Documenta Praehistorica LI Documenta Praehistorica LI Urednik/Editor Mihael Budja Ljubljana, 2024 2 DOCUMENTA PRAEHISTORICA LI (2024) Urednika/Editors: prof. dr. 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E-izdaja: Publikacija je v digitalni obliki prosto dostopna na https://journals.uni-lj.si/DocumentaPraehistorica E-edition: The publication is freely available in digital form at https://journals.uni-lj.si/DocumentaPraehistorica ISSN 1408–967X (Print) ISSN 1854–2492 (Online) 3 Content 5 Sašo Jerše In search of messianic time Lee Clare Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers at Göbeklitepe Eylem Özdoğan Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus Dušan Mihailoviæ, Ivana Živaljeviæ, Vesna Dimitrijeviæ, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajoviæ, Anða Petroviæ, Katarina Bogiæeviæ, Dragana Ðuriæ, Mirela Djuroviæ, Steven Kuhn, and Mirjana Roksandic First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region Barbara Cvitkušiæ, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujeviæ Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia Mehmet Özdoğan The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul Goce Naumov, Agathe Reingruber Dating the Early Neolithic of Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory Dmytro Haskevych Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine Marko Porèiæ The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Cromb Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics based on fluctuations in radiocarbon dates and sites (Scheldt basin, Northern France and Belgium) Eszter Bánffy, Alasdair Whittle The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement Alasdair Whittle Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland Samuel Nión-Álvarez Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) Danijela Roksandiæ Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site 6 44 60 88 106 118 148 178 194 220 272 254 238 4 Anna Józefowska, Angelina Rosiak, Ma³gorzata Markiewicz, Joanna Sekulska-Nalewajko, Jaros³aw Goc³awski, and Joanna Ka³u¿na-Czapliñska Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies of the Late Neolithic Sava group in Slovenia Fernando Franchetti, Loukas Barton, Clara Otaola, Miguel Giardina, and Nuria Sugrañes Land-use and ceramics in the Andean highlands of Patagonia, Argentina Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part (Northeastern Hungary) Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages using FTIR and petrographic analysis Maria Pia Maiorano, Grégor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment Dragana Antonoviæ, Vidan Dimiæ Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia Katarina Šprem Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula Petra Vojakoviæ, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušiè, Barbara Horn, and Matija Èrešnar Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina André Texugo, Ana Catarina Basílio, Pedro Pina, Gabriel Goyanes, and Gonçalo Vieira A multi-embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing in archaeological surveys (Ota, Western Portugal) Laura Perelló Mateo, Bartomeu Llull Estarellas, Daniel Albero Santacreu, Jaume García Rosselló, and Manuel Calvo Trias The long and winding road: object biographies and cultural encounters in the Western Mediterranean during the Late Iron Age 520 490 474 456 438 412 388 378 334 312 544 558 5 In search of messianic time* Sašo Jerše Department of History, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, SI; saso.jerse@ff.uni-lj.si * The text is a slightly modified version of the opening speech held at the conference, 26th Neolithic Seminar ‘Eurasian Neolithics: How Cultures and Societies Evolve and Why it Matters’ by Sašo Jerše, Vice-Dean for Scientific Research and Doctoral Studies at the Faculty of Arts of University Ljubljana. Yesterday, while I was reading the booklet containing the abstracts of your lectures, which will be held in the upcoming days and promise to be informative and rewarding, my mind turned to a name not necessarily associated with archaeology in general, or with the Neolithic Age in particular. It is the name of that great German philosopher, that illustrious thinker on culture and its critic, Walter Benjamin. I thought of his short, perceptive and inspiring work entitled On the Concept of History, written in early 1940 in the dark days of World War Two, the same year in which Benjamin commited suicide, fearing capture by the Nazis. In his short text, Benjamin reflects upon the possibility of understanding the past, and develops the idea of a fourth time besides the past, present, and future – messianic time. Three of his insights seem particularly valuable in this context. First, his view that “the true image of the past is flits by. The past can be seized only as an image which flashes up at the instant when it can be recognized and is never seen again”. Secondly, that “history [...] is the object of a construction whose place is not in homogeneous and empty time, but in that which is fulfilled by the here-and-now (Jetztzeit)”. And thirdly, that “to articulate the past historically does not mean to recognize it wie ist es eigentlich gewesen, i.e. as it really was. It means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up in a moment of danger”. In short, we can only know the past as a memory that emerges in our lived moment, in our Jetztzeit. When this happens, the extreme human condition in its ultimate moment – in the moment of danger, as Benjamin writes in his Concept, but also of delirious joy, as some of his other writings reveal – is covered by the condition of man in the past, and in this coverage the memory is totally released, the memory, from which knowledge arises. And when this happens, the student of the past times is able to grasp “the constellation into which his own era has entered, along with a very specific earlier one. Thus, he establishes a conception of the present as now time shot through with splitters of messianic time.” The messianic time is therefore a historiographical time. It is the fourth time alongside the past, present, and future. It is the time of man’s kinship with man in time, with another man in another time, it is the time of memory, of truthful, redeeming memory. Whereas homogeneous empty time is a time of strangeness, messianic time is a time of kinship. Homogeneous empty time is a time of empty meanings, while messianic time is one of full meanings. Homogeneous empty time is quantitative, messianic time is qualitative – the former is in itself meaningless, while the latter is a time of delirium of overlapping meanings. The first is a time of continuous movement, the second a time that has stopped; the former a time of running; the latter a time of rupture. While the first is a time which, with its teachings, is meant to soothe us with regard to death, the second is a time which, with its insights, calls us to life. While the first enslaves us to the ruling order of its time, the second time liberates, redeems us from all order. In messianic time, Benjamin writes, every second is “the small gateway in time through which the Messiah might enter.” Messianic time is thus not seen primarily in religious terms – although it can, of course, be seen as such as well – but epi ste- mologically, as enlightenment, as the joyful apocalyptic delirium of the knowledge of oneself, of man in time, of man in all times. Messianic time is indeed a time of the Apocalypse, a time of rupture with the conditions of the real(istic) world on the one hand, and of establishing the prospects of a new, sacred world on the other. Who knows this time better than you archaeologists? In your research, you return again and again to the places where this time is most evident, where the human condition is manifested in its fullest and most complete form, i.e. to fireplaces, sanctu aries and cemeteries, to sacred, holy places. For the sake of a completely honest explanation, one must, however, add to these sacred places the dump sites, which, to be honest, also have something sacred in their own way. Candidi omnia candida. In the following days you will be reflecting and discussing the Neolithic ways of living, the social and cultural patterns of change in that remote time in the past, its social dynamics, its understanding of art, its symbolic forms and much more. And when doing so, you will be talking about man in time, about our time as well – you will be talking about man in his entirety. You will speak of all of us. Your lectures will one day be followed by an excellent book, and I am confident that I along with many others will be reading it with great interest and excitement. I wish you a successful and above all inspiring conference. I wish you the best of times, that the door of knowledge will open, and the Messiah step through it. Reference Benjamin W. 2003. On the Concept of History. In H. Eiland, M. W. Jennings (eds.), Selected Writings. Volume 4 (1938-1940). The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. London: 388-400. back to content 6 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.16 an increase in research in this region, with new re sults from Turkish sites such as Gusir Höyük (Karul 2020), Çemka Höyük (Kodaº et al. 2020), Gre Fılla (Ökse 2022), and Boncuklu Tar la (Kodaº 2023) along the Tig- ris River in the east, and in the frame of the ªanlıurfa Introduction Göbeklitepe is located in one of the primary zones of Neolithisation in Southwest Asia that covered the up- per Euphrates and Tigris basins in southeastern Tür - kiye and northern parts of Syria and Iraq (most re cent - ly, Özdoğan 2022; 2024). Recent years have witnessed KLJUÈNE BESEDE – Göbeklitepe; predkeramièni neolitik (PPN); družbeno razslojevanje; prilagoditveni cikli; kriza lovcev in nabiralcev IZVLEÈEK – Nedavno terensko delo je na najdišèu predkeramiènega neolitika (PPN) Göbeklitepe v po­ sebni stavbi D razkrilo apnenèast kip divjega prašièa v naravni velikosti. Skupaj z odkritji z bližnjih so ­ èasnih najdišè širi naše razumevanje poznih skupnosti lovcev in nabiralcev, vkljuèno s prisotnostjo (ar­ heo loško gledano) nevidnih odloèevalcev. Dokazi kažejo na tri skupine, iz katerih bi lahko izšli ka riz­ matièni voditelji: pripovedovalci zgodb, lovci in vodje obredov. Pomembna naloga vodij je bila podpora tradicionalnim vrednotam ob sooèanju s spreminjajoèimi se naèini življenja v zgodnjem holoce nu, obdobju, ki ga tukaj imenujemo 'kriza lovcev in nabiralcev'. Èlanek vkljuèuje tudi povzetek nedav nih re zultatov izkopavanj v Göbeklitepeju. Navdahnjeni posamezniki in karizmatični voditelji: kriza lovcev in nabiralcev ter vzpon in padec nevidnih odločevalcev v Göbeklitepeju KEY WORDS – Göbeklitepe; Pre­Pottery Neolithic (PPN); social hierarchisation; adaptive cycles; hunter­ gatherer crisis ABSTRACT - Recent fieldwork at Pre­Pottery Neolithic (PPN) Göbeklitepe has revealed a life­size lime­ stone statue of a wild boar in Special Building D, which, alongside discoveries from nearby contempo­ raneous sites, broadens our understanding of late hunter­forager communities, including the presence of (archaeologically speaking) invisible decision­makers. Evidence points to three groups from which these charismatic leaders could have emerged: storytellers, hunters and ritual experts. An important function of these leaders was to uphold traditional values in the face of changing lifeways in the Early Holocene, a period referred to here as the ‘hunter­gatherer crisis’. This paper also includes a summary of recent excavation results from Göbeklitepe. Lee Clare German Archaeological Institute, Istanbul Department, Istanbul, TR; lee.clare@dainst.de Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers at Göbeklitepe 7 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... Neo lithic Research Project (Taº Tepeler) in the hills around the modern city of ªanlıurfa, to the east of the Eu phrates (Karul 2022a; Karul 2023a). Meanwhile, the Taº Tepeler pro ject encompasses continued work at Göbeklitepe (this paper), Karahantepe (Karul 2021; 2022b; 2023b), Harbetsuvan Tepesi (Matsui et al. 2022) and Gürcütepe (Erdalkıran 2023), as well as ini - tial ex cavations at the sites of Sayburç (Özdoğan E. 2022; Özdoğan, Uludağ 2022; Özdoğan 2023), Sefer - tepe (Güldoğan 2021; 2023; Güldoğan, Uludağ 2022) and Çakmaktepe (ªahin 2023; ªahin, Uludağ 2023) (Fig. 1). Settled hunter-foragers Sites with a clear continuity of occupation from the Younger Dryas to the Early Holocene have so far been discovered along the Tigris (Körtiktepe, Boncuklu Tar- la, Çemka Höyük), though with emerging evidence now appearing in ªanlıurfa, where several find-spots featuring mixed Epipalaeolithic and Pre-Pottery Neo- lithic (PPN) assemblages are known from recent field surveys around the southwestern outskirts of the mo- dern city (ªahin et al. 2023). Additionally, renewed field investigations at Söğüt Tarlası and Biris Mezarlığı in the Bozova basin could reveal further evidence from this period (Özdoğan 2020.424–425; Ekinci, İlci 2023). An increase in settled hunter-forager communities in the Early Holocene (from around the mid-tenth millen - nium cal BC) in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins also witnessed earliest (PPNA) occupations at Göbek li - tepe. Despite the increase in sedentary life ways at this time, subsistence practices remained faith ful to the Pa - laeolithic roots of these communities, and at the cen - tral site of Göbeklitepe there is still no evidence of morphologically domesticated plant or animal species in the subsequent EPPNB (Neef 2003; Peters et al. 2019.6). Only at the EPPNB site of Nevali Çori is there evi dence for human control over small numbers of sheep, goats and possibly pigs (Peters et al. 2017). As for the other Taº Tepeler settlements now under exca - vation, the results from archaeobotanical and archa eo- zoological investigations are still pending. Based on these observations, the emergence of food- pro ducing strategies, at least in the ªanlıurfa region, ap pears to have occurred asymmetrically in space and time, suggesting that conscious choices were made at the community, group and even household levels, lead - ing to a mosaic of different subsistence forms. Equal ly, it could be argued that such decisions were made by more privileged parts of society. Discussions around so cial hierarchisation during the transition to food- pro ducing economies in Southwest Asia have been un - Fig. 1. Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene sites in southeastern Türkiye and northern parts of Syria and Iraq (upper Euphrates and Tigris basins) mentioned in the text (image L. Clare). 8 Lee Clare with powerful rulers, a world of a classified society”. This statement expanded on a brief reference of Schmidt’s from three years earlier in which he men- tioned “powerful people using religious imperatives to motivate” (Schmidt 1997.9). Indeed, considering Schmidt's focus on the special buildings, this is not sur - prising. He was intrigued as to how the cultic com mu­ nities (for this term, see Schmidt 2005.16; 2006a.252– 255; 2011.52–54; Dietrich et al. 2012.684; Notroff et al. 2015.72–73) were motivated to build these mo nu- mental structures. In his 2006 monograph, ‘Sie bauten die ersten Tempel’ (Schmidt 2006a), he still sought ex- planations for the amassed human resources in what he termed spiritual driving forces. He wrote: “Quite obviously, the societal power – probably we will ne­ ver know if it was a chief, a group of shamans or […] priests, a council, or a col lective – […] was able to de ­ mand the workforce […] fetched from the well of religious motivation […]” (German original, Schmidt 2006a.247; English translation, Schmidt 2012.233). This scenario defined his later writings and was also pi votal in contributions by members of his research team in the years following his death. In an approach centred more on economic factors and reminiscent of the proposal by Hauptmann, Ofer Bar- Yosef stressed the role of prestige objects in attaining wealth, rank and position at Göbeklitepe (Bar­Yosef 2014). He described the site as “a relatively short­lived social experiment in creating a chiefdom” that incor- porated “kin­based lineages and alliances entailing ritual feasting through which prestige items were ex changed and accumulated resulting in the rise of individual entrepreneurs and creating a social ranking” (O.c.73–74). So far, how ever, there is no evi dence that prestige items were used to attain or mark wealth at Göbeklitepe, and re cent years have also seen a clear overemphasis on the role of feasting in archaeological explanation (cf. Bangsgaard et al. 2019.443), including its part in the construction of the special buildings at Göbeklitepe (e.g., Dietrich et al. 2012; 2017; Dietrich, Dietrich 2019). Notably, one of the earliest formulations of the feasting hypo- thesis stemmed from Schmidt, who suggested that vast quantities of meat could have been consumed with in the frame of large feasts as an incentive to the work - force, thus explaining the large amounts of animal bone recovered from the excavations of these struc tu - res, stemming from the time of their intentional burial (e.g., Schmidt 2010a.18; 2011.53). Not only does the feasting hypothesis at Göbeklitepe paint a dangerously over-simplistic picture, including a workforce con trol- derway for decades, with some of the most notable contributions being the transegalitarian feasting mo- del after Brian Hayden (2014), the chief­led lineage mo del after Christian Jeunesse (2020) and the molar­ molecular model after Ian Hodder (2022). These dif - ferent approaches will be discussed in more detail to - wards the end of this paper. Notably, perhaps the earli - est reference to social hierarchisation in the PPN of Southwest Asia was made by Diana Kirkbride in the context of the Jordanian Early Neolithic site of Beidha, where dif ferences in building sizes led her to propose an “emerging village life with a hint at the presence of a privileged and not­so­privileged class” (Kirkbride 1967.8; cf. Özdoğan, Özdoğan 1998.587). Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene decision- makers: Who built Göbeklitepe? Insights from first extensive excavations at a Neolithic site in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins led Meh- met Özdoğan (1997) to propose the dominance of elite groups already in the PPNA at Çayönü. In support of his hypothesis, he noted the rigid order of the settlement, the intentional burial of houses, the construction of plaster floors and the organisation of extensive labour. He considered this societal system the forerunner of the temple­con trolled economy of the later Syro- Mesopotamian hi storical cultures (O.c.10–11). Harald Haupt mann presented similar lines of interpretation in relation to the spatial organisation of Nevali Çori and Göbeklitepe, where, according to him, different areas of the sites were dedicated to tool production, sculpture and sanctuaries (Fig. 2); for Hauptmann, this was indicative of “steps developmental to a central organisation in which the trade or barter of an elite class was restricted to sites with cult facilities” (Hauptmann 1999.82). Meanwhile, Özdoğan (e.g., Özdoğan 2001.316; 2018.36; 2024.39) has continued to develop his line of interpretation, now placing the earliest temple­controlled economies (with priests who dictated the mode of living and economy) not in the historical cultures but, based on his interpretations of Göbeklitepe and Karahantepe, already in the Pre- Pot tery Neolithic. In line with the conclusions reached by Özdoğan and Hauptmann, Klaus Schmidt (2000a.6) wrote: “It seems probable that the shamans of Göbekli Tepe had been ‘at the edge’. The edge to cross the border from the ani mistic shaman to the established priest. Some mo tifs of the reliefs and of the sculptures are still the old ones, but they seem mixed with the dawn of re­ presentations of a new world, a world of temples 9 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... cieties always find in their midst some inspired individuals […] whose func­ tion simply results from a spon taneous re ­ cognition among their fellows of a ‘na tu ­ ral’ su pe riority that ap plies in certain de ­ fined cir cum stan ces, in the same way a war leader in certain paleo­Indian tri bes only remained chief as long as the war continued. No more than for the sanc tu ­ aries in Pa laeolithic caves does the spe­ cialisation of place imply some irregular and in stitutionalised specialisation of one element within the society, nor any ‘po wer’ other than that which results from the occasional exploitation of personal competencies, which must always have existed. We should not therefore attribute to the PPNB sanctuaries more than they speak for, nor because of them push back the date of the process of urbanisation. The concept of an egalitarian structure for Neolithic socie ties does not seem to us, therefore, to be threatened in the least” (French original, Cauvin 1997.163–164; En glish translation, Cauvin 2007.120, emphasis ad ded). Cauvin’s conclusion is as valid today as when it was written nearly three decades ago, especially if we con- sider the recent proposal by Ian Hodder (2022.634), who suggests that societal mechanisms at Göbeklitepe were in place to subconsciously preserve egalitarian social systems. Based on current insights, exemplified by the newly discovered wild boar statue in Special Building D at Göbeklitepe (this paper), the narrative scenes found in a special building at Sayburç (Öz doğan E. 2022; Özdoğan, Uludağ 2022), and some of the sig- nificant recent dis coveries from Karahantepe (Ka rul 2021; 2022a), this paper seeks to identify some of Cau - vin’s ‘inspired individuals’ who as a result of their skills, experience and charisma advanced to become in fluential in their respective communities, although these individuals ne ver became an institutionalised ruling class, being held back by prevailing societal con- straints, likely harking back to egalitarian Palaeolithic roots (cf. Boehm 1993). We return to this discussion fol lowing a short overview of recent excavation results from Göbeklitepe. Göbeklitepe: Recent excavation results Göbeklitepe is among the most significant archaeo lo- gical discoveries of the 20th century (Fig. 3). Inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2018, the Early Ho- led by its insatiable lust for meat, but it has lost much of its credibility in recent years following revelations that the animal bones from the special buildings came from midden accumulations displaced by erosion events from higher-lying parts of the mound (cf. Clare 2020.86; Kinzel, Clare 2020.33; Breuers, Kinzel 2022.479, and below). Despite the occurrence of objects interpreted as pres - tige items and subtle differences in grave goods in some burials in the Upper Tigris Basin, e.g., Körtiktepe (Özkaya et al. 2013; Erdal 2015), Hasankeyf Höyük (Ulu çam 2021) and Boncuklu Tarla (Kodaº et al. 2022a), archaeological evidence for vertical social dif- ferentiation in the PPNA and EPPNB remains ten tative. In the case of two EPPNB burials found at Gö bek litepe, these have also failed to provide any signs of the so cial status of the interred individuals (Gresky et al. forth ­ coming). There is also no clear indication of hie rar - chies in the architecture, unless we fol low suggestions that the special buildings were the homes of clan lea - ders (Banning 2011). As for the ‘dominant gover nan­ ce’ by ‘spiritual leaders’ and the ‘elite competition’ pro posed by Özdoğan (2024.39) and the ‘kin­based li ­ neages’ of ‘individual entrepreneurs’ suggested by Bar-Yo sef (2014.73–74), these hypotheses are difficult to corroborate. Indeed, the available evidence for so - cial elites, or rather the lack thereof, is more in line with a less rigid form of social dif ferentiation, much like the one pro posed by Jacques Cauvin in his semi nal work Naissance des divinities – Nais sance d’ag ricul ­ ture. In the context of the PPNB san ctuaries in the Southern Levant, he writes: “The most primitive so ­ Fig. 2. Nevali Çori. The first ever discovered T-pillar structure (‘Kult gebäude’). View from the southeast looking northwest, also giving an impression of the landscape around the site: ex ca va- tions were undertaken by Hauptmann between 1983 and 1991. The site now lies submerged in the Atatürk Reservoir (photo M. Ak man; German Ar cha eological Institute, Euphrates Archive). 10 Lee Clare 8700–8000 cal BC), though a more prolonged dura- tion could be indicated by the presence of chipped stones with gloss which could be obliquely inserted sickles from curved shafts that only appear in the M/ LPPNB (Breuers, Kinzel 2022.478). Excavations at Gö - be klitepe commenced in 1995 and have focused on the southeastern hollow of the site (main excavation area), which is meanwhile covered by a large per ma - nent shelter (Fig. 3). Fieldwork has also been un der- taken in the northwestern hollow, now covered by the second permanent shelter, and on the northwestern and western mounds (cf. Clare 2020.Fig. 1). The discovery of dwellings and a do mestic activity zone in the earliest (PPNA) occupation levels in the north western part of the site in 2015, combined with a re-evaluation of ear lier excavation records, led to a reinterpretation of Göbeklitepe as a settlement ra- ther than a purely ritual site, as initially suggested by Schmidt (Clare 2020). It is still inconclusive whether the earliest PPNA occupation was permanent; how ever, ongoing ex cavations of EPPNB domestic spaces from the mid-ninth millennium cal BC suggest that by this time Göbeklitepe had become a large and flourishing set tlement, as testified by dense aggregations of rec ti- linear residential spaces in the main excavation area (Fig. 5). Unfortunately, as it is still unknown whether the entire mound was occupied simultaneously or whether occupation shifted to different parts of the mound at different times, even tentative estimations of population size can still not be made. As such, this question can only be approached when reliable radiocarbon dates on short- lived samples from resi dential buildings become available, but these are still not forth com ing. Indeed, even with a large and re liable number of radiocarbon dates any detailed reconstruction of the building hi story will not be quickly re- solved, as highlighted, for example, by evidence of active rebuilding and con - version of round-oval PPNA-type struc - tures into more trapezoid and rectan gu - lar EPPNB-type buildings (e.g., Space 16, Breuers, Kinzel 2022.472–474). Be this as it may, it is still essential to emphasize the temporal overlap of the EPPNB do- mestic spaces on the slopes with the la - ter phases of the long-lived special buil- dings in the lower-lying basins (Kinzel, Clare 2020; Breuers, Kinzel 2022. 471– 472). locene hilltop settlement lies 15km northeast of ªan- lıurfa in the Germuº mountains (approx. 770m above sea level). It features commanding views over the Har - ran plain to the south, and the Eastern Taurus moun - tains and the Karacadağ are visible on the ho ri zon to the north and east-northeast, respectively. Several mo- numental (special) buildings (labelled A to H) feature large, monolithic T-shaped pillars quarried from the local limestone, some adorned with depictions of wild animals, occasional humans, geometric patterns and symbols. Constructed by hunter-forager groups at the onset of the Early Holo cene, these multiphase and long-lived structures are among the earliest megalithic buildings ever dis co vered (Clare et al. 2019a). The to - pography of the ar tificial hill comprises three large low-lying basins (or hollows) in the southeast, north - east and northwest, separated by higher-lying knolls and their slopes, a topography dictated by the under- lying bedrock formation (Kinzel et al. 2020). The spe - cial buildings are generally located in the lower-lying basins, with the oldest phases of some structures (e.g., special buildings A, B, C and D) constructed in the PPNA, with later phases attributed to the PPNB (Kin­ zel, Clare 2020.Fig. 3.2) (Fig. 4). Available radiocarbon dates, combined with the results from lithic and building archaeological studies, show that the archaeological deposits accumulated upon the stepped limestone plateau over some 1600 years in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA; 9600–8700 cal BC) and Early/Middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (EPPNB/MPPNB; Fig. 3. Göbeklitepe. Aerial view from the west (looking east) showing the two permanent protective shelters. In the background, the white shelter covers the southeastern hollow ('main excavation area'); the se cond shelter (left foreground) stands over the northwestern hol- low (photo German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2019). 11 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... Fig. 4. Göbeklitepe. Plan of the southeast hollow (main excavation area) showing the (preliminary) building phases based on building archaeological research combined with available radiocarbon ages. N.b. the special buildings (A, B, C and D) are multi-phase structures that decrease in size over time, their latter phases being contemporaneous with the rectangular/trapezoid (residentual) structures located on the adjacent slopes to the north, west and east (image M. Kinzel, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2024). 12 Lee Clare Special Building D In 2001, excavations in trenches L09-77 and L09-78 led to the discovery of Special Buil - ding D and the partial exposure of the eastern side of this structure (Schmidt 2002a; 2002b) (Fig. 6). Special Building D is among the most impressive of the discovered structures at the site, featuring two well-preserved qua si cen- trally placed T-shaped limestone pillars mea- suring some 5.50m in height and featuring low reliefs of arms, hands, and items of clo - thing (belts, loincloths) and bodily adorn- ment (necklaces), thus highlighting their human identities (cf. Becker et al. 2012). In addition to these two monoliths, smaller up - right T-pillars occur at regular intervals in cor - porated into the innermost wall of the buil- ding. All these pillars were revealed between 2001 and 2005 (Schmidt 2003; 2007). Spe - cial Building D is one of three special buil - dings (C, D and E) erected directly upon the artificially smoothed na tural limestone pla- teau; all feature low pedestals painstakingly carved from the natural plateau and into which the two quasi-central T-shaped pillars were slotted. Special Building D has still not been fully exposed. Indeed, this is the case with all the special buildings, except for Building E, which was discovered under a very thin layer of sediment and vegetation in 1995 on the plateau at the southwestern foot of the tell. The re - mains of this building comprised just its carved foun - dations in the natural bedrock (Beile­Bohn et al. 1998. 47–50; Schmidt 2006a.109; 2008a.66–67; Kurapkat 2015). The aims of fieldwork at Göbeklitepe in 2023 were two fold: firstly, through the continued excavation of Special Building D to increase knowledge of this structure (and special buildings in general) while at the same time rendering it more visually accessible to the growing number of visitors to the UNESCO World Heritage Site (Souvatzi 2023.563–565). In addition to exposing benches and walls in its northern and east - ern interior, a focus of the excavations included a more careful analysis of the sediment deposits and the re- lated fill processes that culminated in the excellent pre - servation of the architecture (Fig. 7). In the southeast hollow (main excavation area), there is grow ing evidence of the un intentional inundation Fig. 5. Göbeklitepe. Overview of EPPNB residential structures on the slope to the north of Special Building D (trenches L09- 60, L09-70; cf. Figure 4). In the middle ground are (from left to right) spaces 45, 43, 50 and 49, each cha racterised by plaster floors and grinding stones resting at floor-level; these are either in situ or fell from the roof or an upper storey when the buil ding collapsed. In Space 50, a large limestone storage vessel is visible in the south western corner. Narrow corridor-like spaces sepa- rate the spa ces. In the foreground, the remains of further re si- den tial buildings excavated in 2021 and 2022 are visible. View from the south east looking northwest (image H. Yıldız, German Archaeo logical Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2021). Fig. 6. Göbeklitepe. Special Building D. Trench L09- 78 (foreground) with the partially exposed eastern side of the structure. Architecture (now interpreted as predominantly residential) is visible on the slope in the northerly adjoining trenches (L09-79, L09-80; cf. Figure 4) (image German Archaeological Insti- tute, Göbeklitepe Project 2001). 13 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... The newly discovered wild boar statue The fieldwork in the northern area of Special Building D that led to the discovery of the wild boar statue saw the removal of a sediment block measuring 5.0 metres in length (west-east), 2.0 metres in width (north-south) and with a depth of 1.2 me tres from against the north- ern internal wall between two T-shaped monoliths, pillar 43 (P43) in the west and pillar 78 (P78) in the east (Fig. 7). A further pillar (P67) located behind the se diment block dif fers from others in that it stands with its broadside facing the interior, missing its T- shaped head, and with a round niche carved into its shaft (Fig. 9). Around the niche, a diffuse incised de co - ration is discernible, which, on closer inspection, could be the depiction of two seated individuals (missing their heads) facing one another and holding whatever object was placed in the niche in their hands (pers. comm. O. Torun). Removing the sediment block re veal - ed not only the statue of the wild boar but also the low- er part of P67 and the northern bench of the building. of the special buil dings by slope slides issuing from adjacent and higher-lying slopes, where continuous buil ding activities had led to tell for mation (Clare 2020.86; Kin zel, Clare 2020.33; Breuers, Kinzel 2022.479). This model contradicts earlier proposed scenarios that envisaged an in tentional (ritual) back- filling of the buildings in the frame of large-scale ce le- brations and feasts (e.g., Schmidt 2000b.37; 2000c.46, ft. 12; 2002b.8–9; see also Özdoğan, Özdoğan 1998 for Çayönü Tepesi). The de structive slope slide(s), per - haps triggered by periods of heavy rainfall, possibly com bined with seismic activity, inundated the lower- lying special buildings with rubble from the super- struc tures of buildings located on the slo pes, and mix - ed PPNA and EPPNB deposits, including middens and sub-floor burials. Therefore, earlier claims that par ti - cular objects were deposited on the floors of the buil- dings before or during an intentional filling process now appear untenable (e.g., Schmidt 2010b.249; Diet ­ rich et al. 2019.156). If anything, these items were ei ther already in situ at the time of inundation or they stem from buildings or deposits that be came displaced and re de posit ed dur ing the slope slide event(s). Observations made in Special Buil - ding D in 2023 sup port the slope slide hypothesis; these include da- mage to its architectural structure, air pockets in the rubble, the dis- co very of negatives of wooden beams from its collapsed roof, and preserved areas of roof plaster in the rubble matrix (Fig. 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, and Fig. 8). Furthermore, evidence for rebuilding and modification in special buildings B and D could testify to attempts made to resolve structural inadequacies in the face of increasing slope pressure (for Building B, see Kinzel, Clare 2020; and for Building D, Breuers, Kin ­ zel 2022). The discovery of har den - ed horizontal (walking) surfaces in the fill of Building D also sug- gests that more than one slope slide event led to the com plete in - undation of this buil ding, with wal - king horizons becoming estab- lished within the half-buried struc- tures in the interim phases. Fig. 7. Göbeklitepe. Aerial view of Special Building D after the com pletion of fieldwork in 2023. The numbers mark the positions of features and finds excavated in recent years and discussed in the text: 1 slope slide deposits (cf. Fig. 8.1); 2 air pockets in the rubble (cf. Fig. 8.2); 3 negatives of wooden roof beams in the rubble matrix (cf. Fig. 8.3); 4 the newly dis- covered wild boar statue (cf. Figs. 9 and 10); 5 the bench beneath the sta - tue (Figs. 9, 10 and 11); 6 the western ex tension of northern-central bench (cf. Fig. 12); 7 a decorated wall stone with H-shaped symbol (cf. Fig. 23. bottom right); 8 a pit-feature with adjacent incised H-shaped-symbol (cf. Fig. 25) (orthophoto B. Waszk, German Archa eo logical In stitute, Gö be- klitepe Project 2023/2024). 14 Lee Clare tual performances (Schmidt 1998.42–43; 2006a.164; Becker et al. 2012.25, Fig. 12). Remnants of colouring on the newly dis covered wild boar statue now confirm that pigments were also used for this purpose. While the colour red is evident around the mouth of the ani- mal, small patches of black are visible on the torso. Ana lyses of the pig ments are still in progress, but small fragments of red ochre (from so far unknown sour ces) occur frequently in the excavated deposits at Gö be kli- tepe, and stu dies of grinding stones at the site have already pointed to the use of these tools for processing minerals (Peters et al. 2019.5). The bench upon which the wild boar stands appears to be a re-used monolith with a maximum visible length of 2.80m and a maximum thickness of 0.31m; it ex- tends 1.38m away from the wall of the building, though it is certainly wider, it continuing beneath the headless pillar (P67) for which it served as a base. The bench is adorned with numerous depictions in low re- The wild boar statue is a near-life- size representation (1.35m long; maximum height 0.70m) (Fig. 7.4 and Fig. 10). Its forelegs are well- defined in low relief, bent at the elbow and with a strong shoul- der. The eyes of the animal are small and close-set, and there is no indication that these had been inlaid with obsidian, as was the case with the roughly contem po - raneous life-size human statue (the so-called Urfa Man) dis co - vered in ªanlıurfa-Yeni Ma hal le in 1993 (Çelik 2014) (Fig. 22). While the snout is elaborately carv ed, the nostrils are asym me- tri cal, one slightly higher than the other. Multiple horizontal in - cised lines represent skin folds running along the top of the snout towards the top of the head. Two small round ears are depicted. The jaw is open, and the tongue extends forward and upward, with a high level of de- tail given to the teeth and the tusks. The characteristic dorsal bristles are visible, running from just behind the head along the length of the spine. The rear ex- tre mities of the boar, including its hind legs (and phallus), are not depicted; instead, the hindquarters of the statue are rounded and re mi ni - scent of a protome, a shape that decreases the height of the figure to the rear, raising the head and giving the impression that the animal is seated. The underbelly is slightly convex and rises slightly above the bench in a shallow arch. The boar holds what appears to be a sphere, perhaps a human head, between its front trot - ters. Numerous examples of this type of human-ani mal composition, with the head of a human clasped be- tween the paws of a wild animal or the talons of a bird, are known not only from Göbeklitepe but also from other sites, such as Nevali Çori (Hauptmann 2011.99, Fig. 14a­b; Dietrich et al. 2019.157) and more recently Karahantepe. The occurrence of small drill holes and perforations in the shafts of some T-shaped pillars already suggested that materials and objects were at tached to them, per- haps as de corative ele ments applied in the frame of ri - Fig. 8. Göbeklitepe. Evidence for slope slides discovered in 2023 in Special Building D includes: 1 damage to the architectural structure (cf. Fig. 7.1); 2 air pockets in the rubble (cf. Fig. 7.2); and 3 the negatives of wooden beams from the collapsed roof in the rubble matrix (cf. Fig. 7.3) (photos L. Clare (1, 3), M. Kinzel (2), German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2023). 15 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... The opposite easterly adjacent section of the bench incurred visible damage from the slope slide; it re- mains unexcavated and still covered by rubble. The wall of the building in this area was wholly destroyed, lief on its visible inward-facing narrow side. The motifs include an H-shaped symbol, a crescent, three snakes and four human faces or masks (Figs. 7.5 and 11). The upper surface of the bench features a cup mark and a circular-shaped incision. The front legs of the statue stood in a shal- low round-oval depression and the statue was supported by the addi- tion of stone wedges, one under its front left leg and two under its bel- ly. Although it is unclear whether this was the original location of the statue, it was likely placed here in a late phase of the special buil - ding, in the second half of the nin- th millennium cal BC (cf. Kin zel, Clare 2020.Fig. 3.2). The westward extension of the de- corated bench is formed by a smal - ler stone slab (Figs. 7.6 and 12). This slab features a sturdy dia go - nal perforation at its front upper edge, the function of which is un- known. Additionally, there is a stick-like depiction of a predator, most probably a leopard, in cised into its upper surface, just se ve ral centimetres west of the perfo ra - tion. The head of the leopard (length: 10.0cm; max. width: 6.0 cm) is formed by a round, shallow indentation (diameter: 2.0cm). Fig. 9. Göbeklitepe. Special Building D. Northern interior wall of Special Building D following the completion of excavations in 2023. This section of the innermost enclosing wall features six vertical monoliths (from left to right): Pillar 42 (P42), Pillar 43 (P43), Pillar 67 (P67), Pillar 78 (P78) and Pillar 30 (P30). A fur - ther T-shap ed monolith with an oval-shaped niche in its head lies horizontally between P78 and P30, constituting part of the wall of the building (photogrammetry B. Waszk, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2023/2024). Fig. 10. Göbeklitepe. Special Building D. The newly discovered wild boar statue in Special Building D (cf. Figs. 7.4 and 9). The statue stood on a de - co rated bench (likely a re-used T-shaped pillar, Fig. 11) and in front of Pillar 67 (P67), which stands out from other monoliths in the building due to its orientation (broad side facing inwards) and the round niche in its shaft. The wild boar statue and P67 are a clear focal point of the buil- ding (photogrammetry B. Waszk, German Archaeological Institute, Gö- be klitepe Project 2023/2024). 16 Lee Clare structure (Figs. 13.2 and 14.2). Unearthed adjacent to pillar 12 (P12), the statue is completely preserved (max. length: 48.0cm) and was found in fill deposits close to the monolith and above the internal bench of the building. A fracture at its base suggests that it was originally part of a larg er composition (Schmidt 1999b.13–14, Fig. 18; 2000b.25–26; 2008b.64; Peters, Schmidt 2004.184, Fig. 115). A second complete but and the adjacent T-shaped pillar (P78) was pushed inwards by the force of the inundation (Figs. 7.1, 8.1, and 9). Other wild boar imagery at Göbekli tepe A total of six further (complete and fragmented) li me- stone wild boar statues were previously known from Göbeklitepe. However, these are smaller and less skil - fully crafted than the (seventh) newly dis co - vered statue from Special Building D. Be- sides the statues, other depictions of wild boars are known from ten low reliefs, one in cised depiction and one protome. Most of these images were discovered in special buil - dings, the majority in Special Building C, where four statues, eight low reliefs, and the protome were revealed; the com parati vely high frequency of wild boar depictions in this structure led Klaus Schmidt (2006a.146) to refer to it as the ‘Kreis der Keller’ (‘Cir cle of the Wild Boars’ in English). Fur ther ima- ges of wild boars have undoubtedly been discovered over the years, though poor preservation may have led to their clas si fi- ca tion as ‘unidentified quadrupeds’. Statues and statue fragments The first of the six previously discovered wild boar statues was a large fragment (max. length: 68.0cm, max. height: 55.0cm, max. thickness: 23.0cm) found lean ing against a wall on the eastern side of Spe cial Buil ding A in 1997 (Figs. 13.1 and 14.1). Its identi fi ca- tion as a wild boar was based on the shape of the head and the poorly preserved but still vi sible tusks (Schmidt 1999a.11; Peters, Schmidt 2004.184). An extension of fieldwork to the north in 1998/1999 led to the discovery of Special Building C in 1998/1999 and the first of four wild boar statues so far discovered in this Fig. 11. Göbeklitepe. Detail of the bench beneath the wild boar statue in Special Building D (cf. Figs. 7.5, 9, and 10). This re-used limestone T-shaped pillar carries several images in low relief, including (from left to right) an H-symbol, a crescent, three snakes and four human faces or masks (photogrammetry B. Waszk, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2024). Fig. 12. Göbeklitepe. The continuation of the bench to the west of the newly discovered wild boar statue in Special Building D (cf. Fig. 7.6). The limestone slab used for this purpose fea tu res a large double-conical perforation and an incised leopard de pic - tion on its top surface (bottom) (photos L. Clare, German Ar cha- eo logical Institute, Göbeklitepe Project 2024). 17 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... statue (max. length: 48.0cm, max. height: 28.0cm) ex- cavated in 2008 was one item in a group of objects (including two stone plates and a crude vessel) found arranged on the platform of Pillar 35 (Figs. 13.5 and 14.5); a fracture at its base suggests that it, too, was originally part of a larger composition (Schmidt 2008c.28–29). A final wild boar statue was recovered from trench DR1 in 2018 (Figs. 13.6 and 14.6). This trench was ex ca - vated to install a rainwater drainage pipe from the less well preserved statue (max. length: 95.0cm, max. height 60.0cm high, max. thickness 25.0cm) was re- vealed in 2001, standing upright in a conglomeration of stones above (or upon) an outer enclosing wall (Figs. 13.3 and 14.3). In the following year, the well- pre served head of a third boar was discovered in the fill of the building, approximately 50cm southeast of pillar 24 (P24) (Peters, Schmidt 2004.184, Fig. 116); with a length of 53.0cm, this fragment is comparable in size to the head of the newly discovered statue in Buil- ding D (Figs. 13.4 and 14.4). Finally, a complete fourth Fig. 13. Göbeklitepe. Spatial occurrence of wild boar depictions in special buildings A, B, C and D and adjacent areas. Numbered wild boar silhouettes refer to the statues, low reliefs, protome and incised depiction de- scribed in the text. The largest wild boar silhouette marks the position of the newly discovered statue in Spe - cial Building D (image M. Kinzel; changes and additions by L. Clare, 2024, German Archaeological In stitute, Göbeklitepe Project). 18 Lee Clare ces/exits of buildings). Two further low reliefs, both on T-shap ed pillars, are known from Special Building D. In Special Building C, the first relief of a wild boar was found on the southeast-facing broad side of pillar 12 (P12) (Figs. 13.7 and 15.7). While the second was dis- covered on the portal stone (Figs. 13.8 and 16), further de pictions were found on pillars 23, 25, 26, 27, 28 and 36 (P23, P25, P26, P27, P28, P36) (Fig. 13.9–14). In addition to the newly discovered statue in Special Building D, other wild boar depictions in this structure are limited to two low reliefs on pillars 20 and 38 (P20 and P38) (Fig. 13.15–16). Combined with the newly discovered statue, the wild boar images in this building form a triangular arrangement. While some wild boar low reliefs are comparatively small and simple in their im ple - mentation, others are more ela- borate, and in these cases par ti cu - lar attention is given to de picting the mouth and tusks. All low re - liefs show the wild boar in pro- file, facing either to the left or the right and, in one case, facing down- wards (P25). Examples of sim pler representations are found on P25, P26 (Figs. 13.11 and 15.11), P27 (Figs. 13.12 and 15.12), P28 (Figs. 13.13 and 15.13),and P36 in Spe - cial Building C, and on P20 in Spe- cial Building D. Among these de- pictions, the wild boar on P27 stands out, positioned below the high relief of a leopard on the front narrow side of the pillar, in what appears to be a hunting sce - ne. The body posture of the pre- dator suggests that it is about to pounce on its prey. The more elaborate wild boar low reliefs on P12 (Figs. 13.7 and Fig. 15.7) (Schmidt 1999b.13–14, Fig. 17; Pe ters, Schmidt 2004.184, Fig. 113), P23 (Figs. 13.9 and 15.9) (Schmidt 2006a.146) and P38 (Fig. 13.16) (cf. Schmidt 2006b. 344, Fig. 347) are comparable in their im plementation. The excep- tionally well-crafted wild boar on then newly con structed protective canopy over the main excavation area. Although missing its head, the statue is otherwise complete, the shape of its body and legs mirroring other wild boar depictions. The statue fragment, which is 42.0cm long, with a maximum height of 27.0cm and a maximum width of 16.0cm, was discovered incorporated into a wall en clo sing a rectangular space attributed to the EPPNB (Kinzel 2023.226, Fig. 226). Low reliefs Ten low reliefs of wild boars have been uncovered in special buildings at Göbeklitepe. Eight low reliefs of wild boars have been discovered in Special Buil ding C, where seven adorn the surfaces of T-shaped pillars in the walls of the structure, and one a portal stone (a window-like frame carved from a limestone slab and associated with the construction of niches and en tran- Fig. 14. Göbeklitepe. Limestone wild boar statues: 1 a head fragment from Special Building A (A15); 2 a complete statue from Special Building C (A25); 3 a complete but poorly preserved statue from Special Building C (A29); 4 a head fragment from Special Building C (A34); 5 a complete statue from Special Building C (A62); 6 a headless sta tue from the wall of a rectangular structure in DR1. For details of find contexts and dimensions, see text. The numbers in the silhouettes refer to the find spots in Fig. 13 (all photos German Archaeo lo gi cal Institute, Göbeklitepe Project) . 19 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... below the more dominant low relief of an ithyphallic fox, the wild boar is part of a larger narrative scene that includes a small pack of dogs, identified by their tails bent forwards above the body. The dogs appear to be pursuing the boar (max. length: 20.0cm; height: 12.5cm) in what could be interpreted as a hunting scene with trained domesticated animals (Schmidt 2000b.23, Fig. 10; Yeomans et al. 2019). A protome from Special Buil ding C A protome featuring the front half of a wild boar is among the most impressive testimonies to the abilities of the prehistoric ar tisans at Göbeklitepe (Figs. 13.18 and 18). Produced by a highly skilled stonemason, the protome (length: 97.0cm, max. width: 28.0cm) was P12 takes its place on the pillar shaft, below depictions of four vultures and above a fox. Finally, the low relief on the portal stone in Special Building C (Figs. 13.8 and 16) is unusual because the animal was positioned upside down, its trotters pointing upwards, perhaps symbolising death (Peters, Schmidt 2004.184, Fig. 117; Schmidt 2006a.155, Fig. 67; 2010b.253, Fig. 226). A hunting scene in Special Building B The only wild boar depiction in Spe cial Building B is perhaps one of the most animated. It is a small and com paratively coarsely produced image incised into the broad eastern side of pillar 10 (P10), the westerly of the two quasi-centrally placed monoliths (Figs. 13.17 and 17). Revealed during excavations in 1999 Fig. 15. Göbeklitepe. A selection of wild boar low reliefs in Special Building C: 7 an elaborate de piction on P12; 9 a partially visible representation of high quality on the broad side of P23; 11 a simple wild boar depiction on the front narrow side of P26; 12 a simple low relief of a wild boar on P27, possibly as part of a hunting nar- rative in combination with the high relief of a leopard; 13 a simple low relief on P28. The numbers in the sil - houettes also refer to the find spots in Figure 13 (all photos German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). 20 Lee Clare impossible to ascertain whether all images show male individuals, especially as females can be equally ag- gres sive, though the tusks in females usually do not protrude. Fi nal ly, in light of in- sights from ar chaeozoological stu - dies, which have shown that goi - tered gazelle (Ga zella subgut turo­ sa) and Asiatic wild ass (Equus he­ mionus) were the most important quarry of the Göbeklitepe hunters, the abun dance of wild boar de- pictions in the context of the spe- cial buidings might suggest that this ani mal, whilst also eaten, was of greater sym bolic importance (Peters, Schmidt 2004.209). In- deed, the comparative absence of ga zelle and wild ass depictions in the re pertoire of images adorn- ing T-shaped pillars underlines that the impor tance of animals as quarry was not a guarantee for their in clu sion in the symbolic/ ritual con texts. On the other hand, the pro minent position of the wild boar in the Göbeklitepe sym bo- lism could re flect the sui tability of the species to be lo osely con trol - led, ultimately leading to its do me- s tication else where (Price, Evin 2019). found in situ between P28 and P39, protruding inwards from the bench in Special Building C (Schmidt 2008c.29, Fig. 26). Re sembling Gothic-style gar - goy les, complete and partially preserved examples of protomes of different ani - mals have been discovered at Göbek li - tepe. The cone-shaped rear part of the ob jects served the horizontal and ver- tical fixture of the carvings into the walls and benches of the special buildings. In summary, many of the depictions of wild boar (Sus scrofa) from Göbeklitepe emphasise the behaviours displayed by fighting animals, including, for exam ple, an open mouth with tusks bared and the vertically erected dorsal crest of hair (Barrette 1986) which are also evi dent on the newly discovered statue in Spe - cial Building D. Another charac te ris tic is the rearing up on the hind legs, a behaviour por tray - ed in some of the low reliefs (e.g., Fig. 15.11–12). How- ever, due to the lack of genital (phallus) depictions, it is Fig. 16. Göbeklitepe. The low relief of an upside down wild boar on the portal stone of the dromos in Special Building C. The number in the silhouette also refers to the find spot in Fig. 13 (photo D. Johanes, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). Fig. 17. Göbeklitepe. An incised depiction of a wild boar on P10 in Special Building B. The animal is being pursued by a small pack of dogs in a pos si- ble hunting scene. The number in the silhouette refers to the find spot in Fig. 13 (photos L. Clare, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). 21 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... The storytellers Ethnographical studies in tra di tional societies in dif- ferent parts of the world have provided a wide range of insights into the multiple functions of oral nar ra- tives, ranging from the transmission of traditions that dictate social behaviour, i.e. the promotion of shared identities and values (e.g., Georges 1969.314–315; So ­ bel, Bettles 2000) to ‘sensemaking’, i.e. giving mean - ing to unusual and unexpected ex periences (Tonkin 1992.66–70; Nowell 2023.16–17). Especially in socie - ties lacking ‘moralising high gods’, (oral) narratives (and the refore storytellers) are known to contribute to the long-term evolution and promotion of coope ra - tive behaviour (Smith et al. 2017; Nowell 2023.14–15). No less significant are other observations that high- light how storytelling can be used as a conditioning me cha nism and as an instru ment of social control, of ten imple ment - ed to serve the personal gains of the narrators. This is expressed in some indigenous societies by the status of story tel lers as preferred social partners, sometimes result- ing in their great er reproductive success (Smith et al. 2017.3–4). The Göbeklitepe narratives The imagery adorning the Göbek li- tepe small finds and T-shaped pil- lars goes far beyond the ran dom and coincidental. The de pic tions of wild animals, humans and sym- bols represent ‘petrified’ oral nar - ratives, thus providing a uni que re - cord of the myths, beliefs and worldviews of hunter-forager so - ciety, the roots of which most like - ly pre-date Göbeklitepe itself. Pre - vious studies have suggested that these narratives could have cen - tred around the existence of a death cult (e.g., Schmidt 2006a. 125–127; Notroff et al. 2015.73– 78) or be indicative of totemic sy- stems (e.g., Schmidt 2006a.124; Becker et al. 2012.37). Alterna ti- vevely, they might show human actors attempting to harness the vital forces and power of non hu- man (animal) actors (Boriæ 2013), or just express the multifaceted na - ture of human-nonhuman relati- An invisible social elite We now return to the discussion of social hierarchies at Late Ple istocene and Early Holocene sites in the up - per Tigris and Eu phrates basins. Based on insights from the available archaeological sources, it is pro pos - ed here that potential leaders (‘inspired in dividuals’ in the sense of Cauvin, see above) could have emerged from three groups in the settled hunter-gatherer com- munities: the storytellers, hunters and ri tual adepts. We will approach each of these groups individually and consider the crucial parts they played in society. Finally, the rise and fall of late hunter-for ager ‘cha ris­ matic leaders’ will be addressed in the context of an adaptive cycle spanning the tenth and ninth millennia cal BC. Fig. 18. Göbeklitepe. Limestone protome of a wild boar in situ in Special Building C (top) and following its removal (bottom). The number in the sil houette refers to the find spot in Fig. 13 (photos German Archaeological In stitute, Göbeklitepe Project). 22 Lee Clare “plenitude of what there is [beings and things] en­ compassed in the being of cosmocratic god­per ­ sons” (Sahlins 2014.282), who can also take on an anthropomorphic form. Hu man depictions from Gö - beklitepe, and also the newly discovered human sta - tue from Karahantepe (Karul 2023a. Fig. 7), do not appear to exude the profound powers of cosmocratic god-persons (cf. Sahlins 2014.287–288; 2017). Never- theless, some of the features of the new find from Karahantepe might infer that elements of analogism existed, reflected, for example, in the visible ribcage combined with an erect penis, characteristics also ob- served on some animal statues (Fig. 19; cf. Schmidt 2013). Admittedly this evidence is highly tentative, but if true it could mark a significant break with earlier (Epipalaeolithic/PPNA) belief systems. A focus of Göbeklitepe narratives was the role of the ancestors, as expressed in previous re fe rences to the existence of a death cult (e.g., Schmidt 2006a.125– 127; Notroff et al. 2015.73–78). Notably, the commu - nication between the dead and the living (sometimes referred to as ancestor worship or ve ne ration) is con - sidered a quasi-universal aspect of religion among in- digenous societies, especially in kinship-based systems (e.g., Steadman et al. 1996; Peoples et al. 2016.266– 267). Communication with the dead can take on en- tirely different forms, but generally culminates in claims that the dead can aid or punish the living or that the living can invoke the dead to assist in earthly affairs. This shows that the universality of ancestor worship goes beyond the simple hypothesis that the belief in an afterlife fulfills the human need to reduce anxiety when confronted with death. Instead, ethnographic studies show that the role of the dead as a source of social traditions lies at the heart of an cestor veneration. It serves to strengthen not only kinship ties but also the traditions upon which they depend: “no one questions the wis dom and authority of an ancestor” (Steadman et al. 1996.73). Notably, ances- tor worship is congruent with animistic beliefs, which, as in some examples from modern hunter-gatherer societies, see the dead take on the forms of nonhuman persons (animals) (e.g., Steadman et al. 1996). Indeed, statue fragments from EPPNB Nevali Çori depicting human-bird combinations, have been previously in ter- preted as the metamorphosis of the human dead into nonhuman persons (Morsch 2002.159). Material expressions for the practice of ancestor vene - ration at Göbeklitepe are manifold. One no table exam - ple is the existence of a skull cult, in the frame of which ons (Busacca 2017), possibly in the form of predator- victim dichotomies (Clare et al. 2019b). Whatever the case, a common cha racteristic of all these inter pre ta- tions is that they are rooted in animistic belief systems. Indeed, there is an overwhelming consensus that ani - mism was the prevailing ontology in the upper Eu- phrates and Tigris basins in the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene (e.g., Yakar 2012; Benz, Bauer 2015; Fa gan 2017; Benz, Bauer 2022). Animism is the belief that all natural things, such as plants, animals and even such phenomena as thunder, have intentionality (or a vital force) and can have in - fluence on human lives. Animism is considered fun- damental to human religion and was very likely pre - sent in the last common ancestor of present-day hun - ter-gatherers (Peoples et al. 2016.266,270). Following the definition by Marshall Sahlins (2014), grounded on the work of Philippe Descola (2013), animism can be subdivided into three different types: communal ani- mism (‘animism’), segmentary animism (‘totemism’) and hierarchical animism (‘analogism’). At the same time, these three types include ele ments of the others, and all types are versions of an thropomorphism, cha - racterised by decreasing levels of personhood among nonhuman beings (Sahlins 2014. Fig. 1). It is beyond the scope of this paper to delve further into the Gö bek- litepe imagery to debate the presence and absence of the different types of animism attested therein. How- ever, earlier and re cent discoveries from Göbeklitepe and other Taº Te peler sites suggest the existence of communal and segmentary animism in these com mu- nities. While communal animism sees all human individuals share essentially the same relationships to all nonhu- man persons, segmentary animism (‘totemism’) iden - tifies nonhuman persons with different human col- lectives, such as lineages or clans (Sahlins 2014.282). In the case of the Sayburç relief, communal animism is perhaps inferred by what appears to be the shared (revered) behavioural attributes (strength, speed, bravery) of the human and nonhuman actors (aurochs and leopards; see below and Figure 21). In the case of the wild boar statue from Göbeklitepe, a totemistic interpretation could be implied by its size, quality and central placement within Special Building D (cf. Becker et al. 2012.37). Evidence for hierarchical animism (analogism) ap- pears absent or, at best, difficult to identify in the pre - historic imagery. Hierarchical animism refers to the 23 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... which the radially arranged anthropomorphic T-shap - ed pillars appear to be seated, sug gest perfor mance and group participation. Furthermore, as the carved images are not vi sible from a single location, par- ticipants would have needed to move around the struc- ture to view them all, perhaps indicating the in cor po - ration of dance (and music) into the narratives or suggesting that individual pillars acted as different stations on a journey to be guided by the storyteller (McBride 2013.54, Fig. 55). The impact of the narrated words and the carved de- pictions were likely enhanced by artificial lighting (lamps, torches, hearths). The archaeological evi dence for roofs covering the special buildings at Göbek litepe has increased in recent years (see above), suggesting that their interiors were places of (artificial) dark ness even during daylight hours, and therefore compa rable to situations encountered in na tural cave en vi ron- ments. The emotional resonance of darkness is well known from studies in vestigating Palaeolithic cave art sites (Nowell 2018). Fur ther more, ethnographic studies have highlighted the difference between ‘day talk’ and ‘night talk’ among hunter-for ager so cieties, where the former ge ne rally involves gossip and eco- nomic issues, but where the onset of darkness sees people engage in qualitatively different forms of so cial communication with conversations that evoke the imagination, help people remem- ber and understand others in their external networks and con - vey information about cultu ral institutions that generate regu la - rity of behaviour and cor res pon - d ing trust (Wiessner 2014; No­ well 2018.32). The hunters Although nothing is known about the ratio of plant to animal-based calorie input at Göbeklitepe, hun- ters would have played a crucial role in securing at least one part of the subsistence in this pre-far - ming community. Indeed, the success of Early Holocene so cie - ties in the upper Tigris and Eu- phra tes basins was dependent on the expertise and knowledge of hunters, i.e. their abilities to pro vide sufficient meat and other animal products (bone, skin, the heads of some individuals were exhumed from burials, cleaned and displayed (Gresky et al. 2017). Additionally, the T-shaped pillars in the special buil- dings have been interpreted as the embodiments of forebears (e.g., Schmidt 2000c.49; 2005.14). Naturally, we cannot rule out that the hu man depictions from other Taº Tepeler sites, including the newly discovered human statue from Karahantepe, the human figure depicted in the Sayburç relief, as well as the so-called Urfa Man recovered from ªanlıurfa-Yeni Mahalle (Çelik 2000), are also in the image of ancestors or even re- presentations of the same (my thological) ancestor in- dividual (cf. Fig. 22). Special buildings as ‘narrative arenas’ The ground plan and internal arrangement of the special buil dings underline the narrative act and the interpretation of these structures as narrative arenas (Fig. 20). Previous estimations have put the number of people who could comfortably fit into these buildings at around 25–30 individuals, with the entrance and exit regulated via one or more small openings (portal stones) in their roofs (Kinzel, Clare 2020.44). Based on the do cumentation of unique narratives in each of the special buildings, albeit with evident general underlying themes, these communal structures like- ly belonged to defined groups in the community. The oval-circular shape and the interior benches, upon Fig. 19. Limestone human statue (height: 2.30m) discovered at Kara- hantepe in 2023 (left) and the statue of a predator (length: 68.0cm) found on a wall in Special Building A at Göbeklitepe in 1996 (Schmidt 2012.Fig. 42). The visible rib cage and the erect penis are common to both the hu man and animal depiction (images L. Clare, courtesy of N. Karul (left); German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project (right)). 