti s tendenčno izgubo svoje družbene funkcije. Na začetku romana je Slivar nadvse srečen, saj je bil sprejet njegov predlog za spomenik slovenskemu pesniku, vendar so kasneje naročilo dodelili drugemu umetniku. Slivar se zaradi svoje družbene nevidnosti in nepomembnosti zlomi in ravno s tem odzivom zanika sebe kot modernega umetnika, ki se s svojo umetnostjo vendarle želi distancirati od družbe in ustvarjati umetnost neod- visno od družbenega priznanja. Slivarjevo trpljenje v svetu ne izvira iz zavedanja, da je družba v smislu dekadence bolna, temveč iz dejstva, da njegova superiornost, ki izvira iz njegova elitizma in ki jo uporablja kot masko, ne prinaša priznanja, od kate- rega je usodno odvisen. Kierkegaard takega človeka imenuje nesrečnika, ki da ima »svoj ideal, vsebino svojega življenja, polnost svoje zavesti, svoje bistvo zunaj sebe« (Liessmann, 1999, 63). Slivar propada, ker njegovo delo v družbi ni priznano, kar pomeni, da je njegova samozavest posledica priznanja od drugih. V tem pogledu ni avtonomen umetniški subjekt kot na primer arhitekt Tratnik, ki ga sreča na Dunaju. Ta se je popolnoma osvobodil potrebe po priznanju in zdi se, da je resnično svoboden. »Tisti del njega, ki je bil resnično človek in umetnik, se niti v sanjah ni spominjal več na domovino in na mladost [...] Tako je bil – morda nehote in nezave- dno – pretrgal vse vezi in zdaj je bil svoboden, sam svoj« (Cankar, 1970a, 59). Slivar pa je nesvoboden, odvisen, kar hromi njegovo ustvarjalnost. »Da, zato so slabe in plahe roke njegove, Slivarjeve, ker živi v njegovem srcu še vsa grenkoba in plahost nelepe mladosti, vsa tiha, boječa otožnost domače zemlje, ker so njegove prsi še polne tistega tesnega, tež- kega vzduha« (Cankar, 1970a, 60). Tratnik se zdi dejansko svoboden, vendar je zaradi tega hladen, skorajda nečloveški in pravzaprav razbremenjen odgovornosti do družbe. Enako velja za umetnika Hladnika, ciničnega nihilista in boema, ki niti v umetnost ne verjame več. »Kaj ne veš na tihem, da se lažeš, kadar misliš na svoja dela, ki jih nikoli ni bilo in jih nikoli ne bo?« (Cankar, 1970a, 116). Ta dva lika predstavljata umetnost, ki v družbi nima nobene funkcije in je tudi noče imeti. Hladnik je predstavnik umetnika, ki se samozadovoljno in poln samopomilovanja prepušča življenju na robu družbe ter tako utrjuje stereotip umetnika boema. Poleg nihilističnega lika pa se pojavi še en tip umetnika, Bajt, ki dela po naročilu in ki se je s svojo umetnostjo sposoben preživljati. Slivar mu 227 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 sprva zavida, vendar Hladnik popolnoma zavrača tovrstne umetnike, češ da za denar prodajajo svojo dušo. Slivar in Hladnik spominjata na pisatelja Spinella iz Mannove zgodbe, saj se vrtita izključno okoli sebe in zaničujeta vse, kar je drugače od njiju. V nasprotju z Mannom, ki to stališče ironizira in s tem kritizira, pri Cankarju na prvi pogled ne najdemo neposredne kritike. Njegova kritika je uperjena proti družbi, ne proti umetniku, pri katerem se zdi, da ni kritične samorefleksije in da se počuti kot žrtev družbe. Kritika družbe, ki po Kosu izhaja iz pozicije volje do moči, je, kot ugotavlja Kos, res cinična in uničujoča, vendar je vprašljivo, ali se tu dejansko uveljavlja načelo volje do moči v Nietzschejevem smislu. Zdi se namreč, da ga Nietzsche razume kot »sprejemanje usode« (Figal, 1999, 219), kot voljo, ki hoče svojo usodo; zato se pravzaprav »izgubi usodnost usode« (Figal, 1999, 219). To bi torej pomenilo, da človek želi in sprejema svojo usodo. Menim, da to za Slivar- ja ne velja: tone v samopomilovanje in svoje usode ne sprejema, saj se zateče k samomoru. Sicer pa Kos pod pojmom volja do moči razume »individualizem, ki osvobaja posameznika že vseh socialnih, moral- nih in religioznih, zlasti pa nacionalnih vezi« (Kos, 2018, 49), in idejo, da posameznik »s svojo močjo [ne bo] služil nikomur več razen sam sebi« (Kos, 2018, 50). To velja morda za Tratnika in Hladnika, ne pa za Slivarja, ta se zlomi ravno zato, ker nikomur več ne služi. Tratnik in Hladnik predstavljata nihi- listično in antihumanistično pojmovanje umetnosti in – če sledimo tezi Janka Kosa – sta v tem pogledu res svobodna. Toda za kakšno ceno? Za ceno same umetnosti, ki je hladna in obrnjena stran od človeka ali pa sploh ne nastaja, saj Hladnik, na primer, ni aktiven umetnik, ampak se izgublja v svojih nihili- stičnih pogledih na življenje in v alkoholu. To posta- ne jasno tudi Slivarju, ki kljub vsemu zavrača takšen pogled na življenje in umetnost. Postavlja pa se vpra- šanje, ali si tako kot Tonio Kröger res prizadeva za družbeni vpliv v smislu humanistične drže ali pa mu gre zgolj za družbeno priznanje. Slivar ostaja ujet v protislovje med avtonomijo in odvisnostjo, kar ga nazadnje privede do samomora, ki ga lahko po eni strani razumemo kot Slivarjevo resignacijo, po drugi strani pa tudi kot kritiko njega samega ali njegovega pojmovanja umetnosti, ki je vezano na tradicijo 19. stoletja oz. na predstavo o radikalnem individualiz- mu, ki izvira iz Fichtejeve filozofije »absolutnega jaza«. Stališče pripovedi o Slivarju je ambivalentno in po mojem mnenju izraz ambivalentnega in za moderno značilnega odnosa do subjekta, ki je po eni strani povzdignjen (radikalni subjektivizem), po dru- gi strani pa je tudi predmet kritike. Tako Slivar po eni strani uteleša moderni in radikalni subjektivizem, ki 7 Po Berniku je križ v tem romanu »simbolna napoved upanja in odrešujoče ljubezni« (Bernik, 1977, 149). slavi avtonomni in samosvoji subjekt, po drugi strani pa je neuspešen, ker svetu ničesar ne ponudi in torej krize ne premaga. Povsem drugače se bere pripoved o Mateju, pro- tagonistu romana Križ na gori, ki velja za Cankarjevo najbolj optimistično besedilo, kot izraz »čudovitega življenjskega optimizma« (Mahnič, 1957, 281). Roman je postavljen v kmečko okolje, ki mladega, umetniško nadarjenega Mateja izključuje zaradi želje postati umetnik. Mate prijateljuje s Hanco, mladim, globoko v kmečki tradiciji zakoreninjenim dekletom, ki ga ljubi. Mladenič izdela podobo sve- tnika in jo želi prodati duhovniku, vendar ta kupčijo zavrne, kar Mateja pahne v krizo. Mate zapusti vas in se odloči živeti v mestu kot umetnik. Hanca ga sprva zaskrbljeno čaka, a med Matejevimi obiski začne opažati, kako zelo se je spremenil in postal čustve- no hladen. Sčasoma se Mate vrne v vas, vendar tu ne najde svojega mesta in začne piti. Naposled je Hanca tista, ki ga s svojo ljubeznijo odreši, in skupaj zapustita vas, da bi drugje zaživela novo življenje. Roman tako ne potrjuje teze o trpečem in pasivnem junaku, ki sreče ne najde, saj je Mate ves čas deja- ven in tudi predstave o sreči, ki jo Kos razume kot čutno-čustveno, tukaj ne najdemo. Sreča, ko jo išče Mate, je utemeljena drugače in izvira iz njegovega razumevanja umetnosti, ki ima etično razsežnost, o čemer bomo razpravljali v nadaljevanju. Tudi Mate se na začetku romana kaže kot vitali- stičen silak, četudi manj aroganten in prepričan vase kot na primer Slivar ali Hladnik; je optimističen, poln življenja in želje po udejstvitvi svojih idej oz., kot pravi Cankar, »lepe so bile njegove misli« (Cankar, 1996, 5). Mate je tipičen lik umetnika mo- derne, ki želi spremeniti red, v katerem živi, in iz tega spoznanja črpa svojo samozavest. Sicer se zdi manj vzvišen kot Slivar, Tratnik in Hladnik, vendar je v besedilu stiliziran kot mesijanski lik – kot »Križ na gori«. Njegova mesijanska drža je lahko simbol za radikalni subjektivizem in iz tega izvirajoče samopo- dobe, ki jo najdemo že pri Slivarju, lahko pa je tudi simbol za novo vizijo in upanje na novo življenje.7 Menim, da je pravzaprav oboje hkrati. Na začetku je izraz Matejeve samopodobe – umetnik, ki se dvigne nad navadne ljudi: »Zakaj velik temen križ je stal na gori. Razprostrl je bil Mate roke in za njim je rdela večerna zarja, pred njim je ležala globel v samotnem mraku. Velik temen križ se je bil vzdignil nad vasjo, križ nad odprtim grobom. Zazibal se je, polagoma se je pogrezal in utonil v svetlobi, ki je bila razlita čez pol neba [...]« (Cankar, 1996, 12). To ponazarja zlasti Matejev položaj v prostoru, ki je nad vasjo in nad grobom. Na koncu pa nastopi križ kot simbol za nekaj, kar preraste staro: Mate je nasprotje vasi, ki je ujeta v stare tradicije in v kateri med prebivalci 228 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 vlada sovražno vzdušje. Njegov položaj na gori, ko stiliziran stoji kot Kristus, ki prinaša odrešitev, je tako v očitnem nasprotju z opisom vaške cerkve, ki je »stara in umazana« (Cankar, 1996, 8). Tudi kip Matere božje z Jezusom je zanemarjen, »les je bil razpokan in preperel, na plašču, nekdaj sinjem, so se poznale samo še umazane pege, zvezda nad glavo, nekdaj pozlačena, se je bila nagnila in je padala na čelo« (Cankar, 1996, 5–6). Razpad cerkve bi lahko po eni strani kazal na pomanjkanje transcendence, ki je značilna za moderno, po drugi pa tudi na izgubo vrednot in nezadostne medčloveške odnose v vasi. Zato je Mate upodobljen kot Kristus, ki želi z umetnostjo vzpostaviti nov red v vasi. Po mojem mnenju tu ne gre za enačenje umetnosti in religije ali, kot trdi Kos, za posebno »krščansko mistiko« (Kos, 2018, 170), temveč za konkretno pojmovanje tega, kar naj bi umetnost dosegla. Mate se namreč spreminja. Če je na začetku lik, ki izvira iz roman- tične subjektivnosti, potem na koncu dobi izrazito etično razsežnost, kar je izraz Cankarjevega literar- nega nazora, ki po Matevžu Kosu »ima poudarjeno etično razsežnost« (Kos, 2001, 28). To razsežnost Mate poudari na koncu romana, ko pravi: »Premišlje- val sem časih o naši umetnosti in sem spoznal, da je vse postranska stvar in brez vrednosti, če ni ljubezni v srcu« (Cankar, 1996, 135). Simbol te ljubezni je Han- ca, ki dejansko nosi Matejev križ, njegovo umetnost, ki se še ni uresničila: »Hanca je vzela zavoj, toda bil je zanjo prevelik in vzdigati je morala ramo, da bi se ne vlačil po tleh. Naposled ga je naložila na hrbet in se je sključila globoko, tako da je videla Mateju, ki je stopal pred njo, komaj do kolena« (Cankar, 1996, 6). Alojzija Zupan Sosič Hanco razume kot lik, ki predstavlja »duhovno materinstvo« (Zupan Sosič, 2023, 97), torej je različica podobe matere, razume jo kot vdano, požrtvovalno in zaščitniško žensko. Sama menim, da je Hanca bolj simbol tega, kar vasi – in s tem celotni družbi – manjka: simbol skrbnega odnosa do sočloveka, ki edini lahko omogoči skupno življe- nje in odprti grob vasi osvobaja temačnosti. Ko Mate in Hanca vas zapustita, je nebo »zasijalo svetleje nad globeljo, zapihal je večerni veter in kakor v radostni slutnji je zašumelo drevje« (Cankar, 1996, 145). Mate je na začetku romana podobno kot Slivar »kljubovalen in sanjajoč otrok« (Cankar, 1996, 8), ki drugemu ne prisluhne in je zaprt v svojem egocen- trizmu. V romanu je to prikazano s krščansko ikono- grafijo svetle glorije in razprtih rok, razbrati pa se dá tudi iz njegovega odnosa do Hance, ki »je ni videl, tudi ni razumel njenih besed« (Cankar, 1996, 11), saj so njegove oči »gledale proti soncu« (Cankar, 1996, 11). Šele ko v tujini doživi zlom svoje samozavesti, kar ga temeljito spremeni, se neha vrteti zgolj okoli svoje osi in želi svojo umetnost postaviti v službo ljudi: »Vrneva se, in takrat bodo veliki dnevi in takrat bo sijalo sonce tudi tja dol« (Cankar, 1996, 145). Umetnost in umetniki tako dobijo etično funkcijo, ki se v romanu še ne uresniči, a je kljub temu zasno- vana kot jasna vizija. V tem pogledu lahko besedilo razumemo tudi kot labodji spev umetnosti, ki nima etične podlage in se vrti le okoli sebe in jo, kot pravi sam Cankar v besedilu Ponižana umetnost, družba instrumentalizira v zabavne namene ter ji s tem od- vzame vsakršen družbeni vpliv, »ker so si podredili umetnost tisti debeli ljudje, ki rabijo ta ›cvet kulture‹ namesto črne kave po dobrem kosilu in namesto žgane kaplje pred spanjem« (Cankar, 1970b, 277). MANN IN CANKAR V PRIMERJAVI Izbrana besedila predstavljajo različne like umetnika in prepričanja o tem, kaj je umetnost, kar izhaja iz različnih družbenih in kulturnih kontekstov. Vendar obstajajo tudi skupne značilnosti, ki jih je po mojem mnenju mogoče razložiti z dejstvom, da je besedila oz. razmišljanje o umetnosti mogoče razumeti kot odziv na krizo umetnosti na prelomu stoletja, ko je umetnost želela postati avtonomna in je s tem izgubila del svojih tradicionalnih funkcij. Thomas Mann je trdno zakoreninjen v meščanstvu Nemškega cesarstva, katerega vrednote v svojih delih predstavlja in tudi problematizira. Zanj je, kot pravi v svojem eseju, pomemben »primat etike v življenju« (Mann, 1956, 95), ki ga razume kot »prevlado reda nad razpoloženjem, trajnega nad trenutnim, mirnega dela nad genialnostjo« (Mann, 1956, 95). Pri tem je pomemben vidik »delo kot etični simbol življenja« (Mann, 1956, 97), vrednota, ki je globoko zakore- ninjena zlasti v protestantskem meščanstvu severne Nemčije, domovini Thomasa Manna. Ta etični vidik je značilen tudi za umetnost, če jo z Mannom razu- memo kot obrt, kot delo uma. Negativna stran take umetnosti pa je njen umik iz življenja, kar je bilo značilno za esteticizem, ki je sam sebe videl kot estetsko opozicijo in oznanjal prenovo življenja z umetnostjo, ki pa je potekala ločeno od družbe in je sploh ni dosegla, kar predstavlja lik Detleva Spinella, medtem ko lik Tonia Krögerja pooseblja umetnost, ki se umika od življenja, ker ne zmore povezati telesa in duha, tj. umetnost, ki se je odvrnila od čutov in fizičnega ter se posveča izključno intelektu. Toda tudi tu se pojavi konflikt, saj se ta umetnost zdi ne- človeška, hladna in poduhovljena do te mere, da ne more več doseči običajnih ljudi. Mann nasproti tem skrajnim stališčem postavi pojmovanje umetnosti, ki jo zanima človek in odraža življenje v družbi in ki je pravzaprav humanistična in etična. V tem pogledu sta si oba avtorja podobna, kajti tudi Cankar kritizira tako hladno in cinično umetnost kot tudi umetnost, ki je odvisna od družbenega ugleda. Temu nasproti postavlja umetnost, ki ima družbeni vpliv v tem smislu, da želi spreminjati in prenavljati človeka in s tem družbo. Tako Tonio Kröger kot tudi Mate sta oba 229 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 manj negativna kot drugi liki umetnikov v besedilih in predstavljata drugačen koncept umetnosti, in sicer umetnost, ki je dejansko avtonomna, vendar ne iz- gublja svoje etične usmerjenosti. Ta umetnost nikoli »ne služi tem ljudem« (Cankar, 1970b, 280) in zah- teva od same sebe, da usmerja »človeški napredek v smer čistosti in miru« (Mann, 1956, 87). Mannovi umetniki niso dejavni, so prej pasivni, introvertirani in asketski liki, umaknjeni iz družbe, ker so se sami postavili v ta položaj in ker želijo živeti onstran družbe. Ne želijo imeti družbenega vpliva in v tem smislu so verjetno res dekadentni: vase za- gledani in zaprti v svojem radikalnem in elitarnemu subjektivizmu se ne spuščajo na raven malomeščanov. Posledica tega je, da so popolnoma neodvisni, njihov ugled, ki pa so ga vendarle imeli (vsaj Thomas Mann in podobni, ki sodijo v samo elito nemške književnosti) pa izhaja iz dejstva, da sta imeli umetnost in kultura v Nemškem cesarstvu visok status, tako da je bil umetnik slavljen, saj so se Nemci videli predvsem kot kulturni narod in se niso legitimirali ter se od drugih narodov razlikovali le po svoji državnosti, temveč predvsem po svoji kulturi. Podobno funkcijo je imela umetnost na Slovenskem, povezana je bila z željo po diferenciaciji in ustvarjanju kulturne identitete, zlasti pri Cankarju, »ki je videl v pristni umetniški besedi tudi jamstvo za obstoj svojega naroda« (Zadravec, 1980, 22). Slovenski jezik – in z njim tudi književnost – je v takrat v kul- turnem smislu kolonizirani Sloveniji veljal za elemen- tarnega za ohranjanje in emancipacijo lastne kulturne identitete.8 V tem pogledu ni povsem jasno, zakaj je bil zlasti umetnik družbeno marginaliziran, čeprav si to seveda lahko razlagamo s t. i. prešernovsko strukturo slovenske literature, pojmom, ki označuje dvojni in protislovni položaj literature in literata na Slovenskem (prim. Virk, 2021, 14–30). Razlog je morda tudi v različnem kulturnem kapitalu likov. Medtem ko sta Mannova lika pripadnika višjega meščanskega sloja, sta Slivar in Mate malomeščana oz. kmeta in umetnost je bila v teh slojih manj cenjena. To okolje umetnike izključuje in zmerja z »vagabundi« in »lumpi«, in to zato, ker umetnost, ki se ne pusti instrumentalizirati v nacionalne oz. politične namene, »pri Slovencih [...] nima ustreznega ugleda« (Virk, 2021, 