18 FOOTBALL MANIA – THE CHANGE IN ATTITUDE TOWARDS FOOTBALL IN SLOVENIA NOGOMETNA EVFORIJA – SPREMINJANJE ODNOSA DO NOGOMETA V SLOVENIJI Mojca Doupona Topič 1 Matjaž Plesec 2 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 Abstract The article deals with the attitude of the inhabitants of Ljubljana and Maribor towards football. The historical, cultural and political circum- stances that greatly influenced the shaping of the attitude towards football in Slovenia were taken in consideration. On the basis of a sta- tistical research, the article tries to establish, if there are statistically significant differences regarding the attitude towards football among the respondents from Ljubljana and Maribor, among people of Slove- ne descent and respondents with an ancestral background. The artic- le also tries to establish, if the appearance of the Slovene national foot- ball team at an important sporting event such as EURO 2000 can statistically affect people’s attitude towards football. The article is ba- sed on research covering 50 respondents from Ljubljana and 50 res- pondents from Maribor (surveyed before EURO 2000) and 50 res- pondents from Ljubljana (surveyed after EURO 2000), i.e. 150 subjects in total. The sample includes the variables of residence, nationality and attitudes towards football. Two-factor analysis of variance was used for establishing the differences between the selected variables. The re- search results show that the inhabitants of Maribor have a much more positive attitude towards football than the inhabitants of Ljubljana. A comparison between respondents of Slovene descent and those of non-Slovene descent proved that football is still the most popular sport. The respondents of non-Slovene descent have a distinctly more posi- tive attitude towards football than the respondents of Slovene des- cent. The answers given by the respondents from Ljubljana show that their attitude towards football changed significantly after EURO 2000 in all the attitudes, which proves the hypothesis that a positive attitu- de towards a sports discipline and good results in that discipline are greatly interconnected. Keywords: football, attitude, Ljubljana, Maribor, nationality, difference 1 Faculty of Sport, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia 2 Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, M.A. student Contact address: Mojca Doupona Topič University of Ljubljana Faculty of Sport Gortanova 22 Si – 1000 Ljubljana Slovenija Tel.: +386 1 540 10 77 Fax : + 386 1 540 22 33 E-mail: Mojca.Doupona@sp.uni-lj.si Izvleček Članek obravnava odnos prebivalcev Slovenije oziroma natančneje Ljubljančanov in Mariborčanov do nogometa. Pri analizi smo upošte- vali zgodovinske, kulturne in politične okoliščine, ki so bistveno vpli- vale na oblikovanje odnosa do nogometa v Sloveniji. S pomočjo re- zultatov raziskave smo ugotavljali ali obstajajo statistično značilne razlike v odnosu do nogometa med anketiranimi Ljubljančani in Ma- riborčani, med Slovenci in Neslovenci. Ugotavljali pa smo tudi ali lah- ko nastop slovenske nogometne reprezentance na takšnem športnem spektaklu, kot je Euro 2000, statistično značilno izboljša odnos ljudi do nogometa glede na odnos pred mega športnim dogodkom Euro 2000. Članek temelji na raziskavi v katero je bilo vključenih 50 Ljubljančanov in 50 Mariborčanov (anketirali smo jih pred začetkom EURO 2000) in pa 50 Ljubljančanov, ki so izpolnili anketo po končanem prvenstvu, torej skupaj 150 ljudi. Vzorec spremenljivk predstavljajo: kraj, nacio- nalnost in odnos do nogometa. Za ugotavljanje razlik med izbranimi spremenljivkami smo uporabili dvo faktorsko analizo variance. Rezul- tati raziskave so pokazali, da imajo Mariborčani veliko bolj pozitiven odnos do nogometa kot prebivalci Ljubljane. Primerjava med Sloven- ci in Neslovenci je potrdila, da je nogomet na področju bivših jugo- slovanskih republik še vedno najbolj priljubljena športna panoga. An- ketirani Neslovenci imajo namreč veliko bolj pozitiven odnos do nogometa od anketiranih Slovencev. Odnos anketiranih Ljubljančanov do nogometa se je po Euru 2000 glede na stanje pred Eurom 2000 ko- renito spremenil (seveda v pozitivnem smislu) prav v vseh stališčih, kar potrjuje tezo, da sta si dober rezultat in pozitiven odnos do neke športne panoge v veliki soodvisnosti. Ključne besede: nogomet, odnos, Ljubljana, Maribor, narodnost, raz- lika (Received: 27. 11. 2001 – Accepted: 9. 12. 