24 Lee Clare horn) to the populations of the ever-expanding set- tlements. The discovery of large-scale hunting traps, also called ‘desert kites’, for which an Epipalaeolithic/ PPN age is generally assumed, testify to this knowledge and expertise (for a critical review of desert kites, see Shakhmuradyan 2020). Numerous such structures are now known from locations close to many of the Taº Tepeler settlements, particularly in the mountains to the east (Tektek Dağ­ları) and west (Fatik/Cudi Dağ­ ları) of the Harran plain (Çelik, Tolon 2018; Çelik, Ayaz 2022.150–151; ªahin et al. 2023; ªahin 2024). Additionally, it is perhaps no coincidence that the first appearance of domesticated dogs in Southwest Asia coincides with the Late Epipalaeolithic (Yeomans et al. 2019); indeed, these animals would have been an effective means of driving herds of gazelle into the ‘kites’. Evidence for the use of dogs in the hunt was already proposed in the context of the wild boar hunt - ing narrative incised on the eastern broad side of P10 in Special Building B at Göbeklitepe (Schmidt 2000b. 23, Fig. 10) (Fig. 17). In contrast to the crucial role of hunters in securing subsistence, their social roles (as with the storytellers) are less frequently discussed, particularly in the con- text of leadership. However, there are numerous in di genous societies around the globe in which hun ters, signi fi - cant ly the better hunters, as sume leadership functions under some cir- cumstances, albeit the group would employ power-curbing me chanisms (sanctions) to subdue overly as ser - tive individuals and those with lea- dership aspirations (Boehm 1993). The prehistoric hunters of the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene in the upper Tigris and Euphrates ba- sins likely constituted a distinct and tight-knit social group within their communities, underlined by shar ed ex periences and instilled values, thus heightening their eli gibility to slip into the role of a leader should the need arise. In this context, the re- cently dis covered re lief in Special Building AA at Sayburç is of special note, it perhaps being the first ‘pe tri­ fied’ narrative of hunter initiation ri tes (Özdoğan E. 2022; Özdoğan, Ulu dağ 2022; see also Ayaz 2023a. 374; 2023b). Hunter initiation at Sayburç The Sayburç relief is comprised of two frames (Fig. 21). The first frame shows a human interacting with an aurochs, while the second shows a male, probably the same individual, flanked by two leopards. In the first, the human figure faces the aurochs with both arms raised above his head, brandishing an object in his right hand, his legs bent at the knees. The au rochs faces the human figure and is depicted with its head turned to one side, its horns evident to the observer, and its body in profile. This twisted form is typical of depictions of aurochs adorning some T-pillars at Gö- beklitepe and could indicate that it is charging (cf. Benz, Bauer 2013.14). The human figure appears to be taunting the aurochs through dance or gesture, although his raised arms are also suggestive of suppli - cation, reminiscent of scenes from Saharan Neolithic rock art (cf. Cauvin 2007.Fig. 22). The item in his right hand has been interpreted as a rattle (Özdoğan E. 2022.1601), a snake (Özdoğan E. 2022.1601; Özdoğan, Uludağ 2022: 21), a sling (Özdoğan, Ulu dağ 2022: 21) or the tail of another animal (Ayaz 2023b.197). Alter - natively, it could be the severed pe nis and testi cles of this (or another) aurochs, an in terpretation that would be in agreement with the sexual symbolism evi dent in the second frame, where the (same) human individual Fig. 20. Göbeklitepe. Special Building D before the onset of excavations in 2023. The anthropomorphic T-shaped pillars in the encompassing wall are positioned as if seated on the bench, looking inwards, towards the two cen tral monoliths; in combination with the manifold low reliefs and carvings adorning these pillars, this indicates that this (and other) special buildings served as narrative arenas. View from the southwest looking northeast (photo L. Clare, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project, Au gust 2023). 25 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... Ancestral huntsman or supernatural gamekeeper The similarities between the high relief from Sayburç and human statuary from other ªanlıurfa sites are striking (Figs. 19 and 22). This observation begs the que stion as to whether these ithyphallic individuals are depictions of the same person, i.e. a revered an- cest ral huntsman or even a so-called supernatural ga ­ mekeeper. The latter is known among numerous in di - genous societies on many continents and grants hunt- ing success to those who perform specific rituals and adhere to various restrictions. Conversely, hun ters who violate established restrictions may experience a loss of hunting luck, sickness, and, in some cases, even death (Chacon 2023). Notably, the belief in super na- tural gamekeepers was likely a nearly universal step in the prehistoric past at the transition from animism to deism (Smith 2023) and has already been approached in a recent contribution by Diana L. Stein (2023). The ritual adepts Similar to the concept of ‘feasts’ and ‘feasting’, in re- cent years, ‘shamanism’ has become a buzzword in pre historic studies, including in the context of the Pre- Pottery Neolithic. Numerous contributions have al- ready focussed on the archaeological evidence for shamans from Early Neolithic sites in Southwest Asia (Benz, Bauer 2015; Mithen 2022; Dietrich 2023). As such, yet another presentation of the same materials is superfluous, especially as even the best archaeological sources for these individuals are often ambiguous. This is best exemplified by the case of prehistoric hu- man burials attributed to shamans (e.g., Grosman et al. 2008), where the wearing of sha manic attire and the presence of sacra do not necessarily mean that an individual was a shaman (cf. Stépanoff 2015.171). In - deed, “[…] shamanism is not always the domain of a few special individuals, but can be communal. An­ thropologically the best­known case of communal sha manism is probably the San shamanism of south­ appears to have attained higher status, most certainly through the actions depicted in the first. Subsequently, his successful ini tiation is implied by the two flanking leopards and his own erect penis, which he holds in his right hand as if masturbating. In some indigenous societies, the first ejaculation (thorarche) is often taken to mark the passage of boys into adulthood (Chad 2020). In others, there is a strong association between hunting and sex, usually arising from the mimesis involved in seducing the prey (cf. Lahelma 2019.5–9). Initiation rites have already been discussed in the context of the ‘phallus pit’ at Karahantepe (Karul 2021), and masturbation has been proposed concerning the Kilisik statue from Adıyaman (cf. Hodder, Meskell 2011.238). The ubi- quity of penis depictions at Göbeklitepe and culturally related sites has also led to speculation that society considered masculinity as a source of power or was ob - sessed with fertility (e.g., Uludağ et al. 2018.23), with some authors even suggesting ritual acts of sexual intercourse (Verit et al. 2005). However, the phallo cen- trism (observable in humans and animals alike) was more likely an expression of complex animal-human relations (cf. Hodder, Meskell 2011). Humans were not the dominant actors in this deep-rooted animistic be- lief system; indeed, they considered themselves part of and undetached from the animal world (communal animism; see above). In the case of Göbeklitepe, Haupt - mann and Schmidt (2000.265–266) already stress ed the close connection between hunters and animals which they saw expressed in the pictorial repertoire at the site. In this context, one of the recent inter pre ta- tions of the Sayburç relief by Eylem Özdoğan and Celal Ulu dağ (2022.22) as representing the human struggle against nature (man with aurochs) and emerging hu - man domination over animals (man flanked by leo- pards), as a metaphor for Neolithisation, appears un- likely. Fig. 21. Sayburç. The relief in Special Building AA is comprised of two related scenes. While the first features a human figure and an aurochs, the second shows the (same) human flanked by two leopards. It is proposed that this relief recounts either a hunter’s initiation or the heroic deeds of an ancestor or a supernatural game - keeper (photo B. Köºker, courtesy of E. Özdoğan). 26 Lee Clare the bench on the northern side of Special Building D, upon which the wild boar statue was discovered. In addition to the cup mark and a circular-shaped in- cision on the upper-facing surface of the slab, and the drilled diagonal incision with accompanying leopard depiction on its westward extension, there was the unexpected find of the jawbone of a young wild boar (pers. comm. Stephanie Emra) in the rubble matrix just 1.5 metres to the east of the statue and just above the level of the bench. It cannot be ruled out that the jawbone was originally lying on the surface of the bench and became displaced by the slope slide that led to the (partial) inundation of the special building (see above). This being the case, questions must arise as to the original context of this object: Was it a food offering, or could it be evidence of animal sacrifice? Notably, according to anthropologists and historians of religion, sacrifice only begins with the domestication of plants and animals, and so animal sacrifice does not exist in hunter-forager societies (cf. Hénaff 2012.332; Beriain 2020). In pre-farming communities sacrifice occurs in the frame of the hunt (Valeri 1994). However, if some form of sacrifice in the special buildings at Gö- beklitepe had been required for the appeasement of the ancestors (cf. Steadman et al. 1996; Peoples et al. 2016.266), this would suggest that crucial changes were occurring in religious and ritual spheres, perhaps marking the gradual transition from communal and segmentary animism (totemism) to hierarchical ani- mism (analogism), as already tentatively suggested in the context of the human statue from Karahantepe (see above). The ritual adepts would have been key players in this process. ern Africa […], but it occurs also in Northern Eurasia, such as among the Siberian Itelmen, who have no specialised shamans with ela borate paraphernalia; instead, almost anyone with the skill of falling into trance can be a shaman” (Lahelma 2019.10). Despite the uncertainties connected with the archaeo- logical evidence of shamans, the collation of potential material expressions for their existence remains a worthwhile exercise. This process is undoubtedly aid- ed by a broader understanding of shamanism itself, making it possible, for example, to better identify the activities undertaken by ritual adepts in prehistoric societies. Shamanism might be defined as a family of traditions whose practitioners focus on voluntarily en- tering altered states of consciousness in which they experience themselves or their spirit(s), travelling to other realms at will and interacting with other entities to serve their community (Walsh 1989.5). It follows that the essential function of these individuals is to pro vide information about uncertain outcomes, and in this context, they typically undertake tasks such as divination, healing, and weather control (Singh 2018. Fig. 3). Based on insights from the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins, additional functions could have included over- seeing rituals, including rites of passage (initiations), acting as mediators between the living and the dead, or as human counterparts of the afo re mentioned su- per natural gamekeeper. Newly available archaeological evidence for activities undertaken by ritual adepts at Göbeklitepe stems from the excavations in 2023, specifically in the context of Fig. 22. A selection of Pre-Pottery Neolithic human depictions; from left to right: The so-called Urfa Man (ªan lıurfa-Yeni Mahalle, height: 1.93m); a seated figurine with phallus and animal on the left shoulder (Göbeklitepe, height: 5.1cm); a statue with phallus but without limbs (Göbeklitepe, height: 38.0cm); and a hu- man protome (Göbeklitepe, height 60.0cm) (photos I. Wagner, D. Johannes, and N. Becker, German Archa eo- lo gical Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). 27 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... cial advantage or status) by supporting the leader, and the leader deploys his followers to gain more influence in society. The concept of ‘charisma’ allows us to consider such aspects as the emotional appeal of spiritual authority. Charisma has been a focus of studies by sociologists and later by anthropologists ever since the pione er ing work of Max Weber, with other models also formu- lated, for example, by Émile Durkheim and Sigmund Freud. However, it is the Weberian theory of charisma that has been the most influential among modern an - thropologists (for a comprehensive review, see Lind­ holm 2013). Weber divided political power into three types of action orientations: ‘traditional’ (an un think - ing adherence to custom), ‘legitimate’ (ra tional-le gal) and ‘charismatic’ (commitment to a specific person), each of which corresponds to three primal motivations for action: ‘habit’, ‘cognition’ and ‘emotion’. Notably, We ber describes charisma as the most potent and dan- gerous of the three action orientations, whereby the ‘emotional’ attraction of followers to ‘charismatic’ individuals, such as sha mans, prophets and revo lu tio - nary leaders, stems from religious experience and the affective commitment of devotees to the leader’s su- per natural powers. Weber also refers to this category of charisma as ‘genuine’ or ‘pure’, in contrast to a se - cond sense used in the con text of ‘transformed’ and ‘routinized’ charisma: The flame ignited by a cha ris - matic figure is likely to burn out following death, and the few cults that endure do so only if surviving de- votees can turn the pure charisma of their leader into the secondary charisma of the ‘institution’. The most common modes for tran sitioning from pri- mary to secondary charisma are genealogy (blood of - fspring), appointment (de sig nation of a disciple as suc- cessor) and magical signs; such charismas are found in all societies, ir respective of their levels of complexity (Gre enfield 1985; Lindholm 2013). However, in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) it is proposed that any at- tempts made to institutionalise charismatic leaders may have been curbed by social mechanisms designed to uphold ega litarian social systems (e.g., Hodder 2022); in other words, genuine and pure charisma never became trans formed and routinised charisma (cf. Flannery, Marcus 2012; Çilingiroğlu 2023). The H­symbol Despite the general absence of archaeological evi- dence associated with PPN decision-makers, one sym - bol does exist which should be discussed in this con- Finally, in contrast to the storytellers and hunters, ri - tual adepts are more commonly thought of as na tu ral leaders of indigenous societies. However, this assump- tion is not supported by comparative ethno graphic evi - dence. Based on data from 21 indigenous societies com piled by Michael Winkelman and Douglas White (1987), shamans only irregularly contributed to cer - tain aspects of social life, outside of providing infor- mation about uncertain outcomes (Singh 2018Fig. 3). Therefore, although they sometimes assist in various life cycle activities, including births, funerals and ini ti - ations, and enjoy leadership roles, shamans serve these roles much less frequently. According to Manvir Singh, in only 14% of the indigenous societies did sha- mans take on the role of a charismatic leader (see be - low). Other decision-making domains ful filled by sha- mans included judiciary power (52%), economic po­ wer (29%), military power (38%) and political power (29%). Inspired individuals as charismatic leaders Supposing then that individuals, be they storytellers, skilled hunters, or ritual adepts (including healers and medicine-persons), were part of an archaeologically invisible group of decision-makers at Göbeklitepe in the late tenth and ninth millennia cal BC, what can anthropological discourse tell us about the roles play- ed by these individuals or groups of individuals in their communities? Were they larger-than-life leaders, perhaps comparable to the famous ‘medicine men’ of the American Plains Indians (e.g., Sitting Bull of the Lakota Sioux; cf. Dunbar 2022)? Did they wield au- thority over their devotees, having them construct monumental buildings with limestone monoliths and statues in the likeness of the ancestors? And if so, how did they achieve this? Indeed, some storytellers, hunters and ritual adepts could have possessed a high level of what is termed ‘charisma’ in the sociological and anthropological literature, and referred to by Char les Lindholm (2013.1) as “the most important driver of religious transformation and certainly one of the most powerful emotional relationships pos­ sible in human life”. Lindholm continues, “It can in ­ spire true believers to renounce family and friends and embrace suffering, degradation, and ostracism for the sake of their beloved redeemer. In extreme cases, devotees may even be willing to die – or kill – at their leader’s command”. As such, cha risma allows us to go beyond the paradigm of our modern (capita- list) understanding of leader-follower relationships, which sees these as comparable to an economic tran- sac tion, whereby the follower attains a goal (e.g., finan- 28 Lee Clare peared as an area with a hardened and crumbly white deposit resembling plaster, and it is unclear whether this sealing had re sulted from natural processes or was intentional. From a pragmatic standpoint, this feature ap pears to have been the repair of a natural fault en - countered in the otherwise flawless limestone bed- rock; however, the remnants of red pigment and the ad jacent incised H-symbol could equally attest to a quite different (ri tual) function. Inspired individuals in the context of PPN social or ga ni sation models Any discussion of the social fabric of PPN society at Göbeklitepe, and the place of inspired in di viduals and charismatic leaders therein, must first come to terms with what was originally considered to be the great pa- radox of the archaeology at the site, namely megalithic struc tures constructed by a hunter-forager community. At the time of the initial discovery of the special buil- dings in the mid-1990s, it was this ambiguity which sparked so much wonder, ul ti mately culminating in Schmidt’s hypothesis that the ri tual ac ti vi ties at Gö- beklitepe were the smoking gun of Neo li thisation (do - mestication of plants and ani mals) in Southeast Ana- tolia: “A major driving force behind the process of plant and ani mal domestication may have been provided by the spi ritual concept of these PPN peo­ ple, in particular the in vestment of effort by ge nera ­ tions of PPNA groups in the materialization of their complex immaterial world.” […] “For the con struc­ tion of one of the me galithic enclosures several hund reds of people must have gathered for many weeks. Without doubt one can expect that these me ­ etings were arranged as extended feastings. It seems inescapable that for non­food producing com mu­ nities such meetings meant a big logistical problem. Could the need to feed many people for weeks be the reason for the invention of farming, especially of ce­ reals, in order to provide a huge amount of food just in time?” (Schmidt 2011.53). Meanwhile, several models have been proposed with which we can approach the social fabric of PPN socie- ties (some have already been mentioned above). These models are also consistent with the realisation of con ­ struction projects (special buildings) by a hunter-ga - therer community. The first of these is the trans egali ­ tarian feasting model after Hayden (2014), which, de - spite the absence of sound ar chaeological evidence for large-scale feasting at Göbeklitepe and the over sim p- lified picture it paints of the processes involved (see text: H-shaped low reliefs found adorning architectural elements, including T-shaped pillars, at Göbeklitepe. In Special Building D there is an es pecially rich reperto ire of this particular symbol, for example as low relief de- pictions on nu merous T-shaped pillars and as elements incorporated into the accessories (necklace, belts) of the two quasi-cen trally placed anthropomorphic T-shaped monoliths in Special Building D (Fig. 23) (cf. Becker et al. 2012). In recent years, this as semblage has increased in number, with further examples found on a wall stone on the eastern side of this building (Figs. 7.7 and 23.bottom right), incised into its ar tifi- cially smoothed limestone floor (Figs. 7.8 and 24) and adorning the bench below the wild boar statue (Figs. 7.5 and 11). A unique and very notable object in this context is a syenite sceptre found at Göbeklitepe in 1997 with two H-shaped motifs incised into its narrow proximal end (Find-Nr.: GT97-27; Fig. 24). The object, from an un do - cumented context, is 25.5cm long, with a ma ximum dia meter of 3.0cm and an oval cross-section. Polished stone sceptres, some with carved animal heads, have been found at numerous PPN settlement sites in South - west Asia, including Göbeklitepe. These objects are among very few items commonly thought of as sym- bols of power brandished by social elites (Köksal­ Schmidt, Schmidt 2007.99). As such, this particular example, with its two incised H-shapes, is of unpre ce - dented significance for the interpretation of this mo tif as a symbol that was potentially associated with in- spired individuals and charismatic leaders. Following the removal of sediment from Special Buil- ding D in 2021, one of two H-symbols incised into the floor of Special Building D was revealed easterly adjacent to a round pit-like feature (94.0x98.0cm) that was covered by a trapeze-shaped limestone slab, held in place by several stone wedges (one of basalt, one of flint and the rest of limestone). The northern edge of the feature showed the last remnants of red co louring, attesting to its significance, as already indicated by its central position in the special building (Figs. 7.8 and 25). The excavation of the feature in 2022 revealed an extremely shallow pit (max. length: 40.0cm, max. width: 21.0cm), not much deeper than the covering slab (5.0cm), though with a deeper, apparently natu ral cavity in its northern part into which fist-sized frag- ments of limestone rubble had been inserted. The se - diment directly beneath the slab was an extremely lo - ose silt void of finds (except for one small flint blade). Following the removal of this sediment, the cavity ap- 29 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... especially at the hands of des pots (O.c.50–52). Indeed, the con struc - tion of the special buildings at Göbe- klitepe would fit well with Hay den’s model, especially if each spe cial buil - ding were built by a com pet ing fac - tion within the com mu nity (cf. Pe ­ ters, Schmidt 2004.210; Flan ne ry, Marcus 2012.130). What speaks against this scenario is the apparent ab sence of archaeological evidence for warfare in the PPN (Clare et al. 2019b) and, to a certain ex tent, the missing material evi den ce as so ci at - ed with more affluent parts of so cie- ty, especially sto rage fa cilities. Similar to Hayden, Jeunesse (2020) bases his chief­led lineage model on ethnographical observations of traditional societies. Focussing specifically on Gö beklitepe, he sees the construction of the special buil - dings occurring in a stratified com - munity with hereditary chiefs from different descent groups whose pre- s tige is probably linked to divine an- cestry or proximity to the super na - tural. Material expressions of this social fabric are architectural and in- tra-vil lage variability, true mega li- thic architecture and so phisticated art, differences in the wealth of grave goods (memorialising), the production of precious (prestige) objects, and genea lo - gical anchoring (an cestor house model) (cf. Clare, Kinzel 2020.Fig. 7.1). This model is reminiscent of the scenario pro posed by Bar-Yosef (2014; see above) and again proves difficult to substantiate owing to the lack of corroborative archaeological evidence for chiefs. Assigning the inspired individuals and charismatic leaders discussed in this contribution to any of the mo - dels presented here is problematic. Indeed, the pre- sence of chiefdoms (Jeunesse 2020) at Göbeklitepe is far less convincing than the transegalitarian feast ­ ing model of Hayden (2014). However, for the rea sons already stated, there remains some doubt as to whe - ther Göbeklitepe was the settlement of a truly trans ega- litarian community comprised of contesting kin-based corporate groups. Certainly, some aspects of trans - egalitarian (complex) hunter-gatherers ring true for my criticism above), still provides some tantalizing in- sights. Complex (transegalitarian) hunter-gatherers are described as non-egalitarian as they allow, under some circumstances, expressions of ag grandising be - haviour by individuals. Aggrandisers use surplus re- sources to try to benefit themselves and create social hierarchies. Of all the schemes devised and widely used by aggrandisers, feasting is perhaps the most wide spread and is a powerful means of attracting peo - ple and con verting surpluses into other desired goods or relationships (Hayden 2014.49). However, the pre - sence of ag grandizers ultimately leads to the emer- gence of competing factions (kin-based corporate groups) within communities, bringing with them new ideological concepts, such as pri vate property, debt obligations and the importance of ancestors, leaving weaker parts of the community (i.e. less-wealthy and with weaker networks) open to abuse and violence, Fig. 23. Göbeklitepe. Selection of H-symbols adorning architectural ele- ments in Special Building D. Top left: on the shaft (inward-facing narrow side) of Pillar 33 (P33); top right: incorporated into the belt of the eastern central pillar 18 (P18); bottom left: on the head (inward-facing narrow side) of Pillar 30 (P30); and bottom right: on a wall stone revealed in the south eastern part of the inward-facing enclosing wall in 2021 (Fig. 7.7). For pillar positions in Special Building D, see Fig 7 (photos L. Clare, Ger- man Ar chaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). 30 Lee Clare individuals, their changing role in society over time, and their fall from grace in the late ninth millennium cal BC can only be understood when considered in the context of broader socio-environmental processes spanning the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. The first sedentary hunter-gatherer settlements in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins appear in the Late Pleistocene (Younger Dryas) at sites on these two major rivers (Fig. 26). Especially in the course of salvage excavations in the frame of the Ilısu dam construction project, the number of excavations at earliest residential sites along the Tigris has increased. Additionally, archaeological surveys have led to the discovery of further localities with Epipalaeolithic assemblages in ªanlıurfa (ªahin et al. 2023) and Mar- din (Kodaº et al. 2022b). It is posited that the roots of the non-institutionalised charismatic leaders might be sought in this period, perhaps as a reaction (conscious or unconscious) to increasingly settled lifeways and changing demographics. Ever-decreasing levels of di - rect contact between demographically expanding com- munities may have been exacerbated by pressures on locally available natural resources, leading to in creas- ed competition between groups, culminating in higher the archaeological record, e.g., the com - munity lived in an area with pre sumably high resource abun dance, exhi bited seaso- nal or full sedentism and group sizes were typically larger than those of sim ple hun­ ter­gatherers (cf. Hayden 2014). On the other hand, there is no evi dence of the pri - vate ownership of food resources, long- term storage fa cilities or pri vate wealth items. There fore, we could also expect be- haviours that align with those of simple hunter­gatherers, i.e. where there is an egali tarian ethic concerning food re sour- ces. Indeed, Göbeklitepe might even mark the tipping point between the two constel- la tions, i.e. from simple hunter­gatherers to transegalitarian (complex) hun ter-ga- therers. Of particular interest at this point is the mo lar­molecular hypothesis, recently for - mulated by Hod der (2022), where he uses these two terms to de scribe the ways by which egalitarian and hie rar chical impul- ses were brought into play to com bat ine- qua lities in Neolithic society (O.c.633). Mo - lar and moelcular refer to mo dalities of community participation, either with a highly com plex and bur den some overlay of demands on the con sti tu- ent individual units (molar) or as a mode of arti cula - tion allowing great er independence and autonomy of parts (molecular). In the frame of his molar­mole cu ­ lar hypothesis, Hodder suggests that Göbeklitepe is a candidate for an early molar mode gradually shifting into a more molecular version, as testified by “the ten ­ sion between the social differentiation that pre­ sumably lay behind the or ga nizational feat to con ­ struct the circles [special buildings] and the evi dence for multiple circles and their ‘internal’ lay out (ra di ­ ally segmented benches)” (O.c.634). Potentially, this shift could reflect the tran sition from simple hun ter­ gathe rers to transegalitarian (complex) hunter-ga the- rers, with the inspired individuals and charismatic lea- ders as a further testimony to the molar and mo lecular impulses used to combat in equalities in this PPN com- munity. Inspired individuals and the hunter-gatherer crisis (HGC) The emergence of archaeologically invisible decision- makers from the ranks of inspired and charismatic Fig. 24. Göbeklitepe. Sceptre (length: 25.5cm) with two incised H- shap ed symbols at its proximal end (drawing and photos O. Torun, G. Kaynak, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project. Courtesy of O. Torun). 31 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... and Hallan Çemi on the Tigris; Abu Hu reyra on the Euphrates), with the settlement focus shifting to a few central places (Çayönü Tepesi, Gusir Hö yük, Boncuklu Tarla and Çemka Höyük on the Tigris; Sheikh Hasan, Jerf el Ahmar and Tell Qaramel on the Euphrates), some of which were already in state of decline (cf. O.c. 62–63). At the same time, the ªanlıurfa region witnes- ses a relative explosion of settlements, albeit that the ma jority of these sites are unexcavated and their as- signment to the EPPNB is based on analogies with ex- cavated sites such as Sayburç, Harbetsuvan Tepesi and Sefertepe (Fig. 28). Previously, I have referred to this period as the ‘hunter­gatherer crisis’ (HGC) (O.c.). Although the processes leading to the abandonment of sites along the Tigris and Euphrates in the late PPNA plausibly lie in the continued adaptation of commu ni - ties to the challenges connected with in creasing seden- tism and changing demographics, a further causal fac - tor could be rapid climate change (RCC). While the Holocene amelioration ushered in more favourable environmental conditions, with the gradual return of oak woodland to southeastern Anatolia following a stark reduction during the Youn ger Dryas and an ex- pansion of local waterways (Rössner et al. 2018. Fig. 6), this amelioration was by no means constant. The Holocene has been punctuated by a whole series of so- called Rapid Climate Change (RCC) intervals, some lasting several centuries (We ninger et al. 2014; Clare 2016.34–47; Weninger 2017; Budja 2023). RCC inter - vals are associated with extreme winter conditions, linked to phases with pro longed and intense Sibe rian High pressure, as documented by higher concen tra - tions of non-sea-salt potassium in Greenland ice (stor- miness over the North Atlantic, GISP2, Mayewski et al. 1997), and a cooling in the Aegean Sea (infiltration of cold air masses into the Eastern Mediterranean), as inferred by changing ratios of deposited foraminifera species in marine sediments (LC21, Rohling et al. 2002). Notably, a short RCC sig nal is visible in these proxies around 8800/8700 cal BC and also in a more recent speleothem record (LoNAP514) from a cave located in a tributary of the Tigris River in the Kur di - stan Region of Iraq, where cooler and drier conditions appear to have prevailed at around this time (Re gat­ tieri et al. 2023). Notwithstanding the tentative evidence for a short- lived period of climate instability (RCC) at the PPNA- EPPNB transition, climate, environment and socio-cul - tural mechanisms are deeply intertwined and can ne- ver be thoroughly disentangled. Climate change can be levels of territoriality and conflict potential. On the other hand, the comparative absence of inter-group conflict in the archaeological record testifies to the exi - stence of some mitigating instances. The continued increase in the number of sites in the PPNA testifies to the success of the late hunter-forager communities in dealing with the initial challenges of sedentary life and changing environmental conditions associated with Holocene climate amelioration (Emra et al. 2022) (Fig. 27). However, in the centuries on either side of 9000 cal BC, the upper Euphrates and Tigris basins appear to have experienced a period of upheaval, a development that is reflected in the de- crease of radiocarbon data from Late Ple istocene and Early Holocene sites (Clare, Kinzel 2020.Fig. 7.1). Al- ready in the late PPNA, several long-lived per manent set tlements had become abandoned (Körtik Tepe Fig. 25. Göbeklitepe. The pit-like feature in Special Building D (Fig. 7.8) before and during excavation. The H-shaped symbol engraved into the floor of the building is visible to the southeast of the feature (pho - tos L. Clare, German Archaeological Institute, Gö bek- litepe Project). 32 Lee Clare The mechanisms behind the apparent explosion in the number of settlements in the ªanlıurfa (Taº Tepeler) re gion in the first half of the ninth millennium cal BC (EPPNB) remain elusive. It is unclear whether the hu- man influx resulted from migration from the nearby Tig ris and Euphrates valleys (or elsewhere) or local po - pulation growth, or even a combination of these fac - tors. A lack of well-preserved burials and human re- mains from the new Taº Tepeler sites also means it is too early to seek answers from genetic and stable iso- tope studies. Whatever the causes were, the increase in long and gradual or short and abrupt, and it can affect the environmental conditions of local geographies quite differently. The impacts of climate change on so - cioeconomic systems also varies according to the bio - physical and social vul nerability of an affected society (Clare, Weninger 2010). In other words, the indivi du - als and groups at higher risk are usually those already living risky lives in dangerous locations (Clare 2016. 52–53). In any case, any continued discussion of RCC impact during the HGC must be adjourned until ad di- tio nal (local) palaeoclimate data becomes available. Fig. 26. Map showing Epipalaeolithic settlements in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins. A small number of sites show continued occupation from the Younger Dryas into the Early Holocene (cf. Fig. 27) (image L. Clare, Ger man Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). Fig. 27. Map showing Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA) settlements in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins (image L. Clare, German Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Project). 33 Inspired individuals and charismatic leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... culture rather than connected with the emergence of new ideas (Goring­Morris, Belfer­Cohen 2002.73; Schmidt 2005.18; Clare, Kinzel 2020; Zimmermann 2020). Against this background, it is helpful to consider the different phases of the socio-cultural development of settled hunter-forager communities in the upper Tig ris and Euphrates basins in the context of adaptive cycles (Holling, Gunderson 2002; Redman, Kinzig 2003) and boom-bust dynamics (Tainter 1988). In the ab- sence of big data from this region, and as a simple al- ternative, the more readily available archaeological demographic proxies (radiocarbon data and settle ment counts) can illustrate some basic trends. Cer tain ly, set tlements around modern-day ªanlıurfa went hand in hand with the construction of the later phases of the special buildings at Göbeklitepe, when many of the mo nolithic T-shaped pillars and examples of large sta - tuary were incorporated into these structures. How - ever, it would be an oversight to interpret this explo - sion of creativity as an expression of Neolithic innova - tion. As already noted, morphologically do mesticated plant and animal species are still unknown at the Taº Tepeler sites, except for Nevali Çori, sug gest ing that the late hunter-gatherer population at Göbeklitepe, and per haps at other sites too, placed more value on deep- rooted Palaeolithic traditions instead. This hypothesis is in line with results from earlier studies, which have interpreted Göbeklitepe as the pinnacle of Palaeolithic Fig. 28. Maps showing Early Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (EPPNB) settlements in the upper Tigris and Euphrates basins (top) and the Taº Tepeler region around ªanlıurfa (bottom) (images L. Clare, German Archaeological In stitute, Göbeklitepe Project). 34 Lee Clare site around this time, likely associated with a growing reliance on domesticates, a development that coin cid- ed with the site’s increasing social detachment from Göbeklitepe and its underlying system of living and as - sociated worldviews (Wang et al. 2023). Ultimately, the settled hunter-forager communities of the Early Holocene collapsed (W-phase). Although re - latively little is known about the final settlement phase at Göbeklitepe, a few small circular structures superim - posing EPPNB buildings have been found and docu- mented (Fig. 29). These have so far failed to produce or ganic remains for absolute dating, meaning that, for the time being, only a post-EPPNB age can be pro pos - ed. The inundation of the special buildings (A-D) in the southeastern part of the site by slope slides was per - haps not the end of the occupation sequence; never the - less, it marked a crucial turning point, ultimately lead- ing to the abandonment of the settlement and the dis- appearance of its invisible elite. the realisation that regional population boom and busts have been detected elsewhere, especially in the context of Neolithisation, and that these have been pro ven to be influenced by underlying so cio-environ men - tal forcing factors, is encouraging (Shennan et al. 2013; Kondor et al. 2023). Therefore, it is proposed that the Epipalaeolithic (Younger Dryas) be equated with the reorganisation (a) phase of the adaptive cycle, the PPNA with the growth/interaction (r) phase, and the EPPNB with the rigidity (K) phase. Accordingly, the post-EPPNB period coincides with the cycle’s release (W) phase (cf. Redman, Kinzig 2003. Fig. 1). Whereas the reorganisation (a) phase (Epipalaeolithic/ Younger Dryas) is characterised by spatial dispersal, the establishment of new residential rules and the con - struction of new traditions, the growth/interaction (r) phase (PPNA) witnesses demographic expansion, emerg ing cultural homogeneity, and the distribution of surplus through new hierarchical systems and kin ship groups. The subsequent rigidity (K) phase (EPPNB) is the period preceding the decline and is characterised by stagnation and specialisation, ex pressed in low vertical social mobility, culminating in social tensions (due to reduced access to resources) and with rigid re ferences to traditions (conservative values). More- over, compared to the previous (r) phase it is asso ci- ated with increasing regionalisation due to the gradual disbandment of cultural homogeneity. Following this model, the inspired individuals and cha - rismatic leaders could have emerged in the Young er Dryas (a -phase), gaining traction in the course of the PPNA (r-phase), and finally being entrusted with up- holding conservative values in the EPPNB (K-phase). Their influence on society in the latter phase could be reflected in the petrification of orally transmitted myths and legends in the context of the monumental narrative arenas (special buildings). The rigid refe - rence to tradition, characteristic of this phase, might even explain the absence of domesticated plants and animals at Göbeklitepe, at a time when first morpho lo - gically domesticated species might even be expected (Nevali Çori). In this context, special buildings and ri - tuals were used to reinforce hunter-gatherer identities, whereby the differences observed in the motifs of some sites (e.g., more animal depictions at Göbeklitepe and more human depictions at Karahantepe) could be linked to an increasing regionalisation characteristic of a pre-decline system. Remarkably, recent bioarchaeo lo- gical analyses on human and animal bone from nearby Nevali Çori have suggested a decline in mobility at this Fig. 29. Göbeklitepe. The remains (northeastern quar ter) of a small circular-oval structure (dia me- ter: ~1.80m) excavated on the western slope of the southeastern hollow (main excavation area; trench L09-58) in 2022. This structure superimposes (i.e. post-dates) the EPPNB architecture at this location; as such, it is among the last known prehistoric struc- tures ever constructed at the site (image L. Clare, Ger man Archaeological Institute, Göbeklitepe Pro- ject, June 2022). 35 Inspired individuals and charismati c leaders: hunter-gatherer crisis and the rise and fall of invisible decision-makers ... highlighted the roles of archaeologically invisible lea- ders in historical processes during a proposed adap- tive cycle spanning the late Pleistocene and Early Ho- lo cene. It is proposed that the inspired individuals and charismatic leaders considered above were a pro duct of the unprecedented demographic changes linked to increasingly settled lifeways in the tenth and ninth millennia cal BC. This leadership system, the roots of which were securely anchored in the Palaeolithic past, needed to adapt to the challenges faced by growing set - tled hunter-forager communities in a core zone of Neo- lithic genesis while at the same time preserving older traditions (at least in appearance). They were part of a mechanism which sought to combat inequalities in Neolithic society, as expressed by concerted attempts to reinforce simple hunter­gatherer beliefs and world- views. This period, roughly at the transition from the late PPNA to EPPNB (c. first half of the ninth millen- nium cal BC), has been termed the hunter­gatherer cri sis. The subsequent disappearance (in the late ninth millennium cal BC) from the prehistoric stage of the motifs, symbolism, monumental structures and nar ra - tives which defined the identities of the leaders and their respective communities coincided with the wide- spread ac cep tance of domesticated plants and animals. It is hoped that the hunter-gatherer crisis will be a fo- cus of future research in the frame of the expanding Taº Tepeler project. Summary This contribution has discussed the evidence for ar cha - eologically invisible decision-makers in the late Pleis - tocene and Early Holocene communities in the up per Tigris and Euphrates basins. Despite many decades of excavations at an ever-growing number of sites, evi- dence of social elites is not forthcoming. Of course, an absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, and one potential explanation for the lack of archaeology associated with such individuals over some two mil len - nia of settlement history could lie in the nature of the leadership system itself. Following a proposal by Cau - vin (2007.120), leadership could have been realised by inspired individuals who, through their skills, ex - perience and charisma, advanced to become influ en - tial in their respective communities. It is proposed that these individuals emerged from particular social groups, including storytellers, hun ters and ritual adepts (shamans). However, their leadership roles ne- ver became institutionalised, most likely due to power- curbing mechanisms inherent to the deep-rooted ega - litarian hunter-forager social systems founded on ani- mism and ancestor veneration. The discussions around inspired individuals and cha- rismatic leaders have also touched on some broader to - pics relating to late hunter-gatherer communities and Acknowledgements Research at Göbeklitepe would not be possible without the support of the General Directorate of Cultural As sets and Mu ­ seums, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Republic of Turkey, the excavation director of Gö beklitepe and Karahantepe, Necmi Karul (Istanbul Uni versity), and the ªanlıurfa Museum with its direc tor Ce lal Uludaı. Fur ther­ more, I most gratefully acknowledge the funding of excavations and research at Göbeklitepe by the German Research Foundation (DFG) in the fra mework of the long­term funding project The Prehistoric Societies of Upper Mesopotamia and their Subsistence [EI438/12­4]. I would also like to thank Mihael Budja for inviting me to participate in the Neo­ lithic Seminar in Ljubljana in 2023. Further, I am extremely grateful to Onur Torun for giving me spectacular insights into the symbolism and small finds from Göbeklitepe from his ongoing research and for allowing me to publish Fi gure 24, which is taken from his ongoing PhD thesis. I thank Benny Waszk for his continued support in the documen tation process and preparing the photogrammetry ima ges used in this paper, and Necmi Karul and Eylem Özdoğan for al low ­ ing me to reproduce Figures 19 and 21, respectively. 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The Journal of the Oswald Spengler Society 3: 7–25. http://hdl.handle.net/11693/76053 back to content 44 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.23 2023) and Çemka (Kodaº et al. 2022) in the Tigris Valley, and Söğüt Tarlasɩ-Biris Mezarlɩğɩ (Özdoğan M. 1995) in the Euphrates Valley, which have been dated to the late Pleistocene. However, none of these sites recorded a longstanding Epi-Palaeolithic tradition de- veloped by mobile hunter-gatherers. Consequently, Introduction The early Neolithic settlements in the Euphrates and Tigris Valleys, particularly in the region considered the transition between the Eastern Taurus Mountains and the Mesopotamian plains, appeared rather suddenly as early as in the mid-10th millennium BC. These include Körtik Tepe (Benz et al. 2015), Boncuklu Tarla (Kodaº KLJUÈNE BESEDE – zgodnji predkeramièni neolitik B; Vzhodni Taurus; neolitska arhitektura; posebne zgrad be; reliefi iz Sayburça IZVLEÈEK – Najdišèe iz predkeramiènega neolitika v Sayburçu raziskujemo v okviru neolitske ga razis- kovalnega projekta ªanlıurfa – Taº Tepler (Turèija), ki je osredotoèen na obdobje neolitika na planoti ªan lıurfa. Naselbina pripada zgodnji sedentarni skupnosti z znaèilnimi monumentalnimi zgradbami, stebri v obliki èrke T in bogato simboliko, ki jih loèuje od soèasnih skupnosti v jugozahodni Aziji. Vse veè je dokazov, da so obredi in z njimi povezana simbolika ter pripovedi kljuèni pri oblikovanju zgodnjih se­dentarnih­družb­v­regiji.­Gradnja­posebnih­zgradb­v­Sayburçu,­ki­so­umešèene­v­bližino­hiš­in­so­po­ve­- zane­s­simboliko,­kaže­na­prepletanje­svetega­in­vsakdanjega­življenja.­V­prispevku­predstavljamo­pre- liminarne­rezultate­prvih­treh­let­raziskav­in­razpravljamo­o­kulturni­razsežnosti­regije. Sayburç, najdišče iz sredine 9. tisočletja pr. n. št. ob vznožju Vzhodnega Taurusa KEY WORDS – Early PPNB; Eastern Taurus; Neolithic architecture; special buildings; Sayburç reliefs ABSTRACT - A Pre-Pottery Neolithic site at Sayburç is currently being studied as part of the ªanlıurfa Neo - lithic Research Project – Taº Tepler (Türkiye), which is focused on the Neolithic Period at the ªanlı­urfa Plateau. The settlement belongs to the early sedentary societies on the plateau, characterized by monu- mental buildings, T-shaped pillars, and rich symbolic elements that distinguish the region from its con- temporaries in Southwest Asia. A growing body of evidence indicates that rituals and the associated sym bolism and narratives play a pivotal role in the formation of the region’s early sedentary societies. The construction of special buildings in Sayburç, situated close to dwellings and accompanied by asso- ciated symbolism, illustrates the intertwining of the sacred with everyday life. This paper presents the preliminary results of the first three years of research on the site and discusses the cultural dimension of the region itself. Eylem Özdoğan Department of Archaeology, İstanbul University, İstanbul, TR; eylemozdogan@istanbul.edu.tr Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus 45 Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus data on the Upper Palaeolithic are also lacking, and the origins of sedentism in the northern frontier re- main unknown. The Neolithic in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus shared many similarities with that in most of Southwest Asia, and technological develop- ments as well as the transition to food production can be observed as simultaneous developments over a wide area. The construction of dams and reservoirs on the Eu- phrates and Tigris Rivers has facilitated the study of the valleys within Turkey’s borders (Rosenberg, Erim- Özdoğan 2011; Hauptman 2011; Özdoğan M. 2017; Öz doğan E., Karul 2020; see also Öz do ğan M. et al. 2011a; 2011b). However, the plateaus and plains be- tween the two river valleys and the plains ex tending in to Mesopotamia remain poorly studied regarding the prehistoric periods. The ªanlɩurfa Pla teau, the sub - ject of recent research, offers invaluable in sights into Neolithic societies beyond the river valleys (Çelik, To - lon 2018; ªahin et al. 2023). In particular, the archae- ological studies at Göbeklitepe, which began in 1995 (Schmidt 2006), have yielded significant insights into the characteristics of the early settlements on the pla- teau. A review of the archaeological evi dence from the sites on the plateau reveals a striking continuity in the existing settlement density, extending from the mid- 10th millennium BC to the end of the 8th millennium BC. Notably, none of the currently excavated or sur- veyed settlements on the plateau have yielded evi- dence of occupation during the Pottery Neolithic pe - riod. This indicates that the hilltop settlements on the plateau were abandoned before the production of pot- tery and perhaps before agriculture and animal domes- tication became the primary economic activities. It is also important to note that none of these set tle ments have yet yielded any data reflect- ing the transition be tween the two periods. The settlements where the transition phase is located in the Euphrates Valley include Mez- raa Teleliat (Özdoğan M. 2011) and Akarçay Tepe (Öz ba ºaran, Du ru 2011), while those situated on the passage to the plains envi- ronment include Gürcütepe (Er - dalkɩran et al. 2023). Consequent- ly, it can be postulated that the evidence for food production in plateau settlements may be less ro bust than in other areas. How- ever, the lack of comprehensive research on the plains may result in overlooking any settled societies that may have commenced during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic. The research conducted on the ªanlɩurfa Plateau has yielded insights into the social dimensions of Neolithic societies in Southwest Asia (Fig. 1). The daily lives of these societies were intricately intertwined with ri- tuals, narratives, and associated symbolism. The area in question is notable for its exceptional density of monumental structures and strong symbolic ele- ments that were important to Neolithic communities (Schmidt 2006; 2010; Karul 2022; Karul et al. 2023). From the beginning of sedentary life, these features demonstrate the significance of spaces that facilitate the formation of bonds and the symbolic representa- tion of social values and traditions. Many studies have indicated that symbols, rituals, and beliefs played a significant role in the adaptation of Neolithic societies to complex social environments during the transition to sedentary life (Rollefson 2000; Verhoeven 2002; Schmidt 2005; Peters, Schmidt 2004; Kuijt 2008; Whitehouse, Hodder 2010; Hodder, Pels 2010; Hod- der, Meskell 2011; Finlayson et al. 2011; Dietrich et al. 2012; Benz, Bauer 2013; Watkins 2015; Benz 2017; Dietrich et al. 2017; Benz, Sütterlin 2017; Özdoğan M. 2018; Makarewicz, Finlayson 2018; Becker et al. 2019; Clare et al. 2019; Karul 2021). Nevertheless, it is worth emphasizing the challenge of understanding the worldview of prehistoric societies and the factors that sustained social cohesion. While the presence of tan- gible evidence of the social aspects of these societies is not always evident, the settlements on the ªanlɩurfa Plateau offer a convenient vantage point for analysing Neolithic societies in this regard. In this context, it has the potential to facilitate a comprehensive understand- Fig. 1. Early Neolithic settlements on the ªanlɩurfa plateau. 46 Eylem Özdoğan E., Uludağ 2022; 2024; Özdoğan E. et al. 2023). The Neo lithic settlement was constructed on two limestone hills, which were connected by a high ridge. One hill was situated to the north, while the other was located to the south (Fig. 2). The total area of the Neolithic settlement is estimated to be approximately 3000 square metres. The north- ern hill is densely populated by local villagers, and the excavations were conducted to the southwest of this area. The northern half of a circular subterranean structure was excavated beneath a modern concrete building (Fig. 3). The structure (Str. AA) has a width of approximately 14 metres and was cut into the bed- rock. The fill of the building was damaged by modern activities and mixed with Roman finds. Nevertheless, the presence of blade-based technology and projectile points suggests a date within the PPNB period. The oval AA structure was carved into bedrock, with only a small portion of the walls remaining, possibly as a freestanding structure. On the interior of the wall is a bench constructed from bedrock that runs parallel to the wall. The presence of cavities on the bench indi- cates that there were pillars on it. The bedrock floor of the structure has been meticulously smoothed and levelled. The inner face of the bench on the north side is decorated with five figures, which extend across an area measuring approximately 70–90cm in height and 370cm in length (Özdoğan E. 2022). A second structure, designated Str. AB was located to the east of the special building and exhibited consid- erable damage. The construction of Str. AB was un- dertaken directly on the bedrock surface. Due to the inclination of the hillside, the structure has sustained significant damage. The remains include a circular ing of the various dynamics involved in the emergence of Neolithic life. The discovery of a special building and the exposed re liefs prompted immediate research at a Pre-Pottery Neolithic site in Sayburç in 2021 (Özdoğan E., Uludağ 2022). The reliefs discovered at Sayburç are notable for their clear descriptive scenes, which provide a distinctive context (Özdoğan E. 2022). The analysis of symbolic elements in artistic productions allows for an objective understanding of the basic worldviews and ideologies that unite society. Although smaller than Gö beklitepe or Karahantepe (Karul 2022), Sayburç has demonstrated the diversity of contemporary sites in terms of size and composition. The site displays a horizontally oriented mound for- mation that is characteristic of numerous other sites in the region. Two nearby areas have been identified, and concurrent studies are being conducted in both to ascertain whether functional differences or chrono- logical processes are the primary factors in the deve - lopment of horizontal settlements. The data from the excavations has permitted a study of the mid-9th mil- lennium BC on the plateau from various perspectives, including architectural development, space use, and daily life. The research conducted at Say burç has the potential to provide valuable in sights into several key fields, including animal do mestication, plant culti va - tion, technological and ar chitectural advances, as well as social changes in sedentary cultures within the pla- teau. The available data indicates the significance of symbols, rituals, and narratives in this transformation process. This paper presents and eva lu ates the work car ried out at Sayburç over the past three years. The site’s chro nolo gi cal position and the main ar chi tec tural elements are introduced within the context of the settlement’s general characteristics. Fur - thermore, the dis cus sion will en com- pass special buildings and ideas about associated symbolism that are still in their incipient stages of development. The site Sayburç is situated on the southern foot- hills of the Eastern Taurus Mountains, 20km southeast of the ªanlɩurfa city cen- tre on the ªanlɩurfa Plateau (Özdoğan Fig. 2. View of the village of Sayburç and the archaeological sites from the south. 47 Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus are no discernible gaps or open spac- es. Nevertheless, the multiple walls al lowed gaps to form between the roofs of the buildings, which served to circulate within the settlement. Datings In contrast to the larger settlements in the vicinity, Sayburç does not ex- hibit vertical stratification, suggest- ing that it was inhabited for a single period. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the period of occupation spans approximately 300 years. The tem- poral relationship between the struc- tures in the southern and northern areas remains uncertain. Neverthe- less, 11 radiocarbon dates were obtained from above the floors of the structures in the south (Fig. 5). All of the dates are consistent with one another and indicate a date in the middle of the 9th millennium BC. These dates correspond with the early PPNB period and are consistent with the assemblage of chipped stones and architectural features found at the site. The consistency of the architecture and, in particular, the chipped stone technology between the northern and southern areas indicate that there would be no significant temporal discrepancy between the two parts of the settlement. Structural features of the architecture The relatively well-constructed corners indicate that the inhabitants had experience in the construction of corners and the robust masonry (Fig. 6). The walls were constructed directly on bedrock and subsequent- wall and a bench constructed in front of the wall of the building. The eastern and southeastern parts of the area, where the fill is only 20–30cm deep, were uti - lized as a quarry during the Roman period. The second and third excavation areas are located on the southern hill (Fig. 4). The concentration of modern occupation in the southern hill is limited to the foot of the hill. The settlement pattern throughout the area follows an agglomerative model, whereby the settle- ment expands by way of adjacency. The buildings are constructed on bedrock and add to each other, result- ing in a lack of standardization in size and layout. Nev- ertheless, it is possible to distinguish buildings with a rounded or oval plan or a roughly quadrangular plan. The site contains buildings with straight walls on one side and an oval or rounded plan on the opposite side, which is similar to an apsidal plan. Currently, there Fig. 3. The northern part of the excavation area consists of structures built on the bedrock and of Roman quarries. Fig. 4. Excavations at two locations on the southern hill revealed that the same architectural pattern was con - sistently present throughout the entire area. 48 Eylem Özdoğan constructed on both curved and rectilinear walls. In some instances, the buttresses were constructed in conjunction with the walls, while in others they were subsequently added to the bare walls. As they do not extend into the interior of the structure, they do not create divisions within the interior space. Neverthe- less, the incorporation of buttresses did result in the formation of some niches. During the excavation, a layer of earth was identified at the surface of certain walls. It was observed that in certain cases, the soil lay- er was covered with a layer of high-quality clay or lime plaster, which was sometimes as thick as 1.5 to 2cm. To date, only one building has been fully excavated (Fig. 7). The floor was constructed by levelling the sur - face of the limestone bedrock on which the settlement was built. The floor surface was meticulously smo oth- ed, and the sides, which constituted the foundation for ly elevated with a mortared stone wall until they reach- ed the level at which the roofing commenced. In cer- tain instances, the structures display the presence of double rows of walls in addition to shared walls. The walls are remarkably well-preserved, exhibiting over- lapping stone masonry in the upper parts, which can also be observed in some fallen debris. This indicates that the drop joints of the walls were slightly extended inward on the upper portion. A system was likely in- stal led between the roof and the wall to prevent water infiltration and facilitate drainage. The primary construction material utilized was lime- stone, a prevalent geological formation in the region. The stone was meticulously selected from medium- sized flat stones or irregularly from large or small sto- nes. In addition to stone, adobe mortar was also em- ployed. The structures feature buttresses, which were Fig. 5. The radiocarbon dates were obtained from the charcoal remains found above the floors of the build- ings (prepared by E. Altɩnɩºɩk). 49 Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus Due to the limited number of completely excavated dwellings at Sayburç, some building elements are only known from a single example, including hearths. In the Str. BB, a hearth was constructed at the northern end of the eastern wall in the form of a niche opening into the wall. The hearth features a domed structure and narrows upwards (Fig. 9). A potential chimney also opens into the wall, although this section has not been preserved due to destruction. The majority of niches are located within the shorter walls of the building. In certain instances, the wall of a building may recede outward in the area where the niche is situated, creating a recessed space. In anoth- er structure, the construction of niches was facilitated by the addi- tion of buttresses, which provided support and stability to the wall. In one case, two pillars were po- sitioned near the wall to create a niche (Fig. 10). Two distinct types of benches were identified within the struc- tures. The first type of bench is the clay-plastered bench, which was discovered in buildings that have not yet been fully excavated. These benches were likely constructed by plastering clay on a stone-built platform next to the wall. Howev- er, due to the incomplete nature of the excavation the specific features the walls, were constructed with rounded curves extending from the floor. The eastern section of the floor was coated with lime plaster, as it is assumed that the natural roughness of the bedrock was filled with plaster, which made it flat and smooth. Further- more, clay and terrazzo floors were discovered in Sayburç. The majority of the clay floors were observed in elevated areas, which may be considered analogous to benches. The surface finish is hard and smooth. Moreover, terrazzo floors were identified within the fill of the buildings. One of the discovered floor piec- es measuring approximately 1.80 x 0.75m, was found among the debris inside the build- ing and fell from west to east. The interior arrangement of the dwellings The dwellings have been identified by their dimen- sions, building elements, and artefacts. The practice of utilizing anthropomorphic T-pillars and stone benches, designated as special buildings, was also observed in dwellings. Although the buildings are modest in scale, the presence of work areas, niches, benches, and a hearth indicates the functional and conceptual exis- tence of the home (Fig. 8). Fig. 6. The structures in Sayburç were constructed in an adjacent manner through the addition of one upon the other. Fig. 7. The excavation of a single dwelling at Sayburç has been fully com- pleted. 50 Eylem Özdoğan identified in a limited number of buildings. It is crucial to acknowledge here that the majority of the structures have yet to be fully excavated, and therefore it is possi- ble that additional fallen pillars may be discovered on the floors during further excavation. The number and position of these elements are not uniform. In the fully excavated building, Str. BB, the pillar, which exhibits discernible human characteristics, is situated in the centre of the room. Furthermore, pillars were discov- ered in the centre of other buildings. Moreover, two pillars were situated in close proximity to one another and aligned with the wall, thereby creating a recess at the narrow end of an oval-shaped structure. In another building, which appears to be a special building in the southern area, the pillars were placed along the wall with a central pillar in the middle. As the building has not yet been fully excavated, the pillars serve to distinguish it from the other dwellings in the area. To date, only one hearth has been excavated on the site, located in Str. BB, which – as noted above, is the only building that has been completely excavated thus far. The hearth is of a domed construction and is situated within the eastern wall. The hearth’s floor is constructed from bedrock and is situ- ated approximately 10cm above the floor level. The upper portion of the of these benches remain uncer- tain. The benches are elevated to a degree that is significantly above the expected floor level. The second type of bench was formed by carving bedrock. One particularly illustrative exam- ple that was discovered in Str. Building BB is a completely ex- cavated structure. The floor of the structure is carved into the bedrock. During the process of carving the floor, a bench was formed in the west, in front of the east wall, running parallel to it. The bench was extended in front of the north wall, forming an L-shaped structure that was limited by a buttress. To the east of this structure, another bench of a similar nature is situated at a slightly elevated level. A number of domestic structures feature pillars that are approximately two metres in height. It is challeng- ing to establish a standard in terms of size and shape, as the parameters appear to be variable. Some of the pillars exhibit decorations, including an arm and a V on the collar, which may be interpreted as symbols of human beings. Two examples of pillars with fingers, a belt, and a pelt hanging from underneath have been discovered. In addition, undecorated pillars were also discovered at the site. T-shaped pillars have only been Fig. 8. A T-shaped pillar with human features was placed in the centre of the building, which has a bench, a niche, and a hearth adjacent to the wall. Fig. 9. The domed hearth, situated within the wall of the building, has been de stroyed from above, although the portion adjacent to the vent is discerni ble. 51 Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus as well. It was observed that they were constructed in an intertwined pattern with dwellings. This is not unexpected, given that a comparable phenomenon was observed at Göbeklitepe (Clare 2020) and Karahantepe (Karul et al. 2023). The special building in the north, with a maximum width of 14 metres, is larger than the dwellings excavated thus far. The bench, which extends along the wall on which the pillars were placed, and the reliefs on the bench, provide clear evidence that the building was a special structure. Consequently, it exem - plifies the characteristics of special buil- dings in the region. As noted above, the building is of a larg- er scale than that of the other structures in the vicinity. The floor was carved into the limestone bedrock, with a depth of 80 to 90 centimetres in the west and 50 to 60 centime- tres in the east. The bench, which encircles the wall, appears to be divided by the pillars. The reliefs on the bench façade facing the space, the bench’s non-stan- dardized height, and the upper surface’s arrangements indicate that the bench was not intended for sitting or standing. Rather, it served as an installation that enhanced the building’s overall aesthetic appeal. The absence of in situ fill makes it challenging to compre- hend the interior design and utilization of the space. Nonetheless, it is anticipated that the results of further excavations in the remaining portions of the structure will provide a more comprehensive insight into the matter. The reliefs on display exemplify a technical and nar- rative style that is characteristic of Neolithic art in the region (Fig. 11). Except for a single figure in high relief, the remaining figures are incised. The figures are pre- sented in a linear sequence, from left to right. Never- theless, two scenes can be differentiated by the figures’ postures. The initial scene on the left depicts a bull and a male figure facing each other. To the right of the scene are three figures: two leopards and a male. The male figure situated in the centre of the composition is depicted in high relief. The other figures are gazing at each other, but the male figure in the centre is looking at the room, at the people gathered here. The surface of the bench, oriented towards the wall, including the reliefs, exhibits a coarser texture than the floor, which is marked by the presence of construction traces. chimney, where the hearth’s domed walls narrowed, is absent due to damage to the wall. In the same building, the concentration of finds associated with food prepa- ration, such as grinding stones and pestles, is observed in the northern section. A single grinding stone was discovered on the bench to the west, while two additio- nal grinding stones were located on the floor close to it. In addition, grinding stones were placed on a low bench deposited in front of the eastern wall. The special buildings In Sayburç, a discernible differentiation between spe- cial buildings and dwellings is not readily apparent. The special buildings are distinguished from the oth- ers by several characteristics, including their relative- ly larger size, the number of pillars incorporated into their design, the presence of double-tiered benches or the inclusion of artistic elements. The initial discov- ery of a special building at Sayburç was made in the northern area. This building, which has been par tially excavated, contains reliefs. Upon the initial dis covery of this special building, excavations in the southern area were just beginning, and all the structures were presumed to be dwellings. Consequently, it was postu- lated that a specific area of the settlement at Sayburç, analogous to those observed at Çayönü (Özdoğan M., Özdoğan A. 1990) and Nevali Çori (Hauptmann 1993), was designated for special structures. However, as the excavations in the southern area progressed, it became evident that special buildings were present in this area Fig. 10. T-shaped pillars are found both in special buildings and dwellings. 