14). Medtem ko sta Mannova lika pripadnika višjih družbenih slojev, finančno neodvisna od svojega dela, zaprta v nekem univerzumu esteticizma in intelektu- alizma, ki ga pripovedovalec sicer obenem postavlja pod vprašaj, so Cankarjevi umetniki temu nasprotno vitalistične figure, ki vsaj na začetku prekipevajo od življenjske energije in želje po uresničitvi svojih idej, vendar se zlomijo, ker v družbi niso priznani in ker ne dosežejo ničesar – ne v materialnem ne v idejnem 8 Čisto posebno vlogo igra književnost v kriznih situacijah, npr. med vojno. Tako vemo, da je bila npr. Pesem o Nibelungih v Nemčiji tako v prvi kot tudi v drugi svetovni vojni »zlorabljena« za motivacijo vojakov in za sredstvo narodne identifikacije. V tem pogledu zanimiv je članek o književnosti kot sredstvu narodne identifikacije med prvo svetovno vojno na Slovenskem (prim. Grabrovec et al., 2023). smislu. V tem pogledu Slivar in Mate nista dekadentna umetnika, ker si položaja zunaj družbe ne izbereta, ampak se jima ta dodeli. Pri Mannu umetnika ne iz- ključuje družba, ampak se izključujejo sami in so v tem smislu res neodvisni, čeprav vsaj v primeru Tonia Krögerja hrepenenje po »normalnem« življenju zago- tovo obstaja. Oba avtorja družbi nastavljata kritično ogledalo in jo tako spodbujata k samorefleksiji. Mannova kritika je usmerjena proti malomeščanski buržoaziji, Cankarjeva kritika pa proti nespoštljivemu odnosu do umetnosti moderne in proti ljudstvu, ki noče uporabljati lastnega razuma. V besedilu Ponižana umetnost Cankar opisuje svoje vtise s predstave Tolstoja, ki se mi v tem kontekstu zdijo pomenljivi: Po prvem dejanju je bilo ploskanje zelo hrup- no, četudi se je nekaterim že takrat poznalo, da niso bili povsem zadovoljni, da so nečesa pogrešali, a do tedaj še sami niso natanko ve- deli kaj. Igrali so nenavadno dobro; z odra je plulo nekaj močnega in svežega; tam je bilo mnogo več resničnega življenja, ko v ložah in v parterju. Preprost človek bi si lažje mislil, da žive na odru, a da igrajo v avditoriju. Na odru so govorili odkrito in delali naravno, tu doli pa je bilo polno mask in polno laži. In tem maskam je pričelo postajati vroče in neprijetno. Čutili so že takoj v začetku, kmalu po prvih prizorih, da gledajo iz oči v oči neizprosnemu sovražniku, ki pozna natanko vse njihovo umazano nehanje in njihove nizke misli. (Cankar, 1970b, 276) Osnova družbene kritike, izražene v obeh roma- nih Ivana Cankarja, je hinavščina takratne slovenske družbe in njen zaostanek v razumevanju umetnosti. Medtem ko Thomas Mann zavzema ironično distan- co, s katere pravzaprav precej prizanesljivo gleda na družbo in umetnike (saj ironija sama po sebi ni zlonamerna), in je v bistvu nemogoče razbrati, na ka- tero stran se pripovedovalec postavlja, je Cankarjeva kritika cinična in je rezultat, kot se zdi na prvi pogled, vzvišenega stališča nekoga, ki je postavljen »nad nizki svet lažnih socialnih in moralnih norm ter mu zavlada z vso prešerno nesramnostjo močnejšega« (Kos, 2018, 65). Če ima Kos tu prav in umetnik v Cankarjevih romanih zavzema položaj najmočnejšega, ni jasno, zakaj nobenemu umetniku, z izjemo Mateja, ne uspe ali pa vsi končajo s samomorom. Morda se prav v tem skriva samorefleksivna ironija Ivana Cankarja, ki, tako kot Thomas Mann, ne nastavlja ogledala le družbi, temveč tudi umetnosti in umetniku. Umetnost, ki na 230 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 koncu ne propade (Mate se ne zapije in ne umre), je tista, ki je usmerjena k človeku, ki ni cinična in sarkastična ter ne izvira iz sovraštva, temveč iz ljubečega sočutja, ali, kot pravi Mate: »Kakor sanje se mi zde zdaj, da sem sovražil nekoč to rako, te sence [...] Ne sovraštva, ljubezni je treba, gorke in sočutne, ki je ne more zatemniti nobena žalost« (Cankar, 1996, 145). SKLEP Iz analize štirih besedil je razvidna diferencirana podoba vloge umetnosti in umetnika pri obeh avtor- jih. Za zgodnje delo Thomasa Manna je značilno ukvarjanje z Nietzschejevim delom, z vprašanjem, kako je mogoče preseči njegov koncept »inte- lektualne artistike, ki ni pripravljeno odgovarjati nobeni avtoriteti« (Valk, 2009, 13). Medtem ko se zdi, da zgodba Tristan sledi temu pogledu, se Tonio Kröger, kot je prikazano, obrača k »človeškosti, ukoreninjeni v človeškem duhu« (Valk, 2009, 13), ki je zasidran v socialni praksi. Podoben razvoj je mogoče opaziti tudi pri Ivanu Cankarju. Medtem ko v romanu Tujci nastopajo umetniki, ki služijo predvsem sebi, se v Križu na Gori Mate odvrne od teh egomaničnih umetniških figur in svojo umetnost postavi v službo skupnosti. Za oba avtorja je torej značilen odklon od načela radikalne subjektivnosti in s tem prizadevanje, izstopiti iz svoje »abstraktne notranjosti« (Kos, 2001, 27), kar je verjetno, če sle- dimo Matevžu Kosu, značilnost literature moderne, ki skuša preseči pojem lepe duše oz. romantične umetnosti in s tem umetnost na novo legitimirati. Zanimivo je, da vloga umetnosti in podobe umetnika v obravnavanih besedilih ni le izraz krize umetnosti ob koncu stoletja, temveč tudi izraz kulturno specifičnega odnosa do umetnosti in umetnikov. Thomas Mann ni pripadal boemski združbi v Münchnu, kjer je takrat živel, vendar je tematiziral tudi njihov življenjski slog, ki se je razli- koval od njegovega osebnega pogleda na umetnost in življenje. Za boemsko sceno je bilo značilno zavestno oddaljevanje od meščanstva, kar, kot je bilo prikazano, velja tudi za like Thomasa Manna, ki se od boemov razlikujejo po tem, da kljub vsemu ostajajo trdno zasidrani v nemškem meščanstvu in njegovih vrednotah. Vsaj münchenski boemi so kljub svojemu protiburžoaznemu habitusu živeli nekoliko »legalizirano eksistenco« in so bili »pod pokroviteljstvom prijetne malomeščanske smetane pivske in kmečke prestolnice ter kljub občasnim na- dlogam na skrivaj spoštovani kot imenitna redkost in okras mesta« (Bab, 1904, 6). Poleg tega večina umetnikov ni živela na družbenem robu. Zdi se, da je bilo na Slovenskem v tistem času drugače, saj je znano, da so boemi in literati slovenske moderne živeli na robu eksistence. Menim, da bi bile razlike v družbenem sprejemanju boemov in s tem pove- zana družbena vloga umetnosti in umetnikov lahko zanimiva tema nadaljnjih raziskav. 231 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 THE FUNCTIONS OF ART AND THE ROLE OF THE ARTIST IN IVAN CANKAR AND THOMAS MANN WORKS Andrea LESKOVEC University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Translation Studies, Slovenia e-mail: Andrea.Leskovec@ff.uni-lj.si SUMMARY The article focuses on the comparison between the German writer Thomas Mann and the Slovenian writer Ivan Cankar, a topic that has not yet been treated in Slovenian comparative literature. Since the early works of both authors belong to the same time, i.e. the fin de siècle period, there are probably a number of similarities which the article cannot, of course, fully treat. It therefore focuses on the question of the function of art and the role of the artist in society at the turn of the century. The analysis shows that the differences between the two are rooted in the different cultural and social contexts in which the authors worked, and are related to the function of art in each society at the time. However, the similarities emerge more at the level of the texts themselves, which thematise in a very similar way the function of art and the role of the artist. In particular, this is about going beyond the aesthetic conception of literature and seeking a socially effective legitimation and positioning of the writer in modern society. Keywords: Ivan Cankar, Thomas Mann, function of art, role of the artist, modernist literature, ethical dimension of literature 232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Andrea LESKOVEC: FUNKCIJE UMETNOSTI IN VLOGA UMETNIKA PRI IVANU CANKARJU IN THOMASU MANNU, 221–232 VIRI IN LITERATURA Bab, Julius (1904): Die Berliner Bohème. Berlin, Hermann Seemann Nachf. Bernik, France (1977): Roman Ivana Cankarja v luči impresionistične in simbolistične poetike. Slavistična revija, 25, 135–159. Cankar, Ivan (1970a): Tujci. Ljubljana, DZS. Cankar, Ivan (1970b): Ponižana umetnost. Ljublja- na, DZS. Cankar, Ivan (1996): Križ na gori. Ljubljana, Založba Karantanija. Figal, Günter (1999): Nietzsche. Eine philosophi- sche Einführung. Stuttgart, Reclam. Georg, Jutta (2020): Übermensch und ewige Wiederkehr. Nietzsches Chiffren der Transformation. Paderborn, Brill/Fink. Grabrovec, Petra, Pisk, Marjeta & Darko Friš (2023): Slovenska ljudska pesem kot element naro- dne identifikacije Slovencev v obdobju prve svetovne vojne. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 33, 4, 719–730. Horn, Anette (2000): Nietzsches Begriff der déca- dence. Kritik und Analyse der Moderne. Frankfurt – Main, Peter Lang. Kimmich, Dorothee & Tobias Wilke (2006): Einfü- hrung in die Literatur der Jahrhundertwende. Darm- stadt, WBG. Kos, Janko (1991): Teze o slovenskem romanu. Literatura, 13, 3, 47–50. Kos, Janko (2018): Misliti Cankarja. Ljubljana, Beletrina. Kos, Janko (2021): Ivan Cankar in Evropa – odprta vprašanja. V: Kocijančič, Matic (ur.): V sanjah preleti člo- vek stoletje. Ljubljana, Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete, 13–24. Kos, Matevž (2001): Cankar in Nietzsche. Primer- jalna književnost, 24, 1, 17–44. Köstler, Erwin (2007): Cankarjeslovje, kam meriš?. Primerjalna književnost, 20, 2, 155–163. Köstler, Erwin (2012): K problematiki hrepenenja v slovenskem cankarjeslovju. Primerjalna književnost, 35, 3, 242–259. Kurzke, Hermann (ur.) (2009): Thomas Mann, Be- trachtungen eines Unpolitischen. Frankfurt am Main, S. Fischer. Leskovec, Andrea (2020): Izkustvo tujega in respon- zivnost v Cankarjevem romanu Tujci. Jezik in slovstvo, 65, 1, 37–48. Li, Shuangzhi (2017): Dekadent und Dekadenz- -Kritiker in einem: Zur narzisstischen Körper-Ästhetik bei Nietzsche und Thomas Mann. Literaturstraße: Chi- nesisch-deutsches Jahrbuch für Sprache, Literatur und Kultur, 18, 1, 50–63. Liessmann, Konrad Paul (1999): Philosophie der modernen Kunst. Wien, Facultas. Mahnič, Joža (1957): Cankar, Ivan: Križ na gori. Jezik in slovstvo, 2, 6, 281–282. Mann, Thomas (1956 [1918]): Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen. Frankfurt, Fischer. Mann, Thomas (1973): Tri novele. Ljubljana, Mladinska knjiga. Pirjevec, Dušan (1964): Ivan Cankar in evropska literatura. Ljubljana, Cankarjeva založba. Poniž, Denis (2005): Problem Cankarjeve Lepe Vide. Jezik in slovstvo, 50, 2, 79–87. Rupnik Hladnik, Tatjana (2004): Umetnik in ljubi- telj umetnosti v družbi: primerjava med slovensko in nemško književnostjo na primerih del Tujci … Diplom- sko delo. Ljubljana, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani. Valk, Thorsten (2009): Friedrich Nietzsche. Musa- get der literarischen Moderne. V: Valk, Thorsten (ed.): Friedrich Nietzsche und die Literatur der klassischen Moderne. Berlin – New York, De Gruyter, 1–20. Virk, Tomo (2021): Pod Prešernovo glavo. Slovenska literatura in družbene spremembe: nacionalna država, de- mokracija in tranzicijska navzkrižja. Ljubljana, Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Zadravec, Franc (1980): Elementi slovenske moder- ne književnosti. Murska Sobota, Pomurska založba. Zupan Sosič, Alojzija (2020): Tujci, prvi roman Ivana Cankarja. Jezik in slovstvo, 65, 2, 89–100. Zupan Sosič, Alojzija (2023): Ženske v Cankarjevih romanih in nedokončan roman Marta. Slavia centralis, 16, 1, 89–109. 233 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2024-12-04 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.16 LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA Lara SORGO Istituto di studi etnici, Erjavčeva 26, 1000 Lubiana, Slovenia e-mail: lara.sorgo@guest.arnes.si SINTESI Il presente articolo ha come scopo principale quello di illustrare alcune caratteristiche dei paesaggi linguistici urbani dei comuni di Pirano e di Capodistria al fine di indagare la visibilità della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico, nonché di valutare se il paesaggio linguistico riflette l’applicazione delle politiche linguistiche nelle aree in esame. Attraverso la raccolta di dati empirici durante la ricerca sul campo, i segni linguistici sono stati analizzati per determi- nare quali sono le lingue che compaiono nello spazio pubblico, quali sono le caratteristiche degli elementi linguistici e se i due paesaggi linguistici di Pirano e di Capodistria riflettono le politiche linguistiche del territorio bilingue. I risultati indicano che il paesaggio linguistico può fornire informazioni utili non soltanto sulla presenza delle lingue nello spazio pubblico, ma esso è anche legato alla politica linguistica ufficiale nei confronti della lingua minoritaria e di conseguenza al suo status e al suo prestigio. Parole chiave: paesaggio linguistico, lingua italiana, Comunità nazionale italiana, lingua nello spazio pubblico ITALIAN LANGUAGE IN THE PUBLIC SPACE: A LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE PERSPECTIVE OF THE MUNICIPALITIES OF PIRAN AND KOPER ABSTRACT The article aims to illustrate certain aspects of the urban linguistic landscapes of the municipalities of Piran and Koper, focusing on the visibility of the Italian language in the public space, as well as to assess whether the linguistic landscape reflects the implementation of linguistic policies in the areas investigated. Through empirical data gathered during field research, linguistic signs were analysed to determine the languages present in the public space, the characteristics of linguistic elements, and whether the linguistic landscapes of Piran and Koper reflect the language policies of the bilingual territory. The findings indicate that the language landscape not only provides useful information on the presence of languages in the public space but is also indicative of the official language policy towards the minority language, influencing its status and prestige. Keywords: linguistic landscape, Italian language, Italian national community, language in the public space 234 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 INTRODUZIONE E DESCRIZIONE DEL PROBLEMA DI RICERCA1 Questo contributo si propone di illustrare alcune caratteristiche dei paesaggi linguistici urbani dei co- muni di Pirano e di Capodistria allo scopo di indagare la visibilità della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico. Poiché l’italiano nel territorio nazionalmente misto della fascia costiera della Slovenia è lingua ufficiale e quindi parificata allo sloveno, nel contributo si valuterà anche se il paesaggio linguistico riflette l’applicazione delle politiche linguistiche nelle aree in esame. La visibilità della lingua negli spazi pubblici è importante per gli appartenenti di una comunità lin- guistica e/o nazionale, perché la lingua è uno degli indicatori dell’identità etnica e di quella collettiva (King, 1997, 493–494). Poiché negli specifici contesti le lingue minoritarie sono quotidianamente in contatto con altre lingue e, in un modo o nell’altro, si ritrovano ad essere lingue in ‘pericolo’, la presenza o l’assenza di esse nella sfera pubblica ne rivela la loro centralità o la loro marginalità. Lo studio del paesaggio linguistico in questo modo, può fornire informazioni utili non sol- tanto sulla presenza delle lingue negli spazi pubblici, ma anche sul loro status e sul loro prestigio. Inoltre, la presenza della lingua nel paesaggio linguistico può essere messa anche in relazione con la vitalità etnolinguistica (Giles et al., 1977), poiché la vitalità di una lingua influenzerà il paesaggio linguistico, ovvero una lingua predominante avrà una maggiore presenza e visibilità nel paesaggio. Secondo la definizione comunemente citata di Landry e Bourhis, il paesaggio linguistico si riferisce a “[la] lingua dei cartelli stradali pubblici, dei cartelloni pubblicitari, dei nomi delle vie, dei toponimi, delle insegne commerciali dei negozi e delle insegne pub- bliche degli edifici governativi” (Landry & Bourhis, 1997, 25) che si combina per formare “il paesaggio linguistico di un determinato territorio, regione o agglomerato urbano”. Per i due autori, inoltre, il paesaggio linguistico può svolgere due funzioni: da un lato, il paesaggio linguistico è informativo quando fornisce dettagli sulle caratteristiche linguistiche, i limiti territoriali e i confini linguistici della regione, informando in tal modo sulle lingue utilizzate da una data comunità linguistica e indicando la diversità linguistica o in caso contrario la sua mancanza; dall’altro lato invece, riflette il valore e lo status della lingua, ad esempio dimostrando la posizione dominante o subordinata di determinati gruppi etnolinguistici (Landry & Bourhis, 1997, 25–29). 