2002) 19 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 Introduction Slovenes scored the best results in the sports disci- plines of a distinctly individual character. It holds true that in the times of the former Yugoslavia it was hard to defy the ‘master-strategists’ from Bel- grade, which is why Slovenia’s sports authorities saw no national strategic interest in football (like some other European nations similar in size, such as the Catalonians, the Basque, the Irish, the Scots, the Croats…) and conformed to sports officials from Belgrade. It took the success of the national foot- ball team and of the Maribor football club (which qualified for the Champions League in the 1999/2000 season) to open the eyes for Slovenes. Thus, Slovenia got the opportunity to see the di- mensions of modern football that manifest, among other things, in an indisputable international presti- ge and affluence. Although football in Slovenia has a long tradition, Slovene football clubs have never been on a par with other clubs of the former Yugoslavia, and were even less important on the European scale. Some influential opinion-makers in Slovenia have actually succeeded in their chauvinistic attempt to portray football as negative and to advance the opinion that football is typical of the ‘uncivilised Balkans’. On the other side, the media discourse presented skiing as a typical Slovene tradition, and reinforced the concept of Slovene identity being a skiing iden- tity (Pušnik, 1999). It has to be taken in considera- tion that historical and political circumstances in Slovenia have had a fundamental influence on the development of football in Slovenia. Consequently, the football standards in other countries are higher and the attitude towards football correspondingly more positive. With small nations, there is even greater emphasis on gaining international recognition and reputa- tion, and there are of course certain written or un- written rules that should be considered in this res- pect. A modern nation, and small nations even more than the large ones, needs symbols to iden- tify with, uniformity and a high level of psycho- physical capacity. Small nations will therefore al- ways choose to take part in sports disciplines where they can make their way to the top, even if only ten countries are actively involved. Self-esteem should always be built on a country’s strong points. Unfor- tunately, from this point of view football has not been considered a suitable sports discipline. The outstanding football results in the past three years have provided good grounds for a successful development of Slovene football; in the 1999/2000 season Maribor FC qualified for the Champions League, the year after the Slovene national team qualified for EURO 2000 (Plesec, 2001). All this cul- minated last year when the Slovene national team qualified for the World Championship. Based on statistical results, the article will try to es- tablish whether there are statistically significant dif- ferences in the attitude towards football between the respondents from Ljubljana and those from Ma- ribor, between the respondents of Slovene descent and those of non-Slovene descent. It will also inve- stigate, if appearance at such an important spor- ting event like EURO 2000 can produce a statisti- cally significant upswing in the attitude towards football. The article deals with the attitude of the inhabitants of Ljubljana – the capital of Slovenia and the big- gest city (350,000 inhabitants) and Maribor – Slo- venia’s second biggest city (170,000 inhabitants) towards football. While Ljubljana has become a middle European capital and gained political, finan- cial, cultural and academic monopoly in Slovenia, Maribor had to face a harsh economic reality after losing the important Yugoslav markets. Once a prosperous industrial city, after 1991 Maribor had to face high-rate unemployment. In recent years, the city’s only promotional gems are the famous international skiing event ‘Zlata lisica’, the city’s football club ‘Maribor Branik’ (which competed in the Champions League in the 1999/2000 season) and the Lent cultural festival. The city’s identity, sup- ported by the media and by the local politicians (who regularly attend the matches), is now based on two main promotion gems: the Lent cultural fe- stival and the ‘Maribor Branik’ football club (Vezjak, 1998). The opposite to Maribor, where important indu- strialists (sponsors) were actively engaged in the football scene and local politicians tried to ‘buy’ vo- tes by appearing at football matches, is the football in Ljubljana, staggering behind in a state of disor- ganisation that does not seem to end soon. Neither many famous football clubs such as Ilirija, Ljublja- na, Svoboda and Slovan who are on the brink of extinction nor the lavish and disorganised Olimpi- ja FC can provide for a complete all-level moderni- sation that could bring about good results and in- crease people’s interest in one of Slovenia’s oldest sports disciplines. Ljubljana does not have a football 20 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 club or a football stadium that would be on a par with its cultural or social standards. The focus