52 Eylem Özdoğan vertheless, the significance of these scenes remains opa que. The narrative presents a harmonious rela- tionship between humans and animals. The plot of this narrative can be interpreted from a variety of per - spectives, including a before-and-after analysis or as a series of interrelated scenes. The Sayburç reliefs repre - sent the most comprehensive and revealing visual re- pre sentations made by Early Neolithic people in the region. In the southern area, at least three special buildings remain among the dwellings. The structures in ques- tion were only partially excavated. In an oval struc- Upon focusing on the depictions within this structure, several important characteristics emerge. Firstly, the figures depicted are leopards and bulls, two species that are commonly represented in Early Neolithic ico- nography of the region. Secondly, the depictions place a significant emphasis on the dangerous limbs of these wild species. Thirdly, all the depicted figures, which are identifiable as male, are shown with phallic sym- bols. Finally, all the figures are depicted in motion. The animals are depicted in an aggressive posture, while the human figure on the left is shown crouching in a nearly dance-like pose. The seated human figure in high relief is depicted holding his phallus (Fig. 12). The figures are situated in a moment of an event that may be interpreted as recounting a story or myth, which distinguishes the piece from its contemporaries. The reliefs are composed of two scenes, which flow from left to right in a horizontal sequence. The horizontally flowing scenes represent a notable departure from the typical depiction of figures on T-shaped pillars, com- posite statues, and human figures carrying animals on their backs in a vertical perspective. The composition includes two male figures, both of whom display ithyphallic features, but have different expressions as they are placed in the centre of differ- ent scenes. The male figure on the right is depicted in high relief, from the facing side, in a realistic style. On either side of the figure are two leopards oriented towards him. The leopard on the left is also depicted with an erect phallus. The other male human figure is shown in a roughly drawn side view. The line extend- ing from the abdomen represents an erect phallus. The bull, which also has an erect phallus, stands on the opposite side of it. Although the bull is shown from the side, its head is carved in such a way that both horns are visible from above. The two scenes are distinct and deliberately placed side by side, as evidenced by the blank sidewalls. Ne- Fig. 11. The Sayburç reliefs are two side-by-side scenes with five figures arranged horizontally (photo B. Köº ker). Fig. 12. The most striking figure is the seated male figure, which is distinguished from the others by its high-relief technique and the direction of its view. 53 Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus and long bones were reburied in a niche. The structure with the burials in the niche is likely a dwelling. The niche is situated near the point at which the west wall of the structure makes a turn towards the south. As the structure was only excavated to a depth of 75cm, no information is available regarding the context of the building. Nevertheless, it is evident that following the placement of the bones within the niche, the front face was subsequently plastered. The most recently dis- covered cluster of burned bones were found on the northern side of a dwelling, with only the western half of which was excavated (Fig. 14). They were scattered on the bedrock bench and the floor in front of it. As the building has not yet been fully unearthed, it is diffi- cult to make an assessment of its context. However, it seems that the bones were discarded before the build- ing was abandoned. The number of individuals, their age and gender, as well as the treatment of the bones, are still under study and thus not yet fully understood. Nevertheless, observations made during the excava- tion indicate that they were composed primarily of long bones and skulls, and were initially secondary burials. Discussion The potential for comprehending the relationship between domestic and special buildings is evident in the study of Sayburç. The dwellings constructed on bed rock provide insights into the set- tlement pattern and structural features, while their well-preserved remains of- fer useful information about life in the past. As the research is still in its early stages, the place of the buildings in the technological novelties of architecture is emphasized here. The buildings in Say- burç exhibit a transition from a round to a quadrangular architectural form. Simi- larly, the use of buttresses, which are be- lieved to have reinforced the structural in tegrity of the walls, is also evident at the site. The apsidal plan, rectilinear wall, well-constructed corner connec- tions, buttresses, niches, and the dome- shaped hearth, situated within the wall, demonstrate the capacity of the commu- nity to create well-organized spaces as ‘house’ contexts. This was also achieved through the application of construction techniques that required a certain de- gree of technical expertise. ture designated as Str. CB excavated 80cm from the top, and seven T-shaped pillars were placed in front of the walls, probably on a bench running parallel to the wall (Fig. 13). A central T-pillar was also placed in the middle. In the adjacent Str. CD, the same fea- tures were discovered, but only in a limited area. The third structure is located to the south. Str. DA is once again encircled by dwellings. The structure features a double-step bench in front of the wall and at least one central T-shaped pillar lying on the floor, which has been destroyed. Given that this building was also partially excavated, our understanding of it remains incomplete. Some of the structures can be identified as special buildings based on their size and plan. Further excavation is necessary to provide clear definitions. The burials Three clusters of human remains have thus far been re- covered in the southern region within the domestic structures. All of the recovered human bones are sec- ondary burials, and the bones exhibit signs of burning. It can be reasonably assumed that selected bones, par- ticularly long bones and skull fragments, were placed within the structures. The initial cluster was excavated from the walls of the building, located just beneath the surface fill and partially buried within it. The second cluster is a secondary burial of six individuals. The bones were subjected to severe burning, and the skull Fig. 13. One of the special buildings in Sayburç features a central and seven perimeter T-pillars against the wall. 54 Eylem Özdoğan jects, have been unearthed at the site (Fig. 15). Beads and ornaments represent the individual form of sym- bolic expression that was characteristic of past soci- eties. It is evident that these forms of personal sym- bolism existed before the Neolithic period, but they increased in both material, type, and quantity with the Neolithic (Özdoğan E. 2016). Nevertheless, the appear- ance of public symbols during the Neolithic period is noteworthy. This is particularly obvious in the settle- ments of the Urfa region, where these symbols repre- sent elements that are fundamental to social values. One of the most striking features of these symbols is that they of ten form contexts associated with special buildings. The presence of these symbols in gathering places also serves to highlight the relationships among these symbols, rituals, and narratives. The preliminary studies indicate that they are one-room structures built by attaching one to the other. However, some of the smaller rooms that have been uncover ed may have been an- nexes as so ciated with the structures. From the exterior, the settlements ap pears to be a vast island of conti gu- ous structures. The buildings are con - structed next to one ano ther, re sult - ing in a limited amount of open space and restricted access. The in - tersections of walls between dif fe - rent structures like ly served as pas - sageways. The considerable width of some multiple walls may be in di - cative of the presence of roads with- in the settlement, which facilitat ed internal circulation. The hou ses pro- bably had thatched roofs over their stone walls. In some well-preserved houses, the walls have been extended inside. This sug gests that the up- per portions of the walls were positioned slightly in- ward to prevent rainwater from entering the buildings from outside. This also facilitates the drainage of water from a large building island. It is crucial to acknowledge that none of the special buildings within the site have yet been fully excavated. A structure in the north ern area appears to be larger than the other dwellings, and a bench along the wall with reliefs indicates its special function. At least three buildings in the southern area are considered ‘special buildings’ due to their interior equipment and arrange- ment of pillars. This pattern of intertwined dwellings and special buildings is noteworthy. This prompts the question of why there was more than one special building and whe- ther there were any differences be- tween them in terms of their use or users. While the answers to these questions may not be known until the buildings in the area are fully excavated, the special buildings and symbolic elements at Sayburç provide sufficient evidence to make an assessment. The symbolic ar- tefacts in Sayburç extend beyond those observed within the context of the special structures. Addition- ally, personal body ornaments, such as beads and small stone ob- Fig. 14. The human bones situated in front of the bench are composed of skull fragments and long bones. These bones, which are classified as secon dary burial, have undergone burning. Fig. 15. Personal ornaments and secondary use grooved stone (photo Y. Aslan). 55 Sayburç a mid-9th millennium BC site in the foothills of the Eastern Taurus Conclusion The Urfa region has been identi- fied as the site of distinctive spe- cial buildings and related sym- bolism that go as far back as the mid-10th millennium, BC as evi- denced by Göbeklitepe and Kar- ahantepe (Schmidt 2006; 2010; Karul 2021; 2022). The discov- ery of special buildings and re- liefs at Sayburç indicates that this tradition persisted until the mid- 9th millennium BC. Furthermore, in Sayburç, as in the other sites, the special buildings are not singular, but rather multiple and integrated into the dwellings. The evidence suggests that the tra- dition of integrating special buildings and dwellings into settlements persisted for a considerable length of time. In addition to temporal distinction, Sayburç is also distinguished from the other two settlements in terms of size. While the other two settlements ex- hibit a shift in size and complexity over time, Sayburç remained a relatively small settlement throughout its history. This suggests that distinctive architectural fea- tures, special buildings, and high artistic productions are not exclusive to large and prominent settlements. The reliefs in the special building in Sayburç provide a compelling illustration of the public significance of symbolism. The figures display features typically asso- ciated with strong, predatory animals, the male gen- der, and ithyphallic features (Schmidt 2006; Hodder, Meskell 2011). They are carved in stone and depicted in a realistic style, indicating that they are the products of artistic production requiring labour and mastery. As exemplars of a long tradition, they are representative of the broader phenomenon, while at the same time constituting a unique and comprehensive scene that is characteristic of this region. The scenes are arranged horizontally, and the orientation of the figures serves to emphasize two different scenes. Although there is a space around them, the fact that they are depicted side by side makes them two related narratives. It is of particular importance to consider the contexts in which these depictions take place. As in the case of Sayburç, both in Karahantepe and Göbeklitepe as well as in Nevali Çori, both depictions and sculptures are found in special structures. The fact that these depic- tions, which are clearly narrative in nature, are found in special structures – in other words, in structures with public functions – places them at the centre of public events and rituals. The coexistence of special buildings and symbols facilitates mutual understand- ing of the function of both symbols and buildings (Fig. 16). It seems that narratives, which are the subject of rituals, serve to maintain social cohesion and ensure the continuity of social values. In this regard, the de- pictions, special buildings, and related rituals serve an important function in the continuity of culture and the transmission of traditions to future generations. Al- though the narratives themselves are not readily com- prehensible, their social implications can be discerned. Fig. 16. Male human figure in a scene with a bull (photo B. Köºker). 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E. 2023. ªanlɩurfa Merkez ve Çevresi Tarihöncesi Dönem Arkeolojik Yüzey Araºtɩrmasɩ (ªAYA) 2021 Yɩlɩ İlk Sezon Sonularɩ. In C. Keskin (ed.), 42. Uluslararasɩ Kazɩ, Araºtɩrma Ve Ar keome- tri Sempozyumu. 38 Ataºtɩrma Sonuçlarɩ To plantɩsɩ. Cilt 1. 23–27 Mayɩs 2022. Denizli. T.C. Kültür Ve Tu rizm Bakanlɩğɩ Ana Yayɩn No: 3735/1. Kültür Varlɩklarɩ ve Müzeler Genel Mü dürlüğü No: 196/1. Ankara: 477–497. back to content 60 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.7 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – mezolitik; Balkan; jame; Nišava; kameni zbiri; živalski ostanki IZVLEÈEK – Zgodnje holocenska najdišèa na osrednjem Balkanu so bila kljub obsežnim raziskavam in izkopavanjem doslej dokumentirana le na obmoèju Železnih vrat – za kar obstaja veè možnih razlag. Nekateri raziskovalci trdijo, da je oèitno pomanjkanje mezolitskih najdišè posledica neustreznih razis- kovalnih prizadevanj v regiji, drugi menijo, da ekološke razmere na osrednjem Balkanu v zgodnjem ho locenu morda niso bile naklonjene preživetju skupnosti lovcev in nabiralcev. V nasprotju s prejš nji - mi preprièanji so nedavne raziskave jam v vzhodni Srbiji pokazale, da so ljudje to regijo naselili v mezo - litiku. V jami Pešterija, ki se nahaja južno od Pirota v jugovzhodni Srbiji, so bili dokumentirani sle do vi poselitve mezolitskih skupin, ki segajo v 7. tisoèletje pr.n. št. Dejstvi, da so najdišèa relativno bli zu naj- starejšim neolitskim najdišèem v Železnih vratih in v severozahodni Bolgariji ter da so jim potencialno soèasna, ponujata popolnoma nov pogled na prehod mezolitika v neolitik na tem delu Balkana. Prvi vpogled v mezolitsko poselitev južne Srbije: izkopavanje jame Pešterija v Ponišavlju KEY WORDS – Mesolithic; Balkans; caves; Nišava; lithic assemblages; faunal remains ABSTRACT - Despite extensive research and excavations across the central Balkans, Early Holocene sites have so far been documented only in the Iron Gates region – for which there are several possible expla- nations. Some scholars argue that the apparent lack of Mesolithic sites is due to inadequate research efforts in the region, while others suggest that the ecological conditions in the central Balkans during the Early Holocene may not have been favourable to the subsistence of hunter-gatherer communities. Contrary to previous beliefs, recent investigations of caves in eastern Serbia have revealed that humans inhabited the region during the Mesolithic. Traces of settlement of Mesolithic groups, dating back to the 7th millennium cal BC and employing comparable technology and economic practices to Mesolith- ic communities in other parts of the Balkan Peninsula, have been documented at the Pešterija Cave, situated south of Pirot in southeastern Serbia. The fact that the site is located relatively close to the old- est Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates and northwest Bulgaria, and is potentially contemporaneous with them, offers a completely new perspective on the transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic in this part of the Balkans. Dušan Mihailović 1, Ivana Živaljević 2, Vesna Dimitrijević 1, Sofija Dragosavac 1, Danilo Pajović 1, Anđa Petrović 1, Katarina Bogićević 3, Dragana Đurić 4, Mirela Djurović 1, Steven Kuhn 5, and Mirjana Roksandic 6 1 Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Belgrade, RS; dmihailo@f.bg.ac.rs 2 Department of History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad, Novi Sad, RS; 3 Department of Paleontology, Faculty of Mining and Geology, University of Belgrade, Belgrade, RS; 4 Natural History Museum, Belgrade, RS 5 School of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, USA 6 Department of Anthropology, University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, CA First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region 61 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region Introduction More than half a century has passed since the dis co - very of Mesolithic sites in the Iron Gates region, re- vealing traces of elaborate architecture, formal burial grounds, artistic artefacts (including those unearthed at Lepenski Vir), as well as numerous tools and faunal remains. At the time of discovery, it was hypothesized that the Lepenski Vir culture encompassed a vast ter- ritory across the Middle and Lower Danube Basin (Sre- joviæ 1979). Similar to the discoveries in the Iron Gates, the research conducted in the Adriatic, Ionian, and Ae- gean zones during the 1980s revealed a plethora of rich and multi-layered Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic sites. The number of these sites significantly increased following the investigations in Istria and northern and central Dal matia (Komšo 2006), and further south in the Greek islands during the 1990s (Kaczanowska, Koz³owski 2014). All of this indicates that the Balkan Peninsula as a whole was densely populated during theMesolithic period (Fig. 1). However, subsequent research following the inves ti- gations in the Iron Gates did not confirm these ex pec- tations for the interior of the Balkans. In the interior of Slovenia, the Mesolithic period has only been do- cu mented at the Zalog pri Verdu (Gaspari 2006) and Breg pri Škofljici (Turk 2022) sites, while in the in- terior of Croatia it is only attested in the Zala Cave (Vu - kosavljeviæ, Karavaniæ 2015). The Mesolithic has been also documented at a few sites in the northern part of Montenegro (e.g., Odmut and Vrbièka Cave – Bo riæ et al. 2019), as well as at the Kryegjata B and Neziri Cave in Albania (Runnels et al. 2007; Hauck et al. 2017). In Bulgaria and North Macedonia, no Mesolithic sites have been conclusively confirmed, while in Bosnia and Her - zegovina traces of Mesolithic occupancy have been noted only in the Rastuša Cave (Jovanoviæ et al. 2014). A similar situation has been recorded in Serbia. Fol - lowing intensive surveys of the Iron Gates hinter land, the Mesolithic has only been identified in Radu jevac (Radovanoviæ et al. 2014). A layer containing fauna (in cluding bones with cut marks) dated to the Early Holocene was confirmed at Bukovac (Živaljeviæ et al. 2018), while the Early Holocene age (8th millennium cal BC) has also been con firmed for human and animal remains at several sites in northern Serbia (Živaljeviæ et al. 2021). The apparent paucity of Mesolithic sites in the in te rior of the Balkans has been subject to numerous dis cus- sions, with some authors suggesting that Mesolithic sites may be buried beneath thick alluvial deposits and therefore remain undetected (Kotsakis 2001), others argue that inadequate methods were used in the sur- vey efforts (Runnels 2003), or that sur veys did not co - ver areas where Mesolithic settlements could be ex- pect ed (Mihailoviæ 2021). Some have even sug gest ed that the territory of Greece was sparsely po pulated during the Mesolithic (Runnels 1995; Perlès 2003). According to Catherine Perlès (2003), Mesolithic set- tle ments where sedentarization occurred should be archaeologically visible, so the fact that they have not been discovered suggests that they may not exist at all. Maria Gurova and Clive Bonsall (2014) proposed a com pelling explanation for the absence of the Me so- lithic in the Balkans. According to them, during the Early Holocene extensive forest growth made the cen - tral Balkans difficult to traverse, suggesting that fa- vourable con di tions for settlement existed only in the forest margins – in coastal areas and plateaus – if these areas were exploited seasonally, and that the com mu- nication between Mesolithic groups could have only occurred along river valleys. The authors argued that, since the region lacks waterways and glacial lakes, even this area could not have been den sely populated. Although we concur with the ma jority of Gurova and Bonsall’s (2014) conclusions, we disagree with the no - tion that the central Balkans lack waterways, as sub - stantial portions of the region are defined by the val - leys of major rivers such as the Danube, Sava, Mo ra va, and Nišava, which likely provided favourable con di- tions for human settlement. Hence, we po stu lated that Mesolithic settlements in the valleys of these rivers have probably not been dis covered because, unlike the Iron Gates, the lowest river terraces and profiles have not been systematically surveyed (Mi hai loviæ 2021). In considering the potential distribution and set tle- ment patterns of Mesolithic groups over time, the que - stion has arisen as to how frequently hunter-ga the rer communities, if concentrated along river cour ses, vi sit - ed the upland mountainous hinterlands. For this rea - son, particularly in the central Balkans, our re search has been focused on surveys and exploratory exca va - tions of cave sites located on the outskirts of river val- leys and places where the valleys are widest. Despite this effort, we did not detect Mesolithic re mains in most of the caves we explored until 2022 when we dis - covered Mesolithic material in Pešterija, located in the far southeast of Serbia. The discovery of Pešterija ne - cessitates a re-evaluation of hypotheses regarding the settlement patterns of the interior of the Balkans dur- 62 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... li thic sites also appear in the hinterland of the Iron Gates. In addition, eastern Serbia is bordered by ma - jor natural communication routes which historically connected the southern Balkans and the Black Sea re - gion with central and western Europe, making it sig- ni ficant for the study of the process of Neolithisation. Finally, eastern Serbia is characterized by a highly de- veloped karst relief with numerous caves and natural shelters. Systematic surveys of Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sites in the central Balkans have covered the entire territory of eastern Serbia since 2002, spanning from the Iron ing the Late Mesolithic, and the current as sumptions about cultural and social interactions between Me so- li thic and Neolithic communities during the period of Neolithisation in the central Balkans. Previous investigations of cave sites in south- eastern Serbia For several reasons, research on the Palaeolithic and Me solithic in the central Balkans over the past few de - cades has primarily focused on eastern Serbia. This area encompasses the Iron Gates region at the ex treme north, making it crucial to ascertain whether Meso- Fig. 1. Mesolithic sites in Southeast Europe: Zalog pri Verdu/Breg (ZPV/BR); Viktorjev Spodmol (VS); Mala Triglavica (MT); Abri Šebrn (AŠ); Nugljanska and Pupiæina Cave (NU/PUP); Lim 001 (LIM); Zala (ZA); Vela Špilja (VŠ); Rastuša Cave (RAS); Vlakno (VL); Kopaèina Peæina (KP); Zemunica (ZE); Vela Spila (VS); Sződliget (SZO); Regöly (REG); Szekszárd Palánk (SP); Erk (ERK); Jászberény/Jásztelek (JAS/JAS); Tarnaörs (TAR); Odmut (ODM); Vrbièka Peæina (VRB); Crvena Stijena (CS); Seocka Peæina (SP); Vruæa Peæina (VP); Trebaèki Krš (TK); Neziri Cave (NEZ); Kryegjata B (KR); Konispol Cave (KON); Sidari (SID); Boila (BO); Theopetra Cave (THE); Cyclope (CYC); Sarakenos Cave (SAR); Zaimis (ZAI); Klissoura Cave 1 (KLI); Franchthi Cave (FRA); Maroulas (MAR); Knossos (KNO); Cuina Turcului/Climente II/ Icona/Razvrata (CT/CII/I/R); Ostrovul Banului/Schela Cladovei (OB/SC); Ostrovul Corbului (OC); Padina/Vlasac/Lepenski Vir (P/VL/LV); Hajduèka vodenica (HV); Kula (KU); Pešterija (PEŠ). 63 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region that anatomically modern humans settled the inte- rior of the continent from the direction of the Danube (Mihailoviæ 2020), and that the Balkans likely serv ed as a refuge for Gravettian communities at the onset of the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) (Stiner et al. 2022). However, our research provided little evidence of set- tlement in this area during the late Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods. Located in the far south of east - ern Serbia, the Nišava River basin represents a notable exception, where, alongside Gravettian sites dated to the period before the LGM (i.e. Meèa Dupka, Pešturina, Potpeè, Alex et al. 2019; Plavšiæ, Popoviæ 2019), sites from the peak of the LGM were also disco vered (such as Velika Vranovica – lower cave, and Peæina kod Ste- ne, Kuhn et al. 2014; Mihailoviæ et al. 2017), as well as the aforementioned remains dated to the Mesolithic period (Pešterija). Physiographic, climatic, and ecological cha rac- te ristics of the Ponišavlje region The Nišava River basin covers an area of 2971.5km2 (Ma nojloviæ 2019) and extends from southeast to northwest over a length of 218km, ranging from low - land (plain) to high mountainous terrain (>1500 m a.s.l.) (Fig. 2). The region belongs to the long Car patho - Balkanides arch, which extends through the south east - ern part of Europe. A significant geological feature of Gates hinterland in the north, to the southern slopes of the Carpatho-Balkanides in the south, and from the valleys of the Great and South Morava rivers in the west to the Stara Planina mountain. in the east, encom - passing various topographic and ecological zones. The surveys were conducted as part of several international projects lead by the Faculty of Philosophy (University of Belgrade, Serbia) in collaboration with multiple in - ternational institutions, including the University of Winnipeg, the University of Arizona in Tucson, the Uni - versity of Kansas in Lawrence, and the Max Planck In- sti tute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig. During reconnaissance, over 100 potential cave sites were identified, presumed to have provided favourable conditions for settlement in the past. Around 30 of these sites were subjected to exploratory excavations, revealing predominantly pre-Neolithic materials. Low - er and Middle Palaeolithic remains – including ho mi - nin fossils – have been mainly documented in south- ern Serbia (Roksandic et al. 2011; 2022; Radoviæ et al. 2019; Lindal et al. 2020; Mihailoviæ et al. 2022), Aurignacian materials were found exclusively in the northern part of the country (Mihailoviæ et al. 2011), while Gravettian artefacts have been found throughout the surveyed territory. These studies have shown that the central Balkans were inhabited during all phases of the Middle Palaeolithic (Mihailoviæ, Mihailoviæ 2023), Fig. 2. Distribution of Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sites in the Ponišavlje region. 64 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... Positioning, appearance, exploration, and stra- ti graphy of Pešterija The Pešterija Cave is situated in the southern part of the region discussed here, within the Zvonaèka reka River valley (Fig. 3), in the basin of the Jerma River, a left tributary of the Nišava River (N 42.55819, E 22.35951). Pešterija is located on the right side of the valley, in the highest part of the short Cedilka can yon, 100m above the Zvonaèka reka riverbed (Fig. 4), at 715 m a.s.l. The cave is set within Jurassic lime sto nes which extend on both sides of the valley. The en trance is 13.5m wide and faces north, while the depth of the cave is approximately 15m (Fig. 5). The cave was iden- tified as a potential archaeological site in 2011, with exploratory excavations conducted in 2022 and 2023. The excavations were organized on a grid system, de - lineated by squares and quadrants. Fragments of rocks, artefacts, and animal bones larg er than 2cm were re- corded in situ. The excavated se diment was dry-sieved using 3mm screens. Upon arrival at the site in 2022, it was noted that geo- lo gical layers were preserved only in the northern part of the cave, at the boundary of the sheltered area. This is due to the presence of a spring in the back of the cave, which has washed away the sediment from the southern part of the site. There was a pit – ap pro xi - ma tely 2m in diameter – excavated by the treasure hun ters at the cave entrance, to the rocky base at a depth of 1.3m, revealing layers containing wheel- thrown pottery from historical periods. During the ini tial campaign, the pit profiles were aligned with the grid to potentially identify even older artefacts within the visible layers at the base of the profile (Fig. 6). During the profile correction, geological layer 2 yield- ed a significant number of archaeological finds and faunal remains dating back to the historical periods, while layer 3 contained small, chipped stone artefacts (including one backed bladelet) and sporadic faunal remains (Fig. 7). Notably, the taxa exclusive to the Ple - istocene were not identified among the faunal re - mains in this layer. Animal bones and several non-dia- gnostic artefacts were found in layer 4, characterized by coarse limestone debris and partial cementation. In contrast, only animal bones were found in layer 5, which consisted of clayey sediment. The initial ob ser- va tions were confirmed during the excavations in the subsequent 2023 field season. During this season, the excavation area was expanded towards the north and west, investigating a surface area of 5m2 to a depth of this region is the prominence of carbonate rocks, which serve as the basis for forming numerous caves (Dju roviæ 1998; 2018; 2022). Limestone is con si stent - ly found in the peripheral areas of the region – includ- ing Suva Planina, Belava, Vlaška Planina, Ka la fat, Svr- ljig Mt., and Vidliè – while its presence in other areas is often sporadic. The highest mean annual air tempe- ratures are typical for the valley bottom of the Nišava Ri ver, where temperatures gradually decrease from 11.7°C in the northwest to 9.9°C in the southeast. In- strumental measurements and statistical calculations have revealed a significant decrease in air temperature from the valley bottom towards the peripheral moun- tainous areas in the southwest and northeast, where the annual difference ranges from 6 to 8°C (Mi lo va- noviæ et al. 2022). The annual amount of pre ci pitation in the valley increases slightly by about 50mm from the lowest northwest parts to the highest south east parts, ranging from 592 to 642mm. The peripheral moun tainous areas receive a higher annual amount of precipitation, ranging from around 800 to about 1000mm for the highest mountain areas (Manojloviæ 2019; Milovanoviæ et al. 2022). Within the Nišava basin, karst terrain spans an area of 659.2km2, constituting 22.1% of the basin. It is di stri - buted across several elevation zones (Manojloviæ 2019). Its largest extent is found in the low moun tai- nous area between 500 and 1000m a.s.l., covering 64.4% of this elevation zone or 424.7km2. Karst is less prevalent in the mid-mountainous zone (1000–1500 m a.s.l.), where it occupies 23.3% or 153.3km2. It is least represented in the low-hilly area below 500m a.s.l., covering 9.7% of the zone’s surface area, or 63.7km2. Karst terrain is minimally present in the high mountainous area above 1500m a.s.l., covering only 2.7% or 17.8km2. In the southern part of Upper Poni- šavlje, in the valley of the Zvonaèka reka River, within the watershed of the Jerma River, a left tri butary of the Nišava River, several smaller karst out crops are locat- ed, formed in Triassic and Jurassic li me stone. The larg - est karst outcrop is in the area of Ase novo Kale, si tu- ated south of the Zvonaèka River (right valley side). The northern part of the karst outcrop is composed of Jurassic limestone, which is separated by faults from the southern part consisting of Jurassic limestone with chert nodules (Oxford, Kimmeridgian) (Anðelkoviæ et al. 1964–1968). Within this karst out crop, there are four caves arranged in a stepped man ner, ranging from 7 to 55m in length. Apart from the lowest cave – in which there is a cap tured spring – the others have no hydrological function. Among this group of caves is Pešterija. 65 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region Tab. 1. Results of radiocarbon dating of layer 3 of Pešterija Cave. Calibration is per formed using OxCal v4.4 (Bronk Ramsey 2021) and the IntCal20 ca li- bration curve (Reimer et al. 2020). mil lennium cal BC, and the third sample (Pes P-2022-3) indicated an age at the end of the 8th mil lennium cal BC. The samples were ta ken from the middle and low - er parts of layer 3, where there were no intrusions (e.g., pottery fragments) from the upper layers. In la- yer 3, no identifiable strata have been observed that could be linked to individual dated samples, which could account for the differing dates obtained for them. Faunal remains The context and taphonomy The analysed faunal remains were collected from geological layers 3–5. The sample consists of 1358 iden tified specimens (NISP), with the vast majority (82.1%) originating from layer 3. The mammal bone assemblage ex - hibits a high degree of frag- mentation; there were no com- plete bo ne specimens (except for small mammal bones), and there was only a small number of complete epi phy ses. Frag- ments less than 2cm prevail approximately 1m, reaching layer 4. At this stage of research, the age of the deepest layer at the site re- mains uncertain, primarily due to the absence of dia- gnostic artefacts. Given the initial indications that layer 3 probably dated back to the late Upper Palaeolithic or Mesolithic, three bone samples from this layer were subjected to radiocarbon dating in the Ottawa laboratory in 2023 (Tab. 1). The bones were pretreated with the ul trafil- tration step following the precise procedures outlined in Carley A. Crann et al. (2017). The first sample (PesP- 2022-1) yield ed an age corresponding to the early 6th mil lennium cal BC, the se cond sample (PesP-2022-2) pro vided an age cor responding to the middle of the 7th Fig. 3. Geomorphological map of the area around Pešterija Cave. Lab ID Submitter ID Material Collagen yield % 14C yr BP ± cal BC UOC-21631 PesP-2022-1 Animal bone 7.4 6993 24 5980–5946 (19.0%) 5922–5796 (76.5%) UOC-21632 PesP-2022-2 Animal bone 6.1 7428 24 6380–6235 (95.4%) UOC-21633 PesP-2022-3 Animal bone 3.9 8210 25 7322–7132 (84.3%) 7110–7078 (11.2%) 66 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... from several Mesolithic sites in this area (Padina, Le- penski Vir, Vla sac, Hajduèka Vodenica and Icoana) (Bo - lomey 1973; Bökönyi 1975; 1978; Clason 1980; Bo riæ, Dimitrijeviæ 2005; Dimitrijeviæ 2008; Gre enfield 2008; Bãlãsescu et al. 2021). Its presence was also con - (n = 862, i.e. 69.1%), and no fragments were longer than 10cm. A significant number of mammal bone specimens were burnt (n = 498, i.e. 39.9%), however, it should be noted that the traces of burning were often difficult to discern from mineral staining. The bones exhibited varying degrees of exposure to fire: the majority were (partly) burnt (67.1%), but extensively carbonized and calcined specimens also occurred (Fig. 8). One bone fragment from layer 3 (square N19/a) displayed light bluish-grey colouration, indicative of long and intense heating. A small number of specimens (n = 5) bore visible gnaw- ing marks. One red deer first phalanx was gnawed by a rodent, whereas four specimens – a ruminant first pha lanx, a chamois first phalanx, a marten hu me rus fragment and a mammal rib fragment – bore carni vo re teeth marks. Another chamois first phalanx and a ru minant third phalanx were digested. Other tapho no - mic modifications included root etching and/or mi- crobial activity, visible on three bone specimens. An- thropogenic modifications will be further discussed below. Taxonomic composition The faunal sample from Pešterija exhibits significant diversity, encompassing the remains of large, medium- sized, and small mammals, micromammals (i.e. those weighing less than 1kg), birds, amphibians, fish, and molluscs (Tab. 2). The vast majority originate from large, medium-sized and small mammals (1249 spe- ci mens, i.e. 92%). However, only 42 specimens (3.4% of the mammal bone assemblage) could be identified to the species, genus, family or order level, due to the high degree of bone frag mentation. In the case of large and medium-sized mammals, the remains of ruminants – mainly red deer (Cervus elaphus) and cha mois (Rupicapra rupicapra) – were more numerous than carnivores. Whe- reas red deer was ubiquitous and com- monly hunted in the Pleistocene and Ho- locene, the chamois was re la ti vely rare during the Pleistocene, and its remains were documented at a limited number of mountain sites, usually in modest num - bers. It was present in the Iron Gates during the Early Holocene, as evidenced by its occurrence in faunal assemblages Fig. 4. View of the Cedilka canyon along the Zvo naè- ka reka River (photo Dušan Mihailoviæ). Fig. 5. Pešterija – view from inside the cave (photo Dušan Mihai lo- viæ). 67 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region firmed in Montenegro – in Mesolithic la yers at Seocka peæina (Van der Linden et al. 2014; 2015) and Me so- lithic and Neolithic layers at the Odmut rock shelter (Boriæ et al. 2019), as well as at the Early Neolithic site of Obre in Bos nia and Herzegovina, and the Late Neo li - thic site of Sitagroi in Northeastern Greece (Bökönyi 1978). From the Middle Holocene, chamois became largely extirpated in the region. At Pešterija, chamois remains primarily originated from geological layer 3 (eight specimens), and only one specimen was found in layer 5. The specimens include deciduous teeth (a left incisor and a left lower second premolar), a permanent right lower second mo lar, mandible fragments, and fragments of a left radius, metatarsal bone, and three first phalanxes, originating from a minimum of two individuals. The metatarsal fragment from layer 3 (square N19/a) bore trans verse scraping marks and an overlying long cut mark, inflicted by a chipped stone tool. As previously mentioned, one of the phalanxes (from layer 5, square L19/c) was gnaw ed by a carnivore, and the other (from layer 3, square M21/a) shows di gestive etching. Red deer was also represented by a mi nimum of two individuals, and all skeletal elements attributed to this species (n = 13) originated from layer 3. These include an antler fragment, a deciduous upper right third pre mo - lar, a fragment of an upper right mo- lar bud, a right and left first in cisor, a molar fragment, a hyoid bone, two man dible fragments, a lumbar ver te - bra, a left radius fragment, a me tapo - dial bone fragment, and a fragmented first phalanx. In addition, an upper right canine originated from layer 3/4. Based on the heavily worn deci du o - us premolar (from square M19/a), it can be suggested that the animal was killed at the age of 27 months, i.e. between the end of September and the be ginning of October. The same age at death and ultimately the same hunting season were deter min - Fig. 6. Pešterija Cave ground plan (drawing Sofija Dragosavac). TAXON NISP MNI Mammals (large, medium- sized and small) hare (Lepus europaeus) 2 1 fox (Vulpes vulpes) 1 1 marten (Martes sp.) 2 1 indeterminate carnivores (Carnivora indet.) 1 / red deer (Cervus elaphus) 14 2 roe deer (Capreolus capreolus) 2 1 chamois (Rupicapra rupicapra) 9 2 indeterminate ruminants (Ruminantia indet.) 9 / indeterminate mammals (Mammalia indet.) 1207 / TOTAL 1249 8 Micromammals mole (Talpa europaea) 1 1 wood mouse (Apodemus cf. sylvaticus) 1 1 indeterminate murids (Muridae indet.) 1 1 indeterminate squirrels (Sciuridae indet.) 1 1 indeterminate micromammals (Micromammalia indet.) 24 / TOTAL 28 4 Birds bird of prey 2 1 indeterminate birds (Aves indet.) 27 / TOTAL 29 1 Amphibians fire salamander (Salamandra salamandra) 1 1 marsh frog (Pelophylax cf. ridibundus) 2 1 indeterminate frog (Anura indet.) 2 1 TOTAL 5 4 Fish vyrezub (Rutilus frisii) 1 1 TOTAL 1 1 Vertebrates indeterminate vertebrates (Vertebrata indet.) 19 / TOTAL 19 / Molluscs Roman snail (Helix pomatia) 4 1 indeterminate gastropods (Gastropoda indet.) 20 8 freshwater mussel (Unio sp.) 2 1 indeterminate molluscs (Mollusca indet.) 1 1 TOTAL 27 11 Tab. 2. The taxonomic composition of the faunal assemblage from Pešterija Cave. 68 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... va ticus). In addition, two more specimens could be identified to the family level – a left humerus, most li - kely of a murid (Muridae indet.), and a right hume rus belonging to a member of the squirrel family (Sciuri- dae indet.). The wood mouse and mole are species which typically inhabit deciduous forests, woodland edges, wet meadows and shrublands. Con sequently, the occurrence of their remains at Pešterija is indi cati - ve of a relatively humid and moderately warm cli mate during the time of their accumulation (cf. Popov 2000). The bird bone assemblage from Pešterija mainly consisted of skeletal elements – coracoid, ribs, ver te- brae, long bones, tarsometatarsi, and phalanges (n = 27) – that did not allow for more precise taxonomic identification. They mainly derive from small birds, ex cept for a second phalanx found in layer 4 (square L19/c) and an ungual phalanx (talon) found in layer 3 (square M19/a) (Fig. 9.a) which belonged to larger birds of prey. At the Mesolithic site of Vlasac in the Iron Gates, the occurrence of metatarsi and phalanxes of white-tailed eagle (Haliaeetus albicilla) has been associated with a possible trophy collection of claws (Bökönyi 1978.49). While not identifiable at the spe - cies level, the ungual phalanx from Pešterija po ten- tially belonged to a large falcon and may have held si - milar symbolic significance. ed in the case of a red deer skull de posited on the floor of Building 28 at the site of Le pen- ski Vir (Dimitrijeviæ 2000; 2008; Dimi trije- viæ et al. 2016; cf. Brown, Chapman 1991). Apart from red deer and chamois, the remains of another ruminant species – roe deer (Capre- olus ca preolus) – were also present in the fau- nal sample, albeit in modest numbers. Two ele- ments were attributed to roe deer – an antler tip and a longitudinally split first phalanx and an antler tip, found in geological layers 3 and 3/4, respectively. A total of 11 specimens from layers 3 and 4 were identified only to the order level, categorized as ruminants (Ruminantia in- det.). The sample contained remains of at least two species of carnivore – fox (Vulpes vulpes) and marten (Martes sp.) – all of which were dis co - vered in layer 3. The fox was represented by a calcaneus fragment, and the marten by a frag- ment of the right mandible and a gnawed frag ment of the right humerus. In addition, one carnivore left ulna fragment from layer 3 most likely belonged to a ca nid larger than a fox, which allows the possibility that it originated from a dog (Canis familiaris). As previously mentioned, certain bone fragments bore gnaw ing marks, with punctures corresponding to fox or dog teeth. While there is ample evidence of local dog domestication in the Iron Gates Mesolithic (Bö könyi 1975; 1978; Dimitrijeviæ, Vukoviæ 2012) and long histories of human-canid coexistence in this area (Radovanoviæ 1999; Dimitrijeviæ 2008; Živaljeviæ 2015), in other parts of the Balkans this phenomenon is still poorly understood. There is certainly a pos si bility that dogs were companion species to the Mesolithic communities in the Ponišavlje region as well, but this hypothesis remains to be tested with future exca va tions retrieving skeletal elements that can be identified with more certainty. The faunal sample from Pešterija also yielded small ma m mal remains, represented by an upper right third premolar fragment and a right fourth metatarsal of a hare (Lepus europaeus). The majority of micro mam- mal remains (n = 24) consisted of long bones that did not allow for precise taxonomic identification. Only twospecimens could be identified at the species level – the left humerus of a mole (Talpa europaea), and the left mandible of a wood mouse (Apodemus cf. syl- Fig. 7. A part of the western profile within Pešterija Cave (photo and drawing Sofija Dragosavac). 69 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region teeth have also been identified in the fau nal assemblage from the Mesolithic layer at Bukovac Cave, in the Resava Ri - ver valley (a tri butary of the Velika Mo - ra va, which flows into the Da nube) (Ži - valjeviæ et al. 2018). This suggests that the Black Sea vyrezub populations were entering the whole stretch of the Danube (includ ing some of its tributaries) during their spawning migrations, at least up to the Middle Holocene. The molluscan assemblage from Pešte- rija also in clu des species known from other Meso li thic sites, as shell fragments of the Roman snail (He lix pomatia) were retrieved from geological layers 3 and 4. Helix gastropods have been document- ed at several final Pleistocene and Early Holo cene sites throughout the circum-Me di terranean region, and were most likely used in the inhabitants’ diet as part of the ‘broad spectrum revolution’ (Lu bell 2004a; 2004b). Other local gastropods (Gastro poda indet.) were also iden tified in the sample, but they were too small to be used as a die tary source. In addition, two frag ments of freshwater mussel (Unio sp.) were found in la yer 3. At several Mesolithic sites in the Iron Gates region (Padina, Schela Clado vei, Ku la), the damage ob- serv ed on the anterior part of recovered Unio shells sug gests they were cracked open using some form of tool, in di cating their use as a dietary source (Clason 1980; Pickard et al. 2017; Živa ljeviæ et al. 2017b). Due to their frag mentary con di tion, this kind of damage could not be identified on the spe ci mens from Peš te - rija; however, it is noteworthy that one of them reveal- ed traces of use, as discus sed in further detail below. Butchery marks Traces potentially associated with butchering were observed on the previously mentioned chamois me- tatarsal fragment from geological layer 3 (square N19/a). This bone bore transverse scraping marks The faunal assemblage from Pešterija also included five amphibian bone specimens: a humerus of fire sa- la mander (Salamandra salamandra), a right ilium bone and a humerus of marsh frog (Pelophylax cf. ri - di bundus), and two indeterminate bone fragments which most likely originated from a member of the frog order (Anura indet.). A particularly notable find, and the sole fish skeletal ele - ment in the sample, was unearthed in geological la- yer 3 (square M20/c). The ele ment in question is a frag mented pharyngeal tooth of vyrezub or pearl fish (Rutilus frisii) (Fig. 9.b), one of the largest repre sen - ta tives of the Cyprinidae family. At present, this fish species inhabits the es tuaries and the coastal areas of the Black, Azov, and Caspian Seas, and under ta - kes sea sonal spawning migrations to their tribu ta - ries (Kottelat, Freyhof 2007; Boldyrev 2022). How - ever, its migration to the Danube, the largest tribu - tary of the Black Sea, has never been documented in the historical re cord. The only currently extant Da - nubian populations are land locked, in habiting se - veral sub al pine lakes and a short river flow ing through Austria (Zauner, Rat schan 2005; Schmall 2007; Schmall, Rat schan 2010). How ever, ancient DNA ana lysis of cy prinid pharyngeal teeth from se veral Mesolithic sites in the Iron Gates has confirmed that they ori gi nated from vyrezub (Ži - valjeviæ et al. 2017a). In the Iron Gates Late Mesolithic, pha ryn- geal teeth of this species were com monly mo dified and worn as garment appliqués, which makes the oc currence of the tooth from Peš terija Cave even more signifi- cant (discussed in more de tail be low). In addition, un modi fied vy rezub pha ryngeal bones and Fig. 8. The distribution of mammal bones based on the degree of burning. Top right: a calcined bone fragment from geological layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (square N/19a). Fig. 9. a An ungual phalanx (talon) of a bird of prey from geological layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (square M19/a). b vyrezub pharyngeal tooth from the zone with lighter sediments in geological layer 3 (square M20/c) (photo Ivana Živaljeviæ). 70 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... striking surfaces (Fig. 10.a). The second core, fea tur- ing a worn platform edge, was utilized to produce microblades and was struck around its entire pe ri me - ter (Fig. 10.b). Different core reduction patterns are also evidenced by several pieces with prepared plat- form types, as well as by the multidirectional ori en ta - tion of negatives – more common in flakes than in bla- des and bladelets. Furthermore, the absence of cortex on the artefacts suggests that primary de co rtication, and likely core shaping, was conducted off-site. The reconstruction of the knapping technique was conducted by analyzing multiple attributes, including interior platform angle, lip formation, platform thick- ness, bulb morphology, bulbar scar, conus formation, and the regularity of blades (Pelcin 1997; Magnani et al. 2014; Hege 2015). Flakes, blades, and bladelets were detached using a soft hammer (Tab. 5). Some of the ar - tefacts were knapped via direct per cussion, as in di- cated by the pronounced bulb and lip formation, and by the presence of bulbar scars. Pieces that exhibit an interior platform angle (IPA) of 90°, a diffuse bulb, and distinct lip formation likely suggest the use of indirect percussion. With regard to blades and bladelets, it has been found that there are no examples with both straight edges and dorsal ridges, which could indicate knapping by pressure technique. The same conclusion arises when it comes to cores – since weakly expressed ne gative bulbs can be observed on the scars of the de- tached bladelets, directly below the core platform. The differences observed be tween blades and blade- lets on one hand, and flakes on the other, relate main - ly to the choice of raw materials. Both chert and chal - cedony were equally used for blades and bla de lets, while flakes were pri marily made from chert. Addi- tionally, differences can be noted in the prevalence of ‘Balkan flint’, which was exclusively used for crafting blades and bladelets (Figs. 11,12). The discovery of a core made of ‘Balkan flint’ at Pešterija, along with several small fragments and chips, indicates that and an overlying long cut mark. In addition, two first phalanxes – of a red deer from layer 3 (square N19/b), and an unidentified ruminant from layer 4 (square L19/c) – were most likely cracked with the intent of ex - tracting marrow. Lithic artefacts Technological analysis In geological layer 3, a total of 78 stone artefacts were collected. Among these, two cores (one yielding blades and one yielding blades and flakes), 19 unretouched flakes, 18 blades and bladelets, 10 retouched tools (nine of which were made on bladelets), and 29 chips and small flake fragments were identified. The majo - rity of artefacts (excluding flakes and small fragments) were crafted from chert (26 pieces) among which are six pieces which, based on macroscopic characteristics, can be classified as ‘Balkan flint’ (Tab. 3). At least one of them is typical (yellowish-brown, white spotted), while the others match the colour and structure of the ‘Balkan flint’ varieties confirmed in neighbouring Bul- garia (Gurova et al. 2022). Nineteen artefacts were made from chalcedony, and three of undetermined raw material due to burning effects. Furthermore, one artefact was made from low-quality siliceous rock. The presence of pebble cortex was noted solely on one flake fragment, one blade and one core, suggesting that primary cortex removal occurred off-site for the cores. The technological composition of the collection in di- cates that both laminar and non-laminar com ponents are equally represented. The orientation of negatives on the dorsal face of the artefacts, as well as the stri k- ing platforms, indicates that both blades and bladelets, as well as retouched flakes, were obtained from cores with unprepared platforms (Tab. 4). This reduction scheme has been confirmed on two cores from the as- semblage. One core was formed from a piece of raw ma terial resembling ‘Balkan flint’ and contains two Blanks Retouched tools Raw material Cores Flakes Blades Bladelets Flakes Blades Bladelets TOTAL (%) Flint 0 11 1 4 1 1 2 20 (40.8%) Balkan flint 1 0 2 2 0 0 1 6 (12.2%) Chalcedony 0 6 2 6 0 1 4 19 (38.8%) Silicious rocks 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 (2.1%) UND 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 3 (6.1%) TOTAL (%) 2 (4.1%) 19 (38.8%) 6 (12.2%) 12 (24.5%) 1 (2.1%) 2 (4.1%) 7 (14.3%) 49 Tab. 3. General structure and raw material composition of the lithic assemblage from layer 3 of Pešterija Cave. 71 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region of the raw material. Additionally, the other two blade fragments do not display any discernible traces of per- cussion or flexing fracturing. Among the retouched tools, ab ruptly retouched pie ces re present the predominant type (n = 6). Further more, one re touched blade, a tool with an oblique-con vex truncation, one retouched flake, and one denticulated tool were also dis co vered. Within the category of back - ed im plements, the fol lowing were identified: three backed bladelets – two fragments with straight backs and one bladelet with a curved back – and two atypical geo metric microliths including one segment (Fig. 12.q). Use-wear analysis Fifty-two knapped stone artefacts (Tab. 6) and one blade-like tool made from a fragment of a freshwater mussel shell (Unio sp.) – originating from geological la yers 3 and 3/4 – were examined for tra- ces of use (Fig. 13.a). The artefacts were ana lysed via low and high-power ap proa - ches (Semenov 1964; Keeley 1980; Vaug - han 1985; Jensen 1988; van Gijn 1989; Odell 2001), using Nikon SMZ-U and Lei - ca S9D ste reo microscopes, Olympus BX 51M and Nikon Eclipse ME 600 metallo- graphic microscopes, and a Hirox RH 2000 digital microscope. The knapped stone artefacts were cleaned using deter - gent and de mineralized wa ter in an ultra - sonic tank for 15 minutes, followed by rinsing for an additional 10 minutes. Dur- ing the analyses, samples were further cleaned with ethanol as necessary. The majority of the analysed artefacts (86%) had been affected by post-de posi- some artefacts made of this raw material were likely manu fac tur- ed on-site rather than being trans - ported to the site as fi nished pro - ducts. One medial frag ment of a blade, likely em ploy ed as a sickle insert (see the use-wear analysis results), stands as a potential ex- cep tion. This artefact could have been made and used as part of a composite tool even before the com munity inhabited the cave. The relatively regular fractures on both ends of one distal and two medial fragments of blades made of ‘Balkan flint’ prompted us to conduct analyses to de ter mine whether the blade fractures were intentional. The analysis uti lized criteria pro- posed by Vyacheslav S. Slavinsky et al. (2019) and Hugo An der son-Whymark (2011). Applying those criteria revealed that tra ces of intentional fracturing can only be observed on a single blade fragment (spe- cifically the one used as an insert), at one fracture point. This is especially evident because this piece dis - plays the point of percussion on the dorsal ridge, en - abling a more predictable outcome of fracturing (Sla- vynski et al. 2019). The absence of the Hertzian cone on this fracture may be attributed to the characteristics Fig. 10. Cores from layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (photo Danilo Pajoviæ; draw ing Sofija Dragosavac). Flakes Blades Bladelets Total Dorsal scar negatives Unidirectional 7 1 4 12 Multidirectional 4 0 2 5 Diagonal 0 1 0 1 Platform type Flat 8 1 1 10 Dihedral 1 0 0 1 Faceted 2 1 1 4 Linear 2 0 3 5 Punctiform 0 1 3 4 Cortical 1 0 1 2 Undetermined 1 0 2 3 Tab. 4. Dorsal scar negatives and platform type on artefacts from layer 3 of Pešterija Cave. 72 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... linkage of polish. Topography characterizes the mor- phology of the polish, while linkage describes the con - nectivity of diverse polish features and levels of po- lish development more clearly, indicating the ma te rial, activity and time spent to modify a cer tain item. The texture can be smooth, or smooth and greasy/matt, and rough, or rough and greasy/matt, while topo gra - phy can be domed, flat, pitted, gra nular, melting, cra- tered, or si mi lar (e.g., van Gijn 1989). Link age ca te go - ries include open, tight, half-tight, compact, and in de- terminable. The processing of hide/like materials is evi denced by step and halfmoon terminations (Fig. 13.c.1), rough texture (Fig. 13.c.2), granular topo gra- phy and open linkage, suggesting a short period of use. The evidence for working of vegetal matter at Pešterija is noted on one blade fragment used as an insert, from geological layer 3 (square N20/a). Macroscopic ana ly - sis showed snap and step scar terminations and de- veloped edge rounding (Fig. 13.c.3). The oblique bi- directional trend tes ti fies that the insert was used in a cutting motion. Microscopic observation re vealed a smooth texture, flat to pography and co vered linkage identifying the micro polish as resulting from pro- cessing of ve getal matter, further implying a siliceous- rich plant (Fig. 13.c.4). A techno-functional study of the artefacts from Mesolithic layer 5b at Rouffignac displayed similar traces that were also attributed to plant working, in particular, cutting reeds (Visentin et al. 2015.Fig. 65.2). The absence of striations, noted on the insert from Pešterija, indicates the pos- sibility of cutting wild siliceous species (van Gijn 2010). On ano- ther part of the used edge, there are random step and feather tra - ces, which suggest that the blade fragment was embedded in a haft or handle. In addition to the tra- tional surface modifications (PDSM), such as soil sheen (Fig. 13.b.1), glossy appea rance, various mechanical alterations, bright spots, patina, general weathering, or a combination of two or more of these (Fig. 13.b.2). The most frequent PDSM is glossy appearance which damages the artefacts by creating a surface that mimics the polish generated by use. Thermal stress was found on 13% of the artefacts and it is distinguished by a co- lour change and potlid fractures (Fig. 13.b.3), usually associated with low to medium firing temperatures (e.g., Purdy 1975; Pat ter son 1995; Petroviæ 2021). Unfortunately, post-depositional modifications have affected the preservation of the use-wear traces, and a large number of samples are interpreted as undia g - nostic (56%), while 25% of the artefacts bear no tra - ces of use. The non-diagnostic samples are in terpreted as probably used, but the micro traces have been con - cealed or removed by physical and chemical alte ra - tions and the exact worked material could not be de - termined. Traces cha racteristic of processing ani mal matter are detected on 6% of the artefacts exa mined, vegetal materials on 2%, while 11% of the ar tefacts have only macro traces suggesting the use of me dium- hard, medium or soft materials. The micro traces of hard animal materials such as bone or antler are re pre- sented by flat and melting topography, and covered Platform thick. IPA Bulb morphology Lip formation Bulb scar Conus formation (mean) (mean) absent diffuse pron. absent diffuse pron. absent present Blades 2.77 / 0 3 0 0 1 2 3 0 0 Bladelets 2 92 2 3 2 1 4 2 7 0 0 Flakes 3.23 93.3 3 7 6 0 6 10 9 7 0 Tab. 5. The presence of attributes for characterizing the knapping technique on artefacts from layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (after Pelcin 1997; Magnani et al. 2014; Hege 2015) Fig. 11. Fragments of the ‘Balkan flint’ blades from layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (photo Sofija Dragosavac). 73 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region Fig. 12. Unretouched blades and bladelets (a–g) and retouched tools (h–q) from layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (photo Danilo Pajoviæ; drawing Sofija Dragosavac). ces of hafting, there are several areas of dark residues. The mi cro polish is evenly distributed suggesting that the blade was broken be fore it was used. The observed tra ces indicate that the insert was indeed hafted and used as a sickle. The nearest analogies are to be found in Bul garia, where sickle inserts are considered as an 74 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... Sample Layer Square PDSM Thermal stress Activity Worked material 1 3,4 M19/b high glossy appearance non-diagnostic 2 3,4 M19/b glossy appearance not used 3 3,4 M19/b not used 4 3,4 L19/b glossy appearance non-diagnostic 5 3,4 M19/a glossy appearance not used 6 3,4 M19/b yes, potlid fracture non-diagnostic 7 3 M19/a glossy appearance non-diagnostic 8 3 M19/a glossy appearance medium material 9 3 M19/a glossy appearance cutting hide-like traces 10 3 M20/d glossy appearance non-diagnostic 11 3 M20/d high glossy appearance, soil sheen non-diagnostic 12 3 M20/d glossy appearance non-diagnostic 13 3 M20/d glossy appearance non-diagnostic 14 3 M20/d glossy appearance non diagnostic 15 3 M19/d not used 16 3 L19/c high glossy appearance, traces of metal yes, potlid fractures non-diagnostic 17 3 M20/b glossy appearance non-diagnostic 18 3 M20/b glossy appearance not used 19 3 N19/b patina not used 20 3 N20/a glossy appearance yes, potlid fractures not used 21 3 N20/a cutting plant 22 3 M19/b light glossy appearance, white/blue patina not used 23 3 M21/a soil sheen, glossy appearance, bright spot non-diagnostic 24 3 N20/a glossy appearance not used 25 3 N20/a not used 26 3 N20/a glossy appearance, soil sheen non-diagnostic 27 3 L19, M19, N19/a,b, H20/a,b soil sheen, glossy appearance not used 28 3 M20/b glossy appearance, soil sheen non-diagnostic 29 3 M19/b glossy appearance, soil sheen not used 30 3 N19/a glossy appearance, soil sheen hard animal material 31 3 N19/a patinated hide-like 32 3 N19/a glossy appearance, metal non-diagnostic 33 3 L19/a glossy appearance, patina non-diagnostic 34 3 N20/b glossy appearance, soil sheen soft, soft-medium material 35 3 N20/b non-diagnostic 36 3 L19/d glossy appearance non diagnostic 37 3 L19/c patina yes non-diagnostic 38 3 M19/b light glossy appearance yes, potlid fracture cutting soft-medium material 39 3 M19/b glossy appearance cutting medium, medium-hard material 40 3 M19/b high glossy appearance yes non-diagnostic 41 3 M20/b light glossy appearance medium 42 3 L20/d glossy appearance medium-hard material Tab. 6. Use-wear analysis results. 75 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region (Fig. 15.b). It was longitudinally bro ken but remained in use even after this. The preserved working edge is trimmed and concave, which is re miniscent of tools from the site of Vlasac which have been interpreted as chisels. At Vlasac, chisels were made from aurochs (Bos pri migenius) metatarsals, by cutting off a part of the proximal end to produce a handle, and the work- indicator of agricultural practices in the Early Neolithic as they were found in abundant quantities (Gurova 2012; 2014). Osseous tools and possible ornaments Osseous tools Manufacturing and usage tra ces were detected on several spe cimens, such as a red deer mandible (Fig. 15.a) from geo logical layer 3 (square M21/ d), a frag ment of a large mammal bone (potentially nasal) with a re- touched edge, found in layer 3 (squa- re M20/2), and the afore men tion ed Unio shell fragment (Fig. 14) retriev- ed from layer 3 (square N20/b). The basal fragment of the red deer mandible dis co vered in square M21/ d exhibited multiple sets of diagonal cut marks at varying angles, indi ca - tive of butchering (cf. Binford 1981), but it also displays evidence of ad di - tional manipulation and use. Spe ci - fically, it appears to have been in ten- tionally frac tured to create a ‘point’, with the surface of the break howing traces of polishing. More over, the tra - ces on the ‘pointed’ portion suggest that the object was used in some man- ner (Fig. 15.a). Two specimens (both from layer 3, square M19/c) could be associated with tool types already known from other Mesolithic sites in the wider re- gion. The first one is an artefact ma- de from a longitudinally split long bone diaphysis of a large mammal Fig. 13. a Use-wear results of the Pešterija Cave sample. b post-de po si- tional surface modifications (PDSM): 1 soil sheen; 2 combination of soil sheen and glossy appearance; 3 potlid fracture as a result of thermal stress. c worked materials: 1 step and halfmoon macro terminations, hide processing; 2 rough texture, hide processing; 3 snap and step macro terminations with edge rounding, plant working; 4 flat topography and smooth texture, plant working (photo A. Petroviæ). 