1 L’articolo è stato realizzato nell’ambito del programma di ricerca Manjšinske in etnične študije ter slovensko narodno vprašanje / Studi minoritari ed etnici e questione nazionale slovena (P05-0081) finanziato dall’Agenzia di Ricerca della Repubblica di Slovenia (ARIS) e del progetto Primis Plus Storie di multiculturalità: viaggio sensoriale attraverso il prisma delle minoranze finanziato dal programma Interreg VI-A Italia-Slovenia 2021-2027. Per Ben-Rafael il paesaggio linguistico “può essere definito come costruzione simbolica dello spazio pubblico, in quanto sono le lingue che manifesta e i simboli che esprime a fungere da punti di riferimento di questo spazio in cui “accadono cose” nella società” (Ben-Rafael, 2009, 41). Il paesaggio linguistico contribuisce, infatti, alla costruzione del contesto sociolinguistico (Cenoz & Gorter, 2006, 68) e diventa luogo dove interagiscono meccanismi di pianificazione linguistica, infatti esso “può spesso servire come strumenti per creare politi- che segrete e nascoste. Questo perché le politiche de facto […] sono il più delle volte promosse dalle auto- rità centrali, spesso in contraddizione con le politiche dichiarate, pertanto aggirano le politiche ufficiali e ne creano di nuove” (Shohamy, 2006, 138). Secondo Spolsky, quando si parla di politica lingui- stica, vanno prese in considerazione tre componenti: “l’insieme delle pratiche linguistiche, delle credenze e delle decisioni di gestione di una comunità o di un’entità politica” (Spolsky, 2004, 9). In questo senso, è proprio nella distinzione tra i diversi segni linguistici che si può notare come la lingua nello spazio pub- blico possa essere considerata un riflesso dei conflitti ideologici presenti nella società (Shohamy, 2006). Già Landry & Bourhis (1997, 26) nel loro articolo seminale avevano sottolineato la distinzione tra segni privati ovvero “insegne commerciali sulle vetrine dei negozi e degli esercizi commerciali [...], pubblicità commerciale su cartelloni e insegne pubblicitarie esposte su mezzi di trasporto pubblico e su veicoli pri- vati” e segni governativi, ovvero “segnaletica pubblica utilizzata da amministrazioni nazionali, regionali o comunali nei seguenti ambiti: segnaletica stradale, to- ponimi, nomi di vie e iscrizioni su edifici governativi, tra cui ministeri, ospedali, università, municipi, scuo- le, stazioni della metropolitana e parchi pubblici”. Successivamente i segni linguistici sono stati de- nominati top-down e bottom-up. Nella definizione di segni top-down rientrano gli elementi linguistici “emessi dalle burocrazie nazionali e pubbliche – istituzioni pub- bliche, insegne su siti pubblici, annunci pubblici e nomi di vie”, mentre nella categoria bottom-up quelli “emessi da singoli attori sociali, proprietari di negozi e aziende – come i nomi dei negozi, le insegne delle aziende e gli annunci personali” (Ben-Rafael et al., 2006, 14). In altre parole, la differenziazione tra elementi top- down e elementi bottom-up permetterà di discutere del ruolo delle politiche linguistiche nella creazione del pae- saggio linguistico dei due contesti presi in esame in questo articolo e anche della necessità di condurre ricerche future indirizzate alla visibilità linguistica della lingua italiana. 235 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Sebbene a livello europeo le ricerche sul paesag- gio linguistico si siano intensificate e diversificate nel corso del tempo,2 in Slovenia sono state condotte pochissime ricerche in tale specifico ambito. Studi sul paesaggio linguistico in Slovenia sono stati svolti da Gliha Komac et al. (2016) sull’utilizzo della lingua slovena nella denominazione di società, enti e im- prese registrate in conformità alle attuali disposizioni legislative; da Snoj (2018), che ha analizzato i segni linguistici di una via del centro di Lubiana; da Šabec (2022), che ha indagato il ruolo dell’inglese nella creazione del paesaggio linguistico di Maribor; e infine da Mikolič Južnič & Pisanski Peterlin (2023), che hanno confrontato le traduzioni delle scritte dei paesaggi linguistici del Parco naturale delle Saline di Sicciole e dell’Orto Botanico di Lubiana. Nei Paesi contermini invece, soprattutto nelle regioni della fascia transfrontaliera, si ricordano le ricerche di Coluzzi (2009) a Udine, di Tufi (2013) a Trieste, di Mezgec (2016) nella zona di insediamento storico della minoranza slovena in Friuli Venezia Giulia e di Gliha Komac & Mezgec (2016) in Val Canale. Mel- chior (2020) ha indagato la presenza dell’italiano nei paesaggi linguistici di Klagenfurt e di Graz, Rasinger (2014) invece ha concentrato la sua ricerca sulla lingua slovena nella regione della Carinzia austriaca. Munda-Hirnök (2020) ha condotto una ricerca sul paesaggio linguistico della regione del Porabje in Ungheria. Ricerche sul paesaggio linguistico nella Regione Istriana sono state condotte soprattutto in contesti urbani da Sloboda et al. (2012), Scotti Jurić & Poropat Jeletić (2016) e Stolac (2018) sul paesaggio linguistico di Pola, da Bocale (2021) nei contesti di Fiume e Pola e da Matticchio (2022) a Pola. Va ricordata infine la ricerca di Šamo & Pliško (2018) sul paesaggio linguistico delle Isole Brioni. Ricerche vere e proprie sul paesaggio linguistico mancano del tutto nell’area dei quattro comuni co- stieri della Slovenia, dove è storicamente presente una minoranza autoctona, ma alcuni dati quantitativi e qualitativi si possono ricavare da alcune ricerche lega- te perlopiù al bilinguismo della regione (cfr. Kompara Lukančič, 2014; Mikolič, 2003; Mulec, 2015; Novak Lukanovič, 2004; 2011; Komac, 2015; Udovič & No- vak Lukanović, 2024). Partendo dal contesto sociolinguistico dell’area na- zionalmente mista, gli obiettivi del presente contributo si articolano attorno alle seguenti domande di ricerca: 1. Quali sono le lingue che compaiono nei pae- saggi linguistici urbani dei comuni di Pirano e di Capodistria? 2 Per una panoramica delle ricerche sul paesaggio linguistico si vedano soprattutto le ricerche di Gorter (2006); Backhaus (2007); Shohamy & Gorter (2009); Shohamy et al. (2010); Gorter et al. (2012). La crescente quantità di pubblicazioni e convegni dedicati al paesaggio linguistico negli ultimi decenni rivela un crescente interesse per questo ambito di ricerca (cfr. Barni & Bagna, 2015). 3 Per approfondire la storia della penisola istriana e soprattutto della fascia costiera della Slovenia si vedano alcuni studi che trattano l’area in esame: Ivetic (2006); Giuricin & Giuricin (2008); Bajc (2017); Orlić (2015); Pupo (2012); Žitko (2015). 2. Quali sono le caratteristiche degli elementi linguistici dei paesaggi linguistici urbani dei comuni di Pirano e di Capodistria? 3. I paesaggi linguistici urbani dei comuni di Pirano e di Capodistria riflettono le politiche linguistiche del territorio bilingue dove la lingua italiana è lingua ufficiale e parificata allo sloveno? L’impostazione scelta per l’articolo è suddivisa come segue: all’inizio, nella parte di tipo teorico, si descrive brevemente il contesto sociolinguistico del territorio nazionalmente misto della fascia costiera della Slovenia; segue il capitolo sulla metodologia, in cui vengono spiegate le scelte che sono state fatte nel corso della ricerca, soprattutto per quanto riguarda la definizione delle unità d’analisi; nella parte di tipo empirico, vengono analizzati i dati raccolti; infine, vengono discussi i risultati. CONTESTO SOCIOLINGUISTICO DELLA FASCIA COSTIERA DELLA SLOVENIA La situazione etnica e linguistica del territorio costiero della parte slovena dell’Istria si presenta oggi molto articolata, anche in ragione degli ap- porti diversi che caratterizzarono l’area in passato. Proprio per la sua posizione geografica, il territorio fu sempre caratterizzato come punto d’incontro tra genti, culture e lingue diverse. Al termine della seconda guerra mondiale e in seguito al Memoran- dum di Londra, l’intera area passò alla Jugoslavia, la cui sovranità venne definitivamente sancita con il Trattato di Osimo. Nel periodo tra il secondo dopoguerra e il dominio jugoslavo, gran parte della popolazione italiana dell’Istria lasciò il suo terri- torio d’insediamento storico per rifugiarsi in Italia e altrove. L’esodo massiccio della popolazione sconvolse gli equilibri territoriali e sociali, infatti gli italiani rimasti diventarono minoranza etnica in regione.3 In seguito alla dissoluzione della fe- derazione jugoslava nel 1991, si formarono le due Repubbliche di Slovenia e di Croazia. La situazione geopolitica che si venne a for- mare nel corso del tempo nella fascia costiera dei quattro comuni sloveni, influì anche sulla vitalità della lingua italiana. Al censimento della popola- zione del 2002, l’ultimo censimento in cui si chie- devano i dati relativi all’appartenenza nazionale e alla lingua materna, si rileva che 2258 persone si sono dichiarate italiane (0,11% della popolazione 236 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 totale), mentre sono 3762 le persone che hanno indicato la lingua italiana come lingua materna (SURS, 2002). In merito all’utilizzo della lingua italiana, la Costituzione della Repubblica di Slovenia sancisce nell’articolo 11 che la lingua ufficiale è lo sloveno, ma “[n]ei territori dei comuni, nei quali vivono le comunità nazionali italiana e ungherese è lingua ufficiale anche l’italiano e rispettivamente l’unghe- rese” (Costituzione della Repubblica di Slovenia, 1991, art. 11). Ciò significa che la lingua italiana è paritaria alla lingua slovena nel territorio nazio- nalmente misto dove vivono gli appartenenti della Comunità nazionale e quindi ha lo status di lingua ufficiale. Uno dei primi indicatori del libero utilizzo della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico – il cosiddetto bilinguismo visivo – è dato dalla presenza di scritte bilingui (Komac, 2015). L’area del territorio bilin- gue della fascia costiera della Slovenia è definita dagli statuti comunali, mentre la presenza della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico è garantita dai decreti comunali che regolano l’applicazione del bilinguismo visivo, sebbene ogni comune abbia un decreto diverso.4 Anche i diversi provvedimenti legislativi che regolano il bilinguismo istituzionale (Novak Lukanovič & Mulec, 2014) garantiscono l’u- tilizzo della lingua italiana in tutti i contesti della vita sociale, dall’utilizzo della lingua negli organi della pubblica amministrazione al campo dell’edu- cazione e dei media (Mulec, 2015). L’italiano standard è oggi la lingua materna (o prima lingua) degli appartenenti al gruppo nazionale italiano, a cui si aggiunge l’utilizzo del dialetto istroveneto, parlato perlopiù nel contesto familiare (Milani Kruljac, 1990; Burra & Debeljuh, 2013; Umer Kljun, 2015; Todorović, 2021; Zudič Antonič, 2023). Poiché gli appartenenti alla Co- munità nazionale italiana sono oggi largamente bilingui, ovvero sono in grado di utilizzare sia l’i- taliano, sia lo sloveno nei diversi contesti comuni- cativi, molto spesso avviene una commutazione di 4 Per armonizzare e aggiornare le diverse disposizioni contenute nei decreti comunali, nel corso del 2020 è stata avanzata la proposta da parte della Comunità Autogestita Costiera della Nazionalità Italiana di preparare un unico decreto che regoli il bi- linguismo in maniera omogenea in tutta la fascia costiera. Sebbene la bozza del decreto sia stata vagliata più volte dai Consigli delle Comunità autogestite della nazionalità italiana, si è ancora in attesa dell’approvazione da parte dei Consigli comunali dei quattro comuni (La Voce del popolo, 2021). 5 Per approfondimenti si vedano soprattutto le ricerche nell’ultimo decennio svolte nel campo dell’istruzione che hanno posto particolare attenzione all’apprendimento/insegnamento della lingua italiana come lingua seconda: Zudič Antonič (2017); Kenda (2019); Kobal (2020); Cavaion (2020); Zorman (2021); Sorgo & Novak Lukanovič (2023). 6 È in aumento il numero degli alunni di altre nazionalità e/o di origine straniera (cfr. Dežan & Sedmak, 2020; Sorgo et al. 2022; Vižintin & Kern, 2022; Sorgo, 2023). 7 La scelta di concentrare l’indagine soltanto a due comuni bilingui è stata dettata dal fatto che il comune di Pirano è quello più turistico, infatti nel 2022 vi si sono registrati il maggior numero di visitatori e di pernottamenti (SiStat, 2022b), mentre il comune di Capodistria è quello con il maggior numero di abitanti (SiStat, 2022a) e in cui hanno sede diverse istituzioni, tra cui il Centro regionale RTV, l’Univer- sità del Litorale, il Tribunale distrettuale, il Porto, oltre alle istituzioni della Comunità nazionale italiana quali la Comunità Autogestita Costiera della Nazionalità Italiana, il Centro di cultura italiana Carlo Combi, la sede capodistriana del quotidiano La Voce del popolo, l’Ufficio Europa dell’Unione Italiana. codice (code switching), prevalentemente a senso unico verso lo sloveno. Ciò è legato anche alla pro- gressiva diminuzione della conoscenza della lingua italiana da parte della popolazione di maggioranza, in modo particolare dei giovani.5 Negli ultimi decenni la situazione è cambiata ulteriormente in seguito ai numerosi flussi migratori che hanno interessato il territorio, sia di persone provenienti dalle repubbliche dell’ex Jugoslavia, sia di persone provenienti dai Paesi dell’Europa dell’Est, realtà che si riflette soprattutto nella composizione multietnica e multiculturale delle scuole.6 METODOLOGIA Lo scopo principale di questo articolo è quello di illustrare alcune caratteristiche dei paesaggi lin- guistici urbani dei comuni di Pirano e di Capodistria al fine di indagare la visibilità della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico e di valutare se il paesaggio linguistico riflette l’applicazione delle politiche linguistiche nelle aree in esame.7 Tenendo in considerazione le osservazioni teo- riche sul paesaggio linguistico esposte nel capitolo introduttivo, è necessario innanzi tutto presentare i criteri metodologici che sono stati adottati nella ricerca. La ricerca sul campo si è articolata in fasi diverse: alla fase iniziale di determinazione teorica delle unità da analizzare, è seguita la fase empirica di raccolta degli elementi; infine si è proceduto alla categorizzazione dei dati con la conseguente discussione di essi. Ai fini della ricerca sono stati raccolti 348 segni tra i mesi di agosto e di novembre 2023, durante diverse visite nelle due località. Per la raccolta dei dati sono state prese in considerazione due vie (cfr. Cenoz & Gorter, 2006) che sono state ritenute più rilevanti nei centri cittadini dei due comuni: Riva Ivan Cankar (Cankarjevo nabrežje) e Via IX Corpo d’armata (Ulica IX. Korpus) a Pirano; Via Župančič (Župančičeva ulica) e Calegaria (Čevljarska ulica) a Capodistria. 237 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Definizione delle unità di analisi La definizione delle unità di analisi nella ricerca sul paesaggio linguistico è di fondamentale im- portanza ai fini di svolgere una ricerca quanto più completa. Nell’individuazione dei segni si è tenuto conto della definizione di Backhaus che considera il segno “qualsiasi tipo di testo scritto all’interno di una cornice spazialmente definibile” (Backhaus, 2006, 55). Tuttavia, tale definizione è alquanto am- pia, perché vi rientrano sia gli adesivi di piccole di- mensioni, sia manifesti più grandi. Perciò in questo contributo, l’unità di analisi è rappresentata da ogni segno esposto nelle aree d’indagine e considerato singolarmente.8 Ciò significa che nel caso di attività commerciali o di una stessa ‘superficie’ dove sono presenti più segni linguistici, questi sono stati presi in considerazione singolarmente. Nell’analisi sono stati pertanto presi in considera- zione i segni seguenti: segnaletica stradale e targhe con nomi delle vie e toponimi; insegne, manifesti e altre scritte esposti sulle facciate, sui portoni e sulle finestre nelle vie oggetto della presente ricerca (non sono state considerate le insegne e altre scritture delle vie laterali che portano alla via indagata); scritte all’interno delle vetrine soltanto se leggibili dall’esterno; scritte su muri e graffiti se leggibili. Non sono stati invece presi in considerazione: scrit- te su prodotti non stazionari e in vendita (ad es. giornali, riviste, t-shirts, ecc.); manifesti impossibili da leggere, perché cancellati, rovinati o strappati; scritte sui muri e graffiti impossibili da decifrare; testi scorrevoli su display elettronici; nomi di nego- zi, bar e altre attività commerciali, se non quando si riferiscono al tipo di attività, ad esempio calzolaio, barbiere, ecc.9 I segni sono stati categorizzati utilizzando uno schema di codifica composto dalle seguenti cate- gorie: tipo di segno; suddivisione tra segni ufficiali (top-down) e segni privati (bottom-up); lingue e combinazioni di lingue negli elementi censiti;10 la posizione e/o l’ordine, cioè la prominenza/domi- nanza, di una lingua rispetto all’altra; la grandezza del testo (se il corpo del carattere varia al variare della lingua); il tipo di carattere (se il tipo di carat- tere – font – varia al variare della lingua).11 8 Cenoz & Gorter (2006, 71) sostengono che nel caso di negozi e/o attività commerciali con compresenza di più insegne, l’intero eserci- zio andrebbe considerato come un’unica unità di analisi. Una simile indagine però può essere limitante per il fatto che si pone minore attenzione ai singoli elementi che formano il paesaggio linguistico con la conseguenza di avere una visione ‘circoscritta’ della diversità linguistica. 