of the analysis is to find out whether the popularity of this sports discipline has increased af- ter the recent success of the Slovene national foot- ball team. The research (Jošt, Sila, Leskošek, & Močnik, 1998) shows that football in Slovenia is ranked as the twelfth most popular sports discipli- ne. It is true that Slovenes most often attend foot- ball matches, but they prefer alpine skiing to foot- ball on television (Petrović, Ambrožič, Sila, & Doupona, 1997). Considering these somewhat pa- radoxical facts, this article aims to explain, from a socio-cultural point of view, the prevalent attitude towards football in Slovenia. Methods The population includes the respondents from Ljubljana and Maribor. These two cities were cho- sen particularly because of their football tradition. All respondents were over 15 years old (M=35.5; SD=16.5). The first population sample, surveyed be- fore EURO 2000, consists of 50 randomly chosen respondents from Ljubljana (32 men and 18 wo- men; 35 of them being of Slovene and 15 of non- Slovene descent) and 50 respondents from Mari- bor (30 men and 20 women; 45 of them being of Slovene and 5 of non-Slovene descent). The second population sample (after EURO 2000) consists of 50 randomly chosen respondents from Ljubljana (33 men and 17 women; 46 of them be- ing of Slovene and 4 of non-Slovene descent). Quota sampling has been used for statistical analy- sis. Ljubljana was divided into five districts: Šiška, Moste – Polje, Bežigrad – Center, Vič and Trnovo – Rakova Jelša. Maribor was also divided into five districts: Ljudski vrt – Center, Nova vas, Studenci, Tabor and Pobrežje. In every district ten surveys were carried out. The first surveying took place in April 2000 and the second in August 2000. In both samples, male respondents are predomi- nant (63% and 68%). The reason for this is that wo- men were less willing to co-operate (37% and 32%). In data interpretation the predominant male response has to be taken into account, which is pro- bably conditioned by women showing less interest in football. Most respondents are of Slovene descent (80% and 20%). In the first sample, 20% of respondents of non-Slovene descent included Serbs (10%), follo- wed by Croatians, Bosnians and Montenegrins (each 3%) and Macedonians (1%). All respondents were Slovene citizens. The sample is not completely identical to the nationalities’ structure in Slovenia, but comes fairly close to it. In the second sample only 10% of respondents are of non-Slovene des- cent. The sample includes the following variables: – Residence (Ljubljana, Maribor) – Nationality (Slovene, non-Slovene) – 14 attitudes towards football. Each of the items contained a question followed by a Likert five-point scale with 1 labelled ‘strongly disagree’, 3 labelled ‘neutral’ and 5 labelled ‘strongly agree’. To provide validity for the attitude items Cronbach’s alpha was used to assess inter-item reliability. The scale was highly reliable. Cronbach’s alpha for attitude to- wards sport was 0.81. In each district, ten surveys were completed. The surveying was done on the streets or in respon- dents’ homes. A great part of people that were as- ked to complete the survey on the street refused to co-operate, mainly because they did not have time, so the prevalent part of the surveying took place in respondents’ homes. The response here was hardly satisfactory: averagely every fifth res- pondent from Ljubljana or Maribor completed the survey. The most common reasons for refusal were: lack of time, lack of interest in sports or football, re- luctance to co-operate. The basic statistical parameters were calculated for the residence, nationality and 14 attitude variables. The two-factor analysis of variance was used for es- tablishing the differences between the attitudes to- wards sport and residence, nationality, before and after EURO 2000. Results 1. Attitude towards football according to the residence The respondents from Maribor provided more po- sitive answers than the respondents from Ljublja- na. The comparison of answers from the respon- dents from Ljubljana and those from Maribor shows statistically significant differences in 7 atti- tudes. Analysis of the results of the attitude ‘I always take time to watch a good football game on the TV’ 21 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 shows that respondents from Maribor are much more regular TV viewers of football than respon- dents from Ljubljana. Many hypothetical reasons could be provided for this. The most important one is the fact that Maribor is traditionally a football and skiing town; watching football on TV - and hence the positive attitude towards it - is a logical conse- quence. Another important reason is the success of the city’s football club ‘Maribor’ that played at the most elite football