43 3 L20/d altered non-diagnostic 44 3 M21/a altered yes non-diagnostic 45 3 L20 bright spots, patina non-diagnostic 46 3 L20 high glossy appearance non-diagnostic 47 3 L20/a high glossy appearance non diagnostic 48 3 L20/a non-diagnostic 49 3 L20/d glossy appearance non-diagnostic 50 3 L20/d glossy appearance non-diagnostic 51 3 L20/c light glossy appearance non-diagnostic 52 3 L20/c light glossy appearance not used Tab. 6 continued 76 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... Vlasac, made from red deer antler beams or tines, where the active part had been produced by per cus- sion, oblique cutting and scraping to form a wide, usu - ally fan-shaped edge (Srejoviæ, Letica 1978). Based on their morphology and presumed function, such tools have been interpreted as hoes, axes, and axe-hammers (Srejoviæ, Letica 1978), i.e. as chisels, axes or blades (Cri stiani, Boriæ 2021), and were most likely used in tree-felling and/or woodworking. Apart from Vlasac, such tools have been found at many Iron Gates sites – Alibeg, Lepenski Vir, Rãzvrata, Hajduèka Vodenica, Icoana, Os tro vul Banului, Schela Cladovei, Ostrovul Corbului, Velesnica and Ku la (Vitezoviæ 2011; 2017; 2021; Boroneanþ, Mãrgãrit 2017; Mãrgãrit, Boro ne - anþ 2017; Mãrgãrit et al. 2017a; 2017b; 2018a; 2023; Živaljeviæ et al. 2017b; Boroneanþ et al. 2018). Given that the antler artefact from Pešterija was only partial- ly preserved, the exact type could not be determined, but it was most likely some sort of cylin dri cal or semi- cylindrical bevelled edge tool. A blade-like tool made from fresh- water Unio mussel shell frag ment was recovered from geo logi cal la yer 3 (square N20/b). It was ma nufactured by shap ing the fragment of the shell ven tral mar- ginal edge (Fig. 14.a). The most pronounced area of use is on the B side, where step scarring oc- curr ed with an overlap ping di- stribution (Fig. 14.b). The trend of the traces is unidi rectio nal oblique towards transitional, which is associated with a mixed motion of cutting and scraping. Macro traces are indicative of the working of hard to medium-hard material, possibly of mineral ori - gin. On the opposite, A side, less developed traces with snap ter- mi nations are present, presu mab- ly from handling. Short striations directed transitionally are noted inside the macro scars (Fig. 14.c). Si milar traces are observed when working the mineral materials, such as clay (Mãrgãrit et al. 2021. Fig. 3). The diagnostic micro traces with smooth to rough texture, granu- ing part was trimmed into a fan-shaped or semi-cir cu- lar edge. The length of such tools was usually be tween 8–10cm, and they were most likely used in wo odwork- ing. In addition, chisel-like artefacts with a similar trimmed fan-shaped, flat, or circular working edge, were also made from red deer antler and wild boar (Sus scrofa) tusks (Srejoviæ, Letica 1978; Boriæ et al. 2014; Cristiani, Boriæ 2021). The fragmented artefact from Pešterija was made from different raw material (i.e. from a long bone of a ruminant smaller than au- rochs), but the similarity in the manufacture and the shape of the working edge suggests that it could have also been used as some sort of chisel. The second specimen, a small antler tine fragment with a par tially preserved working edge, also has ana - logies with the os seous industry from the Iron Gates sites. It is reminiscent of a fairly ubiquitous group of cy lindrical and semi-cylindrical bevelled tools from Fig. 14. a outer and inner sides of the valve of a mussel (Unio crassus) from the reference collection (Laboratory for Bioarchaeology, Department of Archaeology, University of Belgrade), Viminacium (NKP-11/110,131) and a blade-like tool made on the shell fragment found at Pešterija Cave. b macro trace, snap terminations and overlapping distribution, B side. c macro traces, short transitional striations, A side. d micro traces, smooth to rough texture, B side. e micro traces, granular topography and polish distribution, B side (photo A. Petroviæ). 77 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region red deer, and the aforementioned vyrezub pharyngeal tooth. The red deer upper right canine (Fig. 16) was found in the zone of ashy sediment in geological la yer 3/4 (square L19/a). Based on the size, morphology, closed root and heavy wear (cf. d’Errico, Vanhaeren 2002), it was determined that it originated from an older male, probably aged between six and 10 years. The canine was manipulated to a great degree, but the exact pur- pose of these modifications remains unclear. The occlusal surface of the crown wear is quite long and is completely covered with traces of polishing, and there are numerous, short overlying cut marks in se veral di- rections, inflicted by a very thin knapped stone tool. They were mainly oriented diagonally to the tooth- long axis, with a smaller number of transversal cut marks. Furthermore, the lingual surface of the crown exhibited three or four deep oblique cut marks, likely inflicted during the extraction of the tooth from the alveolus. Throughout the Upper Palaeolithic and the Meso li- thic, red deer canines were widely used as personal adornments, as demonstrated by numerous dis co ve- ries from burial and occupational sites across Europe (e.g., Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2001; d’Errico, Van hae - ren 2002; Rigaud 2011; Grün berg 2013; Ma c�ne 2022). In the Bal kans, they have been do cumented in Epipalaeolithic contexts in the Iron Gates (Cuina Turcului and Cli men- te II), Bosnia and Herzegovina (Ba - danj), Croatia (Vela Spila and Vlak - no) and Greece (Kastritsa and Kli- thi), whereas their use during the Mesolithic was primarily res tricted to the Adriatic coast (Nug ljanska peæ, Pupiæina peæ, Vlakno and Lim 001) (Cristiani et al. 2014a; Boriæ, Cristiani 2016; 2019; Cârciumaru, Niþu 2018; Cvit kušiæ et al. 2018; Mãrgãrit et al. 2020; Cvitkušiæ, Vujeviæ 2021). Typically, such or- na ments were made by drilling or carving a per foration into the root; however, the specimen from Pešte - rija lacked such perforation. Never - theless, given the numerous tra ces of polishing and cut marks, as well as the presence of dark brown-bla- ckish matter (possibly adhesive?) on the apex of the root and the tip lar to flat topography and covered linkage are found on the B side (Fig. 14.d-e). Based on both macro and micro traces, it is possible that this zone was used to process hard animal matter, either bone or antler. The micro traces on the A side show no visible striations, which is to be expected when pro cessing clay, as pre - viously shown by the experiments (Mãrgãrit et al. 2021.Figs. 3,4). A more probable in terpretation of the mentioned traces is the use of the A side for prehen- sion, as the small, snap traces could have been made to support the grip of the hand. Another possibility is that this area was indeed used briefly to process a mineral matter, and then subsequently became the handle. Brief usage would explain the absence of the micro striations. Possible ornaments In addition to the two bone artefacts, another frag- ment ed bone item was discovered in layer 3 (square L19/d), its specific function remaining somewhat am- biguous. It is a small fragment of a diaphysis of a large mammal long bone, with a partially preserved circular perforation (Fig. 15.c). This artefact could have been a bone pendant, similar to the perforated objects known from Vlasac (Srejoviæ, Letica 1978) and Cuina Turcului (Mãrgãrit et al. 2020). Other potential pendants or clothing appliqués include animal teeth specimens – an upper right canine and a lower left first incisor of Fig. 15. a a fragment of a red deer mandible from geological layer 3 of Pešterija Cave (square M21/d), exhibiting traces of butchery and possible use. b a longitudinally broken bone tool, possibly a chisel (from geological layer 3, square M19/c). c a fragment of a bone object with a partially pre - served circular perforation (from geological layer 3, square L19/d) (pho- to Ivana Živaljeviæ). 78 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... current populations in the Dnipro and Don basins pri- marily spawn in larger rivers, typically those span ning at least 20–30 meters in width (Boldyrev 2022), and they do not migrate to smaller tributaries. The isolated populations in Austria do undertake short migrations from smaller Danube tributaries to lakes, but this is pro bably a consequence of habitat fragmentation and dam building in more recent times (Schmall, Rat- schan 2010). It is also worth noting that no other fish remains were recovered from Pešterija, save for this par ticular tooth. Consequently, it seems plausible that it was acquired through exchange, pos sibly with Me so- lithic communities in the Iron Gates, or perhaps that it was a part of the clothing of a traveller from afar. Discussion As will be evident from the preceding discussion, there is no doubt that the artefacts unearthed from layer 3 of the Pešterija Cave should be attributed to the Me- solithic. In terms of chronology, the site either dates back to the period before the emergence of the Neoli- thic in the central and eastern Balkans (c. 6300/6200 cal BC) or is contemporary with it. Moreover, the set tle - ment patterns, dietary practices, and technological be- haviours recorded at Pešterija closely resemble those observed at Mesolithic sites within the Iron Gates re - gion and throughout the Bal kan interior, such as Tre- baèki Krš near Berane (Ðurièiæ 1996), Vrbièka Cave near Nikšiæ (Boriæ et al. 2019), Neziri Cave in Al bania (Hauck et al. 2017), and Hoþilor Cave situated north of the Iron Gates (Boroneant 2011). Most of these sites in the interior of the peninsula exhibit low numbers of finds, with forest species (primarily deer) dominating the faunal assemblages, while among the artefacts, of the crown, it can be assumed that the tooth was ma- nipulated with a similar intention. According to Francesco d’Errico and Marian Vanhaeren (2002) and Solange Rigaud (2011.79,139), the pre- sence of unpaired canines could suggest that these or - naments circulated in gift exchange networks. This in - terpretation seems particularly plausible in cases when a large number of unpaired canines oc cur in an assemblage, especially if they exhibit dif ferent manu- facturing traces and techniques. The specimen from Pešterija is the only red deer canine in the assemblage, so it remains unclear whether it originated from an animal caught locally or was obtained through ex- change. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that other red deer teeth were also present in the faunal sample from the site. One of them – a left first incisor – bore a small dent and several dark specks on the root, which could be indicative of or na ment fastening and sus- pension. The vyrezub tooth from Pešterija was fragmented (Fig. 9.b), so it was not possible to determine whether it bore a perforation or binding compound residues on the neck, which was a com mon suspension technique of vyrezub teeth ornaments in the Iron Gates (Cri sti- ani, Boriæ 2012; Cristiani et al. 2014b; Mãr gãrit et al. 2018b). However, the absence of visible traces of mo di - fication or use does not exclude the possibility of its non-local origin. The Pešterija Cave is located about 100m above the small Zvonaèka River, which flows into the Jerma (a tributary of Nišava), thereby placing it within the Danube drainage basin. Nevertheless, the site remains distant from known migratory routes of vyrezub, at least based on avai lable data. For instance, Fig. 16. An upper right red deer canine found in the zone of ashy sediment in geological layer 3/4 of Pešterija Cave (square L19/a), exhibiting numerous modifications (polishing and cut marks) (photo Ivana Živaljeviæ). 79 First insights into the Mesolithic settlement of Southern Serbia: excavation of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region the Dnipro Rapids region in Ukraine (Mar’ivka, Va sy liv- ka II, Skelia-Kamenolomnia) (Telegin 1991; Lillie et al. 2020; Haskevych 2022). Mesolithic communities residing along the Danube, Dnipro, and Crimean rivers certainly had first-hand know ledge of schools of vyrezub during their seasonal mi gration to these waterways, especially during spaw- ning (between April and May, cf. Kottelat, Freyhof 2007; Schmall, Ratschan 2010). Although these fish were caught locally in all mentioned regions, the utili- za tion of the same element from the same species un- derscores a notable level of connectivity and shared con cepts regarding bodily adornment and meanings at tributed to the fish across a broad geographical area. The occurrence of a vyrezub tooth at Pešterija Cave in- di cates that such concepts and practices also spread be - yond the natural habitats of the species, i.e. through exchange networks. The differences between Pešterija Cave and the coeval sites in the Iron Gates largely stem from the fact that Peš terija, unlike the settlements in the Iron Gates, re- presented a temporary hunting camp where various activities were carried out. Opportunities to utilize di- verse resources, including the forest fauna found on the slopes of Asenovo Kale Hill, were available close to the cave. Since there are no indications that Mesolithic communities stayed in the cave for extended periods or that the cave was inhabited by a large group, it is lo- gi cal to assume that a larger settlement – which could have served as a base camp – probably existed in the pro ximity of Pešterija. At this point, the question arises of how to explain the presence of Mesolithic groups in the mountainous re- gions of southeastern Serbia, some 20km away from the Nišava River valley, which could have serv ed as a cen - tre of aggregation for the Mesolithic population. Al- though this issue can only be discussed hypo the tically for now, we will provide some possible expla na tions (which are not mutually exclusive): • The most logical explanation is that Mesolithic sites in the Nišava Basin have not yet been discovered. How- ever, several caves have been excavated in the Po ni šav - lje region so far, including those ideally positioned re - lative to the river, but no Mesolithic remains have beendocumented (except in Pešterija). For example, no Mesolithic finds were detected in Pešturina Cave (located near the Nišava River on relatively low ter- rain), at the Peæina kod stene site (situated just a few tools crafted from irregular flakes are common, along- side sporadic instances of backed tools and geometric microliths. Nevertheless, it is important to consider that most of the sites comparable to Pešterija belong to the Early Me solithic rather than the Late Mesolithic. Focusing solely on the Late Mesolithic sites (i.e. those dating later than c. 7500 cal BC), the potential for comparison diminishes substantially as this period in the central Balkans has only been documented in the Iron Gates region. There are similarities between Pešterija and the Late Mesolithic lithic assemblages in the Iron Gates region (Vlasac, Ostrovul Banului, etc.), particularly evi- dent in the knapping technology, characterized by the co-occurrence of bladelets and relatively wide bla des, tools on irregular flakes, and backed tools (Koz³ow- ski, Koz³owski 1982; Radovanoviæ 1996a; Boroneanþ 2000). All this indicates that there was a technological uniformity of Late Mesolithic industries in the interior of the Balkans, which is somewhat dif fe rent from coe- val industries in the hinterland of the coastal zone (e.g., Crvena Stijena, Odmut), which ex hibit a strong Castelnovian component (Koz³owski et al. 1994; Mi- hailoviæ 2007a; Kaèar 2019). The discovery of the vyrezub pharyngeal tooth in Peš- terija, possibly used as an ornament, provides evi dence of the social connectivity among the communities dwelling in Pešterija and those in adjacent regions. The utilization of such teeth as personal ornaments has been documented across Central, Southeastern, and Eastern Europe during the late 8th and throughout the 7th millennium cal BC (extending even longer in the latter region). The production of ornaments (most likely garment appliqués) included the extraction of teeth from the pharyngeal bone, drilling through or gro oving at the tooth neck to enable fastening and sus- pension by sinew threads and binding organic com- pounds (Rigaud 2011; Cristiani, Boriæ 2012; Cristiani et al. 2014b; Rigaud et al. 2014; Mãrgãrit et al. 2018b). Vyrezub teeth modified in such a manner have been discovered in Late Mesolithic burial and occu pational contexts in the Upper Danube region in Ger many (Probst fels, Falkensteinhöhle, Burghöhle von Dietfurt, Hohlenstein-Stadel) (Rigaud 2011; Grünberg 2013), in the Iron Gates (Lepenski Vir, Vlasac, Ico ana, Schela Cladovei, Kula) (Srejoviæ, Letica 1978; Radovanoviæ 1996b; Boriæ 2003; Boriæ et al. 2014; Boriæ, Cristiani 2016; 2019; Živaljeviæ 2017; Živaljeviæ et al. 2017b; Mãrgãrit et al. 2018a), in the Crimea (Shan-Koba, Za - mil-Koba I) (Kraynov 1938; Bibikov et al. 1994) and 80 Dušan Mihailović, Ivana Živaljević, Vesna Dimitrijević, Sofija Dragosavac, Danilo Pajović, Anđa Petrović, Katarina Bogićević ... material (Gurova et al. 2022). The use of this material carried not only economic significance, but also social importance, indicating social openness (Mi hai loviæ 2007b). Conclusions After decades of searching (albeit not systematically) for Mesolithic sites in the interior of the Balkans, one such site has indeed been discovered: Pešterija Cave. Nevertheless, this site was not in proximity to the Iron Gates, significant rivers, or any easily accessible ter- rain. Instead, it was found in an unexpected location – distant from the Mesolithic group aggregation hubs, c. 20km away from the Nišava valley, situated in a re - latively remote area in southeastern Serbia. Never the- less, Pešterija Cave represents a more or less typical Me solithic temporary settlement with characteristic tools and faunal remains. This goes against (perhaps un realistic) expectations that larger, archaeologically visible semi-sedentary Mesolithic settlements near the Danube would be discovered first. Pešterija Cave testifies to the fact that Mesolithic po - pulations (apart from the Danubian region) did in ha- bit the interior of the Balkans, which had long been as - sumed but lacked confirmation. It remains to be deter - mined in which geographic areas and under what cir- cumstances the aggregations of Mesolithic groups took place, what settlement patterns these communities practiced, what was their social con nec tivity like, and what kinds of interactions these populations had with Neolithic ones. The presence of ‘Balkan flint’ and sickle inserts sug- gests contact of Mesolithic groups that inhabited Peš- terija with Neolithic communities in neighbouring areas – most likely from northwestern Bulgaria. This would imply that interactions between Mesolithic and Neolithic groups, previously documented only in the Iron Gates region (Boriæ, Price 2013), were probably not an isolated but a widespread phenomenon. In any case, the discovery of the Mesolithic at Pešterija Cave opens up a completely new perspective in the Meso li - thic and Neolithic research of eastern Serbia and north western Bulgaria. This applies particularly to the Ponišavlje region, where recent research has unveiled evidence of human settlement spanning from the Last Glacial Maximum to the advent of the Neolithic. meters above the Studena River bed in Jelašnica Gor- ge), or in the Potpeè Cave on the banks of the Vi so èi ca River – which provides evidence of fishing at the be- ginning of the Last Glacial Maximum (the results of re - search are yet to be published). • The settlement of hilly-mountainous areas in the interior of the Balkans may have been uneven, in flu - enc ed by geographic, ecological, and social factors (such as the need to maintain exchange and infor ma - tion networks, etc., Whallon 2007; 2011). In this con- text, the question arises whether the Upper Ponišavlje region provided favourable conditions for seasonal exploitation of the mountainous zone – as in Istria (Komšo 2006) and northern Montenegro (Mihailoviæ 2007a; Boriæ et al. 2019) – or if the set tlement of this part of the peninsula occurred for other reasons. • Regarding the previously mentioned points, it is worth noting that two out of three radiocarbon dates obtained suggest that the occupation of Pešterija Cave aligns chronologically with the emergence of the Neo - lithic in the central and eastern Balkans, dated c. 6300/ 6200 cal BC. If there was territorial competition be- tween Mesolithic and Neolithic groups, it could have led to the retreat of Mesolithic communities into sub- op timal ecological zones on the fringes of areas best suit ed to agriculture (Forenbaher, Miracle 2006; Ra- dovanoviæ 2006; Mihailoviæ 2021). The notion of contemporaneity and the role of social factors is supported not only by the homogeneity of Mesolithic technology and the evidence of the trans - portation of the vyrezub tooth, but also by the pre- sence of artefacts made from ‘Balkan flint’ and (likely) sickle inserts in Pešterija. Similar findings were already documented in the Early Neolithic of the Iron Gates and northwestern Bulgaria (Boriæ 2011; Gurova 2012; 2014; Gurova et al. 2022). Artefacts made from ‘Balkan flint’ have been previously documented in Late Meso- lithic layers at Vlasac, Padina, and Lepenski Vir (Koz- ³ow ski, Koz³owski 1982; 1984; Gurova et al. 2022) and may represent the earliest evidence of contacts be - tween Mesolithic and Neolithic groups (Mihailoviæ 2007b). Of course, it remains to be seen whether the raw material from Pešterija indeed be longs to the typical ‘Balkan flint’ category. However, even if this is not the case, it is worth noting that Me so lithic and Neo - lithic communities utilized various types of this raw 81 First insights into the Mesolithic sett lement of Southern Serbia: excavati on of the Pešterija Cave in the Ponišavlje Region Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge Predrag Radoviæ for technical help in preparing the manuscript. Funding was provided by the NEEMO project of the Science Fund of the Republic of Serbia (7746827) to D. M., V. D., S. D., K. B., A. P. and M. Dj., by the ARCHAEOWILD project of the Science Fund of the Republic of Serbia (7750265) to I. Ž, and NSERC RGPIN-2017-04702 and RGPIN-2019-04113 to M. R. We also thank Sahra Talamo for discussion regarding the 14C dating results. ∴ References Alex B., Mihailoviæ D., Miloševiæ S., and Boaretto E. 2019. Radiocarbon chronology of Middle and Upper Paleolithic sites in Serbia, Central Balkans. 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Journal of Archaeological Sci ence 79: 1‒9. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2017.01.002 back to content 88 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.21 (Rigaud et al. 2019). Personal ornaments have been, and continue to be, elements that embody and signi fy social and individual identity. Since the Upper Palaeo li - thic, our ancestors have crafted beads and pendants from various materials (e.g., Vanhaeren, d’Ericco 2006; Bar-Yosef 2015; Radovèiæ et al. 2015; Sehasseh et al. 2021). However, the only ones pre serv ed are those made of inorganic and animal hard tissues like stone, clay, bone, ivory, teeth, and mollusc shells. In contrast, organic materials such as wood, leather, and Introduction During the Upper Palaeolithic period, craft specia liza - tion reflects the increasing complexity of human cul- ture and behaviour. The development of sophisticated tools, artistic expression, and symbolic artefacts sug- gests that our ancestors possessed advanced cognitive abilities, social structures, and cultural practices. These crafts served practical purposes but also were cru cial in expressing identity, spirituality, and social cohesion within Upper Palaeolithic societies. One of the re cog - nized prehistoric crafts is the production of or na ments KLJUÈNE BESEDE – ornamenti; analiza sledov uporabe; pozni mlajši paleolitik; vzhodni Jadran; jama Vlakno IZVLEÈEK – V èlanku predstavljamo najbogatejšo doslej odkrito prazgodovinsko zbirko nakita na vzhod- nem Jadranu, ki je bila najdena v poznomlajšepaleolitskih plasteh v jami Vlakno na Hrvaškem. Številè- nost in raznolikost jagod nakazujeta, da je bilo najdišèe verjetno uporabljano kot delavnica za nakit in da je pro iz vodnja potekala na kraju samem. Tehnološka analiza in analiza obrabe vsakega taksona, ki je bil upo rabljen za izdelavo jagod, nam omogoèata doloèiti naèin izdelave in uporabe ter mesto in vlogo jam skega najdišèa Vlakno v regionalnem kontekstu v poznem pleistocenu. Poznomlajšepaleolitski nakit v jami Vlakno, Hrvaška KEY WORDS – ornaments; use-wear analysis; Late Upper Palaeolithic; Eastern Adriatic; Vlakno cave ABSTRACT - This paper presents the richest prehistoric assemblage of ornaments in the Eastern Adriatic discovered to date, found in the Late Upper Palaeolithic layers of Vlakno cave, Croatia. The abundance and multiform of bead types indicate that the site was likely used as a workshop for ornaments, i.e. that production was performed on site. Technological and use-wear analysis of each taxon used for beads allowed us to elaborate on its mode of production, use, and overall position of the Vlakno cave site and its role in the regional context during the Late Pleistocene. Barbara Cvitkušić 1, Emanuela Cristiani 2, and Dario Vujević 3 1 Institute for Anthropological Research, Centre for Applied Bioanthropology, Zagreb, HR; barbara.cvitkusic@inantro.hr 2 DANTE – Diet and Ancient Technology Laboratory, Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, IT 3 Department of Archaeology, University of Zadar, Zadar, HR Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia 89 Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia feathers that were likely used for or na mentation have de composed and disappeared (Hur combe 2014). Since Randall White (1992) highlighted the social and sym - bolic roots of ornaments’ origin, pre historic body adornment has been studied widely. However, there is still much to understand and learn about the sym bo - lic behaviour of our ancestors. What were the modes of acquiring raw materials for ornamentation or the modalities of bead production, use, and finally dis- card? Obtaining information on these specific issues is not an easy task because of the archaeological contexts of their discovery. Prehistoric beads are rarely found in situ as a part of the preserved ornamental com po - sition, i.e. as a part of burials (e.g., Orschiedt 2016; Gravel-Miguel et al. 2022). Mostly, they are discovered scattered throughout the deposits or during the subse - quent sieving of the sediment. Despite the challenging circumstances of their found state, detailed analysis of these mainly small-sized artefacts can provide im por- tant information about our ancestors’ lifestyles and symbolic behaviour. In that sense, the Vlakno cave stands out as an important site for activities related to prehistoric ornaments in the wider Adriatic region during the Late Peniglacial and beginning of the Ho lo - cene. Integrated analysis of the most numerous col- lection of Columbella rustica shells from Vlakno cave gave us solid arguments for how this prehistoric site was used as a specialized workshop for ornaments, es- pecially during the Holocene (Cvitkušiæ et al. 2024). To strengthen the hypothesis of the site’s role as a work - shop for ornaments and to extend it to the Upper Pa la- eolithic period, here we present a detailed analysis of the ornaments discovered in the Epigravettian layers of Vlakno cave, which is to date the richest discovered as semblage of ornaments in the Eastern Adriatic. More over, a thorough analysis of each taxon used for beads during the Pleistocene in Vlakno cave allowed us to elaborate on its mode of production and use in the regional context spanning a period of almost 10 000 years. Site background The Vlakno cave is situated on the island of Dugi Otok on the Eastern Adriatic coast of present-day Croatia (Fig. 1). The cave is positioned on the eastern slopes of the central part of the island, 150m away from today’s seashore (Fig. 2.a). A wide opening oriented towards south/south-east and the small inner cave space of about 40m2 made it ideal for small groups of foragers during the Upper Palaeolithic and the Early Mesolithic (Vujeviæ, Pa- rica 2011; Vujeviæ, Bodružiæ 2014; 2021; Vukosavljeviæ et al. 2014; Vu - jeviæ 2016; 2021; Cvit kušiæ et al. 2018). The po tential of the cave for such use is additionally em phasized by a spring in the immediate vici ni - ty, next to today’s beach (Bru siæ 2004.198; Vujeviæ 2018.41; 2021. 35). Research in the cave started with a small test trench (2m2) in 2004 (Bru - siæ 2004). Research was con tinued in 2007 (Brusiæ 2007.400–401), and systematic excavations began in 2011. They covered an area of 12m2 east of the test trench.1 The five-me - ter-deep test trench revealed nu me - rous cultural layers which can be mo - nitored with relative conti nui ty to 19550–19400 cal BP (Beta-302247:Fig. 1. Position of Vlakno cave on Dugi otok, Croatia. 1 The research was carried out as part of two scientific research projects of the Croatian Science Foundation: Epigravettian communities of Northern Dalmatia (IP-2019-04-6115) and Transition and tradition in the Vlakno cave: Model of the tran- sition from the Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic in the area of Northern Dalmatia (UIP-2014-09- 1545). 90 Barbara Cvitkušić, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujević phases of the Pleistocene after the Last Glacial Maxi- mum (LGM) and adaptation of communities to the new climatic period of the Holocene (Vujeviæ, Parica 2011; Vujeviæ, Bodružiæ 2014; Vukosavljeviæ et al. 2014; Vujeviæ 2016; 2018; 2021; Cvitkušiæ et al. 2018). To date the stratigraphy of the Vlakno cave is divided into ten strata, five of which form the upper part of the stratigraphic sequence, the one above the tephra, while the other strata are in layers below it (Figure 3). Stratum 1 represents the surface layer. It is charac te - rized by dominant Mesolithic finds mixed with a smaller amount of cultural material from other pe- riods, from the Neolithic to the Modern Age. Strata 2 and 3 are associated with the very beginning of the Holocene. Chronologically, the Holocene occupation started ca. 11 300 cal BP (Beta327417 9860±40 BP, (94.2%) 9370–9260 cal BC; 11 320–11 210 cal BP) and lasted until c. 10 000 cal BP (Beta677951 9300±30 BP, (95.4%) 8179–7773 cal BC; 10 128–9722 cal BP; Vujeviæ, Cvitkušiæ 2024). Stratum 4 ends the Pleistocene, while Stra - tum 5 re presents the first phase of the cave settlement after the eruption in the Phlegraean fields. The tephra layer served as a stratigraphic boun dary between Stra- tum 5 and Stratum 6 (Vujeviæ, Parica 2011.26; Vujeviæ, Bodružiæ 2021). Strata 6–10 below the tephra layer represent va- rious Late Upper Palaeolithic (LUP) phases. The dates cover the chronological period from about 15 000 to 19 500 cal BP. Stra- tum 10 includes the lowest layers from the test trench, although since these layers have not yet been reached through syste- ma tic excavations, the phasing could be some what different in the future. In cultural terms, Strata 2 and 3 belong to the Early Me so li thic period. Although it cor res ponds temporally to the Sau veter - rian (see Visentin 2017), the charac te ris - tics of the lithic assemblage show little si- milarity with it, showing one more time that the use of the term Mesolithic in the Northern Adriatic context is primarily a chro nological de terminant (Miracle et al. 2000; Vukosavljeviæ et al. 2014). Basically, almost the entire stratigraphic sequence of Vlakno cave is so far characterized by the 16 330±70 BP). However, the bedrock has not been reached, so this depth regarding the ar cha eological stratigraphy is probably not final. Ongoing systematic excavations reached a 4 m depth from the surface (Fig. 2.b). The stratigraphy reflects the potential of the site. The preliminary results of the geoarchaeological analysis show strong anthropogenic processes in almost all layers (Boschian pers. comm.). The stratigraphic se- quence is intersected at a depth of approximately 2m by a 10–15cm thick layer of tephra (Neapolitan Yellow Tuff) from the eruption on the Phlegraean fields near Naples that happened 14.9±0.4 ka cal BP (Deino et al. 2004; Vujeviæ 2021). The thick cultural layer and stratigraphy without visible hiatus (beside tephra) pla - ces Vlakno cave among the few sites in the wider Ad - riatic region that makes it possible to explore the last Fig. 2. A The position of Vlakno cave on the eastern slopes of the central part of the Dugi otok; B Inner place during systematic exca- va tions. 91 Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia savljeviæ (2012.128) has questioned the residential character of the site during the formation of Stratum 2 due to the presence of a Mesolithic burial in the small cave area. Other categories of finds, especially orna- ments, could also indicate dif ferent functions of the place, at least in certain pe riods. A rich assemblage of personal ornaments in the form of beads and pendants is re presented throughout the sequences. Besides ornaments made from modified shells and animal teeth, in Late Upper Palaeolithic de posits artefacts decorated with geometric inci sions have also been dis - covered, such as an anthro pomor phic bone pen dant, two deer canines, an animal bone rib, and two frag- ments of chert nodules. As this paper focuses on the ornaments, such decorated artefacts will not be pre- sented here. Material and methods Throughout the Late Upper Palaeolithic deposits, 897 pieces of ornamental assemblage were discovered, of Epigravettian cultural assemblage. Some differences can be noticed in the lithic assemblage of Stratum 2, but they relate to the frequency of different tool types without the emergence of new ones. There is a de- crease in the num ber of endscrapers and backed tools, as well as in bladelets and blades usage for tool pro - duction (Vujeviæ, Bodružiæ 2021). Faunal records show similar patterns, although with more pro nounc- ed changes during the transitional and especially Ho- lo cene period in which big game hunting (mostly red deer) continued to be practised but groups also made use of other available mammalian species, in particular small game and small to medium-sized carnivores such as foxes. Holocene groups also adapted and diversified their diets by including land snails, marine molluscs and fish (Radoviæ et al. 2021). Lithic analyses by Vuko - savljeviæ (2012.127) and Dario Vujeviæ and Mario Bo - družiæ (2021) have shown that the occupation at Vlak- no in all phases had a strong residential character. How ever, the question is whether it has always been the primary rea son for choosing Vlakno. Nikola Vuko- Fig. 3. The stratigraphic sequence of Vlakno cave (D. Vujeviæ). 92 Barbara Cvitkušić, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujević mented in the Adriatic Sea (Purroy et al. 2016; Legaè, Hrs-Brenko 1999). Overall, the complex deter mina- tion of bivalves is the reason for different data on the distribution of species of this genus (Legaè, Hrs-Bren- ko 1999). Concerning the Vlakno case, characterized by poor preservation and surface exfoliation on a sig - nificant share of Glycymeris specimens, we have de- cided to group them under the taxon Glycymeris sp. Tritia neritea (Linnaeus 1758) is a species of marine ga stropods that belongs to the Nassariidae family and is widespread in shallow waters of the Mediterranean, sandy shores of the Atlantic coast (e.g., in Portugal, Spain and France) as well as in coastal lagoons, salt- marshes and close to river mouths (Southward et al. 1997). Its distribution is also well recorded in the Adriatic region. All the marine species used for bead production in Vlakno cave can be found in the Adriatic Sea. The taxonomy of freshwater gastropods is determined according to the literature (Mastitsky, Samilenko 2006; Komšo, Vukosavljeviæ 2011; Cristiani 2012). Theodoxus danubialis is a common species of river snail present in the area of the Danube River, which can also be found in rivers and lakes from northern Italy to Slovakia, Ukraine, and Croatia (Hartzhauser et al. 2007). Lithoglyphus naticoides are present in the shallow waters of rivers and lakes in central and east - ern Europe (Hartzhauser et al. 2007) as well as in the Balkans, in the rivers of the Black Sea drainage ba sin (Radoman 1983). Both species can be considered au- tochthonous. Siniša Radoviæ (Department of Palaeontology and Qua- ternary Geology, Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts) determined the attribution of mammal teeth, while the sex determination of red deer canines was carried out according to the criteria in Francesco d’Er- rico and Marian Vanhaeren (2002). The complete ornamental assemblage has undergone technological, use-wear, and residue analysis to re con - struct its production and use modalities. Our me tho- dology integrates metric, technological, use-wear, and residue studies supported by taphonomical exami na - tion. Taxonomic identification was carried out on all specimens, including fragments. Morphometric mea su - rements were taken to determine variability and fre- quencies. After visual inspection, the specimens were sorted according to their integrity into three groups: Group 1 – whole specimens with perforation; Group 2 – whole specimens without perforation; and Group which 413 are beads, 36 are unmodified specimens (Fig. 3; Tab. 1, see below), together with 448 fragments and debris. The ornamental assemblage is classified according to taxonomic and ecological/environmental attributes (see Methods), as follows: Class 1 – marine gastropods, bivalves, and scaphopods; Class 2 – fresh- water gastropods; and Class 3 – terrestrial mam mals. Table 1 presents the distribution of beads and unmodi - fied specimens for each taxon throughout LUP layers. In particular, Class 1 is represented by ga stropods Co - lumbella rustica, Tritia neritea, Luria lurida and Tri- tia nitida; bivalves Glycymeris sp. and Acanthocardia tuberculate; scaphopods Antalis sp. In Class 2 are Theodoxsus danubialis and Lythoglyphus naticoides, while in Class 3 are Cervus elaphus teeth. Out of 448 fragments and debris in the assemblage, 29 frag ments belong to the Glycymeris shells and 419 to the poste- rior ends of Antalis sp., determined as production waste. Taxonomical determination of marine species is done by the Atlas of the Mediterranean Seashells (Gian nuz - zi-Savelli et al. 2001; 2002; 2003), while the no men - clature follows the World Register of Marine Species (https://www.marinespecies.org/index.php – ac ces - sed on February 2019 and April 2020). The poor state of preservation and surface exfoliation made it im pos - sible to taxonomically determine two marine spe cies belonging to the Glycymerididae and Dentaliidae families. According to the literature, several similar scaphopod species were present along the Mediter ra - nean shores during the Pleistocene (Poppe, Goto 1991). Formerly in the generic genus Dentalium, spe - cies from the Mediterranean are now attributed to the genus Antalis (H. Adams, A. Adams 1854). Vlakno spe - cimens are likely a mix of more than one species e.g., Antalis vulgaris, An talis dentalis, and Antalis in- aequi costata that we group under the taxon Antalis sp. Regarding the Glycymerididae family, there are three determined species in the Adriatic Sea: Gly cyme - ris bimaculata (Poli 1795), Glycymeris glycymeris (Linnaeus 1758) and Glycymeris nummaria (La- marck 1758) (Legaè, Hrs-Brenko 1999; Crnèeviæ 2014). In earlier studies, Glycymeris pilosa (Linnaeus 1767) and G. glycymeris were mistakenly identified as G. glycymeris (e.g., Poppe, Goto 1991; Legaè, Hrs- Brenko 1999; Peharda et al. 2010). Recently G. pi lo sa and G. glycymeris have been identified as two different species (Purroy et al. 2016). While G. glycymeris is well documented in the North Atlantic, its presence is poorly documented in the Mediterranean, compared to G. pilosa and G. bimaculata, which are well do cu - 93 Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia ments (Taborin 1993; Vanaheren, d’Errico 2001; 2003; 2005; d’Errico, Van haeren 2002; Bonnardin 2007; 2009). Results The LUP ornamental assemblage from Vlakno cave is rich and diverse (Fig. 4). Analysis showed that beads (N=413) were produced from ten different raw mate - rials (Tab. 1 and Fig. 4), i.e. Columbella rus tica (N= 23), Tritia neritea (N=132), Luria lurida (N=1), Tri - tia nitida (N=7), Glycymeris sp. (N=29), Acantho car - dia tuberculate (N=1), Dentalium sp. (N=183), Theo- doxsus danubialis (N=6), Lythoglyphus naticoides (N=2), and Cervus elaphus teeth (N=29). Throughout the LUP layers, 36 unmodified specimens of marine shells (N=18) and red deer canines (N=18) were dis co - vered. Most of the LUP ornamental as sem blage is well preserved. Marine molluscs Of the marine species, Columbella rustica shells are the best preserved (Fig. 4.a). Most of the C. rustica shells are complete, while ~20% of specimens are mis - sing lip or apex parts. Pitting and root damage are ob- served on two specimens. Almost 20% of per forated C. rustica shells are black, characterized by the even dark colour of the surface and core, likely resulting from controlled exposition to the fire (Perlès, Vanhaeren 2010). The natural pattern of the shell’s surface is lost in most LUP C. rustica due to the various chemical and mineralogical changes that occur during the long-term residence in the sediment (Claassen 1998). The use- wear is detected on ~60% of the LUP C. rustica beads. The perforations are mostly round in shape. The in te- grated analysis determined that C. rustica beads from Vlakno cave were produced with a simple technique in - volving direct percussion with pebbles (Cvitkušiæ et al. 2024). Spots of red residues have been identified in- side one LUP specimen. Of the 134 Tritia neritea shells, 93 are whole and perforated, 25 are missing half of the perforation and outer lip area, and 14 are fragmented (Fig. 4.b). Almost 80% of the T. neritea shells are poorly preserved, with significant post-depositional alterations, such as exfo - liated surfaces and concretions from the se diment. Ana lysis of less than 20% of well-preserved T. neritea beads showed they were used (Fig. 6.d,e). In a few spe - cimens, the suspension mode is indicated by rounding in the lip area (Fig. 6.d,e). The perforations on T. ne ri - tea beads are oval in shape. A small share (~14%) of 3 – broken specimens, fragments, and debris. Group 1 includes whole, undamaged perforated specimens and specimens with missing small parts, e.g., the apexes of the gastropods, small parts of the roots, or crowns of the teeth. Metrical variables are recorded with a digital calliper in two general categories: (1) the dimensions of ma xi - mum length and width (in mm) for all specimens (Groups 1, 2 and 3), and (2) the dimensions of ma xi - mum length and width (in mm) of hole for all per- forated specimens (Group 1). For Antalis sp., ad ditio - nal dimensions were taken, in particular, the radius of the anterior and posterior extremities. Specimens with a radius of dorsal aperture ranging from 0.64 to 1.98mm are selected as waste, and those with an aper- ture equal or larger to 1.99mm as beads (Lindberg 2013; Arrighi et al. 2020). Concerning the length, An- talis beads are divided into three categories: Category 1 – beads smaller than 10.00mm; Category 2 – beads between 10.01 and 19.99mm; and Category 3 – beads longer than 20.00mm. The taphonomic study was carried out on marine and freshwater shells’ beads with a focus on pre-de posi tio - nal alterations (predator drilling, bioerosion), an thro- pogenic modifications (perforations, ochre re sidues, thermic alterations), and post-depositional alterations (fragmentations, decalcifications) (Dris coll, Weltin 1973; Claassen 1998; Crothers 2004; d’Er rico et al. 2005). All specimens were analysed by low and high mag- nification using a Zeiss Axio Zoom V16 stereo mi cro - scope with progressive magnifications ranging be- tween ×10 and ×112 and equipped with a Zeiss Axio- cam 305/506 colour camera in the DANTE – Diet and Ancient Technology Laboratory, Sapienza University of Rome, Italy. The use-wear and tech no logical analysis of beads aimed to identify functional modifications such as the rounding of the perforation, faceting of the pro - file, changes of colour, striations, and residues to dis- cern patterns of acquisition, ma nufacturing, wear, use, and deposition/discard. The type and distribution of use-wear traces and residues on well-preserved per fo - rated shells related to the per foration hole, the lip, and dorsal and ventral surfaces have been recorded. Use- wear traces and residues related to the root, crown, and perforation were re corded for teeth pendants. In - terpretative criteria for the technological and func- tional study are established by previously conducted studies on the production and use of prehistoric or na - 94 Barbara Cvitkušić, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujević distribution shows that most of the beads fall into two categories: smaller than 10.00mm or between 10.01 and 19.99mm, respectively (Graph 1). Beads longer than 20.00mm are the least represented. Antalis shells were likely collected from thanatocoenoses as a signifi- cant share of specimens have surface abrasions, typical small holes drilled by predators, and sponge marks (Arrighi et al. 2020; Bar-Yosef Mayer 2008). Use-wear analysis of a small share of well-preserved beads (~20%) showed that most beads have polish ed ex- tremities, most often with rounded rims and gro oves, indicating that the beads were suspended and used (Fig. 5.h,i). Most used beads have ochre spots dispers- ed along the body’s surface (Fig. 5.i). Identifying the production techniques for Antalis shell in Vlakno will remain a matter for future research. Most Tritia nitida discovered in the layers above the tephra are poorly preserved with heavy surface exfo- liation (Fig. 4.e). Of seven perforated T. nitida beads, the T. neritea beads are black, with an even colour and high surface polish, likely indicating deliberate burning (Perlès, Vanhaeren 2010; Perlès 2018). Ochre residues in the form of small stains and spots are de - tected on a dozen T. nerita located along the per fo ra- tion hole, in the lip area, and on the two spe cimens all over the upper surface of the shell. Significant surface exfoliation prevented the exact spe- cies determination of Antalis shells, as well as their processing and use modes (Fig. 4.c). Out of the total number of Antalis specimens (N=602), only 30% are beads, while the rest are waste with a dorsal aperture too narrow to be strung (Arrighi et al. 2020). Antalis sp. is the most represented taxa in the Vlakno LUP or- naments, but compared to the others its accumulation is mainly restricted to a single stratum with 95% of finds discovered in Stratum 6.1., i.e. layer 98 (Tab. 2, see below). The length of Antalis beads ranges from 1.93 to 30.09mm, with a mean of 12.31mm. The length Fig. 4. Selection of LUP ornaments from Vlakno cave. A Columbella rustica; B Tritia neritea; C Antalis sp.; D Lithoglyphus naticoides; E Tritia nitida; F Cervus elaphus teeth; G Luria lurida; H Acanthocardia tuberculate; I Glycymeris sp. 95 Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia of possible use-wear traces on most specimens, while clear use is detected on one Theodoxus danubialis and one Lythoglyphus naticoides (Fig. 5.c). Per fora ti ons on all freshwater gastropods are oval. One Theo doxus danubialis is black, likely due to intentional heating. Mammal teeth Taxonomical analysis showed that all 47 mammal teeth from LUP deposits belong to Cervus elaphus (Figs. 4.f and 6). Specifically, there are 29 modified teeth: 26 whole perforated canines, two whole perforated incisors, and one canine with traces related to the ini- tial stage of production (Fig. 6). There are 18 whole canines without traces of modification. Half of the unmodified teeth have flint traces in the ventral/ labial bottom of the crown area, which results from the extraction activity, indicating the collection mode. Small parts of the root or crown are missing on almost half of the teeth. Female and male canines are almost equally represented. Use-wear analysis showed that all perforated teeth are used. Technological analysis of the perforation mode revealed two main production tech niques. The first and most frequent one is cha rac- terized by bilaterally thinning, followed by scraping and grooving of the root surface (Fig. 6.c-k,n-p). The second, less represented technique is characterized by bilateral drilling of roots (Fig. 6.l,m). A significant share of teeth pendants have rounding on the lateral sides of the roots, indicating the suspension mode. One canine demonstrates unfinished perforation with the initial stage of the most represented production tech- nique in Vlakno – bilateral grooving and thinning of the root (Fig. 6.q). The fracture encompassing the scraped surface of the root area indicates that this spe - cimen may have been discarded during processing, as the tooth would break in the case of ongoing pro duc - tion activity. Few perforated teeth have lateral frac tu - res in the per foration area or the broken tip of the hole in the root area. The asymmetric profile of the perfo- ration holes, accompanied by a specific arrangement of in side striations, demonstrates that perforations were made manually. Moreover, anthropic production is supported by two canines with incised decorative not ches on the lobe surface (Fig. 6a,b). Discussion and conclusion Our study emphasizes the significance of the Vlak no cave as a vital LUP site for understanding the pro duc - tion and use of ornaments in the Adriatic region. Ad di - tionally, it complements previous research on Ho lo - cene ornaments (Cvitkusiæ et al. 2024) extending the use-wear with developed rounding along the perfo ra- tion hole is observed on one specimen, but it cannot be distinguished if it is from the use or ta phonomy. Glycymeris sp. shells are present throughout the LUP deposits and are characterized by various states of integrity and size range, and notably there are 29 per - forated whole valves, three unmodified whole val ves, and fragments (N=38) (Fig. 4.i). Modified Gly cy me ris valves are perforated in the umbo area on the beak. Developed use-wear traces of the hole rim and po lish- ed hinge teeth with ochre residues are observed on a few large and better-preserved spe ci mens, suggesting that these were likely suspended as ornaments (Fig. 5.f,g). Moreover, we have detected rounding of the edges, striation and ochre residues on a few randomly analysed fragments, which directed us to a more detail- ed study of the use of Glycymeris sp. in Vlakno cave in the future. In Stratum 9, a small per forated Glcycmeris shell was discovered together with a perforated Luria lurida gastropod. Microscopic analyses of Luria lu ri - da showed ho ri zontal incisions and striation in the perforation area, indicating that the hole was made by horizontal sawing movements using a sharp tool (Fig. 4.G). One fragment conditionally attributed to Luria lurida from Stratum 6 was perforated using the same technique, with ochre residues all over the inner part and less on the external surface (Fig. 4.g). One perforated and one whole unmodified valve of Acanthocardia tuberculate was discovered in the LUP layers above the tephra. A polished beak and elon - gated irregular perforation with rounded edges at the top of the umbo area with clear use-wear traces indi - cate extended use of perforated A. tuberculate spe ci- men (Fig. 4.h). Freshwater molluscs Eight perforated freshwater gastropods were dis cover - ed in LUP deposits: six Theodoxus da nu bia lis and two Lithoglyphus naticoides (Fig. 4.d). Poor preser - vation and surface alteration af fect ed the observation Graph1. Length frequencies of Antalis sp. beads: Category 1 >10.00mm; Category 2 10.01 – 19.99mm; Category 3 <20.00mm. 96 Barbara Cvitkušić, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujević both an inland and later island site, gives us vital in for - mation about the adaptations of prehistoric people who repeatedly occupied it for more than 10 000 years. During LUP, a significant number of discovered sites with ornaments in the Eastern Adriatic (Cvitkušiæ 2017; Boriæ et al. 2023; Vukosavljeviæ 2023; Cristiani et al. 2014) suggest their important role in the lives of prehistoric peoples of this region. In Eastern Adriatic LUP contexts, beads are primarily discovered in small amounts, likely lost while being used (Cvitkušiæ, Kom- šo 2015; Cvitkušiæ 2017). Vlakno cave is an exception, boasting the most extensive and varied ornaments yet discovered in the Eastern Adriatic region, strongly im- plying in situ production. The nearest site to Vlakno cave with a rich LUP ornamental assemblage is Badanj cave, situated in present day Bosnia and Herzegovina (~330km away from Vlakno cave) (Boriæ et al. 2023). Com pared to Vlakno, there are no traces of in situ pro- duction in Badanj, although we cannot completely ex - clude this activity because of the old excavation me- thods. Heterogeneous materials for ornaments in the role of Vlakno cave as a production site for or na ments in the broader regional context to the Late Up per Pa la - eolithic. From the LGM to the early Holocene, dramatic cli mate change profoundly affected the geography of this area, and the transformation of the Adriatic Plain into the Adriatic Sea, as we know it today, fun damentally alter - ed the lifestyle of prehistoric peo ple (Sikora et al. 2014; Peresani et al. 2021). Nu me rous prehistoric sites with rich archaeological as semblages, including orna- ments, faunal remains, and stone and bone artefacts, have been revealed on the present-day margins of the prehistoric Adriatic Plain, such as Šandalja II (Kara va - niæ 1999), Kopaèina (Vukosavljeviæ, Perhoè 2017), Vela Spila (Èeèuk, Ra diæ 2002; Cristiani et al. 2014), Badanj (Boriæ et al. 2023). However, these sites pro- vide partial insight in to the subsistence strategies and lifeways of people inhabiting the submerged Adriatic area during the Upper Palaeolithic (Rossi Radiæ et al. 2020). In this context, the Vlakno cave, serving as Fig. 5. Selection of use-wear and ocher traces on LUP shell ornaments from Vlakno cave presented by sample numbers: a Columbella rustica VL/O/78.4; b Columbella rustica VL/O/56.6; c Lithoglyphus naticoides VL/O/58.34; d Tritia neritea VL/O/58.22; e Tritia neritea VL/O/67.6; f Glycymeris sp. VL/O/58.18; g Glycymeris sp. VL/O/89.1; h Antalis sp. VL/O/101.9; i Antalis sp. VL/O/98.40; j Antalis sp. VL/O/97.99. 97 Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croatia Fig. 6. Selection of LUP deer canines from Vlakno cave presented by sample numbers: a VL/O/60.23; b detail of VL/O/60.23 with decorative notches; c, e details of production traces with grooving and scraping of VL/O/60.23 in hole area; d, f VL/O/16.1; g VL/O/11.1; h detail of drilling in hole area together with use-wear of VL/O/11.1; i detail of scraping and grooving of surface of VL/O/60a.8; j, k VL/O/101.2 detail of production and use-wear; l VL/O/3.1 drilling mode of production; m detail of decorative notches of hole of VL/O/3.1; n, o VL/O/102.1; p VL/O/6.3; q VL/O/66.30 initial production stage with scraping and grooving traces. 98 Barbara Cvitkušić, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujević of red deer teeth, while a smaller quantity was re triev- ed at Biarzo (Bertolini et al. 2016), Šandalja II, Ro- mualdova cave (Cvit kušiæ 2017), and Vela spila (Cristiani et al. 2014). T. neritea beads, the second most numerous LUP bead type in Vlakno, are almost uniformly represented through out the layers. Due to its naturally thin and fragile shell, it can be easily perforated but also da mag - ed, which could be a possible cause of a significant share of broken and unpreserved specimens in the sam ple. A similar distribution of T. neritea in the or- namental assemblage is recorded in Badanj cave, while in Franchthi cave and Riparo Tagliente, T. neritea is the dominant taxa during LUP (Fontana et al. 2009; Perlès 2019; Boriæ et al. 2023). The presence of T. ne- ritea beads in the hinterland site of Zala cave likely suggests the existence of contacts and exchanging rou - tes in the Eastern Adriatic region during LUP (Cvit ku- šiæ 2015). Moreover, a regional exchange system in this area during the Holocene is suggested by Darko Komšo et al. (2019) based on the distribution of beads made from marine and freshwater shells, a hypothesis sup ported by Vukosavljeviæ and Ivor Karavaniæ (2015), who provide evidence of similar patterns in LUP layers of Vlakno cave are locally outsourced. The selection of specific raw materials for ornamental pur- poses in Vlakno Cave, along with the used beads and ochre residues, reflects their symbolic role. Our detailed analysis of each taxon from the Vlakno cave allowed us to elaborate on in situ production and discuss specific ornaments in the wider regional con- text (Fig. 7). During LUP, the beads made of marine species are the most represented in Vlakno cave, main - ly corresponding to regional trends (Tab. 2, see be- low). Regarding marine species, the most numerous are scaphopods, i.e. Antalis sp., but compared to the se cond most frequent type, gastropods Tritia neritea, their appearance is limited almost exclusively to Stra- tum 6. Antalis sp. is almost equally represented by beads and posterior pieces, i.e. production waste. In archaeological contexts, a narrow posterior end (<1mm) is rare, and the reason is likely the im pos si bi - lity of suspending such beads (Arrighi et al. 2020). In Vlakno cave, 41% of Antalis posterior ends, i.e. pro- duction waste, suggest in situ production. Like the C. rustica (Cvitkušiæ et al. 2024), Antalis shells in di - cate that raw material was brought to the site for in situ production. Antalis beads are discovered in the LUP horizons of Ba danj cave (Boriæ et al. 2023) and, in the broader region, in Franchthi cave (Perlès 2018; 2019). Be - sides Antalis sp., the in situ pro duc - tion dur ing the LUP in Vlakno cave is supported by red deer teeth (Cervus elaphus). Half of the sample exhibits use- wear traces, while the other half con sists of whole, unmodified teeth with flint ex - traction marks. Additio nally, one ca nine shows the initial production stage, i.e. traces of grooving. A preliminary ana ly - sis of the LUP faunal assemblage of Vlakno cave shows red deer is the pre- vailing species, while lithic artefacts in- dicate that hunting was the dominant economic activity (Cvitkušiæ et al. 2018). Significant symbolic finds are two de- corated deer canines with transversal in- cisions over lobe surfaces. An analogous example of decorated not ches on the red deer canine is known from Badanj cave and Riparo Tagliente (Leonardi 1983; Boriæ, Cristiani 2023). This ornament type is relatively common dur ing LUP in the Adriatic basin. Vlakno and Badanj are the sites with large numbers of finds Fig. 7. Map with the sites in the broader Late Up per Palaeolithic con - text discussed in the text: 1 Romualdova cave; 2 Šandalja II; 3 Lju bi- æeva cave; 4 Pupiæina cave; 5 Zala cave; 6 Vlakno cave; 7 Vela spila; 8 Badanj; 9 Crvena stijena; 10 Franchti cave; 11 Grotta Palicci; 12 Ri- paro Tagliente; 13 Riparo Biar zo. 99 Late Upper Palaeolithic ornaments from Vlakno cave, Croati a over, the presence of marine gastropods T. neritea in the hin terland site of Zala cave points to the existence of long-distance contacts from hinterland sites to those closer to the Late Glacial shore. The variety of carefully chosen LUP ornament ty pes in Vlakno cave in general corresponds to the broader re- gional trends spanning present-day Italy and Slovenia, the Adriatic littoral zone and its hinterland of the Di- naric Alps including present-day Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro (Cri stiani et al. 2014; Cvitkušiæ 2015; 2017; Cvitkušiæ, Komšo 2015; Boriæ, Cristiani 2016; Boriæ et al. 2023; Vukosavljeviæ 2023). Considering this observation alongside the well-do cu- mented LUP sites with or naments in the northeastern Mediterranean, the Vlakno cave stands out as a pro mi - nent place for ac tivities related to ornament produc- tion in this vast region. The Danube Gorges Epipalaeoli- thic sites and various contemporaneous Late Epigra- vet tian sites in Italy share common features such as spe cific lithic artefacts, geometric motifs, and par ti- cular bead types (Mussi 2002; Boriæ, Cri sti ani 2016), such as the sites of Grotta Paglicci (Mezzena, Palma di Cesnola 1967), Riparo Tagliente (Fontana et al. 2009), Riparo Biarzo (Cristiani 2012), S. Maria di Agnano (Giacobini 2006), Grot ta di Fumane (Fiocchi 1997), Grot ta dei Fanciulli (Vanhaeren, d’Errico 2003), Ovè- ja jama (Osole 1962/63), Vela spila (Cristiani et al. 2014), Vrbièka cave (Boriæ, Cristiani 2016), Crvena Stijena (Mihailoviæ et al. 2017), Badanj (Boriæ et al. 2023), Franchthi cave (Perlès 2018), Cuina Turcului (Cârciumaru, Ni þu 2018) and Climente II (Mãrgãrit 2008). Vlak no cave, with its in situ activities, rich sym- bo lic as semblage, and central geographical location in the aforementioned area, perfectly fits in this broader LUP context, complementing our knowledge of how symbolic behaviour influenced movements of Late Upper Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers. lithic raw material distribution. Marine bivalves, pre- do minantly Glycymeris sp. shells, are exclusively found in the LUP deposits of Vlakno cave. Its use is am - biguous due to the detected use-wear traces and ochre residues on a few perforated specimens and fragments, suggesting that Glycymeris shells in the Vlakno cave may have had a functional purpose. In the broader LUP regional context, the same situation is recorded in Fran chthi cave (Perlès 2019). The most extensive num- ber of Glycymeris sp. is discovered in Badanj (Boriæ et al. 2023), and to a small extent in Vela Spila (Cristiani et al. 2014), Šandalja II (Cvitkušiæ 2017), Crvena sti- jena (Boriæ, Cristiani 2019), and Riparo Tagliente (Fon tana et al. 2009). In the regional LUP context, be - sides Vlakno, only one unmodified specimen of Acan- tho cardia tuberculate is discovered in Šandalja II (Cvitkušiæ 2015). Regarding Luria lurida, its presence is recorded in the Gravettian burial of Grotta Palicci in Puglia, situated across the Vlakno cave, slightly to the south (Ronchitelli et al. 2015). Freshwater gastropods are sporadically represented in the Vlakno ornamental assemblage. Out of two spe cies, Theodoxus danubialis is more numerous compared to Lithoglyphus naticoides. In the re gional context, both species’ use as an ornament is re corded in the Riparo Biar zo (Cristiani 2012), Badanj (Boriæ et al. 2023) and Vlakno cave. In general, in the spatiotemporal and chro no-cultural distribution, L. naticoides is more fre- quent in archaeological re cords of hunter-gatherers (Bo roneanþ 1999; Eriksen 2002; Niþu et al. 2019). Fresh water sources likely had a significant role in hun- ter-gatherer lifeways. The importance of fishing is sug - gested by the results of stable isotope analyses show - ing high protein in take from freshwater fish in the Ad - riatic during Epi gravettian (Vukosavljeviæ 2023), which finds of har poons and freshwater ga stropods from Ba - danj and Vlakno caves can additionally sup port. More- Acknowledgements The research at Vlakno cave (D.V.) and the analysis of the material (B.C.) was conducted through the Croa ti an Sci ence Foundation projects IP-2019-04-6115 “Epigra vet tian communities of Northern Dalmatia” and UIP-2014-09- 1545 “Transition and tradition in Vlakno cave: Model of the transition from the Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic in the Northern Dalmatia region”. This research was also supported by the European Re search Council under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Re- search and Innovation Programme (grant agreement no. 639286 HIDDEN FOODS to EC; http://www.hidden-foods.eu) (E.C.) and by Postdoctoral SAPIEx cellence Fellowship (no. 616_22_SAPIEX ReDress) at Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Italy (B.C.). We thank the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments, which have greatly contributed to the im provement of this paper. 100 Barbara Cvitkušić, Emanuela Cristiani, and Dario Vujević Brusiæ Z. 2004. R. Br. 98-Peæina Vlakno. Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 1: 197–199. 2007. R. Br. 98-Peæina Vlakno. Hrvatski arheološki go diš - njak 4: 400–403. Cârciumaru M., Niþu E.-C. 2018. Redefining the Epigravettian and Epipalaeolithic in the Rock Shelter of Cuina Turcului (the Iron Gates Gorges of the Danube, Romania), with Spe- cial Emphasis on Art Objects. PALEO 29: 75–97. http://journals.openedition.org/paleo/4231 Claassen C. 1998. Shells. 