9 Questa scelta è dovuta al fatto che i nomi di negozi, bar e attività commerciali a volte possono essere ‘di fantasia’ o con possibili calchi e prestiti tra lingue, quindi la percezione se si tratta di una lingua piuttosto che di un’altra, può essere ingannevole e lasciata alla percezio- ne soggettiva di chi analizza i dati. Nel caso invece, in cui il nome si riferisce al tipo di attività, è ragionevole aspettarsi una traduzione. 10 Distinzione tra segni monolingui (soltanto in sloveno oppure soltanto in un’altra lingua, ad es. inglese), segni bilingui (quando compa- iono sia lo sloveno, sia l’italiano oppure lo sloveno ed altra lingua), segni trilingui (con tre lingue) e segni plurilingui (con quattro o più lingue). 11 Durante la fase di classificazione dei segni, è emerso il problema di come considerare i cartelli in cui lo stesso contenuto (scritta) com- pariva su cartelli distinti in lingue diverse. In questi casi si è deciso di conteggiare tali segni come un’unica unità d’analisi. RISULTATI E DISCUSSIONE I risultati dello studio del paesaggio linguistico dei due comuni costieri vengono presentati e di- scussi in accordo con le domande di ricerca poste in apertura, quindi si vuole illustrare quali sono le lingue che compaiono nei paesaggi linguistici urbani del comune di Pirano e del comune di Capo- distria, quali sono le caratteristiche degli elementi linguistici presenti nei due paesaggi linguistici e infine valutare se il paesaggio linguistico riflette l’applicazione delle politiche linguistiche nelle aree in esame, dove la lingua italiana è lingua ufficiale e parificata allo sloveno. Lingue e combinazioni di lingue Nel paesaggio linguistico di Pirano sono state identificate sette lingue: sloveno, italiano, ingle- se, tedesco, francese, russo, latino (Grafico 1). A Capodistria invece, le lingue che compaiono nello spazio pubblico sono cinque: sloveno, italiano, inglese, tedesco, latino (Grafico 2). Una prima classificazione dei dati raccolti sul campo può essere fatta distinguendo i segni in base al numero di lingue che compaiono negli ele- menti linguistici (Tabella 1). A Pirano, dove sono stati raccolti 126 elementi, i segni monolingui rappresentano il 26,98% del totale. Di questi, 13 segni presentano soltanto lo sloveno, 4 presentano l’italiano, 16 l’inglese e un segno il latino. I segni bilingui (46,03%) presentano in prevalenza la combinazione sloveno-italiano (48 segni), ma si ritrovano anche segni bilingui sloveno-inglese (10 segni). Tra i segni trilingui (17,46%) si rileva soprat- tutto la presenza di tre lingue: sloveno-italiano-in- glese. Altre combinazioni linguistiche (9,52%) sono meno frequenti con segni che presentano i seguenti accostamenti: sloveno-italiano-inglese-te- desco, sloveno-italiano-inglese-tedesco-francese e sloveno-italiano-inglese-francese-russo. A Capodi- stria invece, su un totale di 222 elementi raccolti, i segni monolingui rappresentano il 45,49% del cam- pione. Tra di essi prevalgono soprattutto lo sloveno (77 segni) e l’inglese (20 segni). I segni bilingui (45,49%) sono prevalentemente in sloveno-italiano 238 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 (90 segni), ma si trovano anche casi di segni bilingui sloveno-inglese (9 segni), sloveno-tedesco (1 segno) e inglese-tedesco (1 segno). I segni trilingui (6,30%) presentano la combinazione sloveno-italiano-ingle- se, mentre nei segni plurilingui (2,70%) ricorre la combinazione sloveno-italiano-inglese-tedesco. Confrontando i dati raccolti nei due comuni, si nota che a Pirano sono meno presenti i segni monolingui (26,98%), mentre c’è una percentuale maggiore di segni bilingui (46,03%) e addirittura trilingui (17,46%) dove oltre allo sloveno e all’i- taliano si registra anche la presenza dell’inglese, nonché di quelli plurilingui (9,52%). Al contrario, a Capodistria, i segni monolingui e quelli bilingui rappresentano quasi la metà degli elementi raccolti (45,49%) con percentuali più basse per quanto ri- guarda i segni trilingui (6,30%) e quelli plurilingui (2,70%). In entrambi i comuni, per i segni bilingui è più frequente la combinazione sloveno-italiano, in accordo con le disposizioni legali. Per quanto riguarda il caso della presenza del latino in 1 segno a Pirano e in 3 segni a Capodistria, ciò si può spiegare con il fatto che si tratta di targhe ed epigrafi e quindi vanno lette in chiave storica, come testimonianze del passato dell’Istria, che per secoli ha fatto parte della Repubblica Serenissima di Venezia. Caratteristiche degli elementi linguistici Dei 126 elementi individuati a Pirano, 47 segni (37,30%) sono di tipo top-down, mentre 79 segni (62,70%) sono di tipo bottom-up. A Capodistria invece, su un totale di 222 elementi raccolti, 38 segni (17,12%) rientrano nella categoria top-down 12 In un segno top-down a Pirano, nonostante si tratti di un segno ufficiale, la scritta è soltanto in sloveno e manca l’italiano. e ben 184 segni (82,88%) in quella bottom-up (Grafico 3). Nei segni top-down, appartenenti ad enti comunali e ad istituzioni politiche e/o culturali, l’ordine delle lingue non è casuale, ma segue un modello ben preciso: lo sloveno, essendo la lingua nazionale è posta al primo posto, mentre l’italiano, che ha lo status di lingua ufficiale nel territorio, compare sempre al secondo posto.12 In alcuni casi, come a Pirano, i segni top-down sono trilingui e/o addirittura plurilingui con la presenza accanto allo sloveno e all’italiano an- che dell’inglese e/o del tedesco (Immagine 1). In entrambi i comuni, il testo in italiano presenta la stessa dimensione, lo stesso carattere e lo stesso colore della scritta in sloveno. Poiché i segni top-down contengono informazioni ufficiali, la traduzione è sempre completa ovvero vengono riportate anche in italiano le stesse informazioni della scritta in sloveno. Pirano Capodistria Monolingui 26,98% 45,49% Bilingui 46,03% 45,49% Trilingui 17,46% 6,30% Plurilingui 9,52% 2,70% Tabella 1: Tipo di segni in base al numero di lingue (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Lingue e combinazioni di lingue Nel paesaggio linguistico di Pirano sono state identificate sette lingue: sloveno, italiano, inglese, tedesco, francese, russo, latino (Grafico 1). A Capodistria invece, le lingue che compaiono nello spazio pubblico sono cinque: sloveno, italiano, inglese, tedesco, latino (Grafico 2). Grafico 1: Lingue presenti nel paesaggio linguistico di Pirano (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Grafico 2: Lingue presenti nel p esaggio li guistico di Capodistria (in %) (Fo te: Elaborazione propria). Una prima classificazione dei dati rac lti sul campo può essere fatta distinguendo i segni in base al numero di lingue che compaiono egli elementi linguistici (Tabella 1). A Pirano, dove sono stati raccolti 126 elementi, i segni monolingui rappresentano il 26,98% del totale. Di questi, 13 segni presentano soltanto lo sloveno, 4 presentano l’italiano, 16 l’inglese e un segno il latino. I segni bilingui (46,03%) presentano in prevalenza la combinazione s oveno-italiano (48 segni), ma si ritrovano anche s gni bilingui sloveno-inglese (10 segni). Tra i segni trilingui (17,46%) si rileva soprattutto la presenza di tre lingue: sloveno-italiano-inglese. Altre combinazioni linguistiche (9,52%) sono meno frequenti con segni che presentano i seguenti accostamenti: sloveno-italiano-inglese-tedesco, sloveno-italiano-inglese-tedesco-francese e Sloveno 39,62% Italiano 32,45% Inglese 22,64% Tedesco 3,40% Francese 1,13% Russo 0,38% Latino 0,38% Sloveno Italiano Inglese Tedesco Francese Russo Latino Sloveno 53,39% Italiano 30% Inglese 13,55% Tedesco 2,17% Latino 0,81% Sloveno Italiano Inglese Ted sco Latino Grafico 1: Lingue presenti nel paesaggio linguistico di Pirano (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Lingue e combinazioni di lingue Nel paesaggio linguistico di Pirano sono state identificate sette lingue: sloveno, italiano, inglese, tedesco, francese, russo, latino (Grafico 1). A Capodistria invece, le lingue che compaiono nello spazio pubblico sono cinque: sloveno, italiano, inglese, tedesco, latino (Grafico 2). Grafico 1: Lingue presenti nel paesaggio linguistico di Pirano (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Grafico 2: Lingue pres nti nel paesaggio linguistico di Capodistria (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Una prima classificazione dei dati raccolti sul campo può essere fatta distinguendo i segni in base al numero di lingue che compaiono negli elementi linguistici (Tabella 1). A Pirano, dove sono stati raccolti 126 elementi, i segni mon lingui rappresent no il 26,98% del totale. Di questi, 13 segni presentano soltanto lo slove , 4 presentano l’italiano, 16 l’inglese e un segno il latino. I segni bilingui (46,03%) presentano in prevalenza la combinazione sloveno-italiano (48 segni), ma si ritrovano anche segni bilingui sloveno-inglese (10 segni). Tra i segni trilingui (17,46%) si rileva soprattutto la presenza di tre lingue: sloveno-italiano-inglese. Altre combinazion linguistiche (9,52%) sono meno frequenti con segni che presentano i seguenti accostamenti: sloveno-italiano-inglese-te esco, sloveno-italian -inglese-tedesco-francese e Sloveno 39,62% Italiano 32,45% Inglese 22,64% Tedesco 3,40% Francese 1,13% Russo 0,38% Latino 0,38% Sloveno Italiano Inglese Tedesco Francese Russo Latino Sloveno 53,39% Italiano 30% Inglese 13,55% Tedesco 2,17% Latino 0,81% Sloveno Italiano Inglese Tedesco Latino Grafico 2: Lingue presenti nel paesaggio linguistico di Capodistria (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). 239 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 È interessante da segnalare il caso di Capodistria, dove sono stati raccolti dei segni che si trovano sulle facciate di sedi di istituzioni della Comunità nazionale italiana. In questi casi, l’italiano compare al primo posto, seguito dallo sloveno (Immagine 2). La situazione è completamente diversa per quanto riguarda i segni bottom-up che sono so- litamente posti all’esterno di negozi, di attività commerciali, bar o ristoranti e rappresentano una variegata eterogeneità di formati e dimensioni. Nella maggior parte dei casi i segni bottom-up hanno lo scopo specifico di informare i clienti e/o i visitatori e di catturare la loro attenzione, soprat- tutto promuovendo offerte e occasioni (Immagine 3 e Immagine 4). Confrontando i due comuni, si nota che a Capodistria predominano i segni bot- tom-up monolingui in sloveno (77 segni), seguiti da quelli bilingui sloveno-italiano (52 segni), che riguardano soprattutto gli orari degli esercizi commerciali, gli annunci e/o gli avvisi relativi all’attività e alle offerte, come ad esempio i saldi. I segni bilingui sloveno-inglese (9 segni) rimandano a informazioni relative a prodotti in vendita, men- tre i segni monolingui in inglese (20 segni) sono riferiti a slogan e/o pubblicità di prodotti. A Pirano invece, i segni bottom-up monolingui in sloveno sono 13, mentre quelli bilingui sloveno-italiano sono 48. Come nel caso di Capodistria, anche a Pirano i segni bottom-up bilingui sloveno-italiano rimandano agli orari degli esercizi commerciali, agli annunci e/o agli avvisi relativi all’attività e alle offerte. Sono stati individuati anche 10 segni bilingui sloveno-inglese riferiti a menù di ristoranti e 16 segni monolingui in inglese con informazioni su pubblicità di prodotti e relative offerte. Presenza della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico I paesaggi linguistici dei due comuni riflettono la situazione sociolinguistica generale e le politiche linguistiche che interessano la lingua italiana. No- nostante l’italiano sia lingua ufficiale nel territorio (Immagine 5) e gli statuti comunali e la normativa Immagine 1: Esempio di segno top-down plurilingue a Pirano (Foto: Lara Sorgo, 2023). sloveno-italiano-inglese-francese-russo. A Capodistria invece, su un totale di 222 elementi raccolti, i segni monolingui rappresentano il 45,49% del campione. Tra di essi prevalgono soprattutto lo sloveno (77 segni) e l’inglese (20 segni). I segni bilingui (45,49%) sono prevalentemente in sloveno-italiano (90 segni), ma si trovano anche casi di segni bilingui sloveno-inglese (9 segni), sloveno-tedesco (1 segno) e inglese-tedesco (1 segno). I segni trilingui (6,30%) presentano la combinazione sloveno-italiano-inglese, mentre nei segni plurilingui (2,70%) ricorre la combinazione sloveno-italiano-inglese-tedesco. Tabella 1: Tipo di segni in base al numero di lingue (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Pirano Capodistria Monolingui 26,98% 45,49% Bilingui 46,03% 45,49% Trilingui 17,46% 6,30% Plurilingui 9,52% 2,70% Confrontando i dati raccolti nei due comuni, si nota che a Pirano sono meno presenti i segni monolingui (26,98%), mentre c’è una percentuale maggiore di segni bilingui (46,03%) e addirittura trilingui (17,46%) dove oltre allo sloveno e all’italiano si registra anche la presenza dell’inglese, nonché di quelli plurilingui (9,52%). Al contrario, a Capodistria, i segni monolingui e quelli bilingui rappresentano quasi la metà degli elementi raccolti (45,49%) con percentuali più basse per quanto riguarda i segni trilingui (6,30%) e quelli plurilingui (2,70%). In entrambi i comuni, per i segni bilingui è più frequente la combinazione sloveno-italiano, in accordo con le disposizioni legali. Per quanto riguarda il caso della presenza del latino in 1 segno a Pirano e in 3 segni a Capodistria, ciò si può spiegare con il fatto che si tratta di targhe ed epigrafi e quindi vanno lette in chiave storica, come testimonianze del passato dell’Istria, che per secoli ha fatto parte della Repubblica Serenissima di Venezia. Caratteristiche degli elementi linguistici Dei 126 elementi individuati a Pirano, 47 segni (37,30%) sono di tipo top-down, mentre 79 segni (62,70%) sono di tipo bottom-up. A Capodistria invece, su un totale di 222 elementi raccolti, 38 segni (17,12%) rientrano nella categoria top-down e ben 184 segni (82,88%) in quella bottom-up (Grafico 3). 37,30% 17,12% 62,70% 82,88% 0,0% 20,0% 40,0% 60,0% 80,0% 100,0% 120,0% Pirano Capodistria Top-down Bottom-up Grafico 3: Segni top-down e bottom-up a Pirano e Capo- distria (in %) (Fonte: Elaborazione propria). Immagine 2: Segni top-down a Capodistria dove l’italiano compare al primo posto (Foto: Lara Sorgo, 2023). 240 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 di settore ne riconoscono l’utilizzo nello spazio pubblico,13 la sua posizione di lingua minoritaria la trova ad essere in contatto e ad interagire quo- tidianamente con lo sloveno, la lingua nazionale, ma anche con l’inglese, ormai principale lingua straniera e sempre più presente anche in questo contesto. Sebbene i nomi di negozi, bar e altre attività commerciali non siano stati presi in considerazione in questo contributo, è interessante riportare alcuni esempi che sono stati raccolti a Pirano e a Capodi- stria durante la ricerca sul campo: Šarm Fashion, Memories of Piran, Sky Bar, Nika’s Tiny House, Naturally Cosmetics, Fast Food Speedy, Saturn- moon Bodyart, Fat Rabbit, My Point, ecc. Più che un valore comunicativo vero e proprio,14 l’utilizzo 13 Nel corso del 2023 però ci sono state 31 segnalazioni di non applicazione del bilinguismo rivolte ad enti pubblici del territorio (unità amministrative, tribunali, enti turistici, istituzioni sanitarie, ecc.) da parte di cittadini e da parte dell’Ufficio per il bilingui- smo (Jakopič, 2024). 14 Ricerche precedenti, in altri contesti, avevano dimostrato come l’inglese sia presente nei paesaggi linguistici di tutto il mondo (Backhaus, 2006; Ben-Rafael et al., 2006; Gorter, 2006). dell’inglese per denominare attività commerciali può essere messo in relazione alla sua crescente influenza come lingua mondiale (lingua mundi) (cfr. Phillipson, 2003; Salomone, 2021), nonché a quell’“aura di prestigio chic” (Ross, 1997, 31) di cui gode la lingua, per cui utilizzarla quotidianamente ha un valore simbolico. Altre lingue internazionali, come il tedesco o il francese, trovano nei due pae- saggi linguistici un posto modesto. Se a livello giuridico il bilinguismo visivo ri- spetta la normativa in merito alla presenza della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico, si nota che manca una forte presenza della lingua nei segni bottom-up. Nel settore privato i gestori di attività e/o altri attori sociali seguono quanto previsto dalla Legge sulla tutela dei consumatori (Zakon o varstvu potrošnikov, 2022, art. 7) e dal Regolamento sull’uso delle lingue delle comunità nazionali nei processi commerciali delle imprese nelle aree abitate dalle comunità nazionali italiana e ungherese (Pravilnik o uporabi jezikov narodnih skupnosti v procesih poslovanja podjetij s potrošniki na območjih, kjer živita italijanska in madžarska narodna skupnost, 2022, art. 3). Secondo questi due atti, in italiano devono essere riportate alcune informazioni di base sui prodotti in vendita, le condizioni di vendita, i listini prezzi e gli orari d’apertura. Per gli altri annunci, l’utilizzo dell’italiano dipende dalla sen- sibilità individuale dei gestori. Immagine 3: Segno bottom-up monolingue in sloveno (Foto: Lara Sorgo, 2023). Immagine 4: Segno bottom-up bilingue sloveno-inglese (Foto: Lara Sorgo, 2023). 241 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 È interessante, inoltre, che il dialetto istroveneto, idioma di comunicazione quotidiano della Comuni- tà nazionale italiana, non trovi affatto posto come lingua scritta nel paesaggio linguistico dei comuni di Pirano e Capodistria.15 Questo fatto trova riscontro anche in altre ricerche sulle lingue locali regionali ovvero sui dialetti, dove la presenza della lingua è minima (cfr. Coluzzi, 2009). CONCLUSIONI Il presente contributo ha voluto illustrare alcune caratteristiche dei paesaggi linguistici urbani dei comuni di Pirano e di Capodistria allo scopo di in- dagare la visibilità della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico che è lingua ufficiale e parificata allo slo- veno, nonché di valutare se il paesaggio linguistico riflette l’applicazione delle politiche linguistiche nelle aree in esame. La ricerca si è limitata a due vie del comune di Pirano e a due vie del comune di Capodistria e quindi non ha pretese di esaustività, ma tuttavia i risultati dimostrano l’importanza che occupa il paesaggio linguistico, poiché la presenza di diverse lingue nel paesaggio linguistico riflette il prestigio di cui godono queste lingue nella società e mostra anche quali sono le politiche effettive dello Stato o 15 In alcune ricerche sul paesaggio linguistico delle città di Pola e di Fiume invece, sono stati individuati casi sporadici di utilizzo del dialetto istroveneto a Pola (Scotti Jurić & Poropat Jeletić, 2016) e del dialetto fiumano a Fiume (Stolac & Hlavač, 2021). del territorio nei confronti delle lingue, soprattutto di quelle riconosciute ufficialmente, come nel caso dell’italiano. Lo sloveno, lingua nazionale, domina lo spazio pubblico, infatti è la lingua prominente nei segni linguistici di entrambi i comuni, seguito dall’italiano al secondo posto. Ciononostante, dai dati ottenuti è interessante notare che le politiche linguistiche attuali non sono sufficienti, soprattutto per quanto riguarda l’utilizzo della lingua italiana nel settore privato. Infatti, la lingua italiana godrebbe di mag- giore visibilità se le disposizioni in vigore per il settore pubblico fossero applicate anche al settore privato. Va però ricordato che il settore privato non riceve incentivi statali per il bilinguismo, per cui la lingua italiana si trova in posizione ‘marginale’ e molto dipende dalla sensibilità del gestore/esercente in quale misura ne farà uso. In accordo con gli studi precedenti sul paesaggio linguistico (Cenoz & Gorter, 2006), anche questa ricerca rivela che il paesaggio linguistico ha una funzione informativa e una funzione simbolica (Landry & Bourhis, 1997). La funzione informativa viene svolta dai segni nelle diverse lingue, che in tal modo informano sulle lingue presenti nel territorio e ne comprovano l’utilizzo, mentre la funzione simbolica rimanda all’importanza della lingua come Immagine 5: Segno top-down bilingue a Pirano (Foto: Lara Sorgo, 2023). 242 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 tratto distintivo di un gruppo etnico. La presenza di una lingua specifica “può contribuire in modo più diretto all’identità sociale positiva dei gruppi etnolinguistici” (Landry & Bourhis, 1997, 27), così la presenza dell’italiano nel territorio nazionalmente misto dei quattro comuni costieri svolge (anche) una funzione simbolica in quanto è la lingua della Comunità nazionale italiana ed è importante per l’i- dentità collettiva del gruppo e per rafforzare il senso di appartenenza. Dall’altra parte, la presenza dell’inglese, soprat- tutto negli esercizi commerciali gestiti da privati, rappresenta una tendenza visibile e in crescita nei due paesaggi linguistici e può essere messa in rela- zione con la necessità di utilizzare una lingua franca che permetta di fornire informazioni per i turisti e i per visitatori stranieri e che sia compresa dalla maggior parte delle persone. Sebbene la ricerca presentata sia limitata soltanto a due contesti del territorio nazionalmente misto, fornisce comunque un’immagine della situazione attuale per quanto riguarda la presenza della lingua italiana nello spazio pubblico. Il paesaggio linguisti- co è in continuo cambiamento, “l’uso della lingua nella sfera pubblica riflette il risultato di una compli- cata interazione tra vari fattori di natura etnica, ide- ologica, commerciale o economica in un particolare contesto sociale” (Van Mensel et al., 2016, 430), per cui la visibilità e la presenza della lingua minorita- ria – in questo caso della lingua italiana – va letta come un riflesso di fattori storici, sociali, linguistici, politici e ideologici che si intrecciano tra di loro. 243 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 ITALIJANŠČINA V JAVNEM PROSTORU: PERSPEKTIVA JEZIKOVNE KRAJINE OBČIN PIRAN IN KOPER Lara SORGO Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Erjavčeva 26, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: lara.sorgo@guest.arnes.si POVZETEK Čeprav se je raziskovanje jezikovne krajine na evropski ravni sčasoma okrepilo in razvilo, je bilo v Sloveniji na tem specifičnem področju opravljenih zelo malo raziskav. Konkretnih raziskav o jezikovni krajini predvsem primanjkuje v štirih obalnih občinah slovenske Istre, kjer je zgodovinsko prisotna avtohtona italijanska narodna skupnost. Glavni namen članka je predstaviti nekatere značilnosti urbanih jezikovnih krajin občin Piran in Koper, da bi prikazali prepoznavnosti italijanščine v javnem prostoru ter ocenili ali jezikovna krajina odraža uporabo jezikovne politike na obravnavanih področjih. Zbiranje podatkov na terenu je temeljilo na fotografi- ranju, katalogiziranju in analizi napisov. S tem smo želeli ugotoviti, kateri so jeziki, ki se pojavljajo v javnem prostoru, kakšne so značilnosti napisov ter ali jezikovni krajini Pirana in Kopra odražata jezikovno politiko dvojezičnega območja. Ugotovitve kažejo, da jezikovna krajina nima zgolj funkcije informiranja in ne samo odraža jezike, ki so prisotni na območju, ampak je povezana tudi z uradno jezikovno politiko do manjšinskega jezika ter posledično z njegovim statusom in prestižem. Prisotnost italijanščine na narodnostno mešanem ob- močju slovenskega Istre ima (tudi) simbolno funkcijo, ker je povezana z italijansko narodno skupnostjo in je pomembna za kolektivno identiteto skupine in krepitev občutka pripadnosti. Ključne besede: jezikovna krajina, italijanski jezik, italijanska narodna skupnost, jezik v javnem prostoru 244 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Lara SORGO: LA LINGUA ITALIANA NELLO SPAZIO PUBBLICO: UNA PROSPETTIVA DI PAESAGGIO LINGUISTICO DEI COMUNI DI PIRANO E CAPODISTRIA, 233–246 FONTI E BIBLIOGRAFIA Backhaus, Peter (2006): Multilingualism in Tokyo: A Look into the Linguistic Landscape. International Journal of Multilingualism, 3, 1, 52–66. Backhaus, Peter (2007): Linguistic Landscapes: A Comparative Study of Urban Multilingualism in Tokyo. Clevedon – Buffalo – Toronto, Multilingual Matters. Bajc, Gorazd (2017): Dieci mesi che sconvolsero la Venezia Giulia. Il memorandum di Londra 1915: Questioni storiografiche e dettagli terminologici. 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Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 25, 4, 861–884. 247 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 received: 2023-12-04 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2024.17 TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL MUNICIPALITIES OF SLOVENIAN ISTRIA Nives LENASSI University of Ljubljana, School of Economics and Business, Academic Unit for Languages for Business and Economics, Kardeljeva pl. 17, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: nives.lenassi@ef.uni-lj.si Mojca KOMPARA LUKANČIČ University of Maribor, Faculty of Tourism, Cesta prvih borcev 36, 8250 Brežice, Slovenia University of Maribor, Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security, Kotnikova 8, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: mojca.kompara@um.si Sandro PAOLUCCI University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Translation, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: sandro.paolucci@ff.uni-lj.si ABSTRACT This article addresses bilingualism in Slovenian Istria, where both Slovenian and Italian are official languages, and it examines translations of administrative texts from the websites of four bilingual municipalities: Ankaran, Koper, Izola, and Piran. The study briefly reviews prior analyses whose findings served as the foundation for this research, and it outlines characteristic and widely used full-form lexical units as well as acronyms and abbreviations in normative and informative bilingual texts. It then discusses problems in terminological uniformity, proposing appropriate translation strategies to provide coherent use of terminology as well as clearer texts. Keywords: Italian, translation strategies, terminological uniformity, acronym, abbreviation, corpora TASSA DI SOGGIORNO O TASSA TURISTICA? SFIDE TERMINOLOGICHE NELLA TRADUZIONE IN ITALIANO NEI COMUNI BILINGUI DELL’ISTRIA SLOVENA SINTESI L’articolo affronta il tema del bilinguismo nell’Istria slovena, dove sia lo sloveno che l’italiano sono lingue uffi- ciali, ed esamina le traduzioni di testi amministrativi presenti sui siti web dei quattro comuni bilingui: Ancarano, Capodistria, Isola e Pirano. Lo studio fornisce una breve rassegna delle analisi precedenti, i cui risultati sono serviti da base per la presente ricerca, e offre una concisa panoramica di alcune unità lessicali caratteristiche ed ampiamente usate, scritte in versione integrale, nonché di acronimi e abbreviazioni nei testi bilingui normativi e informativi. In seguito, vengono discussi i problemi di uniformità terminologica e proposte strategie di traduzione adeguate per garantire un uso coerente della terminologia e una maggiore chiarezza dei testi. Parole chiave: italiano, strategie traduttive, uniformità terminologica, acronimo, abbreviazione, corpus 248 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 INTRODUCTION Linguistically and culturally, Slovenian Istria is a diverse area that is often referred to by dif- ferent names (Janko Spreizer, 2019, 99; Hrobat Virloget, 2021, 27–31). It comprises the northern part of the Istrian peninsula and is also part of the wider geographical and historical region (cf. Kalc, 2019, 146) of the Slovenian Littoral, representing a crossroads between the Slovenian and Italian cultures and languages. The area is especially interesting because it is a strategic point where a Slavic language and culture come into contact with a Romance language and culture (Zerzer, 2009, 157–172; Kompara Lukančič, 2014, 89) on a daily basis. The historical dynamics of contact between the Slavic and Romance populations in Istria have created a complex sociolinguistic land- scape (Poropat Jeletić et al., 2021, 330), in which interculturality and bilingualism have played an important role (Zudič Antonič, 2017; Zorman & Zudič Antonič, 2019) in the linguistic develop- ment of the region. The bilingual area of the Slovenian coast is com- posed of the municipalities of Koper, Izola, Piran, and Ankaran (established in 2011), in addition to some surrounding villages in the countryside, comprising an ethnically mixed territory where Slovenian and Italian are the official languages. This is an area where individuals from different ethnic groups coexist (Novak Lukanovič, 1998, 91–96), constructing “multiple pure and hybrid identities” (Janko Spreizer, 2019, 97). The presence of bilingualism is visible im- mediately upon entering the bilingual region, as indicated by bilingual street signs and public notices, which unambiguously shape the linguis- tic landscape in the area (cf. Mikolič Južnič & Pisanski Peterlin, 2023). Slovenian and Italian are used in all administrative areas of the bilingual zone, such as banks, post offices, administra- tive units, and so on. Most employees in public administration and other public institutions are required to know Italian, as stipulated by Article 17 of the Public Employees Act (Zakon o javnih uslužbencih, 2006). Novak Lukanovič and Mulec (2014, 96–97) point out that, in ethnically mixed areas, the conditions have been established for institutional bilingualism, based on the functional bilingualism of the majority and minority, which allows for the mutual linguistic interaction of speakers from both linguistic communities. The authors (Novak Lukanovič & Mulec, 2014) also specify that functional bilingualism implies that members of the minority use the language of the minority in both in-group and out-group communication in formal and informal speaking positions, and that the members of the majority have at least a passive knowledge of the language of the minority at an informal level. The fact that bilingualism is formally guaranteed at the institutional level means that state bodies, municipal authorities, judicial authorities, and pub- lic services operating in the ethnically mixed area operate bilingually. In this way, linguistic diversity is respected and financial resources are provided for bilingualism (Novak Lukanovič & Mulec, 2014, 96–97). Knowledge of the minority language has an added value for individuals, making possible employment in public institutions in the ethnically mixed areas and resulting in a financial incentive. Moreover, it also facilitates mobility, empowering individuals to enter the employment market of neighboring Italy (Limon & Novak Lukanovič, 2017, 668; Poropat Jeletić, 2017, 634). At this point, it should be emphasized that the administratively and institutionally guaranteed bilingualism also has an impact on the economy, which is an essential sphere of life (Novak Lukanovič, 2011, 334). Institutional and functional bilingualism are cer- tainly closely linked to the school system and pro- motion of the use of the minority language by young speakers, which is ensured by Italian preschools, primary schools, and secondary schools with Ital- ian as the language of instruction in the bilingual area, as guaranteed by the Slovenian constitution and various sector-specific laws (Sorgo et al., 2022, 75). Children are entitled to attend either a Slove- nian or Italian school, where both languages are taught throughout the entire compulsory education system, which however does not necessarily mean that all residents are able to actively use both lan- guages, given various social and individual factors that influence the development of communicative competence in the language of the national minor- ity. Zorman (2021, 206) observes that the prevail- ing sentiment among the residents of the Slovene Littoral is that the area is no longer truly bilingual as a result of a decrease in proficiency in Italian as a second language among the young (cf. Kompara Lukančič, 2014). Despite unfavorable trends in the linguistic competence of younger speakers in the bilingual area that have been observed in recent years, it should be emphasized that Slovenians have fre- quent and direct experience with bilingualism and multilingualism because Slovenia has adopted laws that ensure equal rights for minorities to achieve cultural and language diversity (Godunc, 2008, 95–97). Members of Slovenia’s Italian and Hungar- ian ethnic minorities have rights in line with the Slovenian Constitution as guaranteed by Articles 5, 11, 64, and 80 (Ustava, 1991) and international agreements. Their constitutional rights include 249 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 the right to a full education in their languages, as already indicated, the use of their native language, and proof of membership in their native ethnic com- munity (Urad Vlade Republike Slovenije za narod- nosti, 2020). The Slovenian Constitution and various international agreements recognize the Italian ethnic community and its rights as equal to those of any other ethnic community. The position of language in the area of Slovenian Istria where the Italian minor- ity lives is well organized as a result of the special legislation in the Slovenian Constitution, although there is still room for improvement to reduce the gap between the normative framework and the practical implementation of bilingualism (Urad Vlade Repub- like Slovenije za narodnosti, 2022). Zudič Antonič (2023, 186) points out that lan- guage is the fundamental means of expressing the status of belonging to a particular ethnic group; it is a connecting component of a particular com- munity and an element of separation from another group. Ethnic consciousness triggers a sense of pride, but also of unease in the face of a reality in which the majority language prevails, especially in administration and business, where terminology is constantly changing and consequently the use of Italian must also adapt to new vocabulary. This adaptation to new vocabulary is carried out through various translation processes, which in the case of administrative texts have only recently become a subject of linguistic research (Paolucci, 2020; Paolucci & Lenassi, 2021; Lenassi, 2022; Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023). To ensure that the rights of the Italian minority are also properly applied through terminology, this article adds some additional observations in this domain, based on a pilot study conducted through analyses of administrative texts in the bilingual area and based on applied translation practice. In par- ticular, it examines when it is preferable to adopt source-oriented translation strategies and when to resort to target-oriented ones. In light of these examinations regarding the appropriate translation strategies, the following sections focus on previous research carried out on administrative texts pro- duced in the bilingual region of Slovenian Istria, a brief examination of the parameters that determined the research, the present research, and some obser- vations on how to offer terminology that is relevant and unambiguous. STUDIES ON TRANSLATION OF ADMINISTRATIVE TEXTS IN THE BILINGUAL REGION OF SLOVENIAN ISTRIA To examine whether equal rights for the Italian linguistic minority are actually respected in every- day linguistic practice, a previous study (Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023, 92) focused on various web pages of the four municipalities and examined them to determine the adequacy of the translated website content. The analysis identified inconsistencies that range from missing information and translations, outdated information, no information provided under specific submenus, and missing forms to mixed-up sequences of information and so on. These incongruities at the hyperlink level are not the only issues that need to be taken into ac- count to ensure equal linguistic rights for all the residents of the bilingual coastal area. Another aspect to be considered in ensuring an appropri- ate bilingual policy is the coherence and unity of the terminology that is a distinctive characteristic of normative texts; that is, documents relating to binding measures such as municipal statutes, regulations, decrees, and so on. Uniform terminol- ogy makes possible uniform interpretation and conceptual analysis of all that is involved in the translation of such texts, providing greater trans- parency and legal certainty to everybody required to observe the rules they contain. Previous studies also showed a lack of termi- nological uniformity for particular characteristic terms (cf. Paolucci & Lenassi, 2021, 35) and identified a need for cooperation between various experts to standardize the Italian terminology in the ethnically mixed area of Slovenian Istria. The first significant steps toward uniformity were al- ready taken by setting up the Office for Bilingual- ism of the Coastal Self-Governing Community of the Italian Nationality (Comunità Autogestita della Nazionalità Italiana, 2022), which among other tasks also focuses on cooperation between experts in the search for terminological solutions. Previous linguistic analyses have not only highlighted chal- lenges in translating selected full-length lexical units, such as the verb approvare ‘adopt’ and on the noun phrases lokalne volitve ‘local elections’, upravna enota ‘administrative unit’, zdravstveni dom ‘health center’, and vrtec ‘preschool’, arising from the fact that there are no specific directions on which term is the most appropriate in specific text types of a binding and non-binding nature (Paolucci, 2020, 113–133), but also a variety of problems regarding the use and translation of acro- nyms and abbreviations in bilingual administrative texts. The analyses show that the short lexical units mentioned above should be regarded as linguistic choices that pose various challenges to translators, and they therefore need to be seen as an object worthy of study to ensure that the most appropriate term is used in certain communicative contexts, considering several plausible terminological op- tions in the target language (Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023; Lenassi, 2022). 250 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 Translation equivalents, often expressed through several alternatives, of which two or more are sometimes appropriate, present a dilemma for the translator’s ultimate selection regarding the optimal linguistic choice in a specific context (Paolucci, 2013, 73–89). In particular, the same term can be translated in different ways depending on whether a source-oriented (foreignizing) or target-oriented (domesticating) translation strategy is used (Paoluc- ci, 2017b, 243–263; 2020, 130). For example, nadzorni svet ‘supervisory board’ can be translated as either consiglio di controllo or consiglio di sor- veglianza (using the foreignizing strategy) or colle- gio sindacale (using the domesticating strategy). In each case, a translator must decide to choose either a predominantly foreignizing translation strategy, the objective of which is to maintain the linguistic features, legal system, and culture of origin as much as possible, or to opt for a principally domesticat- ing strategy, with the intent of rearticulating the subject matter of the original text in such a way that it preserves the legislation, language, and cultural features of the target language as much as possible (Paolucci, 2020, 129–130). In our specific case, by domesticating strategies we mean translation into Italian primarily referring to the Italian legal system and, in any case, taking Italian circumstances into account. As is specified later on, these domesticat- ing strategies would always be recommended only for texts of an informative nature aimed at a broader audience. Because this translation choice is referred to several times in this article and it is the basis for some of our deductions or possible solutions, it should be noted that, also with reference to legal translation, the discussion on the adoption of either a foreignizing (source-oriented) or domes- ticating (target-oriented) strategy has always been lively, especially since the early 1980s, including scholars such as Venuti (1995), Šarčević (1997), de Groot (2000), Eco (2003; 2004), Cao (2007), Cheng and Sin (2008), Biel (2009), Prieto Ramos (2011), Peruzzo (2012), and Bajčić (2017) (cf. Paolucci, 2017b, 249). Nevertheless, it is crucial to distinguish between two fundamentally dif- ferent cases: (a) translation within a multilingual legal system, such as the Slovenian legal system encompassing Slovenian as the language of the majority as well as Italian and Hungarian as the languages of linguistic minorities, which involves three distinct legal languages within a single legal system; and (b) translation between two distinct legal languages and systems, such as Slovenian and Italian, each with its own legal language and system (Šarčević, 2000, 15; Kocbek, 2006, 239; Cao, 2007, 23; Prieto Ramos, 2014, 313; Paolucci, 2017a, 86). PARAMETERS THAT DETERMINED THIS RESEARCH This section highlights key points in support of this article’s proposals (i.e., the parameters that determined this research), which are categorized into discipline-specific parameters and linguistic parameters. The discipline-specific parameters refer to factors that are particular to the field of study (i.e., law and legislation), and the linguistic parameters apply to language-related factors. The discipline-specific parameters are the differences between legal systems, the specificity of legal language, and the relevance of the source legal system, whereas linguistic parameters encompass equivalence, text typology, and textual function (cf. Paolucci, 2017a, 85). The first discipline-specific parameter refers to differences between legal systems; each legal system is original and consequently dissimilar to other legal systems. Even when two legal systems are a part of the same legal family (e.g., Italian and Slovenian law) or when one was particularly influenced by another (e.g., Italian and French law), there are still numerous differences between the two systems. It is precisely these differences that constitute important proof of the sovereignty of individual countries, requiring translators to work as comparatists (cf. Husa, 2017). As for the second discipline-specific parameter, the specificity of legal language, it is generally ac- cepted that legal language is technical, unwieldy, formalized, complex, and influenced by its legal system (cf. Wiredu, 2016, 30). Although it is a technical language, it is commonly accepted that it is only partially “technicalized.” To be specific, it contains terms belonging to common language, and only a few terms are technical and characteristically legal (Ajani, 2006, 23). The last, but equally important, parameter of the first set of parameters is the source legal system. In the translation of legal texts, especially those with a normative function, the legal system that the source text belongs to has a particular relevance. Much attention is currently being paid to translation strategies designed to favor the target text and to meet the needs of the target community (Paolucci, 2020, 121–122). Let us now take a brief look at the linguistic parameters that are relevant for this research and play a crucial role in analyzing and understanding language and its various components during trans- lation. The first parameter—the concept of equiva- lence—has been a topic of the greatest importance in legal translation studies for quite some time now. It is obvious that the solution to any translation problem represents much more than mere transfer of a source text into a target language: during the 251 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 translating process for legal texts, legal comparatists and translators need to work closely together to find the most optimal equivalent term or concept in the target language. The next parameter refers to the text type, which assumes particular importance in this case. A classi- fication of text types has been put forward by many scholars, among whom Sabatini (1990; 1998; 2006) singled out three major categories: a) very binding texts, consisting of normative documents (laws, regulations, and other legal sources); b) averagely binding texts, comprised of expository texts (text- books, encyclopedias, essays, political speeches, conferences, lectures, and others) and informative texts (informational and promotional texts, and journalistic texts); and c) non-binding texts (i.e., literary texts, which do not relate to this context). Another important parameter is the text func- tion, which is of crucial importance for choosing the appropriate translation strategy (cf. Vermeer, 1982; 1996; Reiss, 1989; Nord, 1997) in both the source and target language and culture. Sometimes, in given circumstances, a text can be translated for a function that differs from that of the source text. A characteristic example of this is the translation of a law with a normative function in the source language and an informative function in the target language. Obviously, all these parameters are intertwined and influence each other, which makes the transla- tion process particularly complex, requiring special attention on the part of the translators, who often find themselves facing different translation possibili- ties, often all acceptable, but with different degrees of relevance and appropriateness in particular texts, especially ones of a legislative and administrative nature. RESEARCH Research was carried out within the bilateral re- search project between Slovenia and Croatia titled “Translation in Bilingual Institutions in Croatian and Slovenian Istria: Status and Perspectives” (2023– 2025), which is a continuation of cooperation on the project “Bilingualism in Slovene and Croatian Istria on the Example of Translations of Administrative Texts” (2018–2019). The first project raised many hitherto unanswered questions and laid the founda- tions for a systematic approach to solving the prob- lems of translation into a minority language. One relevant finding of the previous project is that “of the automatically retrieved official newsletters from the selected websites, only 37% of the documents are available in Italian” (Brkić Bakarić & Lalli Paćelat, 2019, 826) and that “content analysis of the official websites of bilingual towns and municipalities has shown that most of the content is not translated, not translated in time or only partially translated” (Lalli Paćelat et al., 2020, 822). Research also showed that Istrian translators need the support of language technologies, tools, and resources to facilitate and speed up translation and reduce translation costs (Lalli Paćelat et al., 2020), and that there was lack of uniformity in terminology (Paolucci & Lenassi, 2021). Therefore, this research aims to shed further light on terminology in the translation process by presenting some selected findings that emerged during the analysis. Methodology To carry out the research, 114 bilingual texts intended for the four Slovenian bilingual munici- palities were analyzed. The study examined these documents in Slovenian and their translations into Italian, all accessible on the webpages of the four bilingual municipalities. The documents are 1) informative texts, such as invitations to meetings of various municipal bodies and amendments to the agenda of meetings, forms or applications intended for various municipal bodies to provide diverse certifications, lists of approved candidates for municipal elections and municipal election reports, and lists of officially authorized persons in municipal administration, and 2) normative texts, such as municipal statutes, decrees, additions to decrees, regulations, resolutions, administrative measures, and mayoral decisions. The texts were analyzed using the Sketch Engine software tool with the algorithm for automatic recognition of abbrevia- tions and abbreviations’ expansions in electronic texts (Kompara Lukančič & Holozan, 2011, 144) as well as manually. The research was carried out in three stages: in the first stage, some terms were selected and ob- served for which it is clear that there are no uniform criteria on their translation equivalents in normative and informative texts and that they have not been studied in previous research. In our pilot study, we selected specific terms as illustrative examples from a larger sample for qualitative analysis. Our ap- proach involved examining various translations of these terms across different documents, allowing us to delve into their nuances and variations, provid- ing valuable insights for our study’s objectives. For a better overview of the lack of systematic standards, both full-form and short-form lexical units were observed (i.e., acronyms and abbreviations). The second stage involved the study of two typical texts in both languages in which the use of acronyms could be observed. The two characteristic texts were selected for a closer analysis exclusively as illustrative examples, to study the range of transla- tion possibilities and to observe translators’ choices 252 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 within individual texts, in which one could antici- pate a rather uniform approach to acronyms. These shortened linguistic forms were specifically chosen for the analysis because they appear in almost all texts (cf. the section Acronyms for frequency data later in this article), and they generally represent an interesting diversity in the use of short forms and/or expansions in the target language as well as diverse translation strategies (Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023, 121–122). For a better overview of the translation options that linguistic practice offers within indi- vidual documents when there are no clear guidelines on what translation strategy to follow, it was decided to observe acronyms in an informative text and in a normative text. The last stage of the research ad- dressed abbreviations, which, like acronyms, appear in most documents (cf. the section Acronyms for frequency data later in this article). In this part of the study, particular attention was paid to abbreviations denoting academic degrees and their renderings into the target language. This focus stemmed from two reasons: first, a previous study (Lenassi, 2022, 49) identified academic degrees as the predominant se- mantic field employing abbreviations in administra- tive texts, and, second, various translation practices (cf. Lenassi, 2022, 67) address abbreviated academic degrees in different ways. Results and discussion Selected terms and their translation equivalents The first stage of the study involved creation of a list of terms extrapolated from the original Slove- nian texts with related translations into Italian,1 as shown in Table 1. For practical reasons, the list of Slovenian terms is not exhaustive, and the origins of the translations sourced from various municipalities have been anonymized for discretion. The research shows that some terms have been translated in different ways depending on the mu- nicipality. Such practice creates uncertainty and is misleading for the target audience. Therefore, greater terminological consistency is hoped for, aimed at promoting transparency and recognition by those expected to observe the instructions and rules that apply in individual municipalities. However, cases have emerged in which certain terms were translated uniformly in the four municipalities, with a single translation that is a mere calque that is not used in Italy; in fact, the concept is expressed with another term. For example, nosilec projekta ‘project manager’, a term used by the administrations of the four municipalities of Slovenian Istria, is translated 1 The Italian translations in the table are all in lower case, although from the documents analyzed they often appear otherwise; for example, Scuola Media, Scuola media, or scuola media. into Italian as portatore del progetto, with three more variants presented in Table 1, whereas in Italy this function is denominated predominantly as tito- lare del progetto. In informative texts that borrow from English, the same term is often translated as project (stake)holder or project manager. One of the principal reasons for the lack of terminological uniformity is that the translator is, as already mentioned, called upon to make a funda- mental choice between a source-oriented translation (e.g., scuola media) or a target-oriented translation (e.g., scuola media superiore), or in some cases even a translation that one might call neutral because it is more understandable to an international audi- ence (e.g., scuola secondaria). However, in the case of the term scuola media, an important clarification must be made. In fact, in the Italian school system scuola media is divided into scuola media inferiore (three years) for pupils eleven to fourteen years old, and scuola media superiore (usually five years) for pupils fourteen to nineteen years old. Nonetheless, in the language spoken in Italy, when one speaks of scuola media in general, one thinks exclusively of scuola media inferiore. For this reason, to an Italian, the source-oriented translation srednja šola, which has always been adopted in Slovenia, may appear inappropriate (cf. Mardešić & Lütze-Miculinić, 2023, 121–123). Now let us look at some other terms in Table 1. In the case of turistična taksa ‘tourist fee’, this term is translated into Italian in various ways as well (i.e., tassa di soggiorno, tassa turistica, tassa di soggiorno turistico, and even imposta di soggiorno). These are all acceptable solutions to a certain extent, some being the subject of source-oriented traditions such as tassa turistica and even tassa di soggiorno turistico, and others of target-oriented tradition, such as imposta di soggiorno ‘tourist tax’ (actually, more than a tax, it is a fee) and especially tassa di soggiorno. The latter, in fact, is the true equivalent term used in the Italian legal system. The same situation (i.e., multiple translation equivalents), can also be found in the field of acronyms, here represented through the term for ‘municipal spatial plan’ and abbreviations such as those for ‘bachelor of political science’ and ‘master of law’. The acronym and its expansion offer three different verbalizations in the target language; however, only two strategies: that is, the source- oriented piano territoriale comunale (PTC), and its two corresponding equivalents for the Italian legal system; that is, the target-oriented piano regola- tore comunale (PRC) as well as piano regolatore generale comunale (PRGC). The abbreviated form 253 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 for the academic title ‘bachelor of political sci- ence’ on the other hand offers four equivalents and four strategies: dottore in scienze politiche for the target-oriented translation, laurea universitaria in scienze politiche for the source-oriented strategy, laurea in scienze politiche as a neutral or general translation, and the untranslated term univ. dipl. polit., in accordance with the Lisbon Recognition Convention, particularly the Revised Recommenda- tion on Criteria and Procedures for the Assessment of Foreign Qualifications (UNESCO & Council of Europe, 2010). According to Article 24 of this recommendation, foreign qualification titles are generally to be presented in their original language without translation. It is worth noting that the use of untranslated terms, such as this one, reflects a form of code-switching within the text. As stated earlier, the translator usually chooses either the source- or target-oriented strategy. In the specific case of the abbreviation dott. mag. in giurisprudenza ‘master of law’, both strategies are 2 As a rule, academic degrees in both languages always have the option of an abbreviation. In the case of dottore magistrale ‘master’s degree’, the normative sources do not provide for an abbreviation (cf. Quadro dei Titoli Italiani, 2011), probably because it is a relatively recent title. However, some use the abbreviation dott. mag. used.2 Dott. is a domesticating translation, whereas mag. is foreignizing, resulting in a hybrid or mixed multiword term. Such a selection of strategies in one term could probably be ascribed to the translator’s wish to choose a form showing respect. This seems particularly apt in formal or private correspond- ence. Acronyms and abbreviations present interesting traits in the use of both short and expanded forms in individual texts. If a shortened form is expanded within one text, it is referred to as a local acronym or abbreviation. If, on the other hand, the short form is not expanded in the same text, it is referred to as a non-local acronym or abbreviation (cf. lo- cal and non-local acronyms in Hogan et al., 2021, 127). In the texts studied, it is possible to find various combinations of the presence and absence of expanded forms both in original texts and in translations, and therefore this study also covers some aspects of this field, presented the following two sections. Table 1: Selected Slovenian terms and corresponding translations into Italian. Slovenian, English gloss Italian nosilec projekta ‘project manager’ portatore del progetto promotore del progetto responsabile del progetto capofila del progetto turistična taksa ‘tourist tax’ tassa di soggiorno tassa turistica tassa di soggiorno turistico imposta di soggiorno srednja šola ‘secondary school’ scuola media scuola media superiore scuola secondaria scuola secondaria di secondo grado občinski prostorski načrt (OPN) ‘municipal spatial plan’ piano territoriale comunale (PTC) piano regolatore comunale (PRC) piano regolatore generale comunale (PRGC) univ. dipl. polit. (for univerzitetni diplomirani politolog) ‘bachelor of political science’ dott. (for dottore) in scienze politiche laurea in scienze politiche laurea universitaria in scienze politiche univ. dipl. polit. [untranslated] mag. prava (for magister prava) ‘master of law’ dott. mag. (for dottore magistrale) in giurisprudenza master in giurisprudenza laurea magistrale in giurisprudenza 254 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 Acronyms In almost every administrative text studied (i.e., in 97% of texts), it is possible to find a relevant number of acronyms, which are often treated with different approaches in the translated documents. Altogether, we found 157 distinct acronyms in Slo- venian texts, occasionally accompanied by their ex- pansions. The rendering of these linguistic elements into Italian varied: either solely acronyms, solely expansions, or both, depending on the translators’ discretion regarding the appropriateness of each form or combination. For an overview of possible combinations of forms in various documents (cf. Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023, 121–122), whereas this section examines translation possibilities for acronyms in two characteristic documents. The renderings of acronyms in the target lan- guage may range from source- and target-oriented translations to code switching and hypernyms. Whereas literal translation (i.e., source-oriented) and code switching (cf. Table 1 for univ. dipl. polit. and Table 3 for univ. dipl. inž. arh.) are rather com- mon (Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023, 122),3 the use of generalized hypernymic terms in the target language is an exception to the rule in the corpus studied here. The translation strategy in which the target language hypernym is equivalent to a domain-spe- cific term in the source language results in partial equivalence and might be seen as a device of plain language translation (Williams, 2005, 31; Hansen- Schirra et al., 2020, 103). In our corpus, this kind of strategy is present in a deliberation about the municipal detailed spatial plan; that is, a normative text in which the source-language acronym OPPN (for občinski podrobni prostorski načrt ‘municipal detailed spatial plan’) was often translated with the equivalent Italian acronym PRPC (for piano regolatore particolareggiato comunale), but most often a broader semantic category was used, such as strumento urbanistico ‘urban planning tool’: (1) OPPN se izdela tudi v digitalni obliki / Lo strumento urbanistico è compilato anche in forma digitale ‘The municipal detailed spatial plan is also produced in digital form.’ The document also provides some other equiva- lents, presented in Chart 1: the hypernymic sud- detto strumento ‘the tool mentioned above’ and atto urbano ‘urban act’, as well as the retention of only the root lexeme or partial ellipsis (Piano ‘plan’, 3 Kompara Lukančič et al. (2023, 111) specify that the “practice of code-switching is commonly used for acronyms denoting various projects, laws, and institutions cited in normative texts to promulgate rules, amendments, and supplements to documents, or issue reso- lutions and decrees.” capitalized) and also the ellipsis of the observed feature, whereby the syntactic structure of the sen- tence allows for such an elliptical construction. The deliberation about the municipal detailed spatial plan is a text of a binding nature in which the use of hypernyms results in semantically non- identical translations, allowing for a wider con- ceptual interpretation, and therefore their use in normative texts is not recommended, whereas they are entirely acceptable in informative texts. If one acronym can be translated in various ways not only in different documents (Table 1) but also within a single document (Chart 1), it is equally unsurprising to encounter different translation strategies for different acronyms within that same document. To illustrate this tendency, we show how different acronyms are used and translated in yet another characteristic administrative document— specifically, a bilingual invitation to a municipal council meeting. The source text contains six different acronyms with no expansions, for the translations of which three different strategies are used (cf. Table 2): a) retention of the source-text acronym (code switch- ing): OŠV (for osnovna šola in vrtec) and CUDV (for Center za usposabljanje, delo in varstvo), b) expansion of the corresponding source-language short form in the target language using either the literal translation, Comune di Ancarano (for Občina Ankaran – OA), Comune città di Capodistria (for Mestna občina Koper – MOK), or the corresponding functional equivalent resulting in the target-oriented strategy Piano regolatore generale comunale (for Občinski prostorski načrt – OPN), and c) use of the corresponding target language short form: CC (for Consiglio comunale for the Slovenian designation Občinski svet – OS). The three different approaches to translating acronyms show the uncertainties on how to ad- dress non-local acronyms that have no expanded forms in the source document. With no expansions available in the Slovenian text, the translator’s ex- tralinguistic competence plays an important role in deciding which short multicomponent terms should be expanded to make the translated text more ac- cessible to the target audience. In this particular case, it is not clear why the translators opted for particular translation strategies in individual cases. Given the fact that the text is intended for a local community and is of informative value, the varia- tion in approaches offers an interesting overview of translation possibilities. However, in texts of a more binding nature, it is advisable to follow the same 255 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 translation approach throughout the text, taking into account the various parameters that affect the translation process. Abbreviations Abbreviations are also features often used in administrative texts. In our case, they are present in almost all (97%) of the 114 texts that we analyzed (cf. Lenassi, 2022, 49). The abbreviations found in the texts analyzed cover forty Slovenian general terms that refer to legal documents (e.g., čl. for člen and art. for articolo ‘article’), commercial law (i.e., d.o.o. for družba z omejeno odgovornostjo and s.r.l. for società a responsabilità limitata ‘limited liability company’), a variety of aspects of life in a munici- pality (e.g., tel. št. for telefonska številka and tel. for telefono ‘telephone number’), metadiscourse markers (e.g., itd. for in tako dalje and ecc. for ec- cetera ‘et cetera’), and so on. These are translated into Italian with thirty-one abbreviations, whereas the remaining nine Slovenian abbreviations are translated with the expanded form. However, the most frequently used abbreviations are the ones that denote academic degrees. There are eighty-seven Slovenian abbreviations for academic degrees, corresponding to forty-nine abbreviations in Italian texts, with the remaining thirty-eight being verbal- ized through expanded forms. From the translation point of view, the general abbreviations present no special issues, whereas the ones that refer to academic degrees offer some interesting aspects; these are presented as a sample in Table 3: Table 3 shows that there are five options found in the texts for the translation of one degree. Laurea universitaria in architettura is a source-oriented translation, whereas laurea in architettura can be considered neutral or general. Dott. in architettura reflects the Italian school system and thus the target-oriented strategy. In this specific case, the target-oriented translation into Italian always leads us to use the title dottore in + discipline. Because the title doktor in Slovenian, similar to almost all other European languages, corresponds to PhD, when we have to translate a university title into Italian it is preferable to translate it literally (i.e., the source- oriented Laureato universitario in architettura) instead Chart 1: The Slovenian acronym OPPN in the target language. Table 2: Examples of different translation strategies within one text. Slovenian text Italian text OŠV ‘Primary School and Preschool’ OŠV CUDV ‘Education, Work, and Care Center’ CUDV OA ‘Municipality of Ankaran’ Comune di Ancarano MOK ‘City Municipality of Koper’ Comune città di Capodistria OPN ‘Municipal Spatial Plan’ Piano regolatore generale comunale OS ‘Council Committee’ CC 256 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 of Dottore in architettura (i.e., with the title that is obtained in Italy according to the Italian education system). The term architetto ‘architect’ is an example of overgeneralization, which does not denote an aca- demic degree, but is a general term to refer to persons with a degree in architecture. The last option (i.e., an untranslated term) is the strategy recommended in Article 24 of the Revised Recommendation on Criteria and Procedures for the Assessment of For- eign Qualifications (UNESCO & Council of Europe, 2010), as mentioned in a preceding section (cf. Selected terms and their translation equivalents). In our corpus there are untranslated academic titles in some lists of names, such as the list of persons responsible for specific areas of municipal admin- istration, which further reinforces the presence of code-switching, a phenomenon already observed in other documents (cf. Table 1 and Table 2). Five distinct translation strategies, as identified in the translation of the abbreviated title for bachelor of science in architecture (shown in Table 3), are consistently observed throughout the entire corpus for other academic degrees in various disciplines. To examine this phenomenon across all collected texts, we specifically considered titles containing the term univ. dipl. (for univerzitetni diplomirani) + the noun deriving from the corresponding disci- pline (arhitekt ‘architect’, ekonomist ‘economist’, sociolog ‘sociologist’, etc.). Univ. dipl. is the most frequently used first two items of multi-component nouns denoting degrees in the list and thus the most appropriate lexical units to show translation trends. These two abbreviations refer to pre-Bolo- gna academic titles, as is evident from the List of Professional Titles for Bachelor’s Programs Accred- ited before June 11th, 2004 in Slovenia (Seznam strokovnih naslovov po dodiplomskih študijskih programih, akreditiranih pred 11. 6. 2004, 2015) and which could be acquired until September 30th, 2016 (cf. Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, 2023). In the Bologna process, these terms were changed to dipl.+ noun (UN), as is evident from the List of Research Titles and Their Abbreviations (cf. Seznam znanstvenih naslovov in njihovih okrajšav, 2015). However, the term UN is only rarely used in Chart 2: Translation of abbreviated academic degrees with univ. dipl. from Slovenian into Italian. Table 3: Translations of bachelor of science in architecture. Slovenian texts Italian Texts univ. dipl. inž. arh. (for univerzitetni diplomirani inženir arhitekture) laur. univ. in architettura (for laurea universitaria in architettura) laurea in architettura dott. in architettura (for dottore in architettura) architetto univ. dipl. inž. arh. 257 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 the corpus to denote a research-oriented bachelor’s degree, as opposed to VS, which refers to a title ob- tained for an applied bachelor’s degree (cf. Lenassi, 2022, 64–65), and therefore we could not consider UN and VS in our research. Instead, we focused on the term univ. dipl., which clearly reflects five pos- sible types of renderings into Italian, as presented in Chart 2. Chart 2 shows that, in the absence of clear guidelines on how to translate academic degrees, translators prefer to resort to neutral or general translations such as laurea in ‘bachelor’s degree in’ + discipline. The strategy of using untranslated terms is used in only two documents, which, however, are so extensive that the abbreviations used in them total 19%. Given the limited number of documents in which academic titles remain untranslated, it might be said that this strategy is not widely used and that the neutral translation is considered the most appropriate one by translators. However, as pointed out in the following section, to preserve the legislator’s (i.e. municipal authorities’) will and concepts in texts of a normative value, it would be necessary to adopt the source-oriented strategy— that is, foreignization. The importance of clear and precise terminological solutions To avoid translators’ conundrums and potential misunderstandings on the part of the recipients, consistent and uniform terminology is required in legislative and administrative texts; that is, in texts containing binding provisions for the recipients (municipal statutes, regulations, decrees, and other administrative measures). Therefore, in such cases it would be preferable to apply source-oriented strat- egies (formal equivalence: literal translation and calques). On the other hand, when legal texts are translated for informative purposes—that is, in order to make known or disseminate certain content or acts that are not binding for the recipients—target- oriented strategies, aimed at being better perceived by a wider audience, would be more suitable. In these cases, it is advisable to use equivalent terms present in the target language or to use paraphrasing to make the translated text more understandable. As mentioned above, particularly with regard to in- formative texts, the translation strategy is influenced by whether the text recipients are intended solely as the Italian minority in Slovenia or extended to other Italian speakers, who often would not understand source-oriented terminology. The translation of a legal text involves not only a transformation from one language into another, but, in some cases, also a transformation from the language, legal concepts, and terminology of a starting or source system to the same features of another legal system of reference; in this case, the Italian one. However, in the case in question, terms and denominations proper to the Slovenian legal system are translated, freely created, or desired by the Slovenian legislator. We believe that the transla- tor has no power or mandate to take action on the merits of a choice that belongs only to the legisla- tor—that is to say, the sovereignty of the people of that particular country. Therefore, we believe that, in translating legislative and administrative texts for regulatory purposes, one must opt for or resort to source-oriented translation strategies. A translation oriented to the source text and (the original) legal system in such cases is necessary and constitutes the translation strategy that best respects the will expressed by the legislator (Paolucci, 2020, 114; 2021). The legislative and administrative acts are issued and, where necessary, translated, to be known and to be (compulsorily) observed by all the members of that particular community. It is above all for this reason that the terms contained therein must be technical, be used consistently, and have a unique meaning. The use of synonyms, in fact, at the level of normative legal texts, is not only misleading, but also incorrect. In contrast to normative texts, informative texts allow for more translator crea- tivity: in translating certain terms for information purposes, such as newspaper articles, magazines, interviews, and brochures on legal matters, the use of synonyms and hypernyms is often useful to avoid repetition and make the text more fluent and us- able. In this way, translated texts with informative content become accessible not only to members of the minority but also to anyone proficient in Italian. For instance, articles discussing topics from Slove- nia, which might interest a wider Italian readership, especially those in the neighboring Friuli Venezia Giulia region, are often featured in Italian newspa- pers. Therefore, when translating (administrative) texts written to inform potential readers—that is, to disclose certain content or acts that are not binding for the recipients—target-oriented strategies aimed at better comprehension by a wider audience would be preferable. CONCLUSION If an administrative text is translated to have a normative function and is binding for the recipients, a source-oriented strategy should be used; that is, a translation close to the original text and legal order; for example, srednja šola translated as scuola media ‘sec- ondary school’. In the case of texts with an informative function and therefore not having a binding character 258 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 for the recipients, one could act with greater flexibility, also allowing target-oriented strategies that are closer to the language and terminology that is appropriate for the target language and takes into account the target (legal) system; for example, srednja šola translated as scuola secondaria or scuola secondaria di secondo grado or scuola media superiore. In the first case, choosing a sin- gle term in a coordinated and coherent way is required, and therefore a univocal solution (i.e., scuola media) is proposed here. In the second case, the use of synonyms is allowed because they are often useful, and so terms such as scuola secondaria or scuola secondaria di sec- ondo grado or scuola media superiore are suggested. As far as the translation of the acronyms is con- cerned, the study shows that, although it would be advisable to resort to the source-oriented strategy (i.e., a literal translation) to maintain the characteris- tics of the source-language administrative system and legislation in normative texts, translators sometimes also opt for code switching (cf. Kompara Lukančič et al., 2023) and hypernymy. Hypernymic terms result in partial equivalence and are thus not recommended in normative texts, whereas in informative texts a translator may provide a wider range of possibilities. Finally, the study of abbreviations for academic degrees shows that, in the absence of clear guide- lines for translators, the preferred strategy is that of generalization—which, however, does not reflect the source-language legislation and culture, as ex- pected in texts of a more binding nature. At this point, it should be emphasized that our study is a pilot initiative, and larger-scale analyses are currently underway. Recognizing the constraints inher- ent in analyzing a restricted number of texts and the resulting findings, one of our next tasks to be carried out to ensure terminological appropriateness and thus the implementation of the rights of the Italian-speaking community in Slovenia, is to systematically review the key terminology in normative texts in administration, education, commercial law, the health system, and so on and to standardize them by means of interdisci- plinary cooperation among various experts. With the planned initiatives, the aim is also to raise awareness among speakers of Italian as a second language in the bilingual region regarding the significance of a minor- ity language and translation solutions that accurately capture the diverse aspects of the majority population’s lived experiences. 259 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 TASSA DI SOGGIORNO ALI TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOŠKI IZZIVI PRI PREVAJANJU V ITALIJANŠČINO V DVOJEZIČNIH OBČINAH SLOVENSKE ISTRE Nives LENASSI Univerza v Ljubljani, Ekonomska fakulteta, Katedra za jezike za poslovne in ekonomske vede, Kardeljeva pl. 17, Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: nives.lenassi@ef.uni-lj.si Mojca KOMPARA LUKANČIČ Univerza v Mariboru, Fakulteta za turizem, Cesta prvih borcev 36, 8250 Brežice, Slovenija Univerza v Mariboru, Fakulteta za varnostne vede, Kotnikova 8, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: mojca.kompara@um.si Sandro PAOLUCCI Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za prevajalstvo, Aškerčeva cesta 2, Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: sandro.paolucci@guest.arnes.si POVZETEK Članek obravnava dvojezičnost v slovenski Istri, natančneje v občinah Ankaran, Koper, Izola in Piran, kjer sta slovenščina in italijanščina uradna jezika. V ospredje postavlja italijanske prevodne različice upravnih besedil, ki so zagotovljene pripadnikom italijanske manjšine, pri čemer so preučene značilnosti dokumentov, prevedenih iz slovenščine v italijanščino, dostopnih na spletnih straneh naštetih občin. Študija se najprej osredotoča na vprašanje o terminološki koherenci pri prevodih upravnih besedil, še zlasti tistih z normativno vrednostjo, ki jih morajo naslovniki spoštovati. Po pregledu teoretskega ozadja in prikazu prevodnih ustreznic nekaterih v celoti izpisanih leksikalnih pr- vin in tudi nekaterih krajših leksikalnih enot, kot so okrajšave in kratice, uporabljenih v normativnih in informativnih besedilih, prispevek osvetljuje problem terminološke enotnosti. Temu sledi predlog ustreznih prevajalskih strategij, namenjenih zagotavljanju dosledne rabe upravne terminologije in jasnih besedil. Natančneje, za doslednejše upo- števanje volje in konceptov, ki jih je izrazil zakonodajalec na državni ravni ali tudi pristojni občinski organi, bi bilo v normativnih besedilih primerno uporabiti potujitvene prevajalske strategije, tj. usmerjene v izvirni jezik in kulturo. Pri informativnih besedilih pa je dopustna večja prožnost, kot je raba strategij, osredotočenih na ciljni jezik in kulturo, tj. podomačenje, pa tudi raba sopomenk in nadpomenk, da bi se izognili ponavljanju in tvorili bolj tekoče besedilo. Ključne besede: italijanščina, prevajalske strategije, terminološka enotnost, kratica, okrajšava, korpus 260 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 34 · 2024 · 2 Nives LENASSI et al.: TASSA DI SOGGIORNO OR TASSA TURISTICA? TERMINOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS IN THE BILINGUAL ..., 247–262 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Ajani, Gianmaria (2006): Sistemi giuridici com- parati. Lezioni e materiali. Turin, Giappichelli. 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INDEX TO IMAGES ON THE COVER The cover images are part of the promotional material produced ahead of the planned Laibach concert in Kiev in March 2023. This was supposed to be the first concert by a foreign band in Kiev since the Russian invasion. The scheduled concert was also a reminder that the Eurovision Song Contest should have been held in Kiev at that time, but was moved to the United Kingdom because of the war. The concert, which was aimed to express the band's support for Ukrainians during the war, was eventually cancelled due to excessive controversy (Photo: Laibach archive). We sincerely thank the band Laibach and Ivan Novak for their collaboration. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 33 · 2023