competition in Europe – the Champions League, in the 1999/2000 season. The inhabitants of Maribor, who are fans of their foot- ball club, were eager to watch their footballers’ play against some of the most prominent international football clubs. An important reason could also be found in the town’s somewhat less favourable eco- nomic situation, as 17,969 inhabitants of Maribor are unemployed (Statistical Yearbook, 2001) and have time to watch football games. The analysis of the attitude ‘I see a football game at least twice a month’ shows a great difference in answers between respondents from Ljubljana and those from Maribor. Reasons for that can be easily found. In Maribor, football is the sport No 1. It could be said that the city’s proletarian character provides a suitable setting for a strong football libido. Mari- bor is thus comparable to some industrially similar environments, especially those in England. The me- dia stereotype of the city’s ‘football identity’ also has to be taken ‘into’ account, and the reputation of the ‘Ljudski vrt’ stadium which is frequently visi- ted by prominent Slovene politicians. On the other hand, the Ljubljana fans appreciate only top results and sports spectacles that, for the time being, only the Slovene basketball club ‘Olim- pija Ljubljana’ can provide. The quality of football played in the capital does not meet the require- ments of the more hard-to-please fans, since they got ‘spoilt’ by watching the matches of the high- quality football clubs of the former Yugoslavia. Another important reason for explaining why peo- ple from Ljubljana rarely attend football matches could lie in the fact that Ljubljana’s football infra- structure is below all standards. Such a state of af- fairs discourages potential football fans from atten- ding matches and does not offer the appropriate setting for watching sports and socialising. A situa- tion far from that of the 1960s when people from Ljubljana were regular football-match goers. The respondents from Maribor are in the whole more enthusiastic about the recent success of Slo- vene football than those from Ljubljana. The sensa- tional success that has stirred great enthusiasm in practically all of Slovenia and was also a first-class surprise abroad can be ascribed exclusively to the Slovene national football team and to the Maribor FC. Most probably, this difference in residence is due to the fact that people from Maribor can look Table 1: Attitude towards football before EURO 2000 (residence) Legend: p(F) - statistical significance of difference between means * statistically significant difference (p≤0.05) The most important pastime activity I always take time to watch it I'd like my son to play football The show I like best on the TV Sport No 1 I attend football matches Slovenes will never be a football nation EURO 2000 - excellent promotion I rejoice with the success Slovenes don't like football Watching the Slovene national team Football is a primitive ball game Football is for the lower social classes Football is a ground for political abuse 2.96 2.98 3.92 2.78 3.71 1.33 2.27 4.49 4.14 2.31 3.71 1.51 1.90 2.14 1.51 1.55 1.32 1.49 1.24 0.85 1.17 0.71 1.14 1.10 1.38 0.84 1.18 1.37 3.10 3.78 4.40 3.16 3.64 1.86 3.32 4.68 4.70 1.86 4.44 1.22 1.56 2.12 1.37 1.31 0.97 1.60 1.34 1.44 1.08 0.68 0.73 0.86 0.95 0.54 1.01 1.17 0.629 0.007* 0.041* 0.218 0.775 0.028* 0.809 0.178 0.005* 0.027* 0.003* 0.045* 0.129 0.929 Ljubljana Maribor Mean SD Mean SD p(F) 22 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 forward not only to the good results of the national team, but also of their own club. Analysis of the attitude ‘I attended or viewed the performance of the Slovene national team at EURO 2000 and kept my fingers crossed’ shows that the respondents from Maribor have a strikingly more positive attitude towards the Slovene national team if compared to those from Ljubljana. The insinua- tions that Maribor fans are interested solely in the local scene are therefore overruled. Significantly enough, there were three Maribor players compa- red to one ‘Olimpija’ player at EURO 2000, which may explain the fact that people from Maribor show greater interest in football. The analysis of the comparison of the attitude to- wards football between the respondents from Ljub- ljana and those from Maribor shows that people from Ljubljana have a more stereotypical attitude towards football that people from Maribor. This is clearly shown in the following attitudes: ‘Slovenes don’t like football’ and ‘Football is a primitive ball game’. 2. Attitude towards football according to natio- nality At most attitudes the respondents of non-Slovene descent showed a far more positive attitude to- wards football than the respondents of Slovene des- cent; five attitudes providing conspicuous eviden- ce in support of this assertion. Taking into account that the Serbs, the Bosnians, the Macedonians and the Croats unanimously claim football their No 1 sport, which has made qui- te an enviable success internationally (FC Red Star from Belgrade won the European Cup Final in 1991), and facing the fact that all but none of the non-Slovene respondents descends from those countries, the incoming results came as no surpri- se. Not irrelevant, too, that not a small percentage of the former Yugoslav population would also des- cribe football as a matter of prestige and as a pos- sible means for broader public affirmation. The further analysis of some eligible attitudes, which statistically and semantically do not diverge, shows what the non-Slovene respondents think of ´Slovenes will never be a football nation`. Blame either scepticism or lack of confidence to account for the fact that 40 % of the respondents of non-Slovene descent and only 26.3 % of the res- pondents of the Slovene descent called it a decep- tion. Apparently, the respondents of non-Slovene descent think more optimistically of the, as far as football is concerned, allegedly rather enthusiastic and well informed Slovene than the latter do of themselves. Table 2: Attitude towards football before EURO 2000 (nationality) Legend: p(F) - statistical significance of difference between means * statistically significant difference (p≤0.05) The most important pastime activity I always take time to watch it I'd like my son to play football The show I like best on the TV Sport No 1 I attend football matches Slovenes will never be a football nation EURO 2000 - excellent promotion I rejoice with the success Slovenes don't like football Watching the Slovene national team Football is a primitive ball game Football is for the lower social classes Football is a ground for political abuse 2.87 3.20 4.05 2.77 3.49 1.65 2.35 4.57 4.40 2.08 4.00 1.43 1.78 2.08 1.42 1.52 1.25 1.57 1.27 1.27 1.11 0.73 1.01 0.98 1.32 0.76 1.09 1.22 3.65 4.10 4.60 3.75 4.40 1.40 2.05 4.65 4.50 2.10 4.40 1.10 1.50 2.35 1.39 1.07 0.68 1.21 1.09 0.94 1.15 0.59 0.95 1.12 0.75 0.45 1.15 1.46 0.030* 0.015* 0.062* 0.011* 0.004* 0.421 0.279 0.649 0.704 0.925 0.197 0.067 0.306 0.390 Slovene Non-Slovene Mean SD Mean SD p(F) 23 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 The other attitudes, also related to the football ima- ge of Slovenes, presenting the respondents of non- Slovene descent as much more positively inclined to the game of football than the respondents of Slo- vene descent. 3. Attitude towards football before and after EURO 2000 The following research of attitude towards football before and after EURO 2000 compares the first sample (the inhabitants of Ljubljana and Maribor before EURO 2000) to the second sample (the in- habitants of Ljubljana after EURO 2000). The pur- pose of this comparison was to answer the que- stion of whether there may be any statistically significant relations between the meaningful per- formance of Slovenia’s national football team at EU- RO 2000 and the general attitude towards football in Slovenia. The results have proven that EURO 2000 had a po- sitive impact on the attitude towards football in all attitudes; seven of them showing a significant sta- tistical upswing. The most significant differences, however, showed at the attitudes of ‘I rejoice with the success we are witnessing lately’, ‘I did/will at- tend or did/will view the performance of the Slove- ne national football team at EURO 2000 and did/will keep my fingers crossed’, ‘Appearance at EURO 2000 was/will be an excellent promotion for a young country like Slovenia’. Slovenia’s unexpected appearance and quite suc- cessful performance at EURO 2000 was a definite turning point for all who were anyhow related to sport in Slovenia; the media, the politicians, various promoters of the country and travel agencies una- nimously put EURO 2000 and the Slovene national football team in the centre of their interest. The media relished every opportunity to televise or to write about any peculiarity concerned with this spectacular sporting event. Of course, the grounds for this media expansion were set with Slovenia`s qualifying for EURO 2000. The true value of this success is even greater, if one knows that Slovenia not so long ago was thought of as a country which can hardly take a serious part in football, the game which was tinged with negative epithets typical of the Balkans. This, however, proved as a stepping stone for creating the media sensation, namely the Slovene football fairy tale which came in handy es- pecially for the media, the fans, and of course, the football players. Discussion The reasons for a negative attitude towards foot- ball in Slovenia in the past can be associated with Table 3: Changes in attitudes towards football Legend: p(F) - statistical significance of difference between means * statistically significant difference (p≤0.05) The most important pastime activity I always take time to watch it I'd like my son to play football The show I like best on the TV Sport No 1 I attend football matches Slovenes will never be a football nation EURO 2000 - excellent promotion I rejoice with the success Slovenes don't like football Watching the Slovene national team Football is a primitive ball game Football is for the lower social classes Football is a ground for political abuse 2.96 2.98 3.92 2.78 3.71 1.33 2.26 4.49 4.14 2.31 3.71 1.51 1.90 2.14 1.51 1.55 1.32 1.49 1.24 0.85 1.17 0.71 1.14 1.10 1.38 0.84 1.18 1.37 3.06 3.66 4.20 3.38 4.08 1.54 2.20 4.68 4.70 1.98 4.38 1.38 1.94 2.38 1.36 1.19 0.99 1.44 1.92 1.15 1.95 0.68 0.73 1.08 1.10 0.75 1.20 1.29 0.728 0.016* 0.232 0.043* 0.138 0.296 0.784 0.010* 0.000* 0.140 0.009* 0.420 0.861 0.378 Slovene Non-Slovene Mean SD Mean SD p(F) 24 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 a strong inflow of economic emigrants from the re- publics of former Yugoslavia which took place ex- actly at the beginning of the seventies and eighties of the past century. Owing to that inflow, the fee- lings of being threatened arose among the Slove- nes and these feelings gave rise to the rebirth of Slovene nationalism. The feeling of national supe- riority which by definition accompanies nationa- lism degraded football completely. This is a logical consequence of the fact that within Yugoslavia, the Slovenes were neither successful as football players nor dominant as cheerers. This fact – which under- mined the consistency of nationalistic discourse – obviously resulted in an interesting symbolic shift in the interpretation of the role and importance of football. At the first level, football was taken out from the context of ‘normal’ sports and presented as a mar- kedly ‘physical’ sport and was for that reason re- garded as ‘stupid’. The second level of the symbolic shift was the reo- rientation of sport interests and pursuits in Slovenia in favour of the sports that are traditionally more characteristic of the Alpine region of Slovenia (the Gorenjska region). A great and unexpected rise of the Alpine skiing, ski jumping, Alpine mountainee- ring etc. began. In this connection, it must be poin- ted out that what happened was not merely a sim- ple reorientation from the sports in which the Slovenes are not successful towards the sports in which we can compete, but that – to some extent – the structure of the Slovene national identity was also affected. It is known that the modern theory of identities points out that no identity stands alone, as it always needs something against which it can establish itself. At that time the Slovene national identity was establishing itself above all through breaking away from everything that was ‘Balkan’. The Slovene interests and activities began to con- centrate around those points which were symboli- cally far away from the Balkans (the mountain peak Triglav, the slalom skier Križaj, the music group Av- seniki, the Planica ski jumping event, the kranjska sausage, etc.). Practical consequences of the Slovene interpreta- tion of football turned out to be one of the key di- mensions of preserving certain social hierarchies or, in other words, the social exclusion of the emi- grants from the former Yugoslav republics. The attitude towards football in Slovenia began to change in a positive direction only after the decla- ration of independence in the beginning of the ni- neties of the past century. At first this happened predominantly in the countryside, due to the fact that small places got their first-league teams over- night and this, in turn, strongly increased the inte- rest in football in rural environments. At the same time the Slovene national football team began to form and was to face the challenge of first qualifi- cation competitions for the classification for the Eu- ropean championship in England in 1996. Of cour- se, the disintegration from the Balkans has undoubtedly reduced the feelings of being natio- nally threatened and directed thoughts and expec- tations towards the extolled Europe, where the foot- ball standards are completely incompatible with the Slovene interpretation of the most popular Euro- pean sport. Today, the positive role of football – the credit for which goes above all to the national team – can be perceived in Slovenia precisely in its function of joi- ning people, especially at the time when real social processes towards large differentiation are taking place. National football represents one among the rare things in the society which enables free com- munication, free from the hierarchical connotation of social dividing lines. Football creates possibilities for partner relationships among those who are ot- herwise in life separated by a large social distance and enables a relaxing dialogue between, e.g. new owners of the once common social property and the factory workers, Slovenes and non-Slovenes, supporters of the left and of the right political par- ties, etc. Previous research (Horak, Waddington, & Mal- colm, 1998) showed that the attitude towards foot- ball is more positive in the cities that have football clubs with a certain tradition and a record of good results. In such cities, people often tend to identify themselves with the football club. This thesis basi- cally applies to big industrial cities like Manchester, Liverpool, Dortmund, Turin, Munich etc. where football stadium is a place where people from a specific social background get the chance to ex- press their passions. The comparison between the inhabitants of Ljublja- na and those of Maribor shows that the latter have a more positive attitude towards football than the former which gives the previous thesis more weight. The comparison between the respondents of Slo- vene descent and those of non-Slovene descent re- 25 Topič Doupona, M., & Plesec, M. (2002). Football mania – the change in attitude towards football in Slovenia KinSI 8(2), 18–25 veals that football is still considered as the most im- portant sport in the republics of the former Yugo- slavia. The respondents of non-Slovene descent seem to have a far more positive attitude towards football than their Slovene peers even at the attitu- des where the Slovene image of football was inve- stigated. An individual`s attitude towards a sports discipli- ne, in this case football, is by no means mono-face- ted. It is rather a multi-faceted structure of a series of factors, set up by means of primary and secon- dary socialization of every individual. Later on, this primary socialization expands on every step of so- cial life and constitutes, along with social values, the individual`s attitude towards a sports discipline (Horak, et.al, 1998). Today, football represents one of the rare spheres of society that connects fans from different social strata. In such a setting, hierarchical prejudices en- countered in everyday life are being ruled out by di- rect contact and free communication. Obviously, the dimensions of a football match are far beyond the area of sport. Expanded to politics, economy and cultural field a football match is anyt- hing but a simple game of kicking the ball. Football often helps small nations to achieve broader affir- mation and stimulates their quest for a national identity. Apart from that, football may work as a powerful catalyst of social identities. National football teams, clubs and matches usually function as motivational factors and are at the same time a place where va- rious adherents either to religion, ethnicity or class find a way to express themselves (Coelho, 1995). After EURO 2000, the respondents from Ljubljana improved their attitude towards football at all points which only support the thesis that good results and a positive attitude towards some sports disciplines are ultimately interdependent. References 1. Coelho, J. N. (1995). ‘On the border’ – Some notes on football and national identity in Portugal. London and New York: Routled- ge. 2. Horak, R., Waddington, I., & Malcolm, D. (1998). The Social com- position of football crowds in Western Europe. International Re- view for the Sociology of Sport, 33 (2), 155 – 169. 3. Jošt, B., Sila B., Leskošek B., & Močnik R. (1998). Evalvacija in va- lorizacija športnih panog na osnovi ekspertnega modeliranja [Eva- luation and validation of sport disciplines on the basis of expert modelling]. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za šport, Inštitut za kineziologijo. 4. Petrović, K., Ambrožič F., Sila B., & Doupona M. (1997) Športno- rekreativna dejavnost v Sloveniji 1996 [Sports-recreational activity in Slovenia 1996]. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za šport, Inštitut za kinezio- logijo. 5. Plesec, M. (2001). Nogomet, družba in mediji [Football, society and media]. Unpublished bachelor’s thesis. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za šport. 6. Pušnik, M. (1999). Medijski diskurz in upravljanje z nacionalno identiteto [Media discourse and managing with national identity]. Unpublished bachelor’s thesis. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. 7. Statistični Letopis (2001). [Statistical Yearbook]. Ljubljana: Stati- stični urad Republike Slovenije. 8. Tomc, G., Stankovič, P., & Velikonja, M. (1999). Subkulture v Slo- veniji v devetdesetih [Subculture in Slovenia in the nineties]. Ljub- ljana: ŠOU, Študentska založba. 9. Vezjak, B. (14.8.1998). Nogomet je vojna minus streljanje [Foot- ball is war without shooting]. Večer – Sobotna priloga, LIV, pp. 40.