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Thus, particularly with the flow of new information from archaeogenetic studies, a consensus has been reached on placing the origin of farmers introducing Neolithic way of life to Europe to be from the core areas of primary neolithization in the East. Even if the prime question seems to have been answered by hardcore evidence, it is now understood that the processes that led to the neolithization in the regions beyond its primary formative zone are far more complex and multifaceted than our earlier, simp - listic presumptions. The increased pace of research Introduction The process of neolithization in the Balkans has been one of the most debated topics of European archaeo- logy due to its significance in laying the foun dations of the socio-economic settings of later stages, not only in the eastern parts of Europe but al most all over the continent. The onset of a new way of living based on farming in Europe, after being dis cussed for seve ral de- cades in terms of extremes, ranging from colonization by Near Eastern farmers to actions of sporadic diffu sio - nists to anti-diffusionist autochthonous models, final - ly came to be explained by the massive endemic mo ve - KLJUÈNE BESEDE – Ağaçlɩ; Fikirtepe; regija Marmara; neolitizacija; kulturna prilagoditev IZVLEÈEK – V zadnjih nekaj desetletjih se je znanje o procesih, ki so vodili k oblikovanju skupnosti pri- de lovalcev hrane v obrobnih regijah ali zunaj osrednjih obmoèij primarne neolitizacije, zelo poveèalo. To omogoèa boljše razumevanje interakcij migrantskih kmetov z lokalnimi domorodnimi skupnostmi in nji hove prilagoditve okolju, ki je bilo precej drugaèno od tistega, iz katerega so prišli. Èlanek se osredo- toèa na razpravo o procesu neolitizacije v regiji okoli Istanbula, v kateri so se priseljeni kmetje zdru ži li z mezolitsko skupnostjo kulture Ağaçlɩ in vzpostavili nov družbeno-ekonomski model kulture Fikirtepe. Proces neolitizacije in spremembe v regiji Istanbul KEY WORDS – Ağaçlɩ; Fikirtepe; Marmara region; neolithization; cultural adaptation ABSTRACT - During the last few decades, our knowledge of processes leading to the establishment of food-producing communities in regions peripheral or exterior to that of the core areas of primary neoli- thization has increased considerably, making it possible to better understand the interaction of migrant farmers with local indigenous communities and how they adapted to environmental conditions that were much different from the places they came from. The paper will limit its focus to discussing the pro - cess of neolithization in the region around Istanbul, where the emigrant farmers merged with the Meso- lithic community of the Ağaçlɩ culture and developed a new socio-economic model forming the Fikirte- pe culture. Mehmet Özdoğan İstanbul University, İstanbul, TR; c.mozdo@gmail.com The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul 107 The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul now makes it possible to ask several new questions that were not possible even to consider a few decades previously. Among the challenging issues now becom- ing apparent are the adaptability of emigrant farmers to new habitats, the pace of migratory movements, tra - jectories followed by the migrating groups, contacts with local Mesolithic communities, defining the im pact of social memories, changing spheres of interaction, and the Neolithic pac kage or packages, among others, all of which ne cessitate revising our way of looking at Neolithic ex pansion. In this respect, the emergence of different Neo lithics consequential to Neolithic expan- sion has become more evident than before, and this requires new definitions of factors ranging from simple agri cultural villages to stately urbanization, nomadic herding, semi-nomadism, seasonal pastoralism, and small farmsteads. Here, with this paper, we shall re- strict our investigation to a particular case, the onset of the Fikirtepe culture in the region around Istanbul, not because it is the most interesting case but because it is probably the best documented and exemplified. During the last decade or so, several excavations in and around Istanbul have made it possible to picture the adaptive processes of migrant farmers coming from semi-arid regions of Anatolia to live in the rainy forested marine habitat of the Istanbul area. Moreover, the earliest stages of the Fikirtepe culture are, at the same time, the peaceful cohesion of migrant farmers with local Mesolithic Ağaçlı communities. We shall try to present this significant encounter. An overview in retrospect Interest on the onset of Neolithic cultures of Anato lia came to the forefront only after the start of ex ca va- tions at Nevalı Çori, then followed by those at Gö bek - litepe. In earlier years, in spite of the work done at sites such as Çayönü or Caferhöyük, the early Neoli thic of Anatolia was considered as the ‘secondary Neoli- thic’, a delayed reflection of developments that took place in the southern Levant. The increased pace of field work during in recent years has revealed many un expected results that have led to changes in the way we look at the onset and spread of the Neolithic way of life, almost forcing us to reconsider what is implied by the term Neolithic itself. Most of the revolutionary developments in recent decades have been extensi ve - ly published, several of them in Do cumenta Prae his - torica (Budja 2009; Çilingiroğlu, Çakırlar 2013; Güler et al. 2013; Karul 2020; Özdoğan 2014a). How - ever, during the last few years the flow of new infor ma- tion has accelerated, presenting hitherto overlooked aspects of primary neolithization. In this context, so much has changed from what we wrote in our paper on the expansion of Neolithic cul- ture to Southeast Europe published only ten years ago in Documenta Praehistorica that it can now be con- sidered partially out of date on some critical issues. Therefore, to prevent misunderstandings, an overview of recent advances will first be presented along an up- dated picture. One of the prime questions that have been occa sio nal - ly answered without much thought is the timing of the migratory movement. It has been almost con ven tional to place the expansion of farming from the core areas to other regions in the early years of the Pottery Neo li - thic, to a time frame from 6600–6400 BC, which signi - fies the time of massive movements covering Western Anatolia, the Aegean, Thrace and parts of Eastern Gre - ece, marked by the foundation of hundreds of new settlements. However, it is clear that before these mas - sive migratory movements spo radic ones were going to and fro, bringing back information on the lands further away. It is possible to surmise that such journeys were undertaken by peddlers, wanderers, and herders moving in concert with Mesolithic groups. Even though there is no way to specify these early scouting movements, it is clear that the farmers in the core regions were well informed of the outer ter rito- ries, and thus the social pull of looking for oppor tu ni - ties may have developed. When big groups began to move, they knew exactly where they were heading, as otherwise hundreds of new settlements could not have been placed in the best locations in a newly reached foreign territory. Though scanty, there are indications of such pioneering mo vements taking place as early as 7400 BC, at a time when pottery was scarce, as only a few sherds from this scouting stage are known from Bahçelievler, de nominated as Proto-Fikirtepe, or from northern Bulgaria and classified as monochrome ware. Thus, distinguishing the remnants of early migrants from those of later ones is essential in understanding the neolithization process, but it is not always easy to do. The other issue worth considering is migrant far mers’ adaptation to a habitat different from that of their home region. The new way of living based on agricul- ture had originated in semiarid conditions, where springs as sources of drinking water were scarce and the green cover of the open forest environment lack ed tall-growing trees. As such, the locations of the settle - ments were strictly determined by the specific loca- tions of the springs or perennial rivers, inevitably ne- ces sitating clustering, since dispersed settlements or 108 Mehmet Özdoğan this system of landlocked seas, plays a critical role in defining marine conditions such as salinity and oxygen circulation. The entire system presents a uni que, multi- farious picture, the condition of each component be - ing specific to that unit and affecting all others simul- taneously. Even a simple overview of this system would be beyond the coverage of this paper (Erinç 1954; Öz- doğan 2007). However, it is worth noting that when emigrant farmers reached the region, Marmara, still be ing cut off from the Black Sea, was a relatively shal - low brackish lake just before the beginning of the salinization process through the Dardanelles (Algan et al. 2011). Thus, in considering the process of neoli thi- zation, particularly in regions peripheral to Marmara and the Black Sea, the chang ing coastal topography and marine environment par ticular to each region needs to be considered. The change from brackish to saline conditions and the de velopment of the vertical circulation of oxygen in the Marmara basin took place during the evolutionary stages of the Fikirtepe culture. Considering that Fikir tepe culture de pended on fi sh- ing and collecting shells for subsistence, changes in marine conditions taking place during the lifetime of this culture must have been of critical importance (Me- riç, Algan 2007) Local Mesolithic culture of the East Marmara re - gion – the Ağaçlı culture In the Marmara region, as in most of Anatolia, the cul - tural stage preceding the Neolithic period, be it de no- minated as Epi-Palaeolithic or Mesolithic, is mainly confined to the coastal regions. In areas fur ther in land, the evidence of Mesolithic occupation be co mes very scanty or even absent (Çalıºkan Akgül et al. 2023). On the other hand, it seems justifiable to postulate that Mesolithic communities must have densely occupied all the coastal areas of Anatolia. How ever, it should be considered that global sea levels were considerably low er during the Mesolithic than today, and thus low- land sites have all been inundated, leaving those areas blank in surface surveys. In this respect, the coastal ter - races along the Black Sea coast on either side of the Bosporus have revealed a rich assemblage of Meso li - thic sites, termed the Ağaçlı cul ture after the most pro- lific site on the western part of the Bosporus (Gatsov 2006; Gatsov, Özdoğan 1994; Kartal 2011). During our surface surveys in the 1980s, we located over 100 lo calities with Mesolithic artefacts, mainly located on fossilized sand dunes along the Black Sea coastline, re - vealing a lithic assemblage some what reminiscent of the late circum-Pontic Epi-Gravette tradition characte- rized mainly by microlithic tools, geometrics being ra- housing were almost impossible. Moreover, over time settlements, regardless of their cultural identities, had to be repeatedly established at the same location, giv - ing rise to multi-layered mound formations. Like wise, mudbrick developed as the principal building mate rial, most appropriate for the long, dry summers of semi- arid conditions. The rare presence of tall-growing trees was also one of the factors in defining the construction techniques used for buildings. Emi grant farmers set- tling in the Marmara region quickly realized that mud- brick was unsuitable as a building material for the rainy conditions, and so transferred their knowledge of architectural systems to wooden-post constructions. Due to the extensive presence of fresh water almost everywhere in the re gion of Marmara, settlements did not need to cluster and occasionally shifted their loca - tion, and thus in contrast to the heights of the settle - ment mounds of Anatolia, single-period flat settle- ments dominated the cultural environment. Using easily perishable building materials such as wood also led to archaeological deposits of insubstantial thickness. For that reason, most of the sites are single- period flat sites, difficult to locate in surface surveys, and easily and unintentionally destroyed. Encounters among the emigrant farmers and local Me- solithic communities have occasionally appeared in the literature, but hardly any discussions were sup- ported by concrete evidence, except perhaps for that on Lepenski Vir (Brami et al. 2022). In this re spect, the Marmara region, now with over nine well-excavated and documented sites, has made it possible to visualize the interaction between the two communities, the lo cal Mesolithic community of the Ağaçlı culture and emi - grant farmers giving rise to the Fikirtepe culture, de ve- lop ing an assorted socio-economic model best suited for that region. Eastern Thrace and the Marmara basin The Sea of Marmara, the divide between Southeast Eu - rope and the Near East, is an atypical inland sea being part of a chain of landlocked seas featuring vo latile conditions. The Sea of Marmara, the western most com- po nent of this system, also provides its con nectivity to the global oceanic system by the nar row and relatively shallow strait, the Dardanelles. The Bosporus, located on the other end of the Sea of Marmara, is the link to other inland marine bodies, such as the Black Sea, the Strait of Kerch, the Azov Sea, the Maynch Depression, the Caspian, Uzboy Channel and Aral Lake. The Bos po - rus, being much shallower than the Dardanelles in 109 The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul rivals. Still, contrary to the red-slipped, painted pot- tery of groups moving through the Aegean littoral into Thrace, the pottery of Eastern Marmara was mainly dark monochrome, lacking painted decoration. Like- wise, there were several other notable differences in the Neolithic packages of the eastern and western groups. However, as these had been previously de- tailed in an earlier issue of this journal, we will avoid going into them here (Özdoğan 2014a.Fig. 12). Coalescence of migrant farmers and local Meso- li thic communities The Lakes District, located at the southern end of the valley of the Sakarya River, developed as a secondary core area for migrant farmers moving west from the Central Anatolia plateau and for those arriving at the Gulf of Antalya through maritime routes. Once in the Lakes District, there were two possible courses to take, either moving northwards through the valley of the Sakarya or west to the Aegean littorals. The Sakarya route must have been preferred in the earlier stages of Neolithic expansion, as it was dotted by several sites that yielded early monochrome pottery. As there is no apparent Mesolithic habitation along the Sakarya val - ley, at least not worth considering, and migrant com- munities continued without encountering obstacles up to the southern shores of Marmara. How ever, when reaching the borders of areas densely oc cupied by the Mesolithic Ağaçlı groups, Neolithic farmers ended their movement. It seems that this obstacle must have led to a change in the preferred route for those arriving later in the Lakes District, as indicated by the intensity of newly established sites all around the Aegean. From the Lakes District, farmers must have followed the val- ley of the Büyük Menderes stream to reach the Aegean coast, and from there they had multiple choices: mari- time crossing towards mainland Greece, particularly to Thessaly and Macedonia, or continuing northwards along the coast, establishing several settlements, some of which are on islands on the coastal shelf, or became islands with the rise in the sea level during the Neoli- thic era. Those reaching the Dardanelles poured into Thrace, going through almost vacant territories and establishing hun dreds of new settlements. The appa- rent density of Neolithic communities in the Eastern Bal kans indicates that this route must have continued to be used for a considerable time. Even though the timing is im pos si ble to set, the emi- grant farmers that moved North through the Sa kar ya, es tablishing the settlements mentioned above, re main- ed there for about 200 years without moving further. ther rare (Cohen, Gorelik 1998; Biagi, Kiosak 2010; Gat sov 2013). Sites of the Ağaçlı culture clustered main ly along the Black Sea, seemingly attracted by its rich marine resources, as it was then still connected to the Caspian. Nevertheless, sites of the Ağaçlı culture ex - tended up to the southern coast of Marmara without penetrating further inland (Sarı, Akyol 2019). The coming of the Neolithic farmers As noted previously, the migratory movement of far - mers should be considered under two distinct head- ings: the initial, sporadic movements, as early as the second half of the 8th millennium BC, at a time be- tween 7400–6800 BC, and the more organized mas- sive one from 6600 to 6400 BC. Even though we have li mited information on the trajectories of the initial mo vement, after coming to the Lakes District peo ple moved northwards following the valley of the Sakarya River, as attested by the early dates from Bademağacı, Keçiçayırı, Bahçelievler (Fidan et al. 2022) and Bar- cın. Even if the Mesolithic communities of Ağaçlı had a notable cluster along the coastal areas, they must also have had a sparse presence in the interiors – hunt- ing, looking for raw materials, or for some other rea- sons. Without the consent of the locals, the movement of farmers, at least in its initial stage, would have been near impossible. Farmers on the move must have tra- velled relatively quickly in the more or less sparsely po pulated zone. Nevertheless, migrant groups paused their movement before going into the territories den- sely inhabited by the Ağaçlı com munities, as signified by numerous sites along the southern littorals of Mar- mara, such as Aktopraklık, Yeniºehir, Ilıpınar, Menteºe, Barcın and several other as yet unexcavated ones. The settlements established by the Neolithic farmers are villages, as in contemporary Anatolian Neolithic settlements, overwhelmingly dependent on farming, with hunting or fishing either absent or rarely im ple - mented (Roodenberg 2019). Farmers brought the primary components of the Neolithic package, cul ti - vated plants and domesticated animals (except for pigs), the know-how of essential commodities, ar chi- tectural practices, and the social memory of village life. It is worth noting that in terms of lithics, pressure flak - ing and bullet core technology also came to the re gion with migrant farmers (Gatsov, Nedelcheva 2016; 2018). The earliest group had begun its move at the time of transition from the PPN to PN or at the time of the so-called PPNC when pottery was a scarce com - modity. On the other hand, pottery had already be- come a common commodity by the time of the later ar- 110 Mehmet Özdoğan yield what was expected, giving way to further biases. The increased pace of re - search in Bulgaria by the second half of the last century made it possible to view cultural assemblages of prehistoric pe - riods, particularly those of earlier pha - ses of the Neolithic that featured paint- de corated pottery vessels, as not being represented at Fikirtepe even by a single piece. Likewise, depictions of fe males, either as clay figurines or anthro po mor - phic vessels, despite their extensive pre - sence in almost every Neolithic site, were conspicuously absent at Fikirtepe and other sites of this culture. Even though the excavations at Fikirtepe took place in the early 1950s, faunal remains had been me - ticulously collected and studied, revealing an exten si- ve dependence on marine sources and hunting (Boes - sneck, von den Driesch 1979), both of which were al - most totally absent in Neolithic sites south of the Mar - mara. The onset of several rescue excavations in and around Istanbul has finally made it possible to revise our view of the formative stage of the Fikirtepe culture. Recent work in the environments of Istan bul The commencement of large-scale infra struc ture pro- jects within the metropolitan area of Istanbul has made it possible to con duct extensive archaeological re search, revealing hitherto unknown sites. One of the most prolific is the excavations at Yenikapı, the ancient Theodosius harbour of the Byzantine period, once the gulf of a stream that was filled in over time. Yenikapı ex ca vations have been very prolific for almost all pe- riods, and along with revealing outstanding finds, the fill in the harbour has yielded an amazing sequence of historical periods with indicators of environmental The two communities then merg ed, evidently pea ce- fully with no sign of any conflict, developing a new socio-economic mo del, one that will become known as the Fikirtepe culture. Fikirtepe culture was considered to be founded by Neolithic communities, and we never wondered why the settlement organi za tion and sub- sistence pattern of Fikirtepe was so dif ferent from all other Neolithic settlements. However, recent evidence has drawn a picture that is very different from what was accepted without much question for almost a cen- tury. Changing picture of the Fikirtepe culture Even though the site of Fikirtepe is one of the earliest excavated Neolithic sites, due to its location within the city of Istanbul, just at the crossroads between Anatolia and the Balkans, it has been customary to scrutinize its artefactual assemblage to look for cultural con nec- tions. For several decades, Fikirtepe remained the only excavated site in northwestern Turkey, but it did not Fig. 1. Major prehistoric sites in and around Istanbul. Fig. 2. Fikirtepe sherds recovered at Ağaçl�. 111 The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul Another major rescue excavation within the metro po- litan area of Istanbul is the ongoing work at Beºiktaº, where 42 of the kurgan type of burials, dated to 3300 BC, have been recovered (Özdoğan 2024). It is of inte- rest to note that the kurgans are 60 metres away from the present-day coast line and at its level. Small pits revealing Early Fi kirtepe pot tery have been recovered about three metres under the kurgan cemetery, and the work on this is still continuing. During 2022 and 2023 there were res cue excavations at the site of Fikirtepe, exposing the last remaining part, re vealing material from the Classical phase of the Fikirtepe culture. A new look at the Fikirtepe culture Fikirtepe, both as a site and culture, has been exten- si vely published on several occasions, covering the history of research, se quenc- ing, faunal and cultural assemblages in full detail (Özdoğan 2023). Here, even as a summary of what has been detailed el - sewhere, such information will not be re- peated. Instead, the picture drawn by the recent work in Istanbul on the formative stage of the Fikirtepe culture will be brief- ly discussed. As already noted, during the last few deca- des there have been several prehistoric excavations and surveys in the region around Istanbul, providing ample new evidence on the formation and develop- changes (Algan et al. 2011; Yalçın et al. 2015). How- ever, a stony fill was encountered at the bottom of the ancient harbour, which turned out to have been laid during a transgression period of the Sea of Marmara, blanketing the remains of a Neolithic settlement lo- cated nine metres below the present-day level of Mar - mara. The site had developed along one of the deltaic channels of the ancient steam, which flowed to Mar- mara (Yalçın et al. 2015). By the early stages of the Neolithic, the present-day Sea of Marmara basin was still a brackish lake, somewhat smaller than when it was invaded by the saline waters of the Aegean coming from the Dardanelles. Only a segment of the Neolithic occupation had been exposed during the excavations, revealing cultural deposits of Early, Classic and Late Fikirtepe/Yarımburgaz 4 horizons, mainly consisting of the remains of some domestic structures, burials and wooden artefacts. Most significant is that due to anoxic conditions organic materials have been in an excellent state of preservation, not only the wood of houses and burials but also some objects and plant remains (Kızıltan, Polat 2013). The Neolithic site of Pendik, a twin site of Fikirtepe, is located on the Asian side of Istanbul. Since the 1960s the site has been excavated on several occasions, re- vealing Early and Classical pha ses of the Fikirtepe cul- ture (Özdoğan 1983; 2014b; Gatsov 2003). How ever, the most ex ten sive work has been the 2011–2013 re- scue operations of the Istanbul Archaeology Museums, exposing a trench of over 200 metres long extending from one end of the site to the other, for the first time making it possible to discern the settlement pattern on that scale (Fig. 4). Along with revealing se veral hut- like constructions, the excavations also un covered a massive burnt structure and several in humated bu rials. Fig. 3. A selection of microlithic tool of the Ağaçl� cul - ture. Fig. 4. Pendik, a part of the section extending through the site. 112 Mehmet Özdoğan of the settlement, almost forced us to reconsider the formative stage of the Fikirtepe culture. Through about 200 me tres of exposed sec- tion (Fig. 4) there were medium- sized huts, storage pits, fireplaces and some simple burials (Figs. 5, 6). All the structures, either round or ovoid in plan, were wattle and daub construction, mainly of thin branches, having semi-sunken flo- orings and simple inhu ma tions on the subfloor. On the eastern- most end of the settlement, among round huts, there was a rectan gu- lar building with cellular divisions with mud-slab walls and a big cult table in one of the cells (Fig. 7) (Özdoğan 2014a.Fig.6). The construction was very unlike any of the round huts, not only in the plan but also in the construction technique, being highly reminiscent of PPN Anatolian tradition, which for the first time raised the possibility that the members of two communities lived together at the same site and maintained the particularities of their cultures. At Yenikapı, the recovery of a Neolithic substratum at the bottom of a Byzantine harbour at nine metres be - ment of the Fikirtepe culture (Fig. 1) The picture now drawn is a gradual and peaceful merger of two distinct cultures, the Mesolithic Ağaçlı and the Neolithic mi- grant far mers. Ac tu ally, the first sign of this came as early as 1980, during our survey in the region of Ağaçlı, recovering Early Fikirtepe sherds (Fig. 2) in one of the camp sites with some microlithic tools (Fig. 3) and the scattered remains of a wattle and daub structure which at that time was surmised to be intrusive. Istanbul Ar chaeology Museums rescue excavations at Pendik, excavating for the first time throughthe entire extent Fig. 5. Pendik, huts with semi-sunken floors on the section. Fig. 6. Pendik, some of the burials and the flooring of a structure. 113 The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul with the knowhow of building substantial structures were able to apply their traditional know ledge to use the timber of tall growing trees. In the same layer, along with round huts, there was also a rectangular buil ding of stone-lined walls (Fig. 9). As at Pendik, the presence of Anatolian type of structures together with simple huts again points to the two communities living together. low the present level of Marmara, revealing va rious phases of the Fikirtepe culture, was beyond ex pec ta- tions. Likewise, among the architectural remains, as with the cellular building at Pendik, some structures were not in line with the simple round huts. One of these structures was constructed of curved timbers, sur prisingly well preserved, suggestive of cruck-like construction systems (Fig. 8), and this particular buil- ding exemplifies how the migrant farmers who came Fig. 7a. Pendik, the rectangular plan building with cellular divisions. Fig. 7b. The same building with the cult table in situ. 114 Mehmet Özdoğan of two distinct traditions of bu- rial customs in the same cultural layer, at least points presence of two communities living together with no sign of apparent hostili ty. In featuring the new picture of the Fikirtepe culture, along with reconsidering what has been ac - counted above, the most con cre - te evidence has been of the fau - nal remains, which have been ex- tensively studied and published (Röhrs, Herre 1961; Boessneck, von den Driesch 1979; Çakırlar 2013; 2023). It should be con si - dered that the excavations at Fi- kirtepe took place in the 1950s, when collecting animal bones was not a widespread practice, sie ves were hardly used, and in most cases, at least in the Near Eastern excavations, molluscs were not even considered. In this respect, Fikirtepe stands as an ex- ceptional case, not only because faunal remains have been meticulously collected but also because they have been extensively studied and published. The Fikirtepe faunal assemblage, contrary to all other early sites south of Marmara, signifies the importance of marine sources in terms of diet, particularly in collecting mol - luscs and fishing. The diversity of fish species re pre- Yenikapı has revealed the earliest cremated burial of the Neolithic era, a practice unattested pre vi ously in Anatolia (Kızıltan 2009). There were several in hu- mations in a tightly contracted position, except for pre - served wooden planks, and these were in the same tra- dition as Neolithic burials in the core area of the Neo li- thic. However, the recovery of a vessel, typical in shape for the Early or Proto Fikirtepe horizon, a jar with four lug handles, has revealed the fragmented remains of a cremated burial (Fig. 10). Here again, the togetherness Fig. 8. Yenikapı, preserved wooden timbers of a Neolithic building. Fig. 9. Yenikapı, a rectangular plan Neolithic structure with walls lined with stones. 115 The process of neolithization and consequent changes in the region of Istanbul different from that seen at any of the set tlements founded by Anatolia farmers. Some concluding remarks For decades we have been writing and discussing the Fikirtepe culture, focusing on describing various com - ponents of the artefactual assemblages and con sider - ing the connectivity of this culture with its contem po - raries. In this respect, the site of Fikirtepe is one of the hundreds of established sites consequential to Ana to - lian farmers’ migration. As in several other cases, the contact with local autochthonous groups and their adaptation to new habitats were overlooked or pas sed over. It is the unprecedented recoveries of the recent rescue excavations in and around Istanbul that promp- ted us to look at the evidence and reconsider biases. In this respect, what has been concluded with this pa per was evident since Neolithic expansion came to be dis - cussed as a model, and the problem was the domi na- tion of fixed, oversimplified interpretations. sented among the Fikirtepe faunal assemble has led to some controversy as to whether they employed open- sea fishing or simply made use of the lagoonal envi- ronment (Çakırlar 2023; Yalçın 2023.286). On the other hand, no botanical remains were col- lect ed at Fikirtepe, and some wood and branch im- pressions left in the clayey daub of the huts are all there are. Due to the excavation systematics of the 1950s, it is no surprise that no botanical remains were collected, and thus in order to see the intensity and type of agricultural practices the only option is to look at the artefactual assemblage. In this re spect, artefacts pointing to agricultural activities are present but re- latively few compared to at other contemporaneous sites. Likewise, flint blades with silica-gloss are very rare, and grinding stones that can function effectively in processing grains are also scare, although some grind ing activity took place on-site. In an overall as- sessment, Fikirtepe features a mixed economic model, some herding, low-level agriculture, hunting, fishing and mollusc collecting, a subsistence pattern notably Fig. 10. 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Actual Archaeology Magazine 10: 24–27. back to content 118 D ocumenta P raehis torica L I ( 2 0 2 4 ) D O I : 10 . 4 312 / d p . 5 1. 2 2 tions became possible with the de velopment of radio- carbon dating in the late 1940s. Both approaches have been accepted and criticized, allowing archaeologists to favour the one that better supported their views on temporality. Balkan archaeology is no exception in this regard, and numerous attempts have been made to determine both the beginning and end of the Neolithic Age, with the Introduction With the beginning of modern archaeological re- search, attempts were made to provide chronological frameworks for the different periods under inves ti- gation. As the discipline was evolving, a variety of me- thods were proposed for measuring time in the di stant past. Before the mid-20th century most approaches were based on comparisons of stra tigraphically se- cured finds that made it possible to elaborate on rela - tive chronological schemes, but more exact deter mi na - KLJUÈNE BESEDE – zgodnji neolitik; Pelagonija, geografska regija Makedonija; absolutna kronologija; pro ces neolitizacije IZVLEÈEK – Potem ko je Gordon V. Childe pred 100 leti prviè predstavil širjenje kulture z Bližnjega vzhoda v Evropo, so nastali razlièni modeli napredovanja neolitskega naèina življenja. Kronologija je imela pri tem pomembno vlogo, vendar zaradi pomanjkljivih podatkov v zgodbe niso bile vkljuèene vse re gije. Ne - davne raziskave v Pelagoniji, na mejnem obmoèju med Severno Makedonijo in Grèijo, so pri nesle nova in zanesljiva radiokarbonska zaporedja; skupaj 42 novih radiokarbonskih datumov, ki bodo vkljuèeni v razprave o neolitski kronologiji Balkana. Datiranje zgodnjega neolitika Pelagonije: zapolnitev kronološke vrzeli v balkanski prazgodovini KEY WORDS – Early Neolithic; Pelagonia, geographical region of Macedonia; absolute chronology; Neoli - thization process ABSTRACT - Since Gordon V. Childe first discussed the diffusion of culture from the Near East into Europe 100 years ago, various models for the advance of the Neolithic way of life have been proposed. Chronolo - gy has played an important role in this, but not all regions were included in the narratives due to a lack of data. Recent investigations in the border area between North Macedonia and Greece, namely in Pel- agonia, have provided reliable new radiocarbon sequences, in total 42 new radiocarbon dates, that will contribute to the discussion on the Neolithic chronology of the Balkans. Goce Naumov 1, Agathe Reingruber 2 1 Einstein Center – Chronoi, Berlin, DE; gocenaumov@ gmail . com 2 Institute of Prehistoric Archaeology, Free University of Berlin, Berlin, DE; Agathe. Reingruber@ f u- berl in. d e Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory 119 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory de finition of the establishment of the first agricultural societies before their transformation into metallurgical communities remaining an ongoing process (Childe 1929; Garašanin 1951; Gavela 1963; Benac 1979; Par - zinger 1993; Todorova, Vaisov 1993; Sanev 1994; Kor - kuti 1995; Reingruber 2020). Some authors have fa- voured relative chronologies based mainly on pottery and criticized the shortcomings of radiocarbon dating (Milojèiæ 1949; Nikolov 1989), while others, es pecially after the turn of the millennium, have em phasized the advantages of absolute dates and have been more cautious with direct material ana lo gies (Thissen 2000; Reingruber, Thissen 2005; Nau mov 2009; Bulatoviæ et al. 2018; Porèiæ 2023). Nevertheless, nearly all ar- chaeologists aiming to de ter mine the timeframe of the Early Neolithic (EN) have attempted to provide elaborate perspectives on the dissemination of inno- vations from the Near East to Europe, reflecting in particular on the intermediary regions of the Aegean and the Balkans. Given the influential relative chronology of the Bal kans kans (e.g., Milojèiæ 1949), some archaeologists ad- justed their own appraisals of the evidence based on this. Indeed, it has often seemed unthinkable to ar gue against such a chronology, leading to the si tuation in which authoritative dicta were followed and re- inforced, as was the case with the so-called Pre ceramic Period in some countries (Reingruber 2008.85–93). On the other hand, language and na tional borders have often impeded productive communication among archaeologists, and the po li tical situation of the 20th century, with Europe divided by an ‘Iron Curtain’, only exacerbated this. These persistent, rigid approaches to archaeology were overcome not only with the political changes that occurred after 1989, but also with the broad ac- ceptance of radiocarbon analysis. Although the first challenges to the relative chronological systems in the Balkans go back to the early 1970s when Co lin Ren- frew presented his new chronological insights based on the stratigraphy from Sitagroi with a sequence of 26 radiocarbon dates (Renfrew 1971), it took two de- cades until John Coleman gathered and analysed all the radiocarbon dates available at that time (Coleman 1992). The dissertation of Lau rens Thissen (2000) set new standards with regard to the comprehension of the connectivity between Southeast Europe and Ana - tolia in light of the absolute chronology, and the on - line project CANeW (the pre cursor of 14SEA) in par- ticular has led to the more wide spread application of chronologies based on radiocarbon dates. As such, an absolute chronology has slowly been adopted and adapted, but even more than 20 years later some ad- justments are still necessary (Reingruber 2020.17). In the past, radiocarbon dates were either dismissed and ignored, or were accepted at face value with the ex pectation that they reflect a prehistoric ‘reality’. Similarly, the quality of the dates is not sufficiently discussed, and one can observe a tendency to give credence to single dates, even with high standard de - viations. This has led to a lopsided assessment of when and where the EN started in the Balkans. Sometimes, the properties of the calibration curve are not consi- dered, especially the long-lasting plateaus resulting from the many wiggles (particularly that of the 7th millennium BC). This has led and still leads to a dis pro- portionate emphasis on the oldest possible date in- stead of a more objective discussion of the dates in question. One must further acknowledge some in con- sistencies in the interpretation of ra dio carbon dates resulting from largely neglecting the origin of samples, natural effects on them, warn ings by laboratories (e.g., too little collagen in the samples, δ13C effects, N:C-ratios, etc.). Moreover, the small number of dates inevitably cause biased interpretations. Despite some significant contributions to a better understanding of Neolithic chronology in the Balkans, regions with few and inconsistent radiocarbon dates were missing from broad chro no logical overviews. Such gaps in our knowledge have been detrimental to a better understanding of the advance of the Neolithic way of life. Therefore, this paper will be an attempt to incorporate a missing region into the absolute chronological maps of the Neolithic Balkans. Our major focus will be on the new dates obtained from recent excavations and/ or re-investigations of tell sites in Pelagonia (North Ma- cedonia). We will provide more accurate information from the recent processing of the avai lable data and present modelled sequences with the help of Bayesian statistics. As the research at some of the EN sites in this area is ongoing and the number of samples is still limited, we would like to stress that our models are provisional. Neolithic in Pelagonia Pelagonia is an elongated basin about 80km long and 20km wide that straddles the border area between North Macedonia and Greece (Fig. 1). Mountains with 12 0 oce Na o gathe eingr er The wetlands and alluvial soils of Pelagonia may have been an essential incentive for farming societies to settle here around 6000 BC. It was a wide-spread procedure in the Neolithic to establish and then conti - nuously inhabit a site, resulting in tells several metres high. Besides Pelagonia, this practice is also present in other regions of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as in the Anatolian highlands and beyond (Gallis 1992; Commenge 2009; Rosenstock 2009; Fouache et al. 2010; Alexakis et al. 2011; Ghilardi et al. 2012; Les pez et al. 2014; Ayala et al. 2017; Naumov 2018). Pe lagonia can be considered an adequate setting for agricultural communities with access to a variety of re sources around and in the wetlands (e.g., fertile soils for cul ti- vation, clay for constructions and pottery production, water animals and fruits) that enabled the ongoing occupation of tells for several hundred years. This habitation pattern is reflected in the fact that hou- ses were built and rebuilt on the same foundations for peaks as high as 2500m surround it, such as Dautica, Babuna, and Buševa in the north, Baba and Neredska in the west, Seleèka and Niðe in the east, whereas the Varnoundas and Voras enclose the southern part. Sur - rounded by these mountains is a flatland at 600–700m above sea level. The fertile alluvial sediments of the flatlands are remnants of the Neogene lake that was naturally drained by the river Crna Re ka and its tri bu - taries that discharge into the river Vardar/Axios and from there into the Aegean Sea. As a result, a series of wetlands were created, particularly in the seasons of river floods, which were artificially drained during the melioration processes in the 1950s (Arsovski 1997; Trifunovski 1998; Dumurdzanov et al. 2004; Mir- èovski et al. 2015; Puteska et al. 2015). The existence of such wetlands in prehistory and par ticularly in the Neolithic period is confirmed by geoarchaeological re- search, while wetlands are also mentioned in some of the Medieval sources (Kitanoski et al. 1980; Chausidis 2003; Naumov 2020; Naumov et al. 2021). Fig. 1. Map of south-eastern Europe with Neolithic sites mentioned in the text (Pelagonia highlighted in the red square): 1 Vlaho, 2 Veluška Tumba, 3 Tumba Porodin, 4 Tumba Optièari, 5 Školska Tumba, 6 Èuka Topolèani, 7 Vrb janska Èuka, 8 Markovi Kuli, 9 Mavropigi-Fillotsairi, 10 Revenia-Korinos, 11 Paliambela-Kolindros, 12 Nea Ni komedeia, 13 Vashtëmi, 14 Ploèa, 15 Ohridati, 16 Lin 3, 17 Pogradec, 18 Cerje Govrlevo, 19 Tumba Ma - djari, 20 Amzabegovo, 21 Kovaèevo. 12 1 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory textualized samples for radiocarbon dating providing an accurate chronological sequence of the sites. This way, a model could be created from the time of the initial inhabitation of first farming communities in Pelagonia until the social transformations occurring in the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic. These chro nological sequences and models can be used to include the Pelagonian chronology in the existing Balkan periodizations. In a first step, the proposition of a possible scenario related to the Neolithisation pro- cess in this region will be presented. Pelagonia and the dating of Neolithic sites After initial descriptions of the Neolithic in Pela go nia, attempts were made to better define its chro no logical framework. These were based on the re lative chrono- logy derived from analogies with other regions, as in the case of Tumba at Porodin (Gr biæ et al. 1960). Al- though belonging to the EN, the material from Porodin was first suggested to be from the Late Neolithic – yet it was an initial modest step to understand the chro- nological scope of this period in Pelagonia. Later, with the definition of the Velušina-Porodin cultural group, the earlier dating was highlighted once again, but still in terms of relative chronology (Garašanin 1979). This approach was also followed by the division into pha ses (Sanev 1995) that were adjusted to the existing ones from Amzabegovo, and as such contributed to its dat- ing from 6100 until 4900 BC (Gimbutas 1976). Despite the small scale of this research, it was nevertheless a prolific time in Ma cedonian archaeology when the Neo lithic period in this area was also starting to attract international in terest. As a result of the enthusiastic initiative and dynamic research in the 1970s, there were a number of radio- car bon samples obtained from the tells at Porodin, Trn, Mogila, and Topolèani, which were run at the la - boratories in La Jolla, in the United States, and in Zag- reb, Croatia (Srdoæ et al. 1977; Valastro et al. 1977). Although they were available as published resources, it is surprising that they were hardly used in Yugoslavian and then later Macedonian studies dedicated to the Neolithic and the Neolithisation process (Garašanin 1979; Sanev 1994; Mitrevski 2003). It was not until the year 2000 that the dates were finally included in the larger Balkan chronology related to the appearance of first farming communities in Macedonia (Thissen 2000). Consequently, they were incorporated into the radiocarbon database of the CANeW project, and later later the 14SEA project, that provided the most com- generations. Not only the use of the same plot over ge - nerations, but also large clay installations in their in- teriors, such as granaries, bins and ovens for storing and processing cereals, characterize this residential lifestyle (Simoska, Sanev 1976; Kitanoski et al. 1990; Naumov 2016). Constant access to resources and a permanent residence manifested itself in flourishing societies that produced impressive painted pottery, hu - man representations, house models, clay tablets, and stamps (Simoska, Sanev 1976; Garašanin 1979; Sa- nev 1995; Naumov 2020). Despite these remarkable features of Pelagonian tells, they were not of particular research interest until the 1970s. Before that, only restricted fieldwork was car - ried out, for example by Vladimir Fewkes and Walter Heurtley in the 1930s or by Josip Korošec, Ra doslav Galoviæ and Miodrag Grbiæ in the 1950s at Grgur, Po- rodin, Karamani, and so on (Fewkes 1934; Heurtley 1939; Grbiæ et al. 1960; Galoviæ 1964). How ever, it was Dragica Simoska who had the greatest impact on the study of prehistoric sites in Pelagonia with a series of surveys and excavations in the 1970s, which contri- buted to a much better understanding of the first agri - cultural and metallurgical communities in the re gion (Simoska, Sanev 1975; 1976; 1977; Si mos ka et al. 1977; 1979). This was followed by the more modest research in the northern parts of Pelagonia with limit- ed fieldwork by Blagoja Ki tanoski (Kitanoski 1977; Kitanoski et al. 1978; 1980). The archaeological boom of the 1970s turned out to be relatively short lived, as only a few sites were investigated in the next decade (To doroviæ et al. 1987; Kitanoski 1989; Simoska, Kuz- man 1990). What followed were two decades with a total absence of research in this region, until the 2010s when new and multidisciplinary explorations were initiated that are still ongoing (Naumov 2022; Nau- mov et al. 2014; 2018a; 2021; 2023a). To better under- stand the prehistory of Pelagonia – particularly with regard to its neighbouring societies and wetland areas – further investigations were soon undertaken in the re gions of Lake Ohrid and Lake Prespa (Naumov et al. 2018b; 2023b). These multidisciplinary projects and international collaborations were oriented towards newer me thods, such as archaeobotany, dendrochronology, zooar cha - eology, geoarchaeological and geophysical inves ti ga- tions, laser and LiDAR scanning, lipid and use-wear analysis, GIS and 3D modelling, most of which were implemented in Macedonian archaeology for the first time. One of the crucial aims was to obtain well-con- 12 2 oce Na o gathe eingr er generally excluded as they are susceptible to the re- servoir effect. Similarly, the dating of charcoal was usually avoided due to the old wood effect. The datings were performed at the laboratories of the Universities of Seville (CNA), Bern (BE), Zurich (ETH) and Bris tol (BRAMS), and have been published before as un mo- delled dates on several occasions (Stojanovski et al. 2020; Naumov et al. 2021; 2023b; Sabanov et al. 2023). In this study, all 36 dates (Tab. 1, see below) were ca- librated to the latest calibration curve1 and Bayesian statistics were applied for modelling the sequences.2 These results are subsequently rounded by 10 and in- terpreted in the 1σ range (at 68.3% probability). We then use their median values in order to reach the greatest limitations possible that are methodologically still acceptable (we are aware that new data will lead to more precise models).3 This chronological study was executed at the Department for Prehistory in the Free University Berlin and at the Einstein Center Chro - noi in Berlin. Besides the samples from Vlaho, Veluška Tumba and Vrbjanska Èuka, the recent ones from Tumba at Optièari, Školska Tumba at Mogila and Tumba at Porodin were also included in the study, while those from the 1970s are only mentioned in the general over- view of the Neolithic chronology of Pelagonia. Vlaho Vlaho is situated on the lower slopes of the Nidje moun- tain, on a 6ha sandstone terrace created by two rivers (Fig. 2). Systematic research was started in 2020 and since then the site has been continuously excavated (Naumov et al. 2023a). The geophysical prospections indicated the presence of a dozen of semicircular dit- ches, and their EN association has been verified by the excavation of three such features. Both geophysical coring and excavation confirm the existence of cultural layers 1.60m and 2.40m deep in which a number of unfired daub buildings have been detected, as well as structures made from laterally placed grinding stones. The unearthed pottery, models, and figurines form an apparent relationship with other EN sites in Pelagonia, pre hensive chronological outline of the Balkans and Anatolia (Reingruber, Thissen 2005; 2017; This sen, Rein gruber 2017). The radiocarbon dates from Pela - gonia were not only set into broad chro nological se - quences but also used in overviews of the Neoli thisa- tion process in North Macedonia itself (Naumov 2009; 2015; 2023b; Fidanoski 2019). With the new initiative for more intensified and multi - disciplinary research of the Neolithic tells in Pelagonia at the beginning of the 2010s, radiocarbon dating has been a regular practice and the major method to pro- vide a firm chronology for particular sites and for the entire region. The Center for Pre hi storic Research in Skopje launched several fieldwork projects in the Pe- lagonian basin in order to provide versatile data for understanding the timeframe, en vironmental setting and social dynamics of the Neo lithic in this area, and consequently samples were taken from specific con- texts to obtain well-founded sequences for each site (Naumov 2023b). Besides regional surveys and geo- mag netic prospections, three particular sites in three different parts of the basin were focused on in order to de ter mine the si mi larities and differences of com mu - nities that lived here: Vrbjanska Èuka at Slavej in the northern part of the valley, Veluška Tumba at Porodin in the central part and Vlaho at Živojno in the south­ ern highlands. Systematic excavations at the three set- tlements provided the majority of samples for dating, and these will be used to establish the duration of spe - cific building-phases at each site. In a second step, the sequences will be used to obtain a temporal pers pec- tive for the entire region of Pelagonia, parti cu larly in re lation to the Neolithic Balkans. Samples from archaeobotanical, archaeozoological, and anthropological investigations were mainly used for the current dating of the investigated sites, i.e. the remains from seasonal plants, animal and human bones (Antolín et al. 2020; 2021; Naumov et al. 2021; Sabanov et al. 2022; 2023). Short-lived seeds of ce- reals and legumes were preferred in this study, while the bones of pigs and humans, although dated, were 1 Radiocarbon dates used in this study that are not listed in Table 1 and 2 can be viewed in the Excel spreadsheet at www. 14SEA.org (Reingruber, Thissen 2017). 2 Calibration and modelling were carried out using OxCal 4.4.4 (Bronk Ramsey 2021) and the IntCal20 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al. 2020). 3 Regarding the qualities of the dates we distinguish three levels of accuracy: single dates obtained on long-lived species (mainly charcoal) that were calibrated to the newest curve can be used only as a Terminus post quem (TPQ-cal), even when modelled statistically together with other such dates (TPQ-mod), although in this latter case the precision may be much better. Only dates stemming from a sequence that has been modelled according to short-lived species can be regarded as a Terminus a Quo (TaQuo) – not to be confused with Terminus ante quem (TAQ). 12 3 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory time of or a bit later than Building 2. It is followed in the stratigraphical record by Building 5, for which only a single date is available with a median of 6320 cal BC. The youngest date, CNA-6150, comes from a cereal sample in Building 7, which is situated in the top layers of the Vlaho stratigraphy. This date is much younger than the rest of the dates (6060–5990 cal BC). These six dates were used for the Bayesian model (Fig. 4) based on their context within a particular building. At this stage of excavation, it is premature to define specific phases for the whole settlement. Nevertheless, the vertical disposition of buildings, one above the other, enables a stratigraphical succession from the earliest to latest buildings. This way the model can be used as a reference for either a continuous occupation and/or for the detection of cultural gaps. Judging by the median values of the model’s boundaries, the EN community founded the settlement between 6400 but also with some in Central and Western Ma ce donia in Gre ece. In view of these features of the ma - terial culture, but also the geo gra - phical location and dating, Vlaho proves to be one of the settle- ments that played a significant role in the early Neolithisation processes in the Balkans. The continuous excavation of Vla- ho in the last few years has pro- vided samples for archaeo bota- nical and archaeozoological ana - lyses that were also used for its dating (Antolín et al. 2021; Nau - mov et al. 2023a; Sabanov et al. 2023). There are only six dates available for the site so far, but many more are expected. The samples are related to stratigraphical units from the initial to the final stages of the EN oc cu - pation, so that a temporal overview of the general du- ration can be established. Most samples derive from cereals, but some were obtained from the bones of sheep and cat tle. The earliest date from Vlaho, ETH-132740, comes from a sheep bone found on the floor of Building 2. The sample ETH-132741, taken from cattle bone, streng- thens the early dating of Building 2 since the calibrated and rounded by 10 the results are between c. 6420 and 6250 cal BC (compare Tab. 1 and Fig. 3). This buil- ding, one of the earliest at the site, is located above Building 1, for which there are no dates available yet. Two samples analysed in Seville (CNA-6151 and CNA- 6152) place the activity within Building 3 at the same Fig. 2. Aerial photo from the site of Vlaho in the hilly area (©Center for Pre - historic Research). Fig. 3. Calibrated dates from Vlaho, sorted by age. 12 4 oce Na o gathe eingr er system. Despite the absence of dates from the earliest Building 1, a start of the sequence around 6400 cal BC (as TaQuo, see footnote 3) seems probable. It ends after c. 400 years of occupation latest at 5980 cal BC, according to the end of the model’s boundary. This corresponds to the EN period in Aegean terminology and, as such, it is much earlier than any modelled se- quence from Neolithic sites in the Balkans. Veluška Tumba The tell site of Veluška Tumba is positioned 400m south of Porodin on the lowest slopes of Baba Moun tain next to the flatland plain of central Pelagonia (Fig. 5). It was largely excavated in the 1970s and 1980s, when its EN stratigraphical record of 4m height together with its distinct material cul ture were highlighted (Si mos ka, Sa nev 1975; 1976; Simoska 1986). No vel multi dis cipli - nary research was initiated in 2017, first with non-in - vasive investigations (archaeological and geo phy sical and 6360 cal BC; the activity within Building 3 may have occurred in the 2nd half of the 64th century BC, followed soon after around 6300 cal BC by Building 5. The next date, CNA-6150, is much younger, with a me- dian of 6030 cal BC. The provision of more dates for these contexts, but also for the site in general, will enable a more con si s - tent chronological sequence. This significantly con- cerns the temporal gap between Buildings 5 and 7 of c. 150 years. This may indicate a lack of dates (in- cluding those from Building 6) or a brief inactivity in this part of the settlement or even in the entire site. Only intensified excavations of these levels in various parts of the site, together with more frequent sampling will resolve this question. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the im- por tance of this high-quality data in our evaluation Fig. 4. Radiocarbon dates from Vlaho, modelled according to four building sequences. 12 5 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory 6000 cal BC. Therefore, the cereal sample ETH-122646, dated to 5890–5720 cal BC (median of 5800 cal BC), provides the latest date from a secure unit. Still, this date is also not from the final stages of the settlement as there is stratigraphical evidence for at least nine more buildings erected above it. The Bayesian model for the dates from Veluška Tum- ba provide a reliable dating of several buildings, as all the samples were taken from their interiors. Since the chronological modelling corresponds to the strati gra - phical position of the buildings, it can be used for a better determination of phases along with the observ- ed changes in the material culture in the future. Given the medians in the Bayesian model (Fig. 7), the chro no - logical frame is set in the period between 6000 (as TaQuo) and 5820 cal BC, according to the boundary medians. Thus, the four consecutive building phases correspond well with the EN in Pelagonia. It should be noted that the earliest date from Veluška Tumba is related to the level of protosoil in which the remains of material culture and cultivated plants were found. This could be a result of intensive building and rebuilding of houses for which the foundations were often dug deeper into the soil, as proven not only for this site but also at Vrbjanska Èuka (Naumov 2020). That this activity is related to the founding phase of the settlement is also indicated by the Bayesian model with a median of c. 5990 cal BC for this early date. The earliest detected architectural unit at Veluška Tumba so far is Building 16, with two dates (according to their medians) of 5970 and 5940 cal BC, respectively. Stratigraphically, it is followed by Building 1, which prospections), followed by the still on- going excavations (Naumov 2022). The recent research of Veluška Tumba pro- vides detailed information on the spatial organization of this EN settlement, which is enclosed by two narrow ditches and daub buildings positioned in a north- east–southwest direction, often re built in up to 13 architectural levels. The buil - dings contained several clay instal la- tions, such as ovens and bins, as well as dozens of large grinding stones. The excavations and study of material culture were accompanied by archaeobotanical ana- lysis which also provided samples for dating (Antolín et al. 2021; Sabanov et al. 2023). Besides these, sam- ples of hazelnut and charcoal were also dated, but they are not included in this chronological study as they belong to the Mesolithic with results at 8846 BP (me- dian at 8000 cal BC) and 7973 BP (median at 6900 cal BC). They also need additional revision and discussion, as at this stage it cannot be confirmed whether these samples are related to cultural activities or to natural events (Naumov 2023b). Similar to Vlaho, the Veluška Tumba samples derive from the stratigraphical units related to particular buildings, mainly concentrated in the earlier stages of the Neolithic settlement, some of which are synchronic, while others are erected one on top of another. From the 18 samples from Veluška Tumba, two failed to be dated, two are from the Mesolithic, and one sample (BRAMS-4497), although from the EN layers, dates to the last century of the 6th millennium BC and may have been displaced by a rodent.4 However, the 13 re - maining samples provide a solid sequence ranging from 6020 to 5760 cal BC according to their medians (Fig. 6). The earliest Neolithic date is provided by the cereal sample BRAMS-4499 (6060–5990 cal BC: see Tab. 1) and it marks the foundation period of the set - tlement. The youngest date in the EN-sequence is ETH- 122645 at 5760 cal BC according to its median. How- ever, the sample, a pulse, was found in Building 1, one of the earliest in the sequence. Note that the date shows a high standard deviation and thus, if it has not been displaced by rodents or other agents, it may even be in line with the earliest occupation phase shortly after Fig. 5. Photo from Veluška Tumba (©Center for Prehistoric Research). 4 In terms of Balkan chronology this would correspond to the Late Neolithic, but so far, no finds of this period were made. However, there is possibility that the upper part of the tell has been destroyed by constant ploughing in the last two cen- turies. 12 6 oce Na o gathe eingr er tensive occupation on this tell, which most likely was continuously inhabited (Naumov et al. 2020). Ac- cording to the boundaries of the model the duration of single sequences is between 70 and 20 years. Ne- ver theless, future dating of the phases following Buil- ding 2 is necessary to understand whether or not there was an uninterrupted occupation at this site. For Veluška Tumba, the dates from the 1970s should also be mentioned. We did not include them in the discussion so far, due to the nature of their origin (char coal samples from poorly defined layers). Despite their broad standard deviations, the calibrations re- veal results around 5800 cal BC (as TPQ-cal). Thus, they overlap mainly with the younger part of the newly obtained sequence, and they substantiate this period as one of the most intensive oc cupations in the tell’s stratigraphy. These findings will be discussed below in relation to the general chronology of Pelagonia. Vrbjanska Èuka The site of Vrbjanska Èuka is positioned in the north- ern part of Pelagonia, be tween the cities of Prilep and held most of the samples. Inclusive of the date ETH- 122645 they narrow down the activity within this buil - ding to the time around 5920/5890 cal BC. Buil ding 14, just above it, has a median of c. 5870 cal BC, and is in its turn succeeded by the last dated unit, Buil ding 2, dated around 5850/5840 cal BC. Of course, these me- dians only represent a general chronological range for each of these buildings. They nevertheless indicate a gradual temporal perspective of the building intensity in the EN stages of Veluška Tumba. They should be regarded as approximate dates for the occupational period of these four buildings between 40 and 60 years each. With the future provision of more dates for each building phase, their time span will be determined more precisely. The model from Veluška Tumba shows no temporal gaps, unlike the aforementioned model for Vlaho. This appears to be largely due to the higher number of sam - ples, but also the stratigraphical records with no in di - cations of geological events related to shorter or long- er phases of abandonment. The dense succession of buil dings in the stratigraphy also demonstrates an in- Fig. 6. Calibrated dates from Veluška Tumba, sorted by age. 12 7 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory Fig. 7. Radiocarbon dates from Veluška Tumba, modelled according to four building sequences. 12 8 oce Na o gathe eingr er 138166 from Building 16 belongs to an infant buried in the foundation for this structure (Naumov et al. 2023c). The calibrated date has a median at 5900 cal BC and is as such c. 200 years older than expected on behalf of the stratigraphical position of the building between Buildings 5 and 14. We did not include it into the model as it is susceptible to the reservoir effect. Given the reliable set of dates, we created a model with five sequences according to the excavated building units (Fig. 10). The building sequences represent three different architectural horizons that were dated on be - half of their stratigraphic disposition (Naumov et al. 2021): The earliest is Building 11, which is in the same layer as Building 2 and next to it. Therefore, it is not surprising that their temporal ranges overlap, although sample ETH-122658 implies a possible ear- lier establishment of Building 11 at the end of the 7th millennium BC (5990 cal BC as TaQuo). On the other hand, the large number of dates from Building 2 de ter - mine its occupation between 5900 and 5860 cal BC. Given its stratigraphic position, Building 5 may also belong to this initial phase of Vrbjanska Èuka and can be chronologically attributed to the 59th century with its modelled median of 5830 cal BC. As for the second architectural horizon, there are no dates available so far, but samples from interiors of Building 4 and Building 21, which are from this ho- rizon, are ready for dating, so they will be in cor po rat- ed in the updated version of the model. The third architectural horizon consists of two sub- phases, each represented by a building unit. From Buil ding 14 sample CNA-4705 was dated to c. 5790 cal BC. Building 8, which was founded above the pre- vious one, largely corresponds to this dating with Kruševo, i.e. in the flatlands, 1.3km south of the village of Slavej (Fig. 8). The initial ex cavation was performed in the 1980s when its Neolithic character was determined through its impressive ma te- rial culture and ar chi tecture (Kita no ski 1989; Mitkoski 2005). New multi disci pli - nary research started in 2016 and is still on going (Naumov et al. 2021; Nau mov et al. 2023c). Other than the afore men - tioned sites, Vrbjanska Èuka ends with a Late Roman villa rustica and depo si- tional pits, which were further used in the Medieval period, when this tell serv - ed as a necropolis. Only 1.30m of its height consists of EN layers, but these demonstrate a dynamic settlement with seven building layers en- closed by a broad ditch. The buildings, positioned in the NW–SE direction, contained a large number of massive clay installations (ovens, granaries and bins) as well as grinding stones. Like the cases of Veluška Tumba and Vlaho, the painted pottery, figurines, house models and tablets indicate distinct craftsmanship with complex symbolic and social fea tures. An infant burial was discovered in the wall foundation of a house (Building 16). The archaeobotanical research provided the majority of radiocarbon samples, but also samples from lipid analyses and the above-mentioned infant burial were dated (Beneš et al. 2018; Antolín et al. 2020; Sto ja nov- ski et al. 2020; Sabanov et al. 2022; 2023; Naumov et al. 2023c). Altogether 20 samples were sent to diffe - rent laboratories, of which two belong to the Medieval period and another four were of poor pre cision. The remaining 14 samples are related to indoor strati gra - phic units, i.e. particular buildings from different levels of the settlement. Not only the quantity but also the quality of the samples thus provide a reliable chro- nological sequence that de monstrates the temporal span of this EN settlement from its beginnings until its abandonment. The earliest date is related to the cereal sample ETH- 122658 from Building 11 (Tab. 1 and Fig. 9). It is ca- librated to 6100–6000 cal BC, with the median of 6050 cal BC. The latest date, CNA-4705, was obtained from a lentil (5730–5670 cal BC, median of 5700 cal BC) and it overlaps with the lipid sample BRAMS-2838. The chronological frame of the medians suggests a temporal range of the EN settlement between 6050 and 5700 cal BC. It must be stressed that sample ETH- Fig. 8. Vrbjanska Èuka as seen from the south (©Center for Pre hi- storic Research). 12 9 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory detailed observations, but they do contribute to a better understanding of the temporal determination of the tells and the dispersion of the Neolithic in Pe- lagonia, and will therefore be included in this chro- nological overview. There are three samples from the EN site of Tumba at Optièari, taken from seed and animal bones unearthed in the 1980s when this tell was excavated (Simoska, Kuzman 1990). They were recently dated as part of the current projects (Naumov 2023b). The seed sam- ple BE-5280 was dated to 5980–5850 cal BC (median of 5910 cal BC) (Tab. 2, see below). The two bone sam- ples are almost a century younger with a median of c. 5800 cal BC. In this respect, the Optièari dates overlap with those from Veluška Tumba and Vrbjanska Èuka, indicating a synchronic occupation of these tells. There is another tell in the same central part of Pela- gonia that has been recently dated. Školska Tumba was excavated in the 1970s and again in 2014, providing more information on the complexity of Neolithic tells (Simoska et al. 1979; Naumov, Tomaž 2015). Five sam- one median of 5760 (BRAMS-4542) and 5750 cal BC (BRAMS-2838). Therefore, the model limits the duration of occupation at this site according to the boundaries between 6030– 5740 cal BC. Nevertheless, despite the large number of samples and the thorough sequencing of Vrbjanska Èuka, more dating is still necessary in order to develop a better chronology of this site. Intensive dating of Buil ding 4 would end in a more precise chronological understanding of the 2nd architectural horizon, while more dates from structures of the last occupational stage of this tell are also needed. Dating of the newly dis covered Building 19 and Building 21 in the northern part of the trench will provide additional information on the settlement expansion and its temporality. Dating other Pelagonian tells Besides the sequences and models elaborated above for Vlaho, Veluška Tumba, and Vrbjanska Èuka, and next to the few dates obtained in the 1970s, there are also some newer dates available from other sites, yet only one to three per site. These are not sufficient for Fig. 9. Calibrated dates from Vrbjanska Èuka, sorted by age. 130 oce Na o gathe eingr er excavations of both teams. The bone samples were re - cently dated to 5700–5600 cal BC, thus indicating the most probable period for the establishment of the tell (see Tab. 2). In this case, it is noteworthy that the ini- ples were taken from this site, yet only the two bone samples related to the earliest layers gave good results, whereas the seeds were dated to the Middle Ages (6th to 9th centuries AD), a period that was recorded in the Fig. 10. Radiocarbon dates from Vrbjanska Èuka, modelled according to five building sequences. 131 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory tial inhabitation period of this tell is a bit later than the ones at Veluška Tumba and Vrbjanska Èuka. The two dates from Školska Tumba from the 1970s, however, give rather broad results: the earlier one is positioned between 6250 and 5560 cal BC and the later one be- tween 5390 and 4680 cal BC (Naumov 2023b). Un for - tunately, not only were the samples taken from uniden- tified charcoal but their standard deviations are also very large. Consequently, they cannot be used in this dis cussion. Tumba Porodin is a tell very close to Veluška Tumba and was intensively excavated in the 1950s (Grbiæ et al. 1960). Although three charcoal samples were dated in the 1970s, one of the seeds was recently sent for radiocarbon analysis. The sample BE-5281 (see Tab. 2) has results between 5840 and 5710 cal BC and a curve peak at approximately 5740 cal BC. Of the three aforementioned charcoal samples, the earliest has a smaller standard deviation and could be set at the end of the 7th millennium, while the two others are with broader results between 6000 and 5600 cal BC. As such they overlap with those from Veluška Tum ba which is just 2km away. It appears that the two neigh bour ing tells may have, at least at times, been used syn chro ni - cally. There are three other Neolithic sites in Pelagonia that were dated in the 1970s, but no more recent radio car - bon analysis has been performed. From Èuka at To- polèani two dates are known: the older date has a broad standard deviation and covers the middle of the 7th millennium BC. This date has been discussed in depth since it was regarded as far too old for the Neo - lithic in North Macedonia, and it was presumed that old wood was used (Naumov 2016; 2023b). Besides, its exact context was not provided, and it is un clear as to which layer it belongs (Srdoæ et al. 1977; Kitanoski et al. 1978). The second sample from this site was dated to the first half of 6th millennium BC, which is more or less comparable to the chronology of the other tells in Pelagonia. Markovi Kuli above the city of Prilep is one of the rare sites that differs in terms of its natural setting and settlement features from the other sites. It is a rock shelter without specific Neolithic architecture, but with some typical pottery for this and the subsequent Chalcolithic period (Cnotlivi 1990; Naumov, Mitkoski 2018). The only analysed Neolithic sample comes from an animal bone and it provides a date of around 5600 BC. This overlaps with the date from Porodin and could be considered one of the latest EN dates in Pe la- gonia (Naumov 2023b). The chronology of Pelagonia in a broader regio- nal context The detailed chronological overview of Pelagonia enabled a reliable determination of the start and end of the EN in this region. Our current aim is to embed this period into a broader context and particularly trace relationships with surrounding areas in which the Neolithic communities in Pelagonia established networks that are manifested in the ma terial culture. Analogies in pottery and figural re pre sentations that reflect not only geographical but also chronological proximity can be observed with the south (Western and Central Macedonia in Greece), west (Lake Ohrid, Lake Prespa, Korça Basin) and north (Ovèe Pole and Skopje basin).5 Western and Central Macedonia in Greece Starting with the oldest Pelagonian dates, namely those from Vlaho, the relationship with EN sites in Western and Central Macedonia in Greece is par ti cu- larly significant. As mentioned above, the southern part of the Pelagonian basin also stretches south of the border between North Macedonia and Greece, into the region of Western Macedonia. The closest comparable site is yet farther south, some 50km south of Vlaho. This site, Mavropigi-Fillotsairi, is located in the hilly area of Ptolemaida (Kozani district). It is a flat site with two separate architectonical phases: an earlier one consisting of mainly pits of different sizes and depths and a later one with quadrangular constructions (Bon- ga 2020.Fig. 2; Reingruber 2024.86). There are 32 radiocarbon dates from Mavropigi, which cover the whole duration of the EN (Starnini 2018; Bonga 2020). The two oldest dates in the sequence fall within a flat portion of the curve and were obtained from charcoal (of an unknown species). Therefore, the sequence may not have started as early as 6600 cal BC, as suggested before (Karamitrou-Mentessidi 2014. 245; Maniatis 2014.207; Karamitrou-Mentessidi et 5 The connections between the Struma Valley and the areas to the west of it were recently discussed in a comprehensive contribution on the Neolithisation of southeastern Europe (Krauß 2023.83–105), so we omit this region from our over- view and refer the reader to that study. 132 oce Na o gathe eingr er al. 2015; Starnini 2018.Tab. 1), but several decades later (Reingruber et al. 2023). We have created a model according to Phases 1–3 as developed by the excavators (Karamitrou-Mentessi et al. 2015.58) and discussed by Lily Bonga in her own work (Bonga 2017; 2020) and in collaboration with others (Reingruber et al. 2023). In our model we are relying on dates obtained on charcoal and seeds, excluding those on human bones (Fig. 11). As some of the dates do not match the sequence they are con- sidered here to be outliers, unfortunately most of them on seeds (Fig. 12). One such outlier is from Phase 1: DEM-1716, 7314±30 BP (6230–6100 cal BC); two others are from Phase 2: MAMS-21099/DEM-2683, 7619±26 BP (6480–6440 cal BC) and OxA-31678, 7470±40 BP (6410–6260 cal BC). In Figure 11, the upper boundary is thus set at 6530 cal BC because the oldest date in the sequence falls onto the plateau in the calibration curve. Therefore, 6530 cal BC can be understood me- rely as a TPQ-mod, although the ac tual start may have been much later than this, as the date for this phase – which was obtained from seeds – suggests (DEM-2684 with a median of 6360 cal BC; but note that the result of another seed, attributed to Phase 3, DEM-2683, is dated to 6460 cal BC, Fig. 12). According to the modelled medians, Phase 1 lasted over 200 years, between 6530–6310 cal BC. Phase 2 may have been of comparably short duration (6310– 6220 cal BC), whereas Phase 3 has a seemingly long- er duration again, between 6220–6000 cal BC. The extreme length of Phase 1 and the huge over lap with Phase 2 are indicative of how difficult it is to accura- tely separate contexts within pit sites. More over, the overlap between Phases 2 and 3 shows that more dates would be needed to derive a solid model without ca - veats during calculations executed with Oxcal. The re- fore, we suggest the start at 6530 cal BC only as TPQ- mod and the date of 6460 cal BC, with reservations, as TaQuo. The Pieria region is situated in Central Macedonia, be- tween the lower Aliakmon River and the Aegean Sea. Some of the newly discovered EN sites that are located there have further changed our perception of how the Neolithic disseminated into the Aegean. Revenia-Korinos is an open-air, flat extended set tle- ment, only 10km away from today’s coastline. The site is characterized by pits of varying sizes, some of them identified as subterranean or semi-subterranean pit dwellings. However, at “6200/6100 BC […] the pit habitation mode is followed by aboveground, rec tan- gular post-framed structures” (Maniatis, Adaktylou 2021.1025). Twenty-nine radiocarbon dates have been obtained from Revenia from samples of different materials, among them fish-eating species and charcoal of long- lived oak (Maniatis, Adaktylou 2021). It is noteworthy that two of the four oldest dates are either on pig bone (excluded due to the reservoir effect) or charcoal (old- wood effect), and their results need to be treated with care. Additionally, together with a third date, they cover a flat portion of the calibration curve, a so-call- ed plateau (Reingruber et al. 2023.Fig. 5), which ar ti- ficially lengthens the duration by more than 100 years, between 6600 and 6500 cal BC. A fourth date attributed to the ‘Primary habitation phase’ was taken from cattle bone and is not affected by the plateau and thus a more reliable result (DEM-2823). These four dates, together with the five dates from charcoal and cattle bones, date the earliest pottery Neolithic at Re- venia to between 6560 and 6300 cal BC (according to their medians). The later EN can be dated between 6420–6140 cal BC, according to the calibrated medians from 13 dates (among them seven from human bones). The huge overlap of dates from these two phases be- tween 6420 and 6200 cal BC may reflect possible re- usages of pits and the difficulties associated with the chronological assessment of undecorated pottery and/ or unidentifiable sherds. Another plateau on the curve between 6240 and 6020 cal BC creates the impression of a long duration of the last phase, when it actually may have been much shorter. We modelled the dates according to three phases – ‘Primary’, ‘Earlier EN’ (EEN) and ‘Later EN’ (LEN) – in - cluding samples obtained on charcoal and cattle (ex- cluding human bones) and obtained a more limited occupation of the sites (Fig. 13). Due to the plateau, the boundary start is set at 6560 cal BC as a TPQ-mod. According to the medians, the sequence of the Primary phase lasts between 6520 and 6430 cal BC. The EEN phase covers the period between 6380 and 6320 cal BC whereas the LEN is comparably short, from 6320 to 6240 cal BC. However, this model is only a rough framework, with less heavy re-modellings of the ca- librated dates than was the case in Mavropigi. Yet we still encountered some issues during the cal cu lation process. Other than in the model obtained by Yannis Maniatis and Fotini Adaktylou (2021.1042), in our mo - del the tran sition to the LEN – the phase with rec tan- gular buildings – is at 6320 cal BC. 133 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory Fig. 11. Radiocarbon dates from Mavropigi, modelled according to three habitation phases (indicated in red are results obtained on grains). Another site in the Pieria, ap pro - ximately 20km north from Re ve nia, is Paliambela-Kolindros. The site is established on a small hill above flatlands and is laid out on terraces. During the later EN and at the tran- sition EN/MN, it was sur rounded (at least partially) by dit ches. Like in Vlaho, structures like hearths and bedrock-mortars were cut into the soft bedrock (Tsar t si dou, Kotsakis 2020; Nau mov et al. 2021; Sabanov et al. 2023). The sequence of dates from this site is not yet com ple te, but from the five dates obtained mainly from ani- mal bone (Maniatis 2014.208, Fig. 3), the three oldest samples yield ed results between 6530 (as TPQ-cal) and 6450 cal BC according to their medians (Rein gruber et al. 2023. Fig. 7). The two other dates fall into the EN 2 between 6300 and 6000 cal BC (Fig. 14). Interestingly, and as in Revenia-Korinos, the old est ha bi- tation phase is charac teriz ed by pits. There is a major change observable after 6300/6200 cal BC when rec- tan gular constructions were erected above ground. Exclusively above-ground con struc - tions were en countered in Nea Ni ko- medeia, again a flat site with only 60 cm accumulation (Pyke 1996). As the dates from there have not been published according to con texts, another model will not be pro posed here and con sequently we rely on those already published (Rein gruber, Thissen 2017; Ya no vich 2021). The se quence starts only after 6300 cal BC (as TPQ-cal) and ends around 5900 cal BC. Thus, the change from pit-levels to above-ground con struc- tions at or shortly after 6300 cal BC, as clari fied for the previous two sites, can be regarded as secured. The newly obtained dates from EN sites in Pelagonia, together with 134 oce Na o gathe eingr er tween Vlaho and Mavropigi, which are only 50km away from each other and set in similar hilly environ- ments above marshy flatlands. It is interesting that the earliest and latest dated short-lived material – i.e. seeds – from both sites are almost identically dated to 6380–6020 cal BC, meaning that the EN-levels may have been at least partly contemporary, and that the sites were aban doned at the same time. Based on these relative and ab solute chronological assessments, it should come as no surprise when more and better evi- dence for networks among these societies is revealed in the future. Lake areas and basins in the border area of North Macedonia and Albania Besides the earliest Neolithic sites, the tells in the flatlands of Pelagonia – those with dates between those from Pieria and Ptolemaida, thus provide more thorough foundations for the de termination of the chronological scale in which so cial transformations occurred and communities from different sites estab - lished networks. If the chro nological models pro pos - ed for Revenia, Paliam bela and Mavropigi are accept- ed then we can conclude that not all sites were estab- lished in the same decades: those closer to the coast (Re venia and Paliambela, 6530/6520 cal BC) seem to be slightly earlier than Mavropigi (6460 cal BC) and Vlaho (6400 cal BC) in the hills. That Vlaho was also part of the initial spread of the Neolithic way of life into the Balkans is further evidenced by the re semb- lance of pottery technology, its decoration and the architectural features are comparable with the sites in Pieria and Ptolemaida (Bon ga 2017; Naumov, Nasuh 2023). Particularly im portant is the relationship be - Fig. 12. Calibrated dates on seeds from Mavropigi, sorted according to the three building phases. 135 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory works among wetland societies were certainly es tab - lished in all periods of prehistory (Nau mov 2018), al- though solid radiocarbon dates from the southwestern Balkans are still missing. Considering the Neolithic of Lake Ohrid, the relative chronology developed based on decoration patterns on vessels, figurines, tablets 6000–5600 cal BC6 – should also be regarded in a broader regional context. Due to their geographical proximity, the areas of the Lakes Ohrid and Prespa as well as the Korça Basin display the most evident rela- tionships, as has been pointed out on several occa sions (Benac 1979; Sanev 1995; Andoni et al. 2017). Net- Fig. 13. Radiocarbon dates from Revenia, modelled according to three habitation phases. 6 This period is known as the Middle Neolithic period in Thessaly, but as the Early Neolithic in the Balkan terminology. 136 Goce Naumov, Agathe Reingruber samples from Sovjan and Vashtëmi (dated to the first half of the 7th millennium BC), which are used as indicators for the initial spread of the Neolithic (Allen et al. 2014). Another date from Vashtëmi, around 6400 BC, is also questionable as it is obtained from a char - coal sample from a core. Re gardless, if more argu ments in support of such early dates in this area are pro vid - ed in the future, they would fall within the time of oc- cupation of Vlaho. One should note that comparisons based on pottery alone do not suffice to establish early connections, as some pottery features are continuously present up to around 6000 BC. The regions of Ovèe Pole and Skopje basin in North Macedonia When it comes to the first centuries of the 6th millen- nium BC, the sites of the so-called Amzabegovo–Vršnik group in particular must be mentioned, although this was traditionally conceived of as two distinct ‘cultural groups’ (Garašanin 1979; Sanev 1994; Mitrevski 2013). Judging from the material culture (pottery, fi gu - rines and house models), the farming communities in Pelagonia were closely linked with those in the val leys of Tikveš, Ovèe Pole, Polog, and Skopje. To date, only the sites of Amzabegovo and Govrlevo have yielded ra- diocarbon dates, whereas most sites were never dated or provided only one or few dates per site. Therefore, the chronological comparison with Pelagonia will be based only on two sites. Am za begovo is one of the rare and anthropomorphic house models, authenticates the connects with Pelagonia in the Neo lithic, and some of the few radiocarbon dates that are available con tri - bute to this. They are related to pile dwellings of Ohri - dati, Ploèa, and Lin 3, and belong to the first half of the 6th millennium BC, i.e. the period with the highest density of dates in Pelagonia as well (Westphal et al. 2011; Anastasi 2022; Holguin et al. in press). Accord- ing to the material culture, connections between Pela- go nian tells can also be manifested with the dryland sites of Dolno Trnovo and Pogradec. So far, only dates from Pogradec are provided and they range between 6000 and 5800 cal BC (Andoni 2017). In the area of Lake Prespa not many Neolithic sites have yet been ex - cavated and dated, except the one at Kallamas that was dated to the second half of the 6th millennium BC (Oberweiler et al. 2020). Consequently, due to the lack of research in this region, only a little information re- lated to the chronological and material connections with Pelagonia can be provided. Better insights are available from sites in the Korça Ba - sin in Albania, although only two have provided ra dio - carbon dates. The similarities in terms of painted pot - tery were already highlighted and they indicate evi- dent communication with Pelagonia (Korkuti 1982). Absolute dates are available from sites near Vashtëmi and Podgorie, yet they do not derive from excavations but from coring. This is particularly an issue with the Fig. 14. Calibrated dates from Paliambela, sorted according to the two Early Neolithic phases. 137 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory (according to the calibrated medians). We can there- fore ascertain that the Neolithic way of life in Pelagonia started much earlier than previously thought and, as another surprising insight, a change in habitation pattern or in behaviour generally occurred around 5750/5700 cal BC. The site of Vlaho is of special significance as so far it is the earliest Neolithic site in Pelagonia, as well as one of the earliest sites in the broader Balkan area. Most like - ly, the initial settlement was established soon after those in the regions of Pieria and Ptolemaida. The sites of Mavropigi, Revenia, and Paliambela share si- milarities not only in impressed pottery production, which appears in quite a large amount in Vlaho as well, but also in the presence of dug out structures or dwel- lings (Karamitrou-Mentessidi et al. 2015.Figs. 6–11; Kotsakis 2018.Fig. 3.2; Bonga 2020.Fig. 2; Maniatis, Adaktylou 2021.Fig. 5; Naumov, Nasuh 2023; Nau- mov et al. 2023a). The revised chronology of the initial stage of Paliam be- la, c. 100 years older than that at Vlaho and Mavro pi - gi, and close to that from Revenia (Reingruber et al. 2023), indicates the possible trajectories of the ad vance of Neolithic innovations like farming from the coastal areas to the hinterland of geographical Macedonia. The overlapping dates from Revenia (Primary and Early Phase) and Mavropigi (Phase 1) between c. 6500 and 6300 cal BC and those between Mavropigi (Phases 2–3) and Vlaho between 6400 and 6020 cal BC is some thing that should be used in future studies on demographic processes in the EN of the Balkans. The distances of the sites to the Aegean Sea have not yet been well investigated, but according to John Bintliff (1976.Fig. 10) and Matthieu Ghilardi et al. (2012.47–61), Nea Nikomedeia was only 5km away from the Thermaic Gulf. Moreover, geological stu dies from other Aegean coastal areas revealed the proxi mi- ty of sites to the sea that are nowadays located farther inland (Horejs 2017.13–15, Fig. 1.3). The spread of Neolithic innovations into the circum-Aegean area was thus in great part based on the maritime contacts between communities. Plateaus in the calibration curve around and before 6600 cal BC and again between 6200 and 6000 cal BC (Reingruber et al. 2017.Fig.20) complicate a precise estimation of the beginning or the end of a specific sequence. The former is important in the case of the Aegean, the latter for the Neolithisation of the Balkans. examples of thoroughly explored Macedonian sites with implementation of multidisciplinary research in the 2nd half of the 20th century (Gimbutas 1976). Its detailed chronological sequence was later modelled and integrated into the Balkan chronology (Rein gru- ber, Thissen 2005). The chronological range between c. 6100 and 5000 cal BC indicates the presence of all Neolithic phases at this site, some synchronous to the tells in Pelagonia. This is further supported by the striking resemblance of cer tain white painted pottery patterns which, besides in Pelagonia, are also present at the sites of Mavropigi and Nea Nikomedeia. There- fore, a possible gradual temporal dispersal of the Neo li- thic via various routes from the southern to the north- ern regions would certainly be reasonable. The site of Cerje near Govrlevo is one of the most sys - tematically excavated in the Skopje Valley, and pro- vides a more exact insight into the Neolithic chro no - logy of this region (Bilbija 1986; Fidanoski 2012; Fi- danoski 2023). The chronological range of a dozen dates between 5950 and 5750 overlaps with those in Pelagonia and they can be related to a later stage of the Neolithisation process in this part of the Balkans. Si mi - lar dates are also present from other sites in the Skopje Valley, i.e. Tumba Madjari. Although extensively ex ca - vated for several decades only a few reports and radio- carbon dates similar to those from Govrlevo have been published (Sanev 1988; Commenge 2009; Stojanova Kanzurova 2020). In this respect, two more sites of the Amzabegovo–Vršnik group from the Ovèe Pole re - gion should be mentioned: Vršnik near Tarinci and Grn èarica near Krupište with results from first half of the 6th millennium BC (Garašanin, Garašanin 1961; Stojanovski 2017). Similar to Pelagonia, there is also no single date available for the centuries around the mid-6th millennium BC at these sites. The absence of cultural layers of this period (or at least of absolute dates) requires particular attention. Discussion and conclusions: Pelagonian chro no - logy and the spread of the Neolithic into south- eastern Eu rope The detailed insight into the chronological sequences of the Neolithic sites in Pelagonia, as well as the over - view of the chronologies in the surrounding re gions provide a solid time-frame for when and how the first farming communities appeared in North Macedonia. Thirty-nine of the 42 dates (compare Tabs. 1 and 2) rendered results between 6360–5700 cal BC (accord- ing to the modelled medians) and 6390–5750 cal BC 138 Goce Naumov, Agathe Reingruber only after 6500/6400 BC (as a TPQ-cal) (Reingruber 2008; Alexakis et al. 2011; Reingruber et al. 2017), and in Pelagonia around 6000 BC (Naumov 2018). This habitation model, based on the current chro nolo - gical results, explains the abrupt appearance of tells in the wetlands of Pelagonia around 6000 BC, after ear - lier sites in the hilly areas were abandoned. Both prospections and excavations confirm the pre sence of the majority of tells around marshes in the flatlands, a practice that was maintained in the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and Bronze Age as well (Alexakis et al. 2011; Naumov 2016; Reingruber et al. 2017). This de- cision made by the first generation of farmers to settle at the transition between different habitats seems ra- tional, especially if envisaging them as descendants of Mesolithic communities that explored not only water- rich areas like lakes and rivers (providing fish, birds, shells, reptiles, etc.), but also woods and hills with their abundant resources for hunting and gathering in the different seasons. We suggest that the later gene ra - tions were not only ‘hunters in transition’, but also al - ready well-established farmers for whom direct access to the resources of the wetlands was crucial: fertile soils for farming, mud and reed for buildings, clay for pottery, and water for animals were constantly avail- able in direct proximity to the settlements. It is evident that this period between 6000 and 5700 cal BC was quite dynamic in Pelagonia and the Bal kans in terms of social activity if compared with the exist ing data before 6000 BC. But when looking at the younger dates, evidence is also scant: for the time around 5600 cal BC we have to rely on the old radiocarbon dates, and even then a temporal gap around 5500 BC be- comes apparent, with only few dates from Školska Tum ba at Mogila and Tumba at Trn (Valastro et al. 1977), and the dubious one from Veluška Tumba at the end of 6th millennium BC. The situation is a bit different in the Struma Valley of Bul garia, where at Kovaèevo and Balgarèevo levels are present that fit in - to this temporal gap (Grebska-Ku low, Zidarov 2021), although no radiocarbon dates are available yet (This - sen, Reingruber 2017). Such a gap could be an artifi- cial one that needs to be closed by future research. Al- ternatively, social and/or climatic processes may have caused the abandonment of most of the tells before the mid-6th millennium BC. This view is supported by the material culture as no elements of later pottery features are present. As this study focused on the early stages of the Neolithic in Pelagonia, the questions re- lating to the Middle and Late Neolithic will have to be addressed in a future study. We have no conclusive dates yet for the time between 6200 and 6000 cal BC from other sites in North Ma- cedonia (apart from Amzabegovo), although it is the time when the first sites were established in other re- gions of the Balkans, e.g., in Southern Bulgaria (Ko- va èevo) (Thissen, Reingruber 2017.137–139). The extreme decrease in global temperature for at least 200 years, if not longer, around 6200 cal BC (the 8.2 ka-event, Weninger et al. 2009) may have triggered the appearance of new sites in river valleys and wet- lands (Thissen, Reingruber 2017.Fig. 2). Especially at or after 6000 cal BC many new sites appear around the marshes of Pelagonia (e.g., Veluška Tumba, Tumba Porodin, Tumba Optièari, Vrbjanska Èuka and Školska Tumba) (Naumov 2016). If the old dates from Markovi Kuli and Èuka-Topolèani can be confirmed by new samples, then this flourishing period of the EN ends around 5600 cal BC. Vlaho and Mavropigi are positioned in the lower hills of mountain slopes above marshes in the wet lands which nowadays have dried out as a result of the me - lio ration processes in the 20th century (Ka ra mitrou- Mentessidi et al. 2015; Naumov et al. 2023a). Paliam - bela, c. 85km away from Vlaho, has also been estab- lished in a hilly setting. Three out of four very early sites (the exception being Revenia) are located on low- er hills, above the plain. Therefore, we provisionally acknowledge a new settlement pattern that needs con - firmation through future research. This is in contrast to previous observations that EN com munities ex clu - sively established their settlements in flat areas and on river terraces, while afterwards, in the LN, they moved to higher positions due to in tensified conflicts (Garašanin 1979; Sanev 1995). Namely, the examples from Paliambela, Mavropigi and Vlaho demonstrate that the first farmers intentionally selected these ele - vated positions (up to 780 masl) and made modifi ca - tion to the bedrock in order to place the initial struc tu - res and hearths (Kotsos, Urem Kotsou 2006; Kara mi - trou-Mentessidi et al. 2015; Naumov et al. 2021). This was most likely due to the presence of marshes in the wetlands that were covering large areas in the pe riod before the 8.2 ka event. Studies on the sizes of Thes- salian lakes in prehistoric times (nowadays also dried out or drained in the 20th century) are now being car - ried out, but judging from the current results the lakes changed their out lines over the course of the millennia (Reingruber, Toufexis 2021.42–43; Caputo et al. 2022.35–63). 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Osvrt vrz ar - heološkite istražuvanja na praistorijata vo Pelagonija. Zbor- nik na trudovi na Zavod, Muzej i Galerija Bitola 6–7–8: 5–24. Trifunovski J. 1998. Bitoljsko-prilepska kotlina: antro po - geografska prouèavanja. Srpska akademija nauka i umet- no sti. Beograd. 14 5 Dating the Early Neolithic in Pelagonia: closing a chronological gap in Balkan prehistory Si te La b. c od e BP St De v (± ) Sa m pl e m at er ia l Sp ec ie s Co nt ex t a nd la ye r ca l B C 1σ ca l B C 2σ M ed ia n (c al ) M ed ia n (m od ) N o. Vl ah o E 74 86 26 Bo ne O vi s a rie s B il in g a ra nt 64 16 –6 26 6 64 24 –6 25 0 63 60 63 90 1 Vl ah o E 74 79 26 Bo ne Bo s T au ru s B il in g a ra nt 64 11 –6 26 4 64 21 –6 24 6 63 40 63 80 2 Vl ah o N 74 60 36 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g 63 91 –6 25 9 64 10 –6 24 0 63 20 63 50 3 Vl ah o N 73 71 36 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g 63 57 –6 09 2 63 72 –6 08 5 62 30 63 30 4 Vl ah o E 74 64 28 Ce re al Tr . ti m op he ev ii B il in g 63 93 –6 25 9 64 08 –6 24 3 63 20 62 40 5 Vl ah o N 71 51 36 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g 60 58 –5 99 2 60 72 –5 92 6 60 20 59 20 6 el ka a B 88 46 29 Ch ar co al Ch ar co al Ea rli es t l ay er s s te st tr en ch 8 81 72 –7 85 6 82 05 –7 80 7 80 00 - 7 el ka a B 79 73 28 W ild fr ui t Co ry lu s a ve lla na Ea rli es t l ay er s s 70 35 –6 82 5 70 44 –6 70 2 69 10 - 8 el ka a B 71 43 27 Ce re al Tr . m on oc oc um Pr ot os oi l s 60 57 –5 98 9 60 67 –5 92 8 60 20 59 90 9 el ka a E 70 69 28 Pu lse Le ns c ul in ar is B il in g 59 91 –5 91 0 60 16 –5 88 8 59 40 59 70 10 el ka a E 70 40 28 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g 59 82 –5 89 2 59 91 –5 84 2 59 30 59 40 11 el ka a E 70 75 41 er ea l ch a Tr . m on oc oc cu m B il in g 60 11 –5 90 7 60 28 –5 84 4 59 50 59 20 12 el ka a E 70 41 33 er ea l ch a Tr . m on oc oc cu m B il in g 59 83 –5 89 2 59 94 –5 84 1 59 30 59 20 13 el ka a E 70 36 28 Pu lse Pi su m sa tiv um B il in g 59 82 –5 89 0 59 89 –5 84 2 59 20 59 10 14 el ka a N 70 30 36 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g 59 82 –5 85 0 59 93 –5 83 1 59 20 59 00 15 el ka a N 69 89 35 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g 59 72 –5 83 4 59 81 –5 94 3 58 70 59 00 16 el ka a E 69 84 28 Ce re al Tr . a es tiv um /d ur um B il in g 59 69 –5 83 2 59 79 –5 77 3 58 70 58 90 17 el ka a E 68 62 84 Pu lse Pi su m e la tiu s B il in g 58 33 –5 66 7 59 71 –5 62 5 57 60 58 90 18 el ka a E 70 02 28 Ce re al Ho rd eu m v ul ga re c f. va r. nu du m B il in g 59 72 –5 84 3 59 83 –5 79 8 58 90 58 70 19 el ka a E 69 95 30 W ild fr ui t Ru bu s f ru tic os us B il in g 59 71 –5 84 0 59 83 –5 78 6 58 80 58 50 20 el ka a E 69 23 37 er ea l ch a Tr . m on oc oc cu m B il in g 58 36 –5 74 5 58 90 –5 72 5 58 00 58 30 21 el ka a B 61 98 26 Ce re al Tr . a es tiv um Ea rly la ye rs 52 12 –5 07 3 52 87 –5 04 7 51 30 - 22 r an sk a ka E 71 98 47 er ea l ch a Tr . m on oc oc cu m B il in g 60 83 –5 99 6 62 20 –5 98 4 60 50 60 10 23 r an sk a ka E 70 10 36 er ea l ch a Tr . m on oc oc cu m B il in g 59 77 –5 84 3 59 86 –5 79 6 59 00 59 50 24 r an sk a ka E 69 15 28 Ce re al ( tli er n ot in cl ud ed in th e m od el ) B il in g 58 30 –5 74 1 58 81 –5 72 6 57 90 - 25 r an sk a ka N 70 36 36 Fr ui t Pr un us sp in os a B il in g 59 83 –5 88 7 60 09 –5 83 6 59 20 59 00 26 r an sk a ka N 70 30 37 Fr ui t Pr un us sa tiv a B il in g 59 82 –5 85 0 59 95 –5 80 4 59 20 59 00 27 r an sk a ka BE 69 95 24 Ce re al Tr iti cu m sp . B il in g c 59 69 –5 84 2 59 80 –5 79 8 58 80 58 90 28 Ta b. 1 . R ad io ca rb on d at es fr om th e th re e Pe la go n ia n s it es , l is te d ac co rd in g to b ui ld in g un it s; c al ib ra te d an d m od el le d m ed ia n s ar e ro un de d by 1 0. 14 6 oce Na o gathe eingr er r an sk a ka N 69 76 36 Ce re al Tr . m on oc oc cu m B il in g 59 66 –5 79 8 59 78 –5 94 9 58 60 58 80 29 r an sk a ka B 69 71 29 Bo ne Bo s t au ru s B il in g k 58 94 –5 79 6 59 73 –5 75 3 58 50 58 70 30 r an sk a ka BE 69 46 44 - Ce rn a sp ec . B il in g L0 -5 cm 58 83 –5 75 5 59 71 –5 73 1 58 20 58 60 31 r an sk a ka B 69 72 29 Bo ne Su s d om es tic us B il in g k 58 95 –5 79 6 59 74 –5 75 4 58 50 58 30 32 r an sk a ka E 70 43 33 Bo ne Ho m o in fa ns (n ot in cl ud ed in th e m od el ) B il in g 59 83 –5 89 3 59 95 –5 84 1 59 00 - 33 r an sk a ka N 68 24 35 Pu lse Pi su m sa tiv um B il in g 57 31 –5 66 8 57 71 –5 63 3 57 00 57 90 34 r an sk a ka B 69 74 29 Bo ne Ca pr a hi rc us B il in g k 58 95 –5 79 9 59 74 –5 75 7 58 60 57 60 35 r an sk a ka B 68 39 47 Re sid ue Li pi d B il in g 57 58 –5 66 3 58 31 –5 63 4 57 20 57 50 36 Si te La b. c od e BP St De v (± ) Sa m pl e m at er ia l Sp ec ie s Co nt ex t a nd la ye r ca l B C 1σ ca l B C 2σ M ed ia n (c al ) N o. a pti ar i BE 70 19 22 ee Pi su m sa tiv um a ra nt in e ca ati on s 59 76 -5 85 1 59 83 -5 84 1 59 10 1 a pti ar i B 69 49 29 Bo ne Bo s t au ru s a ra nt so th er n ha l sp it in e ca ati on s 58 83 -5 77 4 59 65 -5 73 7 58 20 2 a pti ar i B 69 35 29 Bo ne Bo s t au ru s a ra nt so th er n ha l sp it in e ca ati on s 58 41 -5 75 1 58 87 -5 73 4 58 10 3 a Po ro in BE 52 81 68 84 22 ee Tr . m on oc oc cu m a ra nt in e ca ati on s 57 84 -5 72 7 58 31 -5 72 0 57 60 4 ko lsk a a B 67 68 29 Bo ne Bo s t au ru s a ra nt in e ca ati on s 57 10 -5 63 5 57 21 -5 62 7 56 70 5 ko lsk a a B 67 36 29 Bo ne Bo s t au ru s a ra nt in e ca ati on s 57 03 -5 62 3 57 14 -5 57 0 56 50 6 Ta b. 2 . R ad io ca rb on d at es fr om o th er P el ag on ia n s it es r ec en tl y da te d; c al ib ra te d m ed ia n s ar e ro u n de d by 1 0. Ta b. 1 . C on ti n u ed back to content 148 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.1 in Europe published in Documenta Praehistorica, Robin Brigand, Jérôme Dubouloz, and Olivier Weller deal with only 45 sites on the territory of Ukraine. The authors noted that the easternmost part of the LBK area has not been studied enough, and most publications written in Cyrillic are not available to European re sear- chers (Brigand et al. 2022). Furthermore, even the available data may not be reliable due to the outdated approaches and errors (Haskevych 2021.21–22). This pa per presents a complete catalogue of the known LBK Introduction The beginning of the Neolithic in a large part of tem- pe rate Europe is associated with the diffusion of the Linear Band Pottery Culture (hereinafter LBK) po pulations. The area of this cultural unit stretched from the Drava River to the Baltic Sea and from the Paris Basin to the Dnipro River. Although the LBK is the most studied Neolithic culture in Central Europe, its sites in the territory of Ukraine are the least known to European researchers. For instance, in the recent pa per on the colonization dynamics of LBK farmers KLJUÈNE BESEDE – neolitik; kultura linearno trakaste keramike (LTK); Ukrajina IZVLEÈEK – Kultura linearno trakaste keramike (LTK) je najbolj raziskana neolitska kultura v sred- nji Evropi, vendar evropski raziskovalci slabše poznajo najbolj vzhodni del njenega obmoèja. Da bi od pravili to vrzel smo zbrali, preverili in sistemizirali informacije o 175 zanesljivih in 95 vprašljivih najdišèih LTK ter šestih sub-neolitskih najdišèih z lonèenino LBK v Ukrajini. Natanèno kartiranje teh najdišè omogoèa nadaljno analizo njihove prostorske porazdelitve. Doloèitev vzhodne meje obmoèja LTK razkriva možno izkorišèanje in izmenjavo kremena, grafita in soli kot gonilo silo pri mobilnosti prvih kmetovalcev v regiji. Katalogiziranje in kartiranje najdišč kulture linearno trakaste keramike v Ukrajini KEY WORDS – Neolithic; Linearbandkeramik (LBK); Ukraine ABSTRACT - Linearbandkeramik (LBK) is the most well-studied Neolithic culture in Central Europe. How ever, the easternmost part of its area is less known to European researchers. Addressing this gap, information on 175 reliable and 95 questionable LBK sites and six sub-Neolithic sites with LBK pottery in Ukraine has been collected, verified, and systematized. The precise mapping of these sites provided in this paper allows future analysis of their spatial distribution. Accurate contouring of the eastern boundary of the LBK area has revealed the exploitation and exchange of flint, graphite, and salt as a possible driving force of the first farmers’ mobility in the region. Dmytro Haskevych Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv, UA; dmytro.haskevych@gmail.com Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine 149 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine sites in Ukraine enabling further analysis of the spread of farming, long-distance exchange and human-en- vironment interactions in the Neolithic. In order to achieve this goal, all accessible records have been col- lected, verified, and entered into a database. Initial locational analysis of these sites resulted in a clear dis- tinguishing of the eastern LBK boundary and made possible the discussion of the potential reasons for the spread of LBK populations in the territory of modern Ukraine. State of art Research on the LBK in Ukraine goes back to more than 100 years, and LBK materials were first found during archaeological research at the settlement with multiple occupations in the village of Bilche-Zo lote at the very end of the 19th century. However, their cultural in ter - pretation, publication and correct geographical re- ference occurred much later. In 1921, W³odzimierz Antoniewicz partially excavated several pits that yi eld- ed LBK pottery near the village of Torske in the middle stream of the Dniester River (No. 243 in the Appendix, No. 149 in the Supplement) and pub lished this site as the first LBK settlement east of the Carpathians (Antoniewicz 1921). Leon Koz³owski found a few LBK vessels and stone shoe-last adzes during regular excavations aimed at the Chalcolithic layers of some multilayered settlements in the Dniester basin in the 1920s. Yakiv Pasternak intentionally excavated LBK sites in the Komarno town and near the village of Ko- tovane in Galicia in the 1930s and 1940s, respectively. Zygmunt Leski and Jan Fitzke explored several sites in Lutsk City and its outskirts in Volhynia in the late 1930s. In the second half of the 20th century, research on the LBK in Ukraine was primarily conducted by Yurii Za- kharuk, Kateryna Chernysh, Ihor Svieshnikov, My kola Peleshchyshyn, Oleksander Pozikhovskyi, Hryho rii Okhrimenko and Vitalii Konoplia, who dis covered and intentionally explored several re pre sentative set tlements, interpreted and published the obtained ma terials. Currently, Taras Tkachuk, Dmytro Kiosak, Serhii Telizhenko, and Andrii Bar detskyi are working intensively on the LBK in this region. Their excavations are accompanied by geo physical prospections, natural science analyses and radiocarbon dating. At each stage of studying the LBK in Ukraine, re sear- chers compiled site lists and maps of their distribution. In 1932, Yakiv Pasternak mentioned four LBK sites in the Ukrainian part of Galicia (Pasternak 1932.9–11). Jan Fitzke (1938) was the first who listed 10 ‘certified’ Linear-Band sites in Volhynia. Ten years later, Yakiv Pa- sternak (1948) mentioned 19 sites and places of stray finds from the entire Ukrainian part of the LBK area. Ihor Svieshnikov mapped 15 sites with linear pottery and described and illustrated the findings from there (Sveshnikov 1954). However, a common feature of these works is the usage of label ‘linear-band pottery’ for both the earlier and later sites. The earlier sites are attributed to the LBK in its current understanding, while the later ones are currently attributed to the two Chalcolithic cultures, Malice and Lublin-Volhynian. The first catalogue of the LBK (as such) sites in the ter - ritory of the former Soviet Union was published by Tatiana Passek and Kateryna Chernysh (Passek, Czer - nysh 1963). Their catalogue includes detailed da ta about 16 sites in the territory of Ukraine. Ge ne - ral ly, these are the same sites which were mapped in overviews over the next quarter of a century (Za kha - ruk 1971.Map 2; Peleshchyshyn 1974.98, Fig. 27; Zakharuk, Telegin 1985.112, Map 4). The intensification of heritage protection in the 1970s and 1980s resulted in discovering and recording sites and compiling their catalogues for the whole territory or its regions. The collection and synthesis of new data allowed Dmytro Telehin (Telegin) the listing and mapping of 32 LBK sites (Telegin 1979.230, Fig. 1). Twenty years later, Olga Larina almost doubled their number compiling a list of 62 LBK sites in Ukraine. Her catalogue is designed as a table providing five attributes for each site. These are the site name, administrative location, category of site, character of the intervention, year(s) and author(s) of exploration. The attributes are accompanied by bibliographic references. A distribution map includes 59 captioned marks (Larina 1999.16, 116–118, Fig. 5). Until recently, this was the largest published list of LBK sites in the territory of Ukraine. In 10 years, Larina (2009.58, Fig. 4) published a map with 72 marked sites but captioned only 34 marks. In 2013, Olena Lenartovych (Krashanovych) mapped and catalogued 108 sites throughout Ukraine in her unpublished PhD thesis on the LBK in the Upper Dnie - ster and Upper Bug catchments (Lenartovych 2013. 195–255). However, no more than 50 of these sites are mapped in her publications (Lenartovych 2009.227, Fig. 1; 2011.67, Fig. 2). Most recently, Tho mas Saile (2020. 220, Fig. 13) presented a map including the largest number of Ukrainian LBK sites, with about 150 un- captioned marks. 150 Dmytro Haskevych finds. In addition, work with field reports, along with the determination of the precise geographical location of sites, may solve two more issues of cataloguing and mapping. These are: • gathering information about non-published sites; • verifying the attribution of sites to the LBK. Materials and methods Sites In this paper, the neutral term ‘site’ means any ar cha- eological locality, regardless of the number of finds number, the accidental or intentional character of di- scovery, as well as the nature of the intervention. LBK sites in Ukraine have not been divided into ca te gories because all of them are open-air sites, while human bones were found in only three places. One fragmented skull originates from the settlement of Rovantsi-Hni- davska Hirka tract (Potiekhina 2018). One burial was accidentally discovered in the village of Baiv in 1939, and its location and archaeological context remain unknown (Bardec’kyj et al. 2013). The other burial was investigated at the site of Nezvisko-Shkilnyi Horod tract (No. 237 in the Appendix, No. 110 in the Supplement), which is usually interpreted as a settlement (Czer- nysh 1959.73–78; Passek, Czernysz 1963.14–20), al though Maciej Dêbiec (2016) believes that it is a ‘ritual-burial complex’. At the first stage of the work presented here, every site attributed to the LBK at least once was recorded. Numerous sites in which materials were defined as ‘Neolithic’ were ignored because different researchers and archaeological schools had a varied treatment of this term during the 20th century. Some of the con- notations of this term refer to various time units, which are now associated with periods from the Mesolithic to the Bronze Age. In the second stage, different records about each site were combined to form the maximal complete data array. To verify published data and the attribution of sites not mentioned in publications, more than 1000 field reports (mainly on surveys) across the Ukrainian part of the LBK area were processed in the main de- pository of field reports in Ukraine, i.e. the Scientific Archive at the Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in Kyiv. Unfortunately, not all the required archival files could be found. Some researchers either did not write a report at all or did not send it to the Institute, while a few reports were lost. In addition, reports about the research in the last five to The short review of the LBK site catalogues presented here identifies several patterns. Let us briefly cha rac- terize them. Most of the cited reviews, as well as non-mentioned re - gional lists, contain only site names, often as map cap- tions. Detailed information about these sites is either missing or provided in an unstructured, selective and non-uniform manner in the text of publications. This makes it impossible to group the sites according to certain properties and even simple counting. The only structured list, produced by Larina, contains al most no information about the sites and can best be used for research history purposes. The only attempt to collect, structure and analyse data on the topographic location of the LBK sites in one Ukrainian region was made by Olena Lenartovych (2011), based on information about 25 settlements. The evident criterion for including these sites in this sample was the presence of published plans or detailed descriptions of the site locations without regard for the representativeness of the materials found there. The small number of sites she collected brings us to the problem of the completeness and quality of the published records used by researchers, especially with regard to ascertaining geographical location. Ever since GPS devices became widely avai lable in Ukraine, the accurate localization of newly discovered LBK sites has not caused problems. How ever, most of the sites were found during the years of the Soviet Union, when topographic maps were con sidered as secret documents and were almost in accessible to an average archaeologist. Therefore, site locations were often uncertain, they were imprecisely described and distances were determined using human steps or even just roughly approximated. The plans were also drawn up by hand, and in many cases only part of this in for- mation was published. In turn, this led to another problem – without the precise localization of previous explorations, the sites were confused with each other or rediscovered several times. In some re gions, this re - sulted in real chaos with regard to attempts at ca ta- loguing (see more details in Bardetskyi 2021.132–133). A solution to this issue lies in turning to records of the first, undistorted, most complete and accurate infor- mation about the sites. This information is re presented in field reports, which require a description of a site, its explored features and materials accom panied by field drawings, diaries, photographs and an inventory of the 151 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine Rovantsi-Hnidavska Hirka tract (No. 29 in the Appendix, No. 134 in the Supplement), is about 400m (Bardets- kyi 2021.134, Fig. 2). Although the synchronicity of its different sectors has not yet been proven, it was de cided to consider a half of its length. i.e. 200m, as the stipulated shortest space between sites. Two ad - ditional conditions complement this proxy. First, sites located at a distance less than 200m from each other are con sidered different if they are topogra phi - cally separated by a stream, ravine, depression in relief, etc. Second, the proxy applies only to the settlements with high-precision spatial localization. If sites for which the particular location remains in doubt were mapped in approximately the same to po - graphically undivided area, they were considered as a single site despite the distance. This prevents an artificial increase in the number of settlements, which can in any case never be confidently recog niz - ed in the terrain (see the details below). Cataloguing and mapping The collected information about the LBK sites in Ukraine was entered into a database designed as a workbook of Microsoft Excel 2016 spreadsheets con- sisting of five worksheets (see Supplement). The first three are ‘Reliable LBK sites’, ‘Questionable LBK sites’, and ‘Sub-Neolithic with LBK pottery’, in which relevant information was entered. Two more work- sheets contain lists of the used field reports and pub- lications, respectively. Each site is characterized by 40 parameters. They describe the name, administrative and geographical location, history and character of re - search, categories and number of finds, and are ac- companied by references and (if necessary) comments. Although most of the used attributes and variables are intuitive and traditional for such a work, some require further clarification. There is no agreed conventional rule of site naming and spelling in Ukrainian archaeological tradition. Usually, a name consists of the name of the nearest pre sent-day settlement and (if required) the sequence number of the site in Arabic or Roman numerals. Less often, the native historical name of the area where a site was found is added to the name of a present-day settlement or is used instead. Any area that has such a proper name (regardless of the size, type of re lief, vegetation, economic use, formal or in formal demar ca- tion) is called the Ukrainian word ‘urochyshche’, which corresponds to the English word ‘tract’. In some cases, street names or postal addresses are the identifiers added to the names of towns and villages. 10 years are not always accessible due to the rule giving researchers a certain time for exclusive publication of their data. During the next stage, the attribution of sites was ve- rified, and the sites passing through verification were included in a catalogue. According to the reliability of attribution to LBK, each site was referred to one of three groups: ‘reliable’, ‘questionable’ and ‘false’. The ‘reliable’ group includes sites with undoubted LBK materials, the number of which was not counted. Data may be represented by thousands of things or one, but a significant item (e.g., a stone shoe-last adze, a potsherd with the ‘music-note’ or plastic decoration, or a large undecorated fragment of a fine vessel). The ‘questionable’ group predominantly comprises sites for which attribution is based on insufficiently re- presentative materials (e.g., one or several undecorated small fragments of coarse vessels). Of course, the unique technological features of the production of LBK ceramics can be noted even for such finds. However, this requires using a precise analytical procedure or petrographic analysis (e.g., Chernyak, Kosko 1980; Kadrow et al. 2018). Sites where only a few flint ar- tefacts (cores, blades) were attributed to LBK based on ‘morphometric indexes’ also raise doubts. Such an approach is especially suspicious when single LBK artefacts are identified in large flint assemblages of Chalcolithic time from sites with multiple occupations. Therefore, attribution of one or several finds to the LBK must be well-argued each time and not stated as an accomplished fact in passing. Sites for which there is no specification of finds are also classified as‘questionable’. Information about them is usually limited to one expression, such as ‘LBK materials were also found there’, with no data regarding the number and characteristics of the finds. The third group includes ‘false’ sites, the LBK attribution of which has been convincingly refuted in current work or earlier studies by other researchers. Only ‘reliable’ and ‘questionable’ sites were selected for further cataloguing and mapping. Another issue requiring attention is the proximity of sites located at the distance of 100 to 200 to 300m apart from each other. Should they be combined into one ca- talogue entry or entered separately? The length of the largest partially excavated LBK site in Ukraine, the 152 Dmytro Haskevych plan, which allows for accurate determination of the site location. In Google Earth, the marked point is usually within the site’s boundaries, typically in its centre or excavated area. An accurate location is also ensured by photographs and detailed textual descriptions, including precise azimuths and distances to clear landmarks such as churches, bridges, etc. Group B includes sites where the given plans and textual descriptions are not clear enough, but still allow for the establishment of the tract within which each site is located. The point falls within the site boundaries or it is placed at a distance of up to 200m from them. Group C comprises sites which the location is described by approximate direction and distance to landmarks with a long length, such as a river, road, or present-day settlement. This group also includes sites for which more or less detailed descriptions contain internal contradictions. The point is then placed in the most likely place and can fall both within the site boundaries or deviate from them by a distance of up to 1km or even more. Group D mostly includes sites for which only the name of a present-day settlement determines their location, and such a way of positioning was often used for stray finds. This group also includes sites for which the locations contradict each other in different records, usually due to the confusion with the cardinal directions or the banks of a river. The point is placed in the centre of the relevant village or town and never corresponds with the actual location of a site. The sites’ locations were rarely characterized by geo- morphologists. This results in publications and reports with mostly very general and vague descriptions of the surrounding elements and forms of relief. To overcome this issue, a database uses several simplified descrip - tive variables to distinguish between a dozen variants of sites’ locations, such as on eminence with in a flo odplain, on the edge or prominence of the first ter- race, edge or ‘nose’ of the high terraces generalized here as a ‘plateau’, etc. This approach allows sufficient confidence when determining the location of a site in relation to relief using Google Earth in cases when the author of the discovery did not provide such in- formation. The ‘altitude above the nearest watercourse’ attribute was filled with published data, archival re- cords or Google Earth data. In the latter case, the al ti- tude was only entered for sites of spatial accuracy ‘A’ and ‘B’. The attribute ‘elevation above sea level’ was Sometimes, using a sequence number to identify sites can be confusing due to their rediscovery and occurrence in various lists with alternative numbering. Therefore, the database uses a present-day settlement name accompanied by the name of the tract (if known) as the most reliable identifier. If the tract name is un- known, the number is used instead. If a site has multiple numbers, one is chosen, and the respective list is re fe - renced (e.g., ‘Mshana-9’, after Konoplia (1993). In a few cases where a second part of a site name is required, it is artificially created based on a visible landmark (e.g., ‘Busk-School Stadium’). The name of the museum where a stray find is kept has been used as the additional identifier in one case. The database includes the ‘al- ternative names’ attribute in order to help users to find sites by any published names and their spellings. The database records site names in Cyrillic and their transliterated Latin script versions along with the transliterated names of the investigators and geo gra- phical units such as tracts, present-day settlements, rivers, and streams. The standard transliteration of the Ukrainian alphabet adopted by the Ukrainian go- vernment in 2010 is used. While it does not always accu- rately convey the sound of the words, this simplifies writing using only the basic Latin alphabet. The administrative affiliation of each site is pro- vided according to the current administrative division stated in Ukraine in 2020. An affiliation to previous administrative units of Ukraine and the Soviet Union, and for older sites to administrative units of interwar Poland, former Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires, is also indicated. The geographical position of sites refers to their geographical coordinates noted as decimal degrees (DD) and location in relation to watercourses and landscape elements. For localization of the sites found in the last decade researchers generally use the geographic coordinate system. In the current work, the coordinates of the remaining sites are determined with their precise mapping using the Google Earth Pro aerial photographs basing on the text descriptions of sites, field plans and photos from published and archival records. Depending on the accuracy of the information used, sites are divided into four groups. Group A comprises sites where researchers provided GPS coordinates, a topographic map, or a hand-drawn 153 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine Results Mentions (even the briefest and most uncertain) of about 400 locations with the LBK materials including stray finds were identified by reviewing hundreds records published in the last 100 years in the first stage of the work. Further critical analysis of the obtained information and its verification based on field reports, as well as consultations with a few researchers, reveal that some sites appear in publications and archival records under two or three (and sometimes more) different names, while some others were mistakenly re ferred to as the LBK. As a result, the number of lo - cations decreased to 276, with only 175 of them un- doubtedly attributed to the LBK. Information about 95 sites is incomplete or contradictory, so they form a ‘questionable’ group. A small third group includes six sites of the local sub-Neolithic cultures, where ‘imports’ of LBK pottery were discovered. Of the 175 reliable sites, 130 are located in the Black Sea basin, and the remaining 45 are in the Baltic basin. Of the Black Sea sites, 67 belong to the Dnipro catchment, 55 to the Dniester, four to the Southern Buh, three to the Tylihul and one to the Danube catchment. All the sites of the Baltic basin are located near the water streams of the Vistula catchment. The location on the right or left bank of watercourses did not reveal a significant difference. Five sites are currently located on the islands between two branches of the rivers. Most sites are spaced on the banks of small rivers and streams. On the contrary, sites are rarely located on the banks of large rivers, with only 11 on the Dniester, three on the Southern Buh, six on the Bug, eight on Styr, and six on Horyn. Information ensuring the accuracy of localization A was indicated for 104 sites, B for 29, C for 32, and D for 10 sites. Among the latter, eight are the places of accidental finds, of which five were found in the first half of the twentieth century. The altitude above the nearest watercourse was reported in the records for 56 sites and determined with Google Earth for 85 sites; it could not be established for 34 sites (of which 33 were of spatial accuracy C and D). Of the 141 sites which altitudes are known, 60 are at altitudes 1–5m, 46 at 6–10m, 19 at 11–20m, and 10 at 21–50m. The altitude of only six sites is more than 50m. Two of them, Bukivna-Zarub tract and Vasyliv-Ho- rodyshche tract, are located on the edge of the plateau above the Dniester, and the remaining four are placed determined for all sites using Google Earth. Thus, for sites of low spatial accuracy, this value is approximate. Describing the history of the research at the given site, the database records every research episode, in cluding those when no LBK materials were found. Despite acknowledging each participant’s contribution to a site exploration, usually the name of only one scholar is mentioned here. Most commonly this is a head of the expedition whose name occurs first among the co-authors of the publication or field report. The vast majority of catalogued sites are places of multiple occupations, and they have mixed materials from different eras and cultures. Therefore, the ‘site area’ attribute does not describe the area of LBK set- tlement, but the maximum distribution zone of all archaeological materials scattered on the surface. This information was most commonly provided by in- vestigators, probably due to heritage protection pur- poses. The ‘excavated area’ attribute also describes the total area of all excavations regardless of the presence or absence of LBK materials in each trench. In contrast, the attributes describing LBK findings accurately correspond to the area of interest of the cur rent work, noting the presence/absence or quantity of features, pottery, flint artefacts and finds of other categories depending on the available information. The attribute ‘feature’ in a database refers to any pit or structure, such as the hearth or stone pavement, but not the concentration of finds on the habitat horizon. Due to the rarity of precise data on the number of finds in the records, the database considered any possible way of approximate counting, which includes calculating the number of vessels, potsherds, and flints drawn in the images or calculating the number of marks on the field plans. The number resulting in such counting is accompanied by the symbol ‘approximately’, ‘less’, ‘more’, or ‘more than or equal to’. The references accompanying each entry cite field reports and publications about the site and all materials found there, not just LBK ones. Records not mentioning LBK finds are significant because they may contain information regarding site’s location or the history of research. Moreover, the absence of information about LBK can be indicative in and of itself, such as when a researcher could not correctly affiliate the relevant finds with a certain culture. 154 Dmytro Haskevych two discovered LBK long houses yielded nu merous postholes (Silaiev et al. 2021; Telizhenko, Silaiev 2022). These 37 sites may confidently be classified as permanent settlements. However, automatically referring to all other sites as camps and settlement traces is premature. Most likely, the lack of features reflects insufficient research at many locations. Pottery was found in at least 166 sites, but information on the number of shards and vessels is known only for 116 sites. A large amount of approximate data does not allow a clear division of these sites into groups. However, it is certain that approximately half of their collections contain fewer than 100 fragments. Only collections from the Holyshiv-Zarvykhvosty tract (No. 40 in the Appendix, No. 39 in the Supplement), Kam’iane-Zavallia (No. 267 in the Appendix, No. 43 in the Supplement), and Rivne-Pliazh tract-1a (No. 67 in the Appendix, No. 130 in the Supplement) are guaranteed to number more than 1000 potsherds. This short list should probably be extended by the Bilshivtsi- Kuty tract site (No. 197 in the Appendix, No. 13 in the Supplement), where finding of the remains of more than 500 vessels was mentioned in records, and the Tadani-Zamchysko tract (No. 121 in the Appendix, No. 145 in the Supplement), which yielded an undesignated number of fragments of more than 200 vessels. The Yo sypivka I site (No. 136 in the Appendix, No. 163 in the Supplement) yielded 966 potsherds. Flint and/or obsidian artefacts were found at 103 or more sites. Approximately half of these yielded fewer than 100 artefacts. Among the rest, only six sites (Hir ka Polonka-Lob tract, Holyshiv-Zarvykhvosty tract, Kam’- iane-Zavallia, Medynia-Karier tract, Rivne-Pliazh tract- 1a, Yosypivka I) brought more than 500 artefacts each. Finds of polished stone hoes, axes and adzes are do- cumented for 40 sites, of which four are stray finds. Findings of grinding stones are quite common. Rare finds include a ceramic anthropomorphic figurine from the Khoriv-Brodivshchyna tract (Becker et al. 2014), 10 perforated clay loom weights and one clay zoomorphic figurine from the Nezvysko-Shkilnyi Horod tract (Passek, Czernysz 1963.15,19, Tab. III.12,16, VI.10), two mini clay balls from the Ratniv-Ri pysko tract (Telizhenko 2015.66,74, Fig. 4.4,5), two valves of Spondylus with artificial holes from the Rovantsi- Hnidavska Hirka tract (Bardec’kyj et al. 2016), and a polished andesite disk with a round hole in the centre from the Tadani-Zamchysko tract (Peleshchyshyn 1999.24,37, Fig. 11.14). on the edge of the plateau above its tributaries, but no further than 7km along a straight line from the Dniester valley. The location of sites on river islands and elevations in the floodplain occurs 20 times, on the first floodplain terraces 87 times, on the second and higher terraces – ge neralized here as ‘plateau’ – 60 times. This attribute could not be established in eight cases. In terms of elevation above sea level, the reliable LBK sites range from 74m (Ananiv-Mainova Balka tract on the southern edge of the Podillia Upland) to 363m (Ulychne-1 on the northern spurs of the Carpathians), but the largest number (123 sites) fall into the range of 151–250m. Data on the character of the intervention was collected for 174 sites. Of these, nine were the location of stray finds, while 82 sites were subjected to purposeful surface surveys. For the remaining 83 sites, trial tran- ching and excavations were carried out, which are sometimes difficult to distinguish from each other because in some cases the total area of test pits is larger than the area opened with small-scale excavations. Data on the explored area of 16 sites where fieldwork was carried out could not be found in the records. The uncovered area of some of the remaining 67 sites is known only approximately. According to these rough data, excavations were carried out on a total area of up to 100m2 in 23 cases. A total area of 101 to 1000m2 was excavated at 31 sites, while it ranges from 1000 to 2000m2 at seven sites. More than 2000m2 was un co- vered in six sites. Among them, the largest total ex ca- vated area of 3970m2 is recorded for recent rescue research at the settlement with multiple occupations of Chankiv 1, data about which is limited to one brief presentation of some preliminary information (Pe- trauskas et al. 2022). The cited publication mentions only four LBK features, which means that a large ex- cavated area is not always an indicator of extensive re search on an LBK site. For instance, 2703m2 of the ex cavated area in the Bovshiv-Sulyva tract settlement yielded only about 10 LBK potsherds and no features. The LBK features were explored at 37 sites. Their num- ber does not exceed 10 at 30 sites, and it ranges from 10 to 22 at six sites. A unique case in Ukraine is represented by a site with 135 recorded features. The features were recently excavated at the site of Modrychi 1 (No. 182 in the Appendix, No. 96 in the Supplement), where 155 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine of pottery impressions and archaeozoological studies of mammal bones from the Volhynian sites of the Hir ka Polonka-Lob tract, Holyshiv-Zamchysko tract, Rivne-Pliazh tract-1a, and Rovantsi-Hnidavska Hirka tract carried out in the early 1990s (Pashkevych, Okh- rimenko 1991.1–24; Zhuravlov, Okhrimenko 1994; Pashkevich 2000.408–409). Charred materials from flotation, as well as archaeozoological collection, were investigated at one more Volhynian site of the Rat niv- Ripysko tract in 2015 (Telizhenko, Yanish 2015.214, 218; Motuzait� Matuzevièi�t�, Telizhenko 2016). A comprehensive natural science study of the Kam’iane- Zavallia site, including archaeobotanical, pedological and palaeoenvironmental analyses, has been carried out in recent years (Salavert et al. 2021; Kiosak, Mat- vi ishyna 2023; Moskal-del Hoyo et al. 2023). Plant impressions on pottery from the Rovantsi-Hnidavska Hirka tract have been re-identified using scanning elec- tron microscopy and an improved silicone casting method (Endo et al. 2022.6). The study of the craniology and DNA of a skull from the Rovantsi-Hnidavska Hirka tract settlement became the first of its kind in the Ukra- inian part of the LBK area (Bardetskiy et al. 2017; Po- tiekhina 2018; Mazanec et al. 2020). Most of the 95 questionable sites are located on the banks of small rivers and streams. Only 12 sites are located in the valleys of the large rivers Dniester, Bug, Prut, and Styr. Information about the location of 29 sites in the landscape was not provided in the records. Of the remaining sites, 18 are placed on the plateau, 39 on the first terrace, and nine on the elevations in the floodplains. It is not surprising that, unlike the ‘reliable’ group, only less than a half of the questionable sites were recorded with high accuracy of localization A and B (31 and 12, respectively). The nature of the intervention is also less known – it is established in 67 cases. Thus, 18 sites were excavated on an area from 45 to 1836m2, 10 sites were explored with test pits, surface surveys were carried out in 34 cases, and stray finds were found in five cases. The character and number of finds was established with varying accuracy in 42 cases. Finds attributed to LBK include only fragments of pottery from 14 sites, pottery and flint artefacts from 12 sites, only flint artefacts from 11 sites, and only polished stone adzes from five sites. As for adzes, they belong to the types known among materials of both the LBK and some other cultures, for example, Trypillia and the Funnel Beaker Culture, which raise doubts about the correctness of the attribution. Only nine Ukrainian LBK sites – namely the Ananiv-Mai- nova Balka tract (No. 264 in the Appendix, No. 2 in the Supplement), Bilshivtsi-Kuty tract, Hirka Polonka-Lob tract (No. 46 in the Appendix, No. 3 in the Supplement), Holyshiv-Zarvykhvosty tract, Kam’iane-Zavallia, Osy- chky-Hnyla Skelia tract (No. 266 in the Appendix, No. 119 in the Supplement), Ratniv-Ripysko tract (No. 51 in the Appendix, No. 129 in the Supplement), Rivne-Pliazh tract-1a, and Rovantsi-Hnidavska Hirka tract – were a subject of radiocarbon dating. In total, 31 radiocarbon dates were obtained over the last 20 years by the Labo ra- tory for the Analysis of Radiocarbon with AMS at Bern (BE – two dates), the Kyiv Radiocarbon Laboratory at Kyiv (Ki – 13 dates), the Leibniz-Labor at Kiel (KIA – one date), the Klaus-Tschira-Labor at Mannheim (MAMS – one date), the Poznañ Radiocarbon Laboratory at Poznañ (Poz – 12 dates), and the 14CHRONO Centre for Climate, the Environment, and Chronology at Belfast (UBA – two dates). Conventional Kyiv dates on animal bones and orga nic inclusions in the ceramic paste were obtained in the 2000s (Kotova, Kovaliukh, 2002.105, Tab. 10; Sapozh- nikov, Sapozhnikova 2005.91, Tab. 1; Kovaliukh et al. 2007.16, Tab. 2). They fall into the wide range from 6570±60 BP to 5825±90 BP that weakly corresponded to relative chronology of these sites in many cases. Eighteen AMS radiocarbon dates were recently obtained in European laboratories work ing on charcoal, charred grains, and animal and human bones from the sites Kam’iane-Zavallia, Osychky-Hny la Skelia tract, Ratniv- Ripysko tract and Rovantsi-Hni davska Hirka tract, and these cover the timespan be tween 6366±41 BP and 6100±40 BP (Motuzait� Matuzevièi�t�, Telizhenko 2016.105, Tab. 1; Kiosak, Salavert 2018; Saile 2020.212, Fig. 4; Kiosak et al. 2021; 2023; Moskal-del Hoyo et al. 2023). These new, more precise measurements are in reasonable correspondence with the pottery with ‘music-note’ decoration found there, as well as with generally acknowledged views on the time of the LBK Notenkopf phase in Central Europe (Kiosak et al. 2023). Geophysical prospection was carried out at five si tes – Bilshivtsi-Kuty tract, Blyshchanka-Horby tract, Kam’i- ane-Zavallia, Khoriv-Pidluzhzhia tract, and No vo ma- lyn-Bezodnia tract (Malieiev, Konoplia 1999.45; Zla- tohorskyi et al. 2013; Saile et al. 2016.7). However, these prospections did not result in obtaining set tle- ment plans. Until recently, the only natural science research on the LBK in Ukraine was the archaeobotanical studies 156 Dmytro Haskevych studying of patterns in the spatial distribution of units and networks of LBK sites. This would require analytical work based on data on the sites’ chronology, their area, the number of dwellings, and the characteristics of economic activity in at least one well-studied region. How ever, cataloguing and precise mapping opens up the possibility of using GIS analysis to study settlement distribution in association with the environment. Until such work is carried out, only very general tentative ob - servations can be made using small-scale maps. This involves mapping the entire area instead of mapping individual sites and their clusters. Clarification of the LBK boundaries has given the first significant result in this context. Firstly, the current research has clarified the northern border of the LBK range in Ukraine. On some published maps, several sites are marked within the Polissia (Polesye) Lowland, a sandy, swampy outwash land located north of the loess Volhynian Upland (e.g., Dê - biec, Saile 2015.16, Abb. 15; Saile 2020.209, Fig. 2). However, a critical analysis showed the fallacy or in- sufficient argumentation for their LBK attribution. In the case of the Poliany-Kamenyste tract site, whose uni queness is emphasized by some researchers (Okh - rimenko et al. 2016.183), an editorial error resulted in the publishing of the drawings for one article (Po- zikhovskyi 2002) in another paper by the same author (Pozikhovskyi, Romanchuk 2003). Unpublished (and lost) materials from the village of Ustia on the Sluch River were attributed to the LBK along with the other sites of ‘early and late phases’ of the culture in the 1930s (Fitzke 1938), when a sense of these terms was much broader than now. The Fasova site, located to the northeast of Volhynia, has been repeatedly referred to as part of the LBK after Janusz Krzysztof Koz³owski (1985.68, Fig. 12) first published this attribution. However, the field report has shown that only one, and subsequently lost, fragment of LBK pottery was found there in 1971, while recent surveys and test excavations have evidenced the presence of sub-Neolithic materials at the site (Haskevych et al. 2023). Secondly, the division of the LBK area in Ukraine into two separate parts, one along the Dniester River and the other in the Volhynian Upland, was confirmed in the current research, although these have been combined into one area in some studies (e.g., Czekaj-Zastawny 2008a.33, Fig. 1; Kadrow, Rauba-Bukowska 2017.262, Fig. 1). This may have been due to published maps with several uncaptioned points in the upper reaches of the Southern Buh River (Larina 1999.11, Figs. 1,2; 2009. Discussion Although the presented work does not claim to be an exhaustive coverage of all the related data, it is clear that the compiled list of LBK sites in Ukraine is the most complete and detailed to date. Despite a signi fi - cant in crease in the number of recorded sites com par- ed to previous lists, only some of these sites yielded features and materials suitable for full-fledged tradi tio- nal archaeological research on the typology of finds, periodization, and local specificity. Furthermore, there are only a few LBK settlements in Ukraine that have been studied comprehensively and can provide detailed data for generalizations and reconstructions. In most other cases, the LBK materials were found by chance during rescue excavations or the intentional ex ploration of earlier or later sites. Often, the authors of excavations specializing in other periods did not pay enough attention to the LBK finds. Finally, many sites were detected by heritage protection organizations during superficial observations or by amateurs, and discoveries of this kind left almost no traces in sci en - tific documentation or publications. Therefore, the information entered the database thanks to the web- pages of local authorities or public organizations (e.g., Derzhavnyi reiestr 2023) and very brief mentions in abstracts of reports at regional conferences (e.g., Konoplia et al. 1995). Considering the described pe- culiarity of the records used and the history of the re - search, it is no surprise that the questionable sites exceed a third of the total number. Mapping of all 270 LBK sites reveals their uneven spatial distribution. Most of sites are concentrated in several clusters within the territory of Volhynian Upland, in the upper part of the Bug River catchment, and in a few areas in the Upper and Middle Dniester regions. These zones with a dense settlement concentration are se- parated from each other by areas without or with very scattered sites (Fig. 1). It is generally accepted that such a distribution is typical for the whole LBK area. How- ever, there is no confidence that the clusters of LBK sites detected in Ukraine reflect only settlement pat terns of the past and are not biased by the intensity of re- search in different micro-regions. This bias seems to be probable when it comes to site clusters near large cities like Rivne, Lutsk, Lviv, and Ivano-Frankivsk, or mu seum centres like towns of Ostroh, Dubno, Halych. Unfortunately, the issues listed with regard to the quality of records and uneven archaeological exploration of sites and micro-regions do yet not allow detailed 157 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine sites with small-scale environmental maps1 showed that the majority of Ukrainian LBK settlements are located in the broadleaf forest landscapes zone, which continues east to the Dnipro River and beyond (Fig. 2). Regarding geomorphology, the Volhynian settlements of LBK are located in the valleys of watercourses cutting into highly dissected loess plains. The more southern area, uninhabited by LBK groups, is also represented by a loess plain, but is less dissected (Fig. 3). In terms of present-day soils, the location of the most Ukrainian LBK sites correlates with grey and dark grey, podzolized and podzolized gleyed soils, as well as podzolized cher- nozems (Greyzems, Phaenozems and Chernozems, res - pectively, according to the soil major group code of the STU from the 1990 FAO UNESCO Soil Legend in the Eu - ropean Soil Database (ESDAC), esdac.jrc.ec.europa.eu, European Commission, Joint Research Centre). The same soils extend to the east and southeast, where the LBK settlements are not found (Fig. 4). 51, Fig. 1; Dêbiec, Saile 2015.16, Abb. 15; Larina, Der- gachev 2017.9, Fig. 3), as well as the relatively weak study of the region outside areas with a concentration of sites. However, a number of errors in mapping sites in the Southern Buh region have recently been proven (Haskevych 2021.21–22). In addition, the current systematic study of all available records has revealed that archaeologists have satisfactorily explored the territory between Volhynia and the Dniester. Moreover, the absence of LBK sites in the very well-studied vi ci- nities of the provincial centres of Ternopil City and Khmelnytskyi City likely indicates that LBK populations did not inhabit this area. The absence of LBK sites to the north of the Volhynian Upland seems correlated with the steep drop in soil fertility. However, the reasons for the complicated con- figuration of the eastern border of the LBK area re quire explanation. A comparison of the distribution of LBK Fig. 1. The LBK sites (I reliable; II questionable) and the sub-Neolithic sites with LBK pottery (III) on a relief map of Ukraine. Base maps: https://maps-for-free.com/. For names of the sites, see Appendix. For detailed information about the sites, see Supplement. 1 Unfortunately, Ukrainian online services dealing with all kinds of media-scale and large-scale maps are currently inaccessible for civilian use due to the ongoing Russian aggression. 158 Dmytro Haskevych tributaries of the Pryp’iat, Southern Buh and Middle Dniester flow, is composed mainly of the Neogene se - diments of the Miocene and Pliocene series. Thus, clusters of LBK sites are generally located near outcrops of Cretaceous rocks. The only explanation for this is the presence of flint. The highest quality, fine-grained, grey to brown, smoked-transparent flint occurs in the deposits of the Turonian Stage, and lower quality coarse- grained, light-grey yellowish to black, untransparent flint occurs in the Cenomanian sediments (Fig. 5). There are no special studies on the flint raw materials from the LBK sites in Ukraine. However, in the records processed while completing the database, researchers mention high-quality Turonian flint as the primary raw material used for knapping, although often they in- correctly called it ‘Volhynian’. Artefacts made of it do- minate in the chipped stone assemblages of the sites in the Eastern Galicia and Volhynia (Konoplia 1999.131; 2008.206; 2009.101; 2010.385; Okhrimenko 2001.52; Telizhenko 2015.66; Pelisiak 2021.372; Telizhenko, Observations during the current work and the results of thorough research on data from Central Europe (Brigand et al. 2022) revealed that LBK agriculture quite easily adapted to various natural conditions. The- refore, the reason for the absence of LBK sites in the vast fertile loess plain between Volhynia and the Dniester is most likely not related to subsistence strategies. In this regard, it is important to note that, except for a narrow strip of lowlands of Lesser Polissia, there are no sites of Late Mesolithic and sub-Neolithic cultures in this region (Matskevoi 1991), which excludes competition between the newly arrived farmers and local hunter-gatherers. Most likely, the factor determining the complicated configuration of the eastern LBK area is the geological structure of the region, where Quaternary loess overlies different rocks. These are Cretaceous deposits in the Volhynian Upland, in the very west of the Podillia Up- land, and in the deep canyon valleys of the Dniester and the lower reaches of its left tributaries. In contrast, the weakly dissected higher plain, from which the Fig. 2. The LBK sites and the sub-Neolithic sites with LBK pottery (for detail, see Fig. 1) on a map of the present-day landscapes. Base map: Loza 2010.30–31, Fig. 1.08, with simplification. Legend: 1 coniferous- deciduous forest landscapes, 2 broadleaf forest landscapes, 3 meadow-steppe landscapes, 4 steppe landscapes, 5 mountain-forest and mountain-meadow landscapes. 159 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine cludes the previously mentioned motive for migration. The question thus remains of what inspired the early farmers to move so far east, although behind them re mained huge fertile loess plains uncultivated by farmers? Kam’iane-Zavallia is the central settlement in a cluster of four LBK sites known in the Southern Buh River basin up to date (Kiosak 2017). They are placed se ve - ral kilometres apart and form a triangle, which out lines the Zavallia graphite deposit, the largest in Europe and one of the largest in the world. Several promising graphite ore occurrences are up to 30km from this lo - cation (Kropivnyi et al. 2019.97). Some of these are outcrops which were still being exploited by hand as recently as the beginning of the 20th century (Shpy- lovyi, Biletskyi 2019). In the place, where the Southern Buh eroded graphite- bearing clays, the local hunter-gatherers of the Buh- Dniester Culture (BDC) made their ceramic vessels out of paste oversaturated with graphite, which gave the Silaiev 2022.18–19), particularly of the ear liest, pre- music-note, settlements of Rivne-Plyazh tract-1a and Yosypivka I (Piasetskyi, Okhrimenko 1990.77; Shy d - lovskyi 2018.63). Thus, the high-quality Turonian flint could be a main factor influencing the vectors of co lo - nization of the eastern part of the LBK area, along with the fertile soils. It is extremely significant that the artefacts made of Tu ronian flint make up about 90% of the stone col- lection of the Kam’iane-Zavallia settlement on the Southern Buh located approximately 180km from the nearest deposits of such raw materials (Kiosak 2017.263). Moreover, only Turonian flint was found at the easternmost LBK site of Vita-Poshtova 2 (No. 270 in the Appendix, No. 158 in the Supplement), located on the outskirts of Kyiv, 10.5km west of the Dnipro val- ley, and 270km east of the nearest reliable LBK site Mo hyliany I in Volhynia (Gaskevych 2006.213). The above cases of the two easternmost LBK sites are ex - ceptions to the observed pattern, since the lack of high- quality flint near Kyiv and on the Southern Buh ex- Fig. 3. The LBK sites and the sub-Neolithic sites with LBK pottery (for detail, see Fig. 1) on a map of loess distribution in Ukraine. Base map: Haase et al. 2007, with modification. Legend: 1 loess, > 5m; 2 loess, < 2m; 3 sandy loess; 4 loess derivates. 160 Dmytro Haskevych nections between the populations of these remote territories. Because of this, the assumption was made that the natives of Bavaria or Bohemia, who preserved the traditional Upper Danube attitude of graphite ma- terials as prestige goods, brought this tradition to one of the eastern LBK groups. Graphite exploitation could this be the reason for the farmers’ migration to this place on the Southern Buh, both to satisfy their own needs with regard to graphite ceramics and for exchange purposes (Gaskevych 2017.42; Haskevych 2021.42–45). The second exceptional case is the settlement Vita Posh- tova 2, located deep on a plateau on the gentle slopes of the valley of an unnamed stream at 30–35m above the Vita River, the right tributary of the Dnipro. This area represents the border of two landscape zones. A sandy covered zone with mixed forests of the Polissia Lowland stretches to the northwest. The forest-steppe landscape, similar to Volhynian, extends south of the site. This is the loess Dnipro Upland (Dnieper Upland), crossed by pottery a shiny metallic luster. It is believed that this kind of BDC pottery (hereinafter referred to as graphite pottery), found on sites in areas to the west and east of the Southern Buh basin from the Dniester to the Dnipro River, was made of graphite ore from Zavallia (list of the sites see: Gaydarska et al. 2020.339, Fig. 5.32). As such, information about the deposit was widely known in ancient times, and the place itself probably had some value and was a centre of exchange. Importantly, the inhabitants of the Kam’iane-Zavallia also made graphite pottery (Kiosak 2017.258). This feature is never mentioned when describing finds from other LBK sites in Moldova and Ukraine, but graphite and graphite-coated pottery is characteristic for some LBK sites within the Upper Danube area in Austria, Mo - ravia and Bavaria (Tichý 1961; Pechtl, Eibl 2011; Kit - zig, Ramminger 2016). A shoe-last adze, made of me- tabasite from the Iser Mountains in northern Bohemia, was found in the Kam’iane-Zavallia site (Saile et al. 2016.7), and this may indirectly indicate the close con - Fig. 4. The LBK sites and the sub-Neolithic sites with LBK pottery (for detail, see Fig. 1) on a map of present- day soil distribution in Ukraine. Base map: Jones et al. (eds.). 2005.42–43, Pl. 1. Legend: 1 Albeluvisol, 2 Arenosol, 3 Cambisol, 4 Chernozem, 5 Fluvisol, 6 Gleysol, 7 Histosol, 8 Leptosol, 9 Luvisol, 10 Phaeozem, 11 Podzol, 12 Umbrisol. 161 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine sociated them with the LBK. Some years later, visits to the built-on area resulted in replenishment of the Neolithic collection by a third – up to 11 flint artefacts and about 50 sherds of at least eight fine and coarse vessels from the music-note phase of the culture (Gas- kevych 2006). No deposits of valuable natural resources are known near the site. The fertility of the land in this area does not stand out among other places that were convenient for settlement, but are located much closer to Volhynia. However, the benefits of migrating so far away were probably worth the effort and risk. The only motive that comes to mind, but has not yet been proven, is the proximity to the centre of the exchange network of native peoples on the territory of present-day Kyiv. One of the largest medieval cities in Europe arose at this site because of the crossing of land and water trade routes, among which the main ones are the Dnipro River and its tributaries – Desna, Trubezh, Teteriv, Irpin, and Stuhna. There is no doubt that these same factors were important for exchanges in earlier times, ravines, covered with grey forest soils and podzolized chernozems. To the northeast, a narrow ridge of the up land about 25km long stretches north along the Dnipro River. This loess ‘tongue’ is named the ‘Kyiv Mountains’ because the city of Kyiv was established there in the ninth century. There are a dozen sites of local sub-Neolithic Kyiv-Cherkasy Culture in the wide Dnipro valley just about 10–20km away from the Vita Poshtova 2. The site was found during archaeological exploration of the territory of a just-abandoned military base in 1995. A number of sparse finds from different periods extended on the surface in the area of about 1.5 hectares. The authors of the discovery, specializing in medieval archaeology, collected the material and excavated 66m2 in the place of the maximal concentration of finds. They did not find any features and attributed all the materials to the Bronze Age and Middle Ages. Unfortunately, this unique site was immediately given over to the de ve lop - ment of private houses. After this, the author of the cur - rent paper, a student at that time, saw the finds and as - Fig. 5. The LBK sites and the sub-Neolithic sites with LBK pottery (for detail, see Fig. 1) on a map of the Turonian (1) and Cenomanian (2) sediment distribution in Ukraine. Base map: https://geomap.land.kiev.ua/geology. html (according to data from Velikanov et al. 2007) with modification. 162 Dmytro Haskevych Carpathians, where fertile soils dominate. In this ter- ritory, covered by loess almost everywhere, set tle ment location was primarily determined by access to mineral resources such as flint, salt or graphite, along with the ability for internal and external exchange. Therefore, models emphasizing the factor of social prestige as a driving force of the first farmers’ mobility (Hofmann 2016.238–239; Spriggs 2016.486–487) deserve more attention when dealing with LBK sites in the analysed area. Conclusion The results obtained by cataloguing the LBK sites in Ukraine revealed a more intensive populating of this territory than previously expected. Accurate map ping of these sites would make possible detailed GIS-based studies of the location patterns in future re search. A preliminary comparison of the corrected eastern bor der of the LBK area with the distribution of loess and present-day soils demonstrated that the vast forest-steppe plains suitable for agriculture were not inhabited by the LBK populations between the Volhynian Upland and Dniester Valley and further to the east. The locational choice was probably stimulated not only by soil fertility, but also by the availability of natural resources – high-quality Turonian flint, gra- phite, and salt. The location of the easternmost site Vita-Poshtova 2 near the Dnipro River, as well as the presence of LBK pottery among finds of local sub- Neolithic cultures, indicate the existence of an exchange between the arrived farmers and local hunter-gatherers. The extraction and exchange of natural resources to achieve social prestige could play an essential role in the spread of the LBK people in the territory of Ukraine. Supplementary data Supplementary data including the database and set of the Google Earth points presented in this paper can be found online at https://doi.org/10.4312/dp.51.1. as evidenced by the high concentration of sites of all periods since the Palaeolithic. Six sub-Neolithic sites with finds of LBK pottery in a catalogue confirm that the farmers who arrived were involved in the exchange networks of the local hun- ter-gatherers. One LBK potsherd per site was found at Rudnia-Fasova in the Polissia Lowland in the north of Ukraine (Telegin 1979.231–233, Fig. 2.13), the Shchu- rivtsi-Porih tract on the Southern Buh (Haskevych 2008.164,169–173, Fig. 4.1), as well as at the Hirzhove site on the Kuchurhan River in the Dniester basin (Pe- trenko 2012.236, Fig. 3). One entire vessel with music- note decoration comes from the site Bohdanivka-Gard tract (Tovkailo 2014.201–203, Fig. 11.3). The Skybyntsi- Bazkiv Ostriv tract site on the Southern Buh yielded nine potsherds of two fine vessels with the ‘music-note’ decoration (Danilenko 1969.62–70, Figs. 16.12,13, 19.1,2,4; Haskevych 2021.11–13, Fig. 2.1–8), and the Dobrianka-3 site, located in the catchment of the Syniukha River, a left tributary of the Southern Buh, yielded 12 potsherds of three vessels (Zalizniak et al. 2013.228,234, Fig. 25.4–8), one of which is a fine LBK bowl decorated in the Šárka style. The listed LBK vessels could have been considered as prestigious goods and containers for some valuable substances or liquids by hunters. It can be hypothesized that salt was one of these goods. Salty springs appear al most everywhere along the northeastern and eastern foothills of the Carpathians, and geologists count about 800 salt brine deposits in Eastern Galicia and 50 in Bu kovina. Since salty waters lie close to the surface, the exploitation of salty springs was available to the ancient population (Vakulenko 2010.184). In Ukraine, the earliest archaeological evidence of salt making dates back to the Chalcolithic (Krushelnytska 2002.140), and thus the extraction of salt by the LBK people is undocumented here as in other regions (Cze - kaj-Zastawny 2008b.108; Saile 2012.226–228; Wel- ler 2015). The absence of flint deposits and the lower fertility of local podsolised soils (Albeluvisols or Re- tisols in the last editions of WRB) at a land elevated more than 300m above sea level suggests that the pre- sence of salt could be one of the primary reasons for the interest of the LBK communities in this territory. 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Telehin (ed.), Arkheolohiia Ukrainskoi RSR. T. I. Pervisna arkheolohiia, ch. II, r. II. Naukova dumka. Kyiv: 96–104. (in Ukrainian) Appendix Table and maps of the LBK sites (1–270) and the sub-Neolithic sites with the LBK pottery (271–276) in Ukraine2. 2 Asterisk (*) indicates the questionable LBK sites. For legend on the map, see caption to Fig. 1. No. on the maps Name of site Spatial accuracy No. in the Supplement 1 Ambukiv* D 176 2 Horychiv C 41 3 Selets* D 242 4 Cherchychi* C 190 5 Bubniv* C 185 6 Bubniv-Kurhan tract* A 186 7 Markostav-Ostrivky tract A 91 8 Markostav-Panske tract C 92 9 Markostav-Val tract* C 223 10 Movnyky C 103 11 Lytovezh-Kumynka tract C 85 12 Lytovezh-Zamchysko tract* B 219 13 Khorokhoryn A 50 14 Velykyi Okorsk* C 256 15 Malyi Okorsk C 87 16 Sarnivka* C 241 17 Torchyn XII A 147 18 Smolyhiv III B 139 ∴ 168 Dmytro Haskevych 19 Torchyn-Zastryzhzhia tract* B 251 20 Torchyn-PTU A 148 21 Usychi-khutir Valentyniv* B 255 22 Usychi XII* B 254 23 Shepel C 138 24 Usychi* C 253 25 Rokyni-Bairak tract C 133 26 Lutsk-Cherchytsi tract B 80 27 Lutsk-Krasne tract B 81 28 Lutsk-Popivska Hirka tract A 83 29 Rovantsi-Hnidavska Hirka tract A 134 30 Boratyn-Mohylky tract* B 184 31 Boratyn-Hrebelki tract D 16 32 Novostav-Holyshiv* C 232 33 Korshovets III, after Okhrimenko 1984 C 66 34 Korshovets II, after Okhrimenko 1984 C 65 35 Holyshiv III, after Okhrimenko 1984 C 37 36 Korshovets I, after Okhrimenko 1984 C 64 37 Korshovets C 63 38 Holyshiv II, after Okhrimenko 1984 C 36 39 Holyshiv-Zamchysko tract A 38 40 Holyshiv-Zarvykhvosty tract A 39 41 Korshovets-Prydatky tract C 67 42 Korshovets-vidhodivelnyi kompleks* A 210 43 Lutsk-Polonski Futory tract C 82 44 Polonka-Kut tract* A 239 45 Hirka Polonka-Polonka A 33 46 Hirka Polonka-Lob tract A 32 47 Hirka Polonka-Ohorodnia Bryhada tract* C 199 48 Baiv-Panske tract A 6 49 Baiv-Ostriv tract A 5 50 Baiv-burial D 4 51 Ratniv-Ripysko tract A 129 52 Tseperiv C 150 53 Viktoriany IV A 156 54 Nesvich-12 A 109 55 Chekno A 27 56 Chekno-Kar’ier tract A 28 57 Klevan-Vapelnia tract A 54 58 Dykiv* D 198 59 Peresopnytsia-sadyba M. Fedoryshyna A 122 60 Peresopnytsia-Baranivka tract-2* A 238 61 Novostav Dalnii-Zamostia tract* B 231 62 Horodok-Kurhany tract A 40 63 Zoziv-Kut tract B 173 Table continued ... 169 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine Table continued ... 64 Zoziv-Prydatky tract C 174 65 Shpaniv 4* A 243 66 Rivne-vul. Shkilna, 69 A 131 67 Rivne-Pliazh tract-1a A 130 68 Kvasyliv D 76 69 Kylykyiv* B 216 70 Mohyliany I B 97 71 Mohyliany II B 98 72 Mohyliany-Shkilna dilianka B 99 73 Mohyliany-Zavodske selyshche C 100 74 Khoriv-Ozhohoshcha tract A 48 75 Khoriv-Brodivshchyna tract A 47 76 Khoriv-Pidluzhzhia tract A 49 77 Rozvazh C 135 78 Ostroh-vul. Akademichna, 12 A 117 79 Ostroh-Zamkova Hora tract B 118 80 Ostroh-Staryi Pliazh tract B 116 81 Mezhyrich-Sviato-Troitskyi monastyr A 95 82 Mezhyrich-Popivshchyna tract C 94 83 Liuchyn-Roz’izdy tract* A 218 84 Novomalyn-Ivanova Hora tract* A 230 85 Novomalyn-Bezodnia tract A 112 86 Novomalyn-Podobanka tract A 113 87 Vilshanytsia A 157 88 Zhornіv-Zaobuvets tract A 169 89 Kryliv-Horody tract* A 214 90 Ostriv-Horodyshche tract* B 237 91 Naraiv-Brodky tract A 108 92 Myrohoshcha-3* A 226 93 Pantaliia-Ostriv tract A 120 94 Dubno-Surmychi tract-3* A 196 95 Dubno-Surmychi tract-2* A 195 96 Tarakaniv-2* A 250 97 Dubno-vul. Starytskoho* A 197 98 Kam’ianytsia-Zabolottia tract-2 A 44 99 Ptycha-3 A 128 100 Naberezhne-Terno tract C 107 101 Khrinnyky-Baza Lisnytstva tract A 52 102 Khrinnyky-Serednii Mys tract* A 205 103 Khrinnyky-Krai Lisu tract A 53 104 Zastavne-18 A 165 105 Zastavne-20 A 166 106 Kariv XIII A 45 107 Belz-1 A 8 108 Belz-5 A 9 170 Dmytro Haskevych Table continued ... 109 Belz-Hora tract B 10 110 Chervonohrad-Rynok tract A 29 111 Sokal* D 246 112 Komariv-vul. Shevchenka A 60 113 Komariv-Pered Tsvyntarem tract* A 208 114 Komariv-Pered Mostom tract A 58 115 Komariv-sklad mindobryv C 59 116 Komariv-Baiorovi Duby tract A 56 117 Komariv-Hrusha tract A 57 118 Volytsia-Za Tserkvoiu tract* A 265 119 Volytsia-Vysoka Nyvka tract* A 264 120 Velyki Mosty A 155 121 Tadani-Zamchysko tract A 145 122 Baniunyn-2* A 180 123 Baniunyn 5 B 7 124 Lisok-Zamok tract B 77 125 Khreniv-6 A 51 126 Novosilky-2 A 114 127 Kudyriavtsi-1 A 71 128 Kudyriavtsi-2 B 72 129 Bezbrody-17* B 182 130 Busk-shkilnyi stadion A 23 131 Busk-vul. Yevhena Petrushevycha A 25 132 Busk-maietok Badeni A 22 133 Busk-vul. Buzka A 24 134 Chuchmany-12 B 30 135 Humnyska-9* D 203 136 Yosypivka I A 163 137 Krasne-Buzetske tract* C 211 138 Krasne-Zolotyi Lan tract* C 212 139 Andriivka-VI* A 178 140 Andriivka-IV* A 177 141 Andriivka-ХХVІІІ* A 179 142 Kutkir 10 A 74 143 Zadvir’ia 2* C 269 144 Zadvir’ia 1* C 268 145 Krekhiv* D 213 146 Nova Skvariava II C 111 147 Nova Skvariava III* C 229 148 Blyshchyvody-2 A 15 149 Mokrotyn D 101 150 Hriada-II* A 201 151 Staryi Yarychiv-1 A 141 152 Staryi Yarychiv-2 A 142 153 Dubliany-4 B 31 171 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine Table continued ... 154 Rudne IV C 136 155 Mshana-Pid Tserkvoiu tract B 106 156 Mshana-9, after Konoplia B 105 157 Mshana-10, after Konoplia B 104 158 Mshana-11, after Konoplia* C 225 159 Zavereshytsia-3 B 167 160 Rodatychi 1 A 132 161 Bar-3* A 181 162 Obroshyne-Na Husiatnyku tract* A 233 163 Stavchany-Vyzdra tract* A 247 164 Vynnyky-vul. Ivana Lypy A 160 165 Pidberiztsi-Lazky tract A 123 166 Pidberiztsi-Pidluzhzhia tract A 124 167 Pidberiztsi-Zahumenky tract A 125 168 Vynnychky-khutir Liudvyn A 159 169 Zvenyhorod* D 270 170 Oselia 15 A 115 171 Hostyntseve 27* D 200 172 Khatky-1 A 46 173 Drozdovychi III * C 194 174 Mizhenets 2* C 224 175 Hubychi-2* C 202 176 Khyriv-Posada Khyrivska* D 206 177 Bilychi-2* C 183 178 Kulchytsi VI C 73 179 Kotovane-Dubyna tract C 68 180 Kotovane-Zapust tract A 69 181 Monastyr-Lishnianskyi-1 A 102 182 Modrychi 1 A 96 183 Lytovka A 86 184 Komarno-Na Dibrovi tract B 61 185 Lystv’ianyi D 84 186 Rudnyky II* A 240 187 Bilche-1 A 12 188 Ulychne-1 C 153 189 Kolodnytsia D 55 190 Kolodnytsia, after Peleshchyshyn 1995* C 207 191 Zhydachiv-Bazyivka tract B 172 192 Chornyi Ostriv* D 191 193 Dobrivliany 1* A 192 194 Korchivka D 62 195 Bovshiv-Sulyva tract B 18 196 Bovshiv-Pidlisky tract C 17 197 Bilshivtsi-Kuty tract A 13 198 Tustan A 151 172 Dmytro Haskevych Table continued ... 199 Temyrivtsi-Pryima tract A 146 200 Medynia-Karier tract B 93 201 Sokil-Skelia tract A 140 202 Viktoriv-Pushykova Hora tract* A 262 203 Viktoriv-Hoisanivka tract* A 258 204 Viktoriv-Harmaziivka tract* A 257 205 Viktoriv-Hora tract* D 259 206 Viktoriv-Soprykova Hora tract* C 263 207 Viktoriv-Korneleva Hora tract* C 261 208 Viktoriv-Kaskova Hora tract* C 260 209 Pavlivka-Kaminne tract A 121 210 Yezupil-Selyshche tract* B 267 211 Yezupil-Mohyla tract B 162 212 Yezupil-Harnizon tract A 161 213 Kremydiv-Piddivyche tract A 70 214 Bukivna-Korchivka tract and Posich tract* C 188 215 Bukivna-Lviv Historical Museum D 20 216 Bukivna-Horodyshche tract* C 187 217 Bukivna-Zarub tract A 21 218 Bukivna-Za Stepom tract* C 189 219 Oleshiv-Za Restoranom tract* C 235 220 Kutyshche-Bubleva tract* C 215 221 Kutyshche-Tretii Horb tract A 75 222 Markivtsi-Hora tract and Stav tract* C 221 223 Markivtsi-Hora tract IV* C 220 224 Markivtsi-Hora tract and Tsvyntar tract* B 222 225 Markivtsi-Markovetska Hora tract A 90 226 Odai-Sukhyi Stav tract* C 234 227 Slobidka-Budynchyshche tract* C 244 228 Vorona-Mlynivka tract* C 266 229 Holoskiv-Khashch tract B 35 230 Lisna Slobidka-Hriada tract* C 217 231 Buchach-Hora Fedir tract B 19 232 Dolyna* D 193 233 Sukhostav-Holdry tract B 143 234 Isakiv-Pid Zamchyshchem tract* C 204 235 Luka X C 78 236 Luka-Za Fermoiu tract B 79 237 Nezvysko-Shkilnyi Horod tract A 110 238 Nezvysko-Pid Klynom tract* C 228 239 Nezvysko-Ksondzova Hora tract* C 227 240 Popivtsi-Bilia Kaplychky tract D 126 241 Popivtsi-Haiok tract C 127 242 Torske-Chorne tract* A 252 243 Torske-Shantsi tract A 149 173 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine Table continued ... 244 Strilche-Portky tract* C 249 245 Strilche-Hora tract* C 248 246 Zveniachyn C 175 247 Zalishchyky A 164 248 Uhrynkivtsi-Popova Dolyna tract B 152 249 Blyshchanka-Horby tract A 14 250 Bilche Zolote-Park tract B 11 251 Hlybochok-Stinka tract A 34 252 Synkiv D 144 253 Vasyliv-Horodyshche tract B 154 254 Oshykhliby* C 236 255 Mamaivtsi-Selyshche tract A 89 256 Korostuvata-Vyviz tract* C 209 257 Sniachiv* D 245 258 Zhvanets-Lysa Hora tract A 170 259 Zhvanets-Shchovb tract A 171 260 Malynivtsi-Sharivka tract A 88 261 Chankiv 1 A 26 262 Shebutyntsi-Kylyna tract A 137 263 Ananiv C 1 264 Ananiv-Mainova Balka tract A 2 265 Ananiv-Popova Dacha tract A 3 266 Osychky-Hnyla Skelia tract A 119 267 Kam’iane-Zavallia A 43 268 Kam’iane-Synie Ozero tract A 42 269 Zhakchyk III A 168 270 Vita-Poshtova 2 A 158 271 Fasova A 274 272 Shchurivtsi-Porih tract B 275 273 Skybyntsi-Bazkiv Ostriv tract B 276 274 Dobrianka-3 A 272 275 Bohdanivka-Gard tract A 271 276 Hirzhove B 273 174 Dmytro Haskevych 175 Cataloguing and mapping the Linear Band Pottery sites in Ukraine 176 Dmytro Haskevych back to content 178 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.11 Boriæ 2011; Shennan 2018; Reingruber 2020; Krauß 2023; Vander Linden 2023). One of the critical aspects of Early Neolithic research has been the establishment of absolute chronology, to determine the arrival time of the first farmers, as well as to test different hypo- the ses and models about the mechanism, tempo, and Introduction The central Balkans region1 (Fig. 1) was one of the main corridors for the expansion of the first European far- mers from northern Greece. As such, it is an important region for researchers interested in the beginning of the Neolithic in Europe (e.g., Garašanin 1982; Bailey 2000; Tringham 2000; Whittle et al. 2002; Tasiæ 2009; KLJUÈNE BESEDE – neolitik; osrednji Balkan; val napredovanja; prvi kmetje; radiokarbonsko datiranje IZVLEÈEK – Po letu 2020 je na voljo mnogo novih podatkov o zaèetku neolitika na osrednjem Balkanu. Nova podoba je na splošno skladna z modelom vala napredovanja, pri èemer so prvi kmetje prispeli v re gijo okoli leta 6250 pr. n. št. in se postopoma širili proti severu. V prispevku predstavljamo posodob- ljen pregled dokazov in interpretacij in potencialno vprašljivih ali dvoumnih vidikov sedanjih inter- pretacij neolitske ekspanzije na Balkanu. Obravnavane so tudi alternativne hipoteze in naèini njiho- vega preverjanja. Začetek neolitika na osrednjem Balkanu: znano in neznano KEY WORDS – Neolithic; central Balkans; Wave of Advance; first farmers; radiocarbon dating ABSTRACT - Since 2020 a wealth of new data has been generated on the beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans. The picture that has emerged is broadly consistent with the Wave of Advance model, with the first farmers arriving in the region around 6250 BC and expanding gradually towards the north. In this paper, an updated review of the evidence and interpretations is presented, and potentially problematic or ambiguous aspects of the current interpretations of the Neolithic expansion in the Bal- kans are identified. Alternative hypotheses and means of their testing are also discussed. Marko Porčić Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, RS; mporcic@f.bg.ac.rs The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns 1 Strictly speaking, the northern boundaries of the Balkan peninsula are demarcated by the rivers Sava and Danube. How- ever, it is important to note that the region of Vojvodina (northern province of the Republic of Serbia) lies immediately to the north of these rivers. In this review, I will include Vojvodina, as well, as it represents a transitional zone between Bal- kans and Central Europe. Moreover, the Neolithic communities in this area are integral to understanding the expansion process across the central Balkans. The boundaries of the central Balkan region itself are not clearly and unambiguously defined in the literature, but the core of the region consists of western Serbia, central Serbia (Šumadija), southern Serbia and Kosovo. Therefore, the study region in this paper will include these core territories plus Vojvodina. 179 The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns demographic aspects of the Neolithic expansion. In this region of Europe, the establishment of absolute chronology depends primarily on the number and quality of radiocarbon dates. This number was rela- tively low in the last quarter of the 20th century. The situation improved in the early 2000s with the study by Alasdair Whittle et al. (2002), but until recently, the total number of dates for the Early Neolithic in the central Balkans (excluding the Danube Gorges microregion) was less than one hundred (Porèiæ et al. 2016). In the early 2020s, the ERC-funded BIRTH project, directed by Sofija Stefanoviæ, contributed to the marked increase in the quantity of radiocarbon and bioarchaeological data related to the beginning of the Neolithic in the region (Porèiæ et al. 2016; 2020; 2021a; 2021b; Blagojeviæ et al. 2017; Jovanoviæ et al. 2021a; 2021b; Stefanoviæ et al. 2019; Pene ziæ et al. 2020; Stojanovski et al. 2020). From this recently published re - search, a more detailed and com- plex picture of the Neolithic ex pan - sion and demography in the cen- tral Balkans emerged (Porèiæ et al. 2020; 2021a; 2021b). The set of al - most 300 new radiocarbon dates en abled the researchers to esti mate the timing and speed of the Neoli- thic expansion across this region (Porèiæ et al. 2020), as well as to re construct population dynamics of the Early Neolithic communities (Porèiæ et al. 2021a). Computer si - mulation constrained by the ra dio - carbon evidence was used to in ve- stigate the mode and demo gra - phic parameters of the expansion – to estimate the fertility and mor- tality rates, and population size thresholds of community fis sion related to migrations (Porèiæ et al. 2021b). The Wave of Advance model (WoA) (Ammerman, Cavalli-Sforza 1979; 1984) coupled with the theory of the Neolithic Demographic Tran si- tion (NDT) (Bocquet-Appel 2008; 2011a; 2011b; 2014; Bocquet-Ap- pel, Bar-Yosef 2008) was used as the main theoretical framework for modelling and interpretation of the data. In short, this scenario assumes that the first farming communities gradually spread from the southern Balkans to the central Balkans as a con se- quence of local population growth. This growth was fueled by an increase in fertility (increased number of children), resulting from a sedentary lifestyle and cereal-oriented subsistence. The expansion of the far- mers is seen as a consequence of community fission when certain population thresholds are reached. In our interpretation of the empirical evidence, this thres - hold was social, related to scalar stress (Johnson 1982),rather than ecological (i.e. related to environ- mental carrying capacity) (Porèiæ 2021b). In this paper, I will first make an updated review of the available evidence, and then I will critically re- flect on the current interpretation. In the research pub lished with my colleagues, a version of the WoA model was established as the interpretation of the Fig. 1. The study region (see footnote 1 in the main text for the definition of the study region) and the sites mentioned in the text. 180 Marko Porčić of dates, in more neutral terms) between around 5500 and around 5300 BC, a phenomenon which is related to the start of the Late Neolithic in the region, which is discussed elsewhere (Porèiæ 2020). The estimated growth rates, also based on the fre- quency of radiocarbon dates, are high. Porèiæ et al. (2021a) used the Approximate Bayesian Computation method to estimate population growth rate. The re- sults suggest a growth rate of 2.36% (95% credible in - data – I will refer to it as the standard interpretation or the standard model. However, in this text, I wish to address the potentially problematic or ambiguous aspects of this interpretation. The evidence is such that, although it does support the standard model, it leaves room for alternative hypotheses and models, as suggested by Marko Porèiæ et al. (2021b). In other words, the available data does not fully constrain our models of the Neolithic expansion in the central Balkans. So, even though I consider the standard in- terpretation based on the WoA model as the currently best explanation (as I will argue in more detail below), it is still necessary to formulate and discuss alternative hypotheses and means of their testing. The main questions regarding the beginning of the Neolithic that I will address in this paper are: • When did the Neolithic begin in the central Balkans – when did the first farmers settle in this region? • What was the tempo and mode of the expansion? • What drove the expansion? • How did population size change during the Early Neolithic? What we (think that we) know: “the standard in- terpretation” Porèiæ et al. (2020) suggested that the first Neolithic populations reached southern parts of the central Balkans, i.e. northern parts of North Macedonia and southern parts of Serbia, between 6250 and 6200 BC. The reconstructed speed of the expansion front was around 1.5–2km/year (Porèiæ et al. 2020). The general gradient of the expansion follows the south-north axis of the major river valleys of South and Great Morava (Porèiæ et al. 2020). Therefore, the observed spatio- tem poral pattern is broadly consistent with the WoA model. The method of summed probability distributions of calibrated radiocarbon dates (SPD) was used to reconstruct the population dynamics of the first far- mers in this region (Fig. 2). The SPD demographic proxy curve suggests a rapid increase in population after the arrival of the first farmers, and the population rapidly increased between 6200 and 6000 (Porèiæ et al. 2021a). However, the SPD curve suddenly goes downafter 6050–6000 BC, suggesting a population crash. The minimum is reached around 5800 BC, after which the SPD proxy starts to increase again, reaching a second peak around 5650 BC. After this second peak, the SPD curve suggests a population crash (or a lack Fig. 2. Summed probability distribution de mo gra- phic proxy curve based on all Neolithic radiocarbon dates from the central Balkans (after Porèiæ et al. 2021.Fig. 2, panel c). terval 0.9–3.97%). Tamara Blagojeviæ et al. (2024) used hierarchical Bayesian modeling (Crema, Shoda 2021) to estimate growth rates and the resulting es- timates are even higher – 3.25% (95% credible interval 0.96–5.97%). Computer simulation based on the modified WoA model was used to infer the demographic parameters (fertility, mortality and the settlement fission thres- hold) of the expanding Neolithic populations (Porèiæ et al. 2021b). The results of the simulation suggest that fertility rates must have been very high, with an es- timated total fertility rate of around 10 children, which is at the very upper end of the ethnographically and historically recorded spectrum (Wood 1990; Bent ley et al. 1993a; 1993b). The si mu lation also suggests that fission thresholds for settlements must have been relatively low due to scalar stress – when a settlement population size reached 30–60 people, part of the com munity would migrate somewhere else, thus con- tributing to the expansion of the Neolithic population front. 181 The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns  The oldest date on a cattle bone from Miokovci site is potentially problematic, as the precise zoo ar- chaeological determination of the bone fragment is not possible and the site from which the sample comes is in the central area of the central Balkans rather than the south (Blagojeviæ 2023). It was identified as Bos sp. (Porèiæ et al. 2020; 2021a), meaning that it is not certain if this bone belonged to a domesticated (Bos taurus) or wild cattle (Bos primigenius). If the latter is the case, it could potentially be a residual sample, but it could also be authentically Neolithic given that Bos primigenius is found, although in low frequencies, in the Early Neolithic faunal assemblages in this region (Vukoviæ 2021). However, it is mostly problematic from the perspective of the WoA model as the Miokovci date is too early for this part of Serbia. So, excluding it only on this ground would be circular reasoning, if we wish to use the dates to test the WoA model. The in clusion or exclusion of this individual date does not make a significant difference to any of the results, so Idecided to keep it for analysis in this paper, as there is no evidence beyond reasonable doubt to exclude it.  The bulk of calibrated probability distribution for the oldest samples, especially the one from the site of Rudnik Kosovski, which is the second oldest date after the sample from Miokovci, is between 6200 and 6100 BC. Therefore, there is a need to update and critically re- view the results related to the arrival time of the Neo li- thic. I recalibrated the oldest dates from Miokovci and Rudnik Kosovski with the Intcal20 curve (Reimer et al. 2020) in OxCal 4.4 (Bronk Ramsey 2001). The re- sulting distributions are shown in Figure 3. Although the means of calibrated distributions suggest dates closer to 6200 BC, a significant part of the calibrated probability distribution is between 6200 and 6100 BC. So, we know that the date of the target event is earlier than the earliest dated event, but we do not know what is the difference, and more importantly, we do not know what is the precise date of the dated event – is it closer to 6200 or 6100 BC? To go beyond an educated guess and offer a more formal estimate of the arrival time, I will use the opti- mal linear estimation (OLE) method advocated by Alastair Key et al. (2021), implemented in the sEx- tinct package for R (Clements 2013) and suitable for estimating the full range of archaeological phenomena – i.e. the begin nings and endings. The OLE method es- timates the first or the last occurrence of an ar cha eo- Updating the arrival time and expansion speed estimates Arrival time revisited The question of when the Neolithic in the central Bal - kans started is yet another instance of a general prob - lem of determining the temporal beginnings of phe - nomena in archaeology (Perreault 2011; Lipo et al. 2021). The problem is twofold: what is the target event in question (e.g., is it the date when the first, wandering farmer set foot in the central Bal kan area, or the date when the first settlement was established?) and how can we know that we genuinely have the earliest date for the target event, given the fragmentary nature of the archaeological record and the incompleteness of archaeological research? The first part of the question can be defined with relative clarity – we are interested in the date of establishment of the earliest Neolithic settlement in the central Balkans. But estimating this date is a serious methodological challenge (Perreault 2011; Lipo et al. 2021; Crema et al. 2022). We can be al most certain that we will not have the exact date for our target event, for at least two reasons:  The probability that the actual earliest site was ar- chaeologically discovered and investigated is low.  Even if the earliest site is found and excavated, the probability that the earliest context (i.e. the first built dwelling) is identified is also low, as the sites are rarely excavated in their totality. The samples, which were collected for the BIRTH project, were chosen randomly. There was no effort to identify the earliest context. This is so because the dates were primarily collected for the application of SPD method of demographic inference, which ideally requires a random sample of datable material. There- fore, we can be almost certain that none of the dates come from the earliest contexts at a given site. For this reason, Porèiæ et al. (2020) made an edu cated guess that the actual arrival time (i.e. the estab lish- ment of the first Neolithic settlement) in the central Balkans (in southern Serbia and Kosovo), was earlier than the 6200 BC date suggested by the radiocarbon dates. But there are three problems with this 6250– 6200 BC estimate:  The dates were originally calibrated with the Int- cal13 curve (Reimer et al. 2013), which yielded slightly older dates in this period than the current Intcal2020 curve (Reimer et al. 2020). 182 Marko Porčić The results of the Monte Carlo OLE estimation are shownin Figure 4. The mean of estimated mean earli- est dates for the beginning of the Neolithic is 6250 BC (with a standard deviation of 25 years)2, in line with an informal estimate proposed by Porèiæ et al. (2020). However, it should be emphasized that the OLE esti- mate is based on an empirical generalization and a ge - neric statistical model, rather than the underlying po- pulation dynamics model and its parameters, which in reality govern the probabilities of discovering the earliest sites and the earliest datable items from a site, and thus these results should be considered as ten ta- tive. The matter can only be resolved with new dates, sampled specifically for Bayesian modeling. Expansion speed revisited To revise the estimate of the expansion speed, I used the earliest dates from sites grouped in 50km wide bins (Tab. 2) – binning is performed relative to the distance of a site from the Early Neolithic site of Mavropigi in Greece (see Porèiæ et al. 2020 for a detailed ex pla na- tion of the spatial bins). In other words, I only use the earliest dates from each successive 50km wide (in the logical phe no me non based on the n first or last ob- servations. In this case, I used the 10 earliest dates from Kosovo, South and West Morava river valleys (Tab. 1). As ra dio carbon dates are not simple point estimates of calendar ages, the OLE earliest date es - timate is not going to be a single estimate but a di stri- bu tion of estimates based on the Monte Carlo sampling from the calibrated dis tributions of these particular 10 dates (method and R code adapted from Porèiæ et al. 2020). In short, the com puter will sample 10 000 potential realizations of the calendar years for each ra diocarbon date from its corresponding calibrated distribution. For each set of the sampled calendar dates, an OLE estimate is calculated. Based on the latest radiocarbon evidence from the site of Vlaho in North Macedonia, the first farmers reached the southern part of this country around 6300 BC (Naumov et al. 2023). As it is reasonable to assume that the Neolithic arrived earlier in North Macedonia than Serbia, I limit the po - tential OLE estimates only to the dates which are younger than 6324 BC, which is the mean value of the calibrated distribution of the oldest radiocarbon date from Vlaho. Fig. 3. The earliest Neolithic radiocarbon dates from the central Balkans. Tab. 1. 10 earliest dates used for the OLE estimation of the arrival time of the first farmers to the central Balkans region. Dates calibrated in OxCal with Intcal20. Site Date label 14C Age Error Mean 95% Confidence Interval Reference for the 14C date Rudnik Kosovski BRAMS-2413 7343 27 6165 6245-6080 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Crnoklište BRAMS-2290 7293 29 6153 6225-6076 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Selište Sinjac BRAMS-2303 7300 30 6154 6226-6078 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Ornice-Makrešane BRAMS-2223 7335 31 6162 6241-6079 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Blagotin OxA-8609 7270 50 6141 6231-6029 Whittle et al. 2002 Drenovac BRAMS-2244 7309 28 6155 6227-6082 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Anište Bresnica BRAMS-2331 7306 28 6154 6226-6081 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Međureč BRAMS-2251 7316 29 6156 6230-6081 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Bakovača Ostra BRAMS-2329 7299 27 6154 6225-6078 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Miokovci Crkvine BRAMS-2323 7366 29 6208 6366-6084 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 2 Each OLE estimate has its confidence intervals. I only presented the distribution of mean estimates here. 183 The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns we can see that even though a linear model gives a re latively good fit (mean Pearson’s correlation co ef- ficient value is 0.8 with standard deviation of 0.1), there seems to be a difference in the expansion speeds between the regions of Kosovo, southern and central Ser bia on one side, and northern Serbia (Vojvodina) on the other (Fig. 6). The slope is lower in the former case,suggesting a higher speed3 of expansion, and lower in the latter, suggesting a lower speed of ex pan- sion once the Sava and Danube are crossed. This is in line with the local speed estimates made by Blagoje - viæ (2023). Cracks in the interpretative edifice In this section, I will focus on some of the results of pre- vious research which leave room for doubt regarding the ‘standard interpretation’, i.e. the WoA model (see also the discussion in Porèiæ et al. 2021b): • The estimated fertility rate of around 10 children per woman is possible, but suspiciously high, as it is at the very upper end of the ethnographically re- corded spectrum (cf. Bentley et al. 1993a; 1993b). • The mean estimated population growth rates are also very high, around 2.5–3% (Porèiæ et al. 2021a; Blagojeviæ et al. 2024), but the confidence intervals suggest that they may have been even higher, out- side the ethnographically and historically recorded range. This would suggest that the model which as - sumes only local population growth due to increas- ed fertility is not an adequate explanation. • The estimated expansion speed is higher than the continental average of 1–1.3km (Ammerman, Ca- valli-Sforza 1971; Gkiasta et al. 2003; Pinhasi et al. 2005; Bocquet-Appel et al. 2012; Henderson et al. south-north direction) microregion from the central Balkans as an approximation of the arrival of the Neo- lithic population front at that particular latitude. In ad - dition to the dates used in Porèiæ et al. (2020), I also in - clude the oldest date from North Macedonia, from the site of Vlaho (Naumov et al. 2023). I use the Monte Car lo method of estimation, with two regression tech- niques – ordinary least squa res (OLS) and reduced ma- jor axis regression (RMA) (for a detailed description of the method and dedicated R code, see Porèiæ et al. 2020). The results suggest that the average expansion speed was around 1.6km/ or 2km/year, depending on the re gression technique (Tab. 3, Fig. 5). When the means of calibrated dates, as point estimates of front arrival dates, are plotted against the distance from Mavropigi, Fig. 4. Distribution of the Neolithic arrival time estimates based on the OLE method implemented with Monte Carlo sampling of the calendar dates from probability distributions of calibrated ra dio- carbon dates. Site Distance from Mavropigi (km) Date label 14C Age Error Mean References Miokovci-Crkvine 408 BRAMS-2323 7366 29 6208 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Rudnik Kosovski 275 BRAMS-2413 7343 27 6165 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Ornice-Makrešane 353 BRAMS-2223 7335 31 6162 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Bataševo 450 BRAMS-2227 7331 27 6158 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Selište Sinjac 316 BRAMS-2303 7300 30 6154 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Sremski Karlovci 548 BRAMS-2423 7233 28 6102 Porčić et al. 2020; 2021 Topole Bač 585 OxA-8693 7170 50 6036 Whittle et al. 2002 Magareći mlin 617 Grn-15973 7130 60 5997 Whittle et al. 2002 Vlaho 55 CAN-6151 7460 36 6324 Naumov et al. 2023 Tab. 2. Radiocarbon dates used for the estimation of the Neolithic front expansion speed. 3 As time is regressed on distance in this case, speed is equal to the reciprocal value of the slope, therefore, lower slopes in- dicate higher expansion speeds, and vice versa. 184 Marko Porčić solithic population, then the process of the Neolithic expansion would have been more complex and would have probably involved interactions with the local Mesolithic population, similar to what is documented in the Danube Gorges area between 6200 and 6000 BC (Boriæ 2011). The Mesolithic hypothesis assumes that most of the earliest Neolithic sites, dated to a period before 6050 BC,are not outposts of the migrating farmers of the Anatolian/Aegean origin, but seasonal settlements of the local (semi)mobile hunter-gatherers which became archaeologically visible as they adopted the Neolithic material culture (pottery), as well as domesticated plant sand animals by a process of cultural diffusion. The true arrival of the farmers, i.e. the demic diffusion, and their subsequent demographic growth (which would in this scenario correspond to the second peak of the SPD curve around 6250 BC in Fig. 2) would oc- cur only after 6050 BC in this scenario. This hypothesis has several merits (pros):  It would explain an unusually high estimated speed of expansion in southern and central Serbia. If the actual farmers arrived in the south of Serbia around 2014). It is especially high in the area of southern and central Serbia (Blagojeviæ 2023). Translated into more neutral terms, there is a very rapid ap pea - rance of Neolithic sites in the region. • The most puzzling result is the abrupt drop of the SPD curve after 6050 BC (Fig. 2). This pattern is dif - ficult to explain and correlate with other pheno me- na in the archaeological or environmental record. As I will argue in the last section, none of these ob ser - vations is sufficient to falsify the standard in terpre ta - tion, but they open possibilities for alternative inter- pre tations and formulations of alternative models of the beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans. Alternative hypotheses There are alternative hypotheses that can be for mu- lated to accommodate the data, and in some form they are already present in the literature (Porèiæ et al. 2021b). In this section, I will present these hypotheses, evaluate them against current evidence and suggest how they can be tested. The Mesolithic hypothesis The Mesolithic presence in the central Balkans seemed to be limited to the Danube Gorges area (Gurova, Bon - sall 2014), but more recent research suggests that Mesolithic populations may have been present in other parts of the region, as well (Petroviæ, Staroviæ 2016; Ži­valjeviæ et al. 2021). If there was an underlying Me- Mean expansion speed estimate (km/year) Standard deviation of the estimate RMA 1.66 0.30 OLS 2.14 0.59 Tab. 3. Summary of the Monte Carlo expansion speed estimates. Fig. 5. Distributions of the expansion speed estimates based on the reduced major axis regression (left) and ordinary least squares regression, with Monte Carlo sampling of the calendar dates from probability distributions of calibrated radiocarbon dates. 185 The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns Early Neolithic sites in the central Balkans are flat sites with little or no vertical stratification of habi - tation horizons. For these rea- sons,many scholars share the view that these sites represent the remains of short-lived set tle- ments, frequently relocated with high residential mobility (Bailey 2000.58; Tringham 2000; Green - field, Jongs ma 2006; Greenfield et al.­2014;­Klindžiæ, Hršak 2014; Greenfield, Lawson 2020).  Most importantly, this hypo- thesis would explain the drop of the SPD proxy curve. If the first farmers came in greater numbers only after 6000 BC, replaced the local hunter-gatherers, and start - ed to live in sedentary settle- ments, the number of sites and datable material would decrease between 6000 and 5800 BC, only to rise again as the Neolithic population in the central Balkans started to grow as suggested by the second peak of the SPD curve and predicted by the NDT theory. However, there are also arguments against the Me- solithic hypothesis (cons):  Individuals with genotypes indicating Anatolian descent are already present in the Danube Gorges before 6000 BC. According to the recent paleogenetic study by Maxime Brami et al. (2022), the mean calibrated date for the oldest individual (the adult male from grave 18) buried at Lepenski Vir with ad- mixed Aegean/Anatolian and Mesolithic ancestry is 6099 BC (95% CI: 6230–5984 BC). This means that demic diffusion did take place earlier, in accord with the standard model, but on the other hand, these pre- 6000 BC contacts could be limited to individual in- teractions, not an advancement of the Neolithic ex- pansion front.  Individuals who are found in pre-6050 BC contexts are usually buried in a flexed position (Jovanoviæ et al. 6250 BC, it would have taken around 200 years for themto reach central Serbia and Šumadija if their speedof expansion was equal to the continental ave- rage.  It would explain differences in architecture and settlement layout between the settlements in the southern and northern parts of the central Balkans. In contrast to the Neolithic in North Macedonia and southern parts of Serbia, where Neolithic settlements consisted of so lid ly built wattle-and-daub hou ses with rectangular plans (Gim butas 1976; Horejs et al. 2022; Naumov et al. 2023), as in the Neolithic sites in Thes saly and Greek Macedonia4 (Per lès 2001), the Neolithic settlements in the north (central Balkans and the Pannonian plain) consisted mostly of pit-houses (e.g., Bogdanoviæ 1988; Minichreiter 1992; 2007; Gre enfield, Drasovean 1994; Greenfield, Jongsma 2006; Mariæ 2013; Greenfield et al. 2014; Oross et al. 2016), and in rare cases, lightly built above ground houses (e.g., Bog danoviæ 1988; Minichreiter 2010). This low investment in dwelling architecture would be consistent with the less sedentary and more mo- bile lifestyle (McGuire, Schiffer 1983; Binford 1990). Fig. 6. Plot of the means of the calibrated distributions of the earliest radiocarbon dates against distance from the Mavropigi site in Greece. The dashed line represents an ordinary least squares regression line with distance from Mavropigi as the independent variable, and the mean of distribution of calibrated radiocarbon date as the dependent variable. 4 It should be noted that pit-houses are dominant at the earliest Neolithic sites in Greece, such as Mavropigi, Paliambela and Revenia (Karamitrou-Mentessidi et al. 2013; Tsartsidou, Kotsakis 2020; Maniatis, Adaktylou 2021), but after around 6400 BC above ground houses are built more often, and became the norm on tell sites. 186 Marko Porčić predicted by the major theories but that it is dis torted by the effect of the changes in settlement pattern on the SCPD curve. Instead of observing a mono toni- cally increasing SCPD curve, we would observe a falsepeak around 6000 BC due to these effects.” (Por- èiæ et al. 2021a.Supplementary File 1.21–22). In this paper I will present slightly modified version of this hypothesis: the initial expansion of farmers in the central Balkans was accompanied by increased residential mobility as a consequence of the encounter with new environment and/or the consequences of the 8.2 ky event. The migration to the central Balkans from the south- ern Balkans was a shift from one climatic regime, Mediterranean and Sub-Mediterranean in the south, to another – Sub-continental and Continental climate in the north (Ivanova et al. 2018; Krauß et al. 2018; de Vareilles et al. 2022; Vander Linden 2023). This change in the environment had implications for the farming systems in terms of the exploited plant and animal species and their diversity (Orton et al. 2016; Iva nova et al. 2018; de Vareilles et al. 2022). In ad di - tion to the environmental shift associated with geo- graphy, the expansion of the Neolithic across the cen - tral Balkans broadly coincided with the climatic 8.2 ky event (Budja 2007; Krauß 2023; Vander Lin den 2023). The 8.2 ky event is the Holocene cold cli matic event which peaked between approximately 6250BC and 6200 BC and ended before the start of the 6th millennium BC (Weninger et al. 2006; Pross et al. 2009; Flohr et al. 2016). It was a period of cold er cli- mate broadly comparable to the historically re corded Little Ice Age (cf. Fagan 2000). If the environment of the central Balkans presented new challenges to the first farmers, for intrinsic geo- graphic reasons related to climate, specific conditions related to the 8.2 ky event, or both, it is possible that failure to establish permanent residence in some microregions occurred, with the net result being high - er residential mobility. After two centuries, the socio - cultural system adapted in such a way that settlements became more permanent, and therefore, less nume- rous in the archaeological record. This would account for the sudden drop of the SPD proxy at the end of the 7th millennium BC. The increase in the SPD curve from around 5800 BC and around 5600 BC would be due to population growth related to the Neolithic De- mographic Transition. 2021a), which is the typical Neolithic funerary practice of the first farmers in SE Europe. People of Mesolithic origin in the second half of the 6th millennium BC in the Danube Gorges are usually buried in the supine po sition (Radovanoviæ 1996)  The sudden drop of the SPD curve would mean that the curve stops tracking the Mesolithic people with pottery and elements of the Neolithic package which increase their visibility, and starts tracking the Neoli- thic farmers who are present at first in low numbers. But the question in this case is what happened to the hypothesized Mesolithic population, why would they simply disappear and how? The Mesolithic hypothesis can be tested primarily with the aDNA data. If this hypothesis is true, then most individuals buried before 6050 BC should be of local Mesolithic, rather than Anatolian/Aegean, descent. It is possible that some of the individuals with pure or mixed Anatolian descent occur in pre-6050 BC con- texts, even if the Mesolithic hypothesis is true, but the majority would have to be predominantly local. Changes in mobility and residence patterns in- fluenced by environmental factors In a previously published paper (Porèiæ et al. 2021a), it was proposed that the puzzling decrease of the SPD curve after 6050–6000BC could have been caused by changes in residential mobility of the first farmers ra - ther than drastic changes in population size: “If the communities prior to 6000 BC were for some reason (e.g., unstable climate due to 8.2 ky event) more mo - bile than communities afterwards i.e. that the ave- rage duration of the pre-6000 BC settlements was lower than the average duration of post-6000 BC settlements, then the number of pre-6000 BC sites would be higher than the number of post-6000 BC sites, even if there was no difference in population size.Assuming the random sampling of sites for ra - diocarbon dating, this would result in a higher num- ber of pre-6000 BC dates relative to the post-6000 BC dates. In terms of the SCPD curve, this might produce a pattern of increase and decrease similar to the one observed. The first peak of the curve would reflect higher mobility in the pre-6000 BC period. After 6000 BC, if the residential mobility was re duc ed, this would explain the abrupt drop of the SCPD curve. The second episode of growth, after 5800 BC, would represent the growth of population due to the NDT. Therefore, this hypothesis would suggest that we only have one process of population growth as 187 The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns cisely as possible, the duration and continuity of the settlement occupations before and after ~6000 BC. Even though the number of radiocarbon dates is ra- ther large for the central Balkans, they were mostly sampled for the SPD method, where the sampling de - sign, with random sampling (see Porèiæ et al. 2021a), is precisely the opposite of the one needed for Ba ye- sian modelling. Micromorphological and geoarchaeological re- search of sediments to establish how settlements were used, in terms of permanence and continuity of habi ta- tion, for settlements before and after ~6000 BC.  Bioarchaeological research using stable isotopes (e.g., strontium, oxygen) to reconstruct the mobility patterns of humans and animals before and after ~6000 BC.  Paleoclimatological research aimed at recon struct - ing environmental conditions in the central Balkans during the 8.2 ky event. As there are no climate pro xies from the central Balkans itself, we can only extra po - late or interpolate climatic and environmental re con- structions from the surrounding proxies. However, we need to have more precise environmental recon struc- tions in order to evaluate the impact of the 8.2 ky event on early farming with more confidence. Salvaging the standard model This section may seem anticlimactic, as many words are spent in this paper criticizing the standard model. However, it seems appropriate to evaluate the ability of the standard model to resist criticism, i.e. to explore whether the potential cracks in the interpretative edifice can be patched. Let us begin with the expansion speed. First of all, 1–1.3km/year is the continental average, and varia- bi lity is expected and does occur at the regional le vel (Bocquet-Appel et al. 2012; Blagojeviæ 2023). How- ever, the question persists: why was the expansion speedgreater in the central Balkans? Fort’s modified WoA model with anisotropic expansion5 might be an answer (Fort 2020). The differences in expansion speedbetween the mountainous and hilly lands south of Sava and Danube and the Pannonian plain to the north can be explained by a shift from anisotropic It should be noted that this hypothesis is not in con- tradiction with the WoA standard model. The main dif ference lies in the mechanism of expansion. Whe- reas the WoA model assumes that the expansion occurs primarily because the surplus population diffuses over space, this hypothesis assumes that the Neolithic front is moving primarily due to high residential mobility, which may or may not be related to climate-induced factors. The arguments in favor of this hypothesis (pros) are as follows:  As both theoretical frameworks (McGuire, Schiffer 1983) and empirical data (Binford 1990) suggest, more mobile communities have lighter and less durable architecture. Again, this would account for the above- mentioned difference in the Early Neolithic settlement architecture between southern and northern parts of the Balkans, where above-ground rectangular houses do minate in the south, extending approximately to southern parts of Serbia and Kosovo, whereas pit- houses are the dominant architectural form north of this line.  The idea that the first farmers were in exploration mode is consistent with the higher diversity of en- vi ronments as reflected in the higher altitudinal va- riance of settlements in the pre-6000 BC period (Por- èiæ et al. 2021a.Supplementary file 1). The main argument against this hypothesis (con) is that there is no apparent difference in the settlement size, layout and architecture between settlements found ed before and after 6000 BC. For example, set tle - ments consisting of pit-houses are present well into the 57th century BC, at sites such as Starèevo, Vinèa-Belo Brdo, Jarièište and so on. If there was a shift to a more permanent settlement type, we would expect this to be reflected in the architecture as well. However, it should be emphasized that this absence of apparent evidence may be due more to less extensive (i.e. a small percen- tage of the total site area excavated) and less intensive (no Bayesian modelling of dates, no attempts at pot - tery seriation, or micromorphological studies) re- searchon most sites. Therefore, a way to test this hypo- thesis would include several lines of research: Targeted sampling for radiocarbon dating, spe ci- fically for Bayesian modelling to determine, as pre- 5 Isotropic expansion refers to the case where all directions are equally probable for the migration, whereas anisotropic ex- pansions refer to the case when one or several directions are preferred over others. 188 Marko Porčić dard interpretation was the lack of reliable pre-6200 BC dates in North Macedonia (see the discussion in Porèiæ et al. 2020). However, with the discovery and dating of the site of Vlaho (Naumov et al. 2023), lo- cated in the southernmost part of North Macedonia, a gap was filled between the oldest dates in Greece, from sites such as Mavropigi, Revenia-Ko ri nos and Pa liam- bela (Karamitrou-Mentessidi et al. 2013; Ma niatis 2014; Reingruber 2020; Tsartsidou, Kotsakis 2020; Urem-Kotsou, Kotsos 2020; Maniatis, Adak tylou 2021), and Serbia. When it comes to the puzzling decrease of the SPD proxy curve after 6050 BC, it can indeed be due to a population decrease. Demographic boom and bust patterns have been observed in almost all parts of Eu- rope in the Neolithic (Shennan et al. 2013; Timpson et al. 2014), and recent research suggests that violent con flicts, triggered by high population density and competition for resources, might have caused the bust episodes (Kondor et al. 2023). Currently, there is in- suf ficient material (human skeletons or extensively excavated settlements) from the 6000–5800 BC period in the central Balkans to evaluate this hypothesis. Cultural evolutionary theory suggests that a po pu la - tion decrease should result in the reduced stylistic di- versity of the material culture (Neiman 1995; Ro ra- baugh 2014) and a significant change in style after the population bottleneck (Shennan 2000). A study by Nenad Tasiæ (2009) suggests that there was a temporal discontinuity of painted pottery styles after ~5800 BC in the central Balkans. This observation is consistent with the demographic interpretation of the SPD curve (i.e. a population crash), but it should be tested more rigorously with quantified data on pottery variability, including all pottery types, not just painted pottery, which is scarce. Conclusion This paper has summarized the available evidence and critically reflected on the proposed interpretations re- lated to the onset of the Neolithic period in the central Balkans. The data support a version of the WoA model, but there is still room for other hypotheses. These hy - potheses are elaborated here and means of their test- migration in the former region, to isotropic migration in the latter. As the main corridors for the expansion in the rugged terrain were valleys of rivers that flow in thesouth-north direction, this kind of topography channeled the demic diffusion of farmers, making the northern direction more probable than any other, and thus increasing the speed of the expansion. Once the farming front reached the plain, it slowed down as all directions became relatively equally probable for the expansion. This would explain both why the average speed is high (as most of the central Balkan region is mountainous or hilly) and it would also explain the difference in the expansion speed between regions south and north of the Danube and Sava rivers.6 When it comes to growth rates, the unusually high growth rate estimates can be explained by sampling bias.Even though the number of radiocarbon-dated sites from different parts of the central Balkans is re- presentative in relation to the number of Early Neo li- thic sites in different regions of the central Bal kans (see Porèiæ et al. 2021a.Supplementary file 1), the distribution of archaeologically recorded (dated or not) sites between regions may be biased due to mo- dern regional differences in economy and research intensity (cf. Palmisano et al. 2021). It could be ar- gued that, as southern Serbia and Kosovo were among the poorest regions in ex-Yugoslavia, the intensity of research was lower, so the overall number of disco ver - ed sites was lower. If we are systematically missing the earliest part of the population growth curve, i.e. if we have a spatio-temporally biased sam ple, then our es ti- mate of the growth rate will also be biased. The dates from the southern parts of the study area contribute most to the SPD demographic proxy curve in the ear- liest times of Neolithic expansion. As the frequency of these dates will be lower than in reality due to re gio- nal sampling bias, the increase of the SPD curve will appear sharper than it is, leading to higher growth rate estimates. This is one possible explanation for the un- usually high growth rate estimates reported in Bla- gojeviæ et al. (2024). As new data become available, they seem to fill the blanks which led to doubts about the standard in ter - pretation based on the WoA model. For example, one of the important reasons for the mistrust in the stan- 6 The simulation in Porèiæ et al. (2021b) does take the topography into account, so directional expansion is effectively taking place in the simulation, yet it still returns a high total fertility rate. It is possible though that the settlement threshold was in reality much higher than allowed for in our simulations, meaning that farmers were more demanding when it came to choosing their settlement locations than we allowed for. This would increase the speed of expansion without the need to increase the fertility and growth rates. 189 The beginning of the Neolithic in the central Balkans: knowns and unknowns ing are proposed. The fact that we are still left with uncertainties and questions, despite a large quantity of empirical data amassed in the last decade, highlights how complex the Neolithisation process was. In other words, more research is needed before we reach a full (or adequate) understanding of the historical events Acknowledgements This research was supported by the Ministry of Science, Technological Development, and Innovation of the Republic of Serbia as part of funding for scientific research at the University of Belgrade – Faculty of Philosophy (contract number 451-03-66/2024-03/200163). The original version of this paper was presented at the 26th Neolithic seminar in Ljubljana, so I would like to express gratitude to Miha Budja for inviting me to participate and for being a great host, as always. 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Phy- tolith evidence for pounding cereals in bedrock mortars at Paliambela Kolindros, an Early Neolithic site in Macedonia, North Greece. Archaeological and Anthropological Sci en- ces 12: 173. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-020-01161-8 back to content 194 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.14 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – radiokarbonski datumi; podatki o najdišèu; paleodemografske dinamike; neolitik; bronasta doba IZVLEÈEK – Študija predstavlja veèplastno projekcijo glede na kombinacijo radiokarbonskih datumov in števila faz na arheoloških najdišè v zahodnem povodju reke Scheldt, ki segajo od zaèetka neolitika do zgodnje bronaste dobe. Rezutati so bili kritièno vrednoteni glede na razlike v raziskovalni metodologiji, vrste tal in spremembah v gradbenih tradicijah. Ti kažejo dinamièno regijo s skoraj stalno demografsko rastjo. V poreèju bi lahko primerjali dve podregiji in tako pojasnili regionalne razlike. Jasno je, da so pa- leodemografske študije izvedljive samo z uporabo veèplastne analize na detajlnem in natanèno prever- jenem naboru podatkov. Onkraj vsote: vrednotenje potenciala in omejitev analiz neolitskih populacijskih dinamik na osnovi fluktuacije radiokarbonskih datumov in najdišč (povodje Scheldt, severna Francija in Belgija) KEY WORDS – radiocarbon data; site count data; palaeodemographical dynamics; Neolithic period; Bronze Age ABSTRACT - This study presents a multiproxy palaeodemographic perspective by combining radiocar- bon dates with counts of archaeological site phases in the western Scheldt basin, spanning from the beginning of the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age. The results were assessed critically, accounting for differences in research methodology, soil conditions and changes in building traditions. The results indicate a dynamic region characterized by almost continual growth. Moreover, two distinct sub-re- gions of the basin could be compared, thereby elucidating the sub-regional differences. It is clear that palaeodemographic studies are only feasible when a multiproxy analysis is used on a detailed, highly scrutinized dataset. Elliot Van Maldegem1, Florian Lauryssen2, Erik Smolders2, and Philippe Crombé1 1 Prehistory Research Unit, Department of Archaeology, Ghent University, Ghent, BE; elliot.vanmaldegem@ugent.be 2 Division of Soil and Water Management, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, KU Leuven, Leuven, BE Beyond the sum: evaluat ing the potent ial and limitat ions of analysing Neolithic populat ion dynamics based on fluctuat ions in radiocarbon dates and sites (Scheldt basin, Northern France and Belgium) 195 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... Introduction Studies examining population dynamics during the prehistoric period have proliferated in recent decades. The utilization of summed probability distributions of radiocarbon dates (SPD) has emerged as a standard me thod for reconstructing palaeodemography, as evi- denced by numerous studies (Riede 2009; Shennan 2013; Cre ma et al. 2016; Bevan et al. 2017; McLaughlin 2019; Lawrence et al. 2021; Palmisano et al. 2021a). Early criticisms highlighting potential sources of bias – e.g., Val Attenbrow and Peter Hiscock (2015), Jesse A. M. Ballenger and Jonathan B. Mabry (2011), Alex Bay liss et al. (2007), Lorena Becerra-Valdivia et al. (2020), Daniel A. Contreras and John Meadows (2014), Philippe Crombé and Erick Robinson (2014), Danuta J. Michczyñska and Anna Pazdur (2004), Mike Smith (2016), James Steele (2010), Todd A. Surovell and Jef- frey P. Brantingham (2007), Tobias Torfing (2015b), and Alan N. Williams (2012) – prompted nu merous im - provements to the method, e.g., Con treras and Mea- dows (2014), Enrico R. Crema and Shinya Shoda (2021), Martin Hinz (2020), Adrian Timpson, Katie Manning and Stephen Shennan (2015), and Torfing (2015a; 2015b). Furthermore, these refinements in- creasingly involve a multiproxy approach to address methodological limitations and validate perceived trends (e.g., Williams 2012; Crombé, Robinson 2014; Feeser et al. 2019; Crema, Kobayashi 2020; Robinson et al. 2020; Tallavaara, Pesonen 2020; Bergsvik et al. 2021; Edinborough et al. 2021; Lawrence et al. 2021; Pal misano et al. 2021a). For a comprehensive review of the method, we direct readers to Crema (2022). Considerable attention has been devoted to examin ing demographic shifts during the transition from Meso - lithic hunter-gatherer communities to Neolithic farm - ing communities – the ‘Neolithisation process’ – and subsequent dynamics during the Neolithic Pe riod (Gkiasta et al. 2003; Shennan, Edinborough 2007; Rie de 2009; Shennan 2009; Collard et al. 2010; Shen - nan et al. 2013; Edinborough et al. 2021; Palmisano et al. 2021a). Some common trends are ob served across many of these studies: a continuous decline in popu- lation during the Mesolithic, a sig ni ficant population surge following the introduction of agriculture and the emergence of the first Neolithic groups, i.e. the Linearbandkeramik (LBK) in the Eu ropean loess area and the Funnel Beaker culture (TRB) in the NW Euro- pean Plain, respectively around the middle of the 6th millennium BCE and beginning of the 4rd millennium cal BCE. This is followed by a swift and significant de- cline during the Middle Neolithic, persisting until the onset of the Late/Final Neolithic around the middle of the 4th millennium BCE. This observed pattern is discernible in various regions across N(W) Europe, including Denmark, Eng land, Poland, Germany, and Norway, among others (Shennan 2013; Bevan et al. 2017; Nielsen et al. 2019; Tallavaara, Pesonen 2020; Bergs vik et al. 2021; Koláø et al. 2022). However, there is often insufficient consideration gi - ven to potential biasing factors such as site tapho no - my, changing settlement organization, and build ing traditions, and variations in research foci and metho - dology. In this study, we aim to scrutinize ra dio carbon evi dence alongside data on Neolithic site densities from the western Scheldt (Belgium) basin to assess the reliability of the commonly utilized ‘dates as data’ ap- proach (Rick 1987). Geographical setting The western Scheldt basin spans around 15 200km2 in Western Belgium and Northern France, and is po- sitioned at the western periphery of the NW-European coversand plain and the Central-European loess belt (Fig. 1). The Scheldt basin comprises two distinct sub- regions: the Lower Scheldt basin, situated in NW Bel- gium, characterized by a lowland dune landscape, and the Upper Scheldt basin, located in Western Bel gium and Northern France, exhibiting more pro nounced topography with hills rising up to 165m above sea level and deep river valleys. Additionally, the pe dological cha racteristics differ between the two regions. While the Lower Scheldt basin is typified by sandy topsoils, the Upper Scheldt basin is pre do minantly covered by (sandy-)loess. The western Scheldt basin encompasses the valleys of the Scheldt River and several of its tri bu- taries, such as the Lys, Dender, Rupel and Kale/Durme. This area boasts a rich history characterized by ex- ten sive archaeological survey by means of arial pho- tography, field-walking and trial-trenching, and large- scale excavation projects (Crombé, Vanmontfort 2007; De Clercq et al. 2012). Over the past two decades, the advent of developer-led archaeology, particularly in the Lower Scheldt region and northern France, has sig - nificantly augmented the database. These initiati ves were not driven by specific research agendas but ra - ther by infrastructure projects. However, it is im por- tant to note that the database may not be entirely un- biased, as certain phases of the Neolithic have received more intensive and targeted research attention than 196 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé reports from private archaeological com panies. De- tailed inventories of sites pertaining to spe cific time periods or site categories have already been estab lish- ed. For instance, Ivan Jadin (2003) concentrated on the Early Neolithic, while Bart Van montfort (2004) sum- marized sites associated with the Michelsberg culture from the Middle Neolithic period. Monuments from the Late Neolithic to Bronze Age, particularly barrows, have been extensively do cumented by Carole Ampe et al. (1995), Jean Bour geois, Marck Meganck and Jacques Semey (1998), Bourgeois et al. (1999) and Jeroen De Reu and Jean Bourgeois (2013). Radiocarbon dates The radiocarbon database underwent screening pro- cedures based on the methodology detailed in Elliot Van Maldegem et al. (2021), which itself was adjusted from Paul Barry Pettitt et al. (2003). The screening pro cess involved the exclusion of samples exhibiting excessively wide chronological ranges (>100years, re- ferred to as legacy dates), contaminated samples (as determined by the original source or researchers), im- properly cremated bones (which would skew results) and undetermined wood (which could be influenced by old-wood effect). In addition dates that could not be securely attributed to human activities were excluded others. For instance, considerable focus has been di- rected towards the LBK and Blicquy culture (BQY) set- tlements of the Early Neolithic (Jadin 2003), the flint mines spanning the Middle to Late Neolithic (Collet et al. 2016) and the barrows from the Final Neolithic to the Middle Bronze Age (Bourgeois et al. 1998; De Reu, Bourgeois 2013). In this paper we will explore these bia ses, examining their potential impact on the radio- carbon and site evidence. Materials and methods Sampling All dates were manually gathered from published sources or online databases, including the Radio car- bon Laboratories of the Royal Institute for Cultural He - ritage in Brussels (http://c14.kikirpa.be/, and http:/ra - diocarbon.kikirpa.be/) as well as Louvain-la-Neuve (Gilot 1997). Additionally, data were sourced from ar - chaeological excavation reports and personal com mu- nications. Similarly, information on sites and their respective pha ses were compiled from published databases, on- line repositories managed by government entities (CAI for the Flemish part of the study area) and ex ca vation Fig. 1. Map of the study area with a geographic spread of the archaeological sites displaying radiocarbon dates and archaeological site phases. Dominant soil type (Panagos et al. 2022), LKB region adapted after Marc Lodewijck (2009). 197 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... tion curve, a rolling mean of 200 years was im ple- mented, as proposed by Timpson et al. (2014) (Fig. 2). We utilized both Monte-Carlo simulation methods (MC Method), initially proposed by Shennan et al. (2013), further refined by Timpson et al. (2014) and implemented by Crema et al. (2016), as well as Kernal Density Estimations (KDE) (Bronk Ramsey 2017; Fe- eser et al. 2019; McLaughlin 2019). Three models were fitted: a logistic model, an expo- nen tial model and a composite logistic-exponential model. The logistic model operates under the assump- tion of diminishing growth as the population nears its maximum carrying capacity. Deviations above the con- fidence interval indicate growth surpassing the carry - ing capacity, constituting overshoot. Such overshoot renders the population vulnerable, par ti cularly in con- junction with climatic downturns, which could lead to dramatic consequences. Dan Law rence et al. (2021) note that even in the absence of climatic downturns, such situations may prove unsustainable. In con trast, the exponential model as sumes continuous exponen- tial growth while also accounting for taphonomic loss over time (Surovell, Brantingham 2007; Palmisano et al. 2021b). Lastly, a composite logistic-exponential model was fitted. As suming logistic growth until 5300 cal BCE (marking the onset of the Neolithic period within the study area) and exponential growth until the end of the Bronze Age. This approach aims to cap- ture the significant impact of transitioning from a hunter-gatherer lifestyle to agriculture on population growth momentum (for an illustration of fitting two types of models to a single dataset, we refer to Ma nuel Arroyo-Kalin and Philip Riris (2021)). As each model has distinct null hypotheses, we present them concur- rently for comparison (Fig. 3). The KDE approach offers the advantage of smoothing calibration noise and capturing the uncertainty as so- ciated with oversampling individual site phases. This from the database. This was based on an objective scoring system, where a score between one and three was given in four categories: dating material, context, dating method and precision. Twice the weight was given to material and context to ensure that the re sult - ing SPD reflects human activity as accurately as pos- sible. Applying this scoring system, the maximum score a date could receive was 18. It was decided that a score of 15 or more was sufficient to be included. The majority of the dates were performed on samples of charcoal, followed by bone (both cremated and un- burnt), hazelnut shells and seeds. No dates on marine resources are included in the database (Tab. 1). This implies that modelling was done only on samples with a small inbuilt age. A total of 1616 dates (Mean Standard Deviation = 43.20), originating from 286 sites, spanning from 9500 to 2700 uncal BP, were gathered from the study area. This range is broader than the period addressed in this paper, encompassing the Neolithic era and ex- tend ing from the Late Mesolithic to the Bronze Age, spanning approximately from c. 6600 to 1400 cal BCE, to accommodate for edge-effects. After critical filtering of the database, 1276 dates were retained (Mean Stan- dard Deviation = 37.20) from 241 sites. Given the re la - tively small size of the study area, homogeneity in tap- honomic processes – and therefore losses – as well as dating strategies can be assumed, which together fa ci - litate control over this potential bias and enable com- parisons across different subregions within the study area (Williams 2012; Timpson et al. 2014; Crema 2022). This smal ler scale offers an opportunity to in - ves tigate inter-re gional differences in population dy - namics, which might be obscured in larger areas (Wad - dington, Wicks 2017). Analyses were conducted using the rcarbon package (v. 1.5.1) (Crema, Bevan 2021) with in the RStudio environment (RStudio Team 2020) utilizing R (v. 4.3.1) (R Core Team 2023) with the Int- cal20 calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2020). The impact of oversampling specific site-phases was addressed by combining uncalibrated dates within h years of each other in bins and subsequently dividing them by the number of dates within this bin. Through sensitivity analyses utilizing the binPrep function in rcarbon and visually evaluating the resulting summed probability distributions (SPDs) with h cut-off values ranging from 50 to 200 years, we determined an h va- lue of 100 years to be optimal, resulting in 619 bins. Ad- ditionally, to minimize the influence and noise stem - ming from spurious fluctuations caused by the cali bra - Material Category Number of Dates Charcoal 611 Cremated Bone 283 Hazelnut Shell 211 Bone 204 Organic Remains 181 Ceramics 94 Charred Organic Remains 15 Other 14 Tab. 1. Amount of dates per material category. 198 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé width of the confidence interval is proportional to the amount of bins in each region. Positive and negative de viations from this confidence interval, indicating population increases or decreases bigger or smaller than the ge neral trend of the entire Scheldt region, are marked in red and blue, respectively, similar to the theo retical null model (as described earlier) (Crema, Bevan 2021). Additionally, an exponential model was fitted to each of the subregions following the methods outlined previously (cf. supra) (Fig. 6). Site counts As an additional proxy for changes in population and human activity, we employed site counts. Raw counts of archaeological sites are one of the most common pro - xies for reconstructing regional population dy na- mics (Drennan et al. 2015; Lawrence et al. 2021), and are independent of radiocarbon dates. Site phase counts offer an added advantage as they can encom- pass various types of data, such as from ex cavations, surveys, aerial photography, and so on. Unlike SPDs, which rely on radiocarbon dates usually obtained from excavated sites, site counts provide a broader perspective on archaeological activity across different methodologies. approach entails constructing a KDE by randomly sampling calendar dates from the probability density distribution of calibrated radiocarbon bins, followed by estimating a Gaussian kernel density using an op ti - mal kernel bandwidth, set at 30 in this study (cf. Mc- Laughlin 2019; Seidensticker et al. 2021). This process was iterated 1000 times to generate 95% con fidence in terval (Crema, Bevan 2021). A narrower con fidence in terval indicates a higher likelihood that the pattern accurately reflects reality. The KDE was generated 1000 times and is visualized over the MCMC model (Fig. 4). To account for spatial variations in the density of ra - diocarbon dates, stemming from variations in sam p - ling strategies or population dynamics, a mark per mu - tation test was implemented using the permTest func- tion in the rcarbon package (Fig. 5). This test in volved separately comparing the SPDs from the Upper and Lower Scheldt basin regions with confidence intervals derived from the SPD of the entire study area. This ap - proach generates a 95% confidence interval by re- shuffling the labels that identify the region of origin for each date or bin, thereby generating n SPDs, and in this study we iterated this process 1000 times. The Fig. 2. Summed Probability Distribution of all retained radiocarbon dates, settlement structures, mines, antler tools from river contexts, burials/monuments and burials from the Meuse basin. 199 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... The archaeological site phases have been binned in to time intervals of 200 years. If a site would fall in mul - tiple bins, it is counted for all respective bins in raw counts. Since not all archaeological phases have equal durations (e.g., the Final Neolithic spans ap proximate - ly 1000 years while the Early Bronze Age covers only about 200 years), raw counts may exhibit bias toward longer phases. To address this, aoristic approaches were applied, following the me thods outlined by Ales - sio Palmisano et al. (2017; 2019; 2021a; 2021b), al so employed by Lawrence et al. (2021). Aoristic metho do - logies operate under the assumption that the total probability of an ar cha eological event occurring is 1. This probability is then distributed across the number of temporal bins covered by the site phase, reflecting the likelihood of the event oc curring within the time interval of each bin. There is no consensus regarding the size of the bins used, while Palmisano et al. (2017) We compiled all site phases between approximately 6600 to 1100 cal BCE, although a wider chronological scope (c. 9500 to 2700 uncal BP) was covered to avoid edge effects. An extensive dataset was assembled through the manual compilation of excavation and sur - vey reports, published research and the online SMR- da tabase of Agentschap Onroerend Erfgoed (CAI) (On roerend Erfgoed 2021). The Mesolithic pe riod has already been discussed in an earlier study (Van Malde - gem et al. 2021). The dataset encompasses a total of 2293 site phases from 1741 sites. In order to better reconstruct short-term changes, we opted to eliminate site phases that were inaccurately dated and often en - compassed entire archaeological periods, such as the Mesolithic to Neolithic. These phases typically com pri s- ed loose finds of uncertain provenance and were the re- fore excluded from the dataset. They are referred to as ‘General Periods’ in the figures (Figs. 4 and 7). Fig. 3. Comparison between the different null models applied on the dataset. A Exponential Model, B Logistic model, C model with a logistic fit until the end of the Mesolithic (c. 5300 cal BCE) followed by a model with an exponential fit. 200 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé 200 years and a standard deviation of 50 years. This was repeated 1000 times to generate a 95% con fi dence envelope. A wider envelope indicates greater uncer- tainty in the reconstruction. Palmisano et al. (2017; 2019; 2021a; 2021b) and Law- rence et al. (2021) use the area of archaeological sites to infer demographic trends alongside the raw and ao - ristic counts. However, we have chosen not to adopt this approach due to the nature of excavations within our study area, which are primarily conducted through developer-led archaeology. Consequently, these exca - vations are constrained by project size and funding li- mitations. Similarly, survey sizes are often determined by the size of a field and do not ne cessarily represent com plete sites or settlements. Using area counts would therefore yield a distorted representation. em ploy bin sizes of 200 years, Lawrence et al. (2021) use 100 years. We have chosen to adopt 200-year bins to en sure that each site phase is given equal weight. MC Methods were used to generate randomized start and end dates for site phases (Palmisano et al. 2017). This approach helps mitigate the uncertainties arising from long archaeological periods. Occupational phases did not likely persist throughout entire archaeological periods continuously. The MC Methods correct for the disparity between the durations of archaeological pe- riods and the realistic duration of the site occupation phases. To achieve this, the duration of the site phase was assumed to be uniformly distributed. Start dates were then randomly sampled from these distributions. The duration itself was randomized, assuming a mean occupation length following a normal distribution of Fig. 4. Top: Exponential null model fitted on the SPD of the Scheldt basin with a multiplot of the KDE overlain. Bottom: Comparison of all site data proxies: raw counts of site phases, aoristic sum of site phases, aoristic sum of the site phases with general periods and randomized duration of site phases. All values have been normalized between 0 and 1. 201 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... Fig. 5. Top: Map of the study area with the delineation of the upper and lower Scheldt basin. Bottom: Results of the permutation test comparing the SPDs of the upper and lower Scheldt basins. Results Radiocarbon dates Scheldt basin The results of the SPD analysis and the null model hy - potheses are shown in Figures 2 and 3. The SPD of ra - dio carbon dates exhibits significant deviations from the null models (p-values<.01). The initial ne gative deviations between c. 6350 and 5300 cal BCE, co in- ciding with the transition from the Middle to the Late Mesolithic, has already been discussed in previously pub lished research (Van Maldegem et al. 2021). Fol- low ing this, there is a marginal upturn during the Early Neolithic period (c. 5300–4800 cal BCE), although this 202 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé null model between c. 2070 and 1820 cal BCE. After this a steep growth in the curve is evident throughout the first half of the Middle Bronze Age between c. 1650 and 1450 cal BCE. Subregions The differences between the Upper and Lower Scheldt basins are illustrated in the regional mark permutation tests (Fig. 5) particularly focusing on the Late Meso li- thic, the latter half of the Early Neolithic and the latter half of the Late Neolithic. The results of the SPD analyses of the sub-regions are shown in Figure 6. Although broadly similar, there are no table distinctions between the two sub-regions of the Scheldt basin. In the Upper Scheldt basin, the Late Mesolithic is characterized by sparse dating, with al- most no dates recorded between c. 6550 and 5240 cal BCE. This is followed by a slight increase during the Early Neolithic, before dropping below the null model is not a significant deviation. However, this peak is short-lived, giving way to a slight decline after 4800 cal BCE, corresponding to the first half of the Middle Neo- lithic or post-LBK phase. The second half of the Middle Neolithic sees a steep increase in radiocarbon dates with a larger growth than expected between c. 4300 and 3900 cal BCE. At the end of this period, around 3800 cal BCE, there is a reduction in radiocarbon density which culminates in a significant decline between c. 3530 and 3330 cal BCE during the Late Neolithic. During the second half of the Late Neolithic, from c. 3350 cal BCE onwards, and particularly the Final Neo - lithic in the third millennium BCE there is again a slight rise in radiocarbon date densities. Yet again, this does not constitute a significant deviation from the null model. Coinciding with the start of the Early Bronze Age the curve drops significantly below the Fig. 6. Top: Exponential null model fitted on the SPD of the lower Scheldt basin. Bottom: Exponential null model fitted on the SPD of the upper Scheldt basin. 203 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... null model in the Upper Scheldt region. During the se - cond half of the Final Neolithic period, while the Scheldt basin and the Upper Scheldt basin exhibit a gentle downward trend, the Lower Scheldt basin ex- periences a slight rise. At the start of the Early Bronze Age the trend declines in step with both other regions, albeit with a less pronounced trough compared to the Upper Scheldt. Site counts Scheldt basin The results of the site count analyses are shown in Fi - gure 4. The raw counts and aoristic weight differ great - ly for the Neolithic Period. This is partly due to poorly refined chronologies during this period, with the sub- phases spanning longer pe riods, as well as due to the difficulty in assigning sites to a specific sub phase. Sites dis covered through field-walking pros pections, or smaller sites with fewer distinct cul tural mar kers, are dated more broadly such as ‘Middle-Final Neo lithic’. again between c. 4790 and 4410 cal BCE. Subsequently, the Upper Scheldt basin follows the overall regional trend, falling below the null model between around 3600 and 3400 cal BCE, slightly preceding the Low- er Scheldt. During the Final Neolithic the curve sig ni- ficantly exceeds the null model between c. 2800 and 2600 cal BCE before reverting to follow the general declining trend. In contrast, the Lower Scheldt basin exhibits higher densities in the Late Mesolithic. Unlike the Upper Scheldt, there is a gradual increase of dates from c. 5500 cal BCE onwards, culminating in a peak between 4305 and 3990 cal BCE, albeit not a significant one. How ever, this peak initiates slightly earlier than in the Upper Scheldt basin and the entire Scheldt ba sin, and also concludes slightly earlier. Moreover, the lowest densities of radiocarbon dates occur later than in the Up per Scheldt basin, between c. 3175 and 2800 cal BCE, coinciding with a period of growth exceeding the Fig. 7. Comparison of all site data proxies between the two sub-regions. Top: lower Scheldt basin. Bottom: upper Scheldt basin. 204 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé Although the peak during the latter part of the Middle Neolithic is less pronounced in the Lower Scheldt region, it is still ob- servable. The trough after this peak aligns with the troughs in the Upper Scheldt, but extends over a longer period, as the peak in the Final Neolithic is absent. Con se- quent ly, the trough in the Early Bronze Age is also absent. Comparison of the different proxies We used Spearman rank-order cor re la- tions to examine the relationship between various datasets (Tabs. 2–6). Several me - thods exhibit strong correlations, al- though somewhat less so between SPDs and raw counts, but still significant in the Scheldt and Upper Scheldt ba sins. As men- tioned earlier, this discrepancy is likely attributed to the less refined chronologies and the in- corporation of field walking surveys. Aoristic counts therefore seem to be the more robust method for this period. Discussion Early Neolithic (5300–4650 cal BCE) The peak in both site counts and radiocarbon dates during the Early Neolithic, only present in the Upper Scheldt basin, coincides with the arrival of the LBK, and the subsequent BQY (Van Berg, Hau zeur 2001; Raw counts are therefore an overestimation, while aoristic weights likely offer a more accu rate re pre sen- tation. Overall there is a good cor res pondence between the SPD and the site counts. The latter exhibits four pro mi - nent peaks mirroring those observed in the SPD: 1° c. 5300–4800 cal BCE; 2° c. 4300– 3800 cal BCE; 3° c. 2700–2300 cal BCE and 4° c. 1600–1400 cal BCE. Subregions The results of the site count ana lyses of the subregions are shown in Figure 7. The curve for the Upper Scheldt region clo- sely resembles that of the entire Scheldt basin, with only minor discrepancies observed. These in - clude a slightly earlier onset of the peak in the Final Neolithic and a more pronounced trough in the latter part of the Final Neo- lithic and Early Bronze Age. Conversely, the Lower Scheldt re - gion diverges from both the Up - per Scheldt region and the over- all study area during several key periods. Notably, the peak in the Early Neolithic, present in the Up - per Scheldt, is nearly absent in the Lower Scheldt, and a decline in sites during the initial phase of the Middle Neolithic is evident. Fig. 8. Map of the study area with a geographic spread of the archa- eological sites displaying radiocarbon dates and archaeological site phases. Dominant soil type (Panagos et al. 2022), LKB region (adapted after Lodewijck (2009)). Fig. 9. Examples for each archaeological period for which house plans are known (adapted from Cahen, Van Berg (1979), Claude Constantin, Isabelle Deramaix and Léonce Demarez (2010), Frédéric Joseph et al. (2011), and Cécile Monchablon et al. (2011)). 205 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... butary of the Scheldt (Con stantin, Burnez-Lanotte 2008; Denis 2019). Within this small cluster 11 LBK sites and eight BQY settlements are known, yielding c. 19 houses (Tab. 7, Figs. 8 and 9). In Northern France several sites of the BQY and Villeneuve-Saint-Ger main (VSG) cultures have also been discovered, al though not yielding clear house plans (Praud et al. 2018). Other finds are often merely single stray finds such as adzes, flint arrowheads or small quantities of pottery (Jadin, Hauzeur 2003). Outside of the loamy areas, finds of these first farmer-herders are scarce (Crombé et al. 2015a) which could explain the notable lack of Early Neolithic sites in the Lower Scheldt region, as seen in the site counts The paucity of the sandy soils for long-term sus- tain able agriculture probably is the main rea- son for the absence of Early Neolithic sites in the sandy lowlands (Vermeersch 1990; Crom- bé, Vanmontfort 2007; Langohr 2019). Whether the clear peak in sites and dates in the Early Neolithic of the Upper Scheldt can be linked to a population boost or increase, as claimed in other areas of the LBK territo ry (cf. Shennan, Edin borough 2007; Shennan 2009; Shennan et al. 2013) needs to be que- stioned. This pattern might be biased to a cer- tain degree by the high er visi bility of Early Neo lithic set tle ments compared to hunter-ga - therers campsites (Crombé, Ro binson 2014), e.g., due to the presence of nume rous deep fea tures such as deep post-holes and foun da - tion trenches belonging to rectangular long- houses and loam extraction pits along side these houses. In addition, these features pro - vide much better dat ing opportunities (Tab. 8), as the risk of contamination or misat tri bu- tion is limited compared to hunter-ga therer sites lacking clear structural fea tures (Sergant et al. 2006). Fi nal ly the research focus on the LBK and BQY in particular during the last few decades of the 20th century, involving large- scale ex cavations (Jadin 2003; Constantin, Bur nez-Lanotte 2008), combined with the lack of research on the Mesolithic in the Upper Scheldt, has certainly influenced the data. If the introduction of these first farmer-herder mi grants would have led to a population in - crease, the impact most likely would still have been very local given the very small size of the Crombé, Van montfort 2007). In Belgium, set tlements of these first agro-pastoral groups are confined to the loamy areas of the Hainaut and Hesbaye regions (Fig. 8). Only the Hainaut region is included in the study area, and constitutes a small area (Siedlungskammer) of c. 32km2 around the source of the Dender river, a tri- Raw Counts Aoristic Weight Random SPD Raw Counts 1 Aoristic Weight 0.86 1 Random 0.83 0.98 1 SPD 0.68 0.79 0.79 1 Tab. 2. Spearman correlation ρ-values for the Scheldt Basin. The significant correlations (p<.05) are indicated in bold. Raw Counts Aoristic Weight Random SPD Raw Counts 1 Aoristic Weight 0.54 1 Random 0.43 0.92 1 SPD 0.07 0.60 0.54 1 Tab. 3. Spearman correlation ρ-values for the Lower Scheldt Ba- sin. The significant correlations (p<.05) are indicated in bold. Raw Counts Aoristic Weight Random SPD Raw Counts 1 Aoristic Weight 0.83 1 Random 0.78 0.97 1 SPD 0.68 0.74 0.75 1 Tab. 4. Spearman correlation ρ-values for the Upper Scheldt Ba- sin. The significant correlations (p<.05) are indicated in bold. Scheldt SPD Lower Scheldt SPD Upper Scheldt SPD Scheldt SPD 1 Lower Scheldt SPD 0.91 1 Upper Scheldt SPD 0.97 0.82 1 Tab. 5. Spearman correlation ρ-values for the SPDs of the sub- regions. The significant correlations (p<.05) are indicated in bold. Scheldt Aoristic Lower Scheldt Aoristic Upper Scheldt Aoristic Scheldt Aoristic 1 Lower Scheldt Aoristic 0.75 1 Upper Scheldt Aoristic 0.96 0.61 1 Tab. 6. Spearman correlation ρ-values for the aoristic weights of the subregions. The significant correlations (p<.05) are indi- cated in bold. 206 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé the swift abandonment of the Belgian loess area by these initial farmers. However, potential biasing factors also need to be taken into account. Firstly, changes in building tra di- tions leading to a decrease in site visibility could par- tially account for the notable decline in archaeological sites and, consequently, in the number of radiocarbon dates obtained (Tab. 8). As already demonstrated in earlier research (Blouet 2006; Crombé, Robinson 2014) post-LBK settlements are characterized by shal- lower features, rendering them considerably more susceptible to erosion, and are therefore only spo radi - cally preserved. LBK/BQY timber longhouses, iden- tifiable by deep post holes and extraction pits, for example, are replaced by houses featuring shallow(er) foundation trenches along their exterior walls and the absence of extraction pits (Giligny, Sénépart 2018) (Fig. 9). Additionally, post-LBK sites, particularly those of the Rössen culture, are difficult to detect in surface finds, because they share similar diagnostic artefacts (triangular arrowheads, flake axes, and so on) with the subsequent Michelsberg culture. Therefore, it is not unlikely that some sites attributed to the Mi chels - berg culture may actually belong to the Rössen cul ture. Distinguishing between them relies largely on pot tery analysis, although pot tery fragments are rarely en- countered during field surveys. Similar circumstances apply to the con tem poraneous Swifterbant culture, the pottery of which does not survive in the plough-layer. While this in di genous hunter-gatherer culture is to date only known from the Lower Scheldt, it is possible that its territory extended further south in cluding the Upper Scheldt basin. If future research substantiates this hypothesis, it would indicate the continuity of hun- ter-gatherers communities after the disappearance of the LBK and BQY in the loess area, potentially re sult - ing in the reoccupation of the former territory of the first farmers. This, however, appears rather unlikely given abundance of post-LBK ‘contact’ artefacts on Swifterbant sites in the Lower Scheldt, including small assemblages of (epi)Rössen pottery (Crombé et al. 2015a; Teetaert, Crombé 2022), cereal grains (Mey- lemans et al. 2018) and domesticated ani mals (Crom- bé et al. 2020) indicating the presence of post-LBK/ BQY sites in the adjacent loess area, al though these could also originate from areas beyond the Upper Siedlungs kam mer. Furthermore the size of the group inhabiting these first permanent set tle - ments will not have been much larger than that of a residential hunter-gatherers campsite, as recently demonstrated by a multiproxy spatial analysis of the Mesolithic site of Kerkhove in the Up- per Scheldt (Vandendriessche et al. 2023). Most ex - cavated LBK and BQY settlements in the Upper Scheldt yielded between two to three long-houses, excep tio - nally five (Ormeignies-Blicquy ‘La Petite Ro sière’ and Ath ‘Les Haleurs’); using an average of 8.5 in habitants per house (Zimmermann, Hilpert, Wendt 2009), these settlements were occupied by a group of c. 15 to 25 peo- ple, comparable to the number of oc cu pants of a hun - ter-gatherer residential camp. Further more, detailed analyses of pottery decoration (Con stantin, Bur nez- Lanotte 2008) suggest that not all set tlements were simultaneously occupied, as at least three phases can be discerned for each cultural phase, reducing the number of potentially synchronic set tle ments to two, at a maximum three. A population peak is the re fore an artefact of the higher visibility of sites. A true po- pulation increase in the region does not seem realistic, but a local increase in the Dender region is likely. First part of the Middle Neolithic (4650–4300 cal BCE) The BQY groups disappeared around 4650 cal BCE, which coincides with a decline both in radiocarbon den sity and site counts, particularly in the Upper Scheldt basin. Whilst in neighbouring regions these cultures were replaced by others such as the Cerny (Paris basin) (Constantin et al. 1997; Dubouloz, Lanc- hon 1997) or Rössen (Rhineland) (Kooijmans 1993; Gehlen, Schön 2007), there seems to be a hiatus in oc - cupation in the Scheldt valley during the ensuing pe - riod up until the introduction of the Michelsberg cul- ture around 4300 cal BCE (Vanmontfort 2004; Crom- bé, Vanmontfort 2007; Constantin, Burnez-Lanotte 2008). A recent study (Langohr 2019) pointed out that edaphic factors were likely the cause of the disap pea - rance of the LBK and BQY cultures in the Belgian loess region. Contrary to the fertile Cher nozems, Phaeo zems and Luvisols soils of Central Eu rope, which facilitate year-round cultivation, the first farmers in the Atlantic region, including the Upper Scheldt, encountered leach ed and highly acidic soils characterized by the presence of a fragipan, which con stituted a physical bar rier to root penetration. Basic shifting cultivation was not sustainable, requiring en tire villages to re lo- cate regularly, resembling a ‘shifting village’ system. Ul timately this pattern would quickly have resulted in Tab. 7. Amount of known house plans per period. EN 1st half MN 2nd half MN LN FN EBA MBA Total 19 0 4 0 32 0 33 207 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... is the first one which deviates positively from the null model. However, it is essential to acknowledge the pre- sence of potential biasing factors. Firstly the increased visibility and preservation of features, at tributed to the (re)appearance of deep structures, such as deep flint extraction mines at sites like Spien nes (Collet et al. 2016), as well as extensive ditch and palisade en clo - sures observed at locations like Spiere ‘De Hel’ (Van- montfort 2004), Kemmelberg (Van Doorselaer et al. 1974) and Blicquy ‘Couture du Couvent’ (Constantin, Demarez 2009). These features were previously un- known in the Scheldt basin prior to the Michelsberg culture and have been extensively dated at certain sites, thereby constituting the majority (71%) of the total number of dates for this period (Tab. 8). Fur- thermore, Michelsberg culture sites are more easily identifiable on the surface compared to Swifterbant culture sites, owing to the presence of highly distinc- tive artefacts including triangular and leaf-shaped ar- rowheads, polished axes, flake axes and long blades, as well as typical raw materials including high-quality mined flint (Vanmontfort et al. 2008; Messiaen et al. 2023). Independent of the question whether the introduction of the Michelsberg culture led to a significant popu- lation increase, it is evident that this culture played a major role in expanding the agro-pastoral economy downstream along the Scheldt river into the sandy lowlands of the Lower Scheldt basin. Recent studies examining pottery (Teetaert, Crombé 2021), stone tech nologies (Messiaen et al. 2023) and antler tools (Crombé et al. 2022a) have convincingly demonstrat- ed that this was the result of acculturation among in di- genous hunter-gatherers through contact and ex chan- ges with southern farmers, rather than further mi gra- tion of the latter. However the question remains why this occurred during the second half of the 5th mil len - nium, although there is evidence suggesting an earlier onset of local husbandry in the sandy lowlands (Crom- bé et al. 2020; 2022b). One possibility is that the spread of the agro-pastoral economy was facilitated by adaptations in cereal cul- tivation. The transition to the post-LBK/BQY in the French and Belgian loess area is characterized by a sig - nificant shift from predominantly emmer (Triticum dicoccum) and einkorn (Triticum monococcum) to a dominance of bread wheat (Triticum aestivum s.l./ tur gidum s.l.). Although the reasons for this change are still debated (Bakels 2008; Bouby et al. 2018), it could suggest an adaptation to less fertile or more Scheldt basin. Consequently, the decline in population immediately following the LBK/BQY remains under discussion. The above arguments, however, cannot explain the concurrent drop in the number of sites in the Lower Scheldt, an area not inhabited by the LBK nor the BQY. Other potential biasing factors may be in play, including a shift in land-use towards wetland areas, which are less frequently targeted by prospection campaigns and excavations, and would therefore re- main largely undiscovered. This corresponds with the settlement pattern observed for the Swifterbant culture sites in the Lower Scheldt valley (Crombé et al. 2015b); the five currently known sites are all located in the Scheldt estuary buried beneath thick layers of peat and tidal deposits. Even if the Swifterbant culture had also utilized adjacent dryland areas, the likeli hood of detecting these sites through surface sur veys is mi- nimal, given that their material culture closely resem - bles Late Mesolithic traditions and is nearly in di sting- uish able from those. Except for the presence of faceted tools (Halbrucker et al. 2022), their assemblages predominantly consist of the same diagnostic artefacts and raw materials as those from the Late Mesolithic period, such as trapezes, Montbani-retouched blades, and the use of Wommersom quar tzite (Messiaen et al. 2023). The only five known Swifterbant culture sites within the Lower Scheldt basin are all attributed to this culture solely based on pottery finds, which un fortuna- tely are exclusively recovered during excavations as they do not survive within the plough-layer. Without pottery this culture remains almost invisible. At first sight the decrease in sites seems contradictory with the slight increase of 14C dates in the SPD of the Lower Scheldt from c. 4800 cal BCE. However, this ob - servation is also subject to bias. Extensive dat ing ef - forts, particularly in the context of the five Swifter- bant culture wetland sites, have yielded over 120 dates (Tab. 8), which could introduce potential biases even after binning. Second part of the Middle Neolithic (4300–3800 cal BCE) From approximately 4300 cal BCE onwards, for the first time, both regions of the Scheldt basin show a synchronized distribution pattern in terms of archa - eological sites and radiocarbon dates, characterized by a sharp increase lasting for over almost half of a mil - lennium corresponding to the emergence of the Mi- chelsberg culture. Additionally, the peak in the SPDs 208 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé in the UK (Shennan et al. 2013; Bevan et al. 2017), Central Europe (Koláø et al. 2022) and southern Scan- dinavia (Warden et al. 2017; Nielsen et al. 2019), where it is typically in terpreted as indicative of a population crash fol lowing the initial introduction of agro-pa sto- ral com munities. This interpretation may also hold true for the Scheldt basin, despite the fact that the reduced number of sites and 14C dates might simply ap pear as a decline since deep features, particularly en closures and deep post holes, are less prevalent. In fact, the ma jority of dates (c. 60%) originate from flint mines and river finds, two categories of contexts not directly associated with settlements (Tab. 8; Fig. 2). Thus far, no Late Neolithic house plans have been identified within the study area (Tab. 7). Similar trends are ob served in the surrounding regions occupied by the Seine-Oise-Marne culture in northern France and the Belgian Meuse ba sin, the Vlaardingen/Stein culture in the Dutch Meuse basin, and even further north with the western Funnel Beaker culture of the northern Ne - therlands. On dry land locations Late Neolithic settle- ment sites are li mited to a few scattered post holes and pits (Louwe Kooijmans 1983; Verhart 2000; Rae mae- kers 2013; Drenth et al. 2014), which are often heavily leached and thus difficult to detect (Verhegge et al. 2021). Conversely in wetland areas, better-preserved and oc casionally complete sites and house plans are found, such as those in the Dutch Rhine-Meuse delta (Kleijne, Drenth 2019). The house plans typically feature shal low wall posts combined with deep roof posts, with the latter being more likely to survive in exposed and frequently eroded dryland contexts. Consequently, the image of the Neolithic population based on Dutch wetland data is one of population con - tinuity or stability rather than a population crash. This interpretation is further supported by the recent find - ings indicating that the exploitation of the flint mines in the Upper Scheldt continued during the Late and Final Neolithic (Collet et al. 2008) as well as the de- position of antler tools in rivers (Crombé et al. 2018) (Fig. 2). Furthermore, the interpretation is in line with the evidence from the Belgian Meuse valley and the re - gion north of the Rhine/Meuse, where the Late Neo li- thic is characterized by numerous collective burials, either in caves (Toussaint et al. 2010; Toussaint 2013; De Groote et al. 2022) or me galithic monuments, spe - cifically hunebedden (Bakker 1992). Analysis of the SPD for former bu rials (Fig. 2) reveals an inverse trend, indicating a gra dual increase of radiocarbon dates (and thus burials) from the beginning of the 4th to the first half of the 3rd millennium cal BCE, strongly depleted soils, making cultivation on the sandy soils of the Lower Scheldt basin possible. Even in the loess areas of the Upper Scheldt, Michelsberg culture sites, unlike LBK/BQY sites, are no longer restricted to loess soils, but also frequently occur on outcrops of Tertiary sands, sand dunes and river scroll bars (Crombé, Van - montfort 2007). This significant change in land-use may also be linked to the changing importance of ag - riculture compared to animal husbandry, with the latter becoming more prominent, although this re- mainscurrently difficult to assess. The expansion of the agro-pastoral economy along the Scheldt basin in the second half of the 5th millennium reflects a notable economic shift. This expansion pos- sibly occurred in response to prevailing warm con di- tions attributed to increased summer insolation in the Northern Hemisphere. The expansion from the loess to the sandy lowlands coincided with the Ho locene Thermal Maximum (HTM), characterized in NW Europe by elevated summer temperatures, surpassing those of the pre-industrial time (Kaufman et al. 2020; Fletcher et al. 2024), following a cold collapse associated with pronounced dryness around 4500/4400 cal BCE (Wan - ner et al. 2011; 2014). This is also supported by the lo - cal palaeoecological evidence from the Scheldt ba sin. Several Swifterbant sites yielded substantial amounts of seeds and charcoal from ivy (Hedera he lix) and mis - tletoe (Viscum al bum), two plants con sidered climate indicators (Zagwijn 1994). Hedera he lix is sen si - tive to winter frost and thrives in mild win ters (mean January tem perature >–2°C), whereas Vis cum al - bum requires warm summers (mean July tem pe ra - ture >15.5°C) (Iversen 1944; Walas et al. 2022). Late Neolithic (3800–3000 cal BCE) The onset of the Late Neolithic, around 3800 cal BCE, signifies the start of a serious decline in both sites and radiocarbon densities, persisting for nearly half a mil - lennium in the Upper Scheldt (until c. 3400 cal BCE) and for a millennium in the Lower Scheldt basin (un - til c. 2800 cal BCE). Interestingly, the lowest fre quen - cies, denoted by a negative deviation from the null model, do not occur simultaneously in both regions of the basin. While it is situated around 3450 cal BCE and lasts only briefly in the Upper Scheldt, the trough in the Lower Scheldt occurs much later, spanning be- tween approximately 3175 and 2830 cal BCE, enduring for several centuries until the tran sition to the Final Neolithic. This overarching pat tern closely resembles the boom-and-bust pattern observed in various study- areas across NW Europe, including different regions 209 Beyond the sum: evaluating the potential and limitations of analysing Neolithic population dynamics ... Final Neolithic (3000–2000 cal BCE) The Final Neolithic exhibits a notable increase in both the number of sites and 14C dates, with the majority con centrated in the Upper Scheldt basin. Out of the 143 Final Neolithic sites identified in the study area, 119 are located within the Upper Scheldt basin. More- over, this marked rise clearly started much earlier in the Upper Scheldt, culminating in a prominent peak during the first half of the 3rd millennium cal BCE, corresponding to the Dêule-Escaut culture (Joseph et al. 2011). In con trast, the peak in the Lower Scheldt oc- curs in the second half, coinciding with the emergence of the Bell Beaker culture (Crombé et al. 2011). How - ever, this dis parity in timing likely stems from diffe- rences in research history and intensity rather than reflecting an accurate prehistoric reality. In fact, the majority of Dêule-Escaut sites have been uncovered in northern France over the past two deca- des, lar gely as a result of large-scale developer-led ar cha - eology, resulting in the identification of at least 18 house plans (Jo seph et al. 2011). Prior to this, little was known about the settlement organization of this cul- ture, leading to the assumption that these people oc- cupied lightweight, poorly founded structures that left minimal traces in the soil. In comparison to north - ern France, large-scale pre ventive excavations start ed later in Belgium. Only at present are some areas of the Scheldt ba sin, in particular the Belgian Upper Scheldt, starting to reveal the first evidence of this culture, e.g., at Ghislenghien (Dera maix 1997), Oost kamp (De me yere et al. 2006) and possibly also at Eine (Hazen, Drenth 2018). These recent discoveries indicate that fur- ther salvage re search in the Bel - gian Scheldt basin will likely lead to more settlements sites and house plans. Another significant factor con - tributing to the notable in cre - ase in house plans (and con se - quently the number of sites) is the fundamental shift in buil- ding traditions at the beginning of the 3rd millennium cal BCE, which renders sites much more visible and datable (Tab. 8), even in exposed dryland re - gions. During this period, most suggestive of population growth during this period. Unfortunately, as burial contexts are undocumented in the Scheldt basin, a similar trend cannot be definitively asserted, but appears highly probable. Finally there is no obvious explanation for a significant population decline during the 4th millennium cal BCE. In other regions of NW Europe, the observed decline in the SPDs has been attributed to a changing climate and environment, such as prolonged cooling (Bevan et al. 2017; Warden et al. 2017) and wetter sum mers (Bevan et al. 2017) from c. 3500 cal BCE onwards. Ad- ditionally, changes in economic strategies (Nielsen et al. 2019; Koláø et al. 2022) and social ten sion (Koláø et al. 2022) have been proposed as contributing factors. Within the Scheldt basin the appearance of yew (Taxus baccata) in the pollen spectra during the Subboreal, particularly between c. 3500 and 2000 cal BCE (De- force, Bastiaens 2007), along with the associated pa - ludification of river floodplains and coastal areas (known as the alder-carr phase) (Storme et al. 2017), sug gests increased humidity which may have affected agri cultural productivity. However, the extent of its im- pact on po pulation dynamics is un cer tain, as only the lower-lying landscapes (floodplains, coa stal regions) would have been affected, constituting a minor por- tion of the Scheldt basin landscape. Fur thermore, spe - leothem data from the neighbouring Meu se valley (Al - lan et al. 2018) do not indicate heigh tened cooling during the 4th millennium cal BCE. Tab. 8. Amount of dates per archaeological context. The dates are presented excluding the dates from Swifterbant sites. The amount including the Swift- erbant sites are included between brackets when they occur. EN 1 st part of the Middle Neolithic 2nd part of the Middle Neolithic LN FN EBA Sherd 1 (5) 7 (12) 1 Layer 2 (34) 2 (24) 15 (84) 3 (7) 16 River 10 6 14 9 16 6 Kiln & Hearth 2 (9) 13 (20) 1 5 1 Circle Ditch 1 2 2 11 12 Mine 2 17 12 15 Well 1 1 2 Pit 9 37 1 21 4 Burial 1 4 2 22 3 Posthole 1 2 2 61 2 Ditch 29 3 11 Total 25 (57) 13 (48) 140 (221) 36 (40) 181 28 210 Elliot Van Maldegem, Florian Lauryssen, Erik Smolders, and Philippe Crombé monuments were identified through extensive and prolonged surveys utilizing aerial photography, which be gan in the 1980s and continues to the present (Ampe et al. 1996). These surveys primarily targeted the sandy Lower Scheldt area, whereas the heavier and less well-drained loess soils of the Upper Scheldt received less attention due to their greater distance from airfields and lower detection rates. The rate at which crop marks appear differs fundamentally be- tween sandy and loamy soils, with the latter re quir ing significantly longer periods of sustained drought for detection. Therefore, the marked decline in the SPD and sites in the Upper Scheldt is likely heavily in fluenc- ed by the absence of aerial surveys. Furthermore, the bias in settlement sites observed in the preceding Bell Beaker culture persists into the Early Bronze Age. This is evidenced by the complete absence of house plans in the Scheldt basin, in contrast with the numerous examples from the Middle Bronze age (Tab. 7). Based on the limited number of better- preserved contexts in the Dutch wetlands, it is known that Early Bronze Age houses closely resembled those of the Bell Beaker culture (de Koning, Drenth 2018). However, the scarcity of early Bronze Age settlement sites in these wetland environments suggests that the transition from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age likely experienced some degree of population decline. In- triguingly, this coincides remarkably with the 4.2kya cli mate event/IRD3 (Bond et al. 1997; 2001; Alley, Agustsdottir 2005; Lawrence et al. 2021). This ab rupt, short-lived event dated from 2250 to 1950 cal BCE (Weiss 2016; Walker et al. 2019) would have led to in - creased aridity and decreased temperatures, par ti cu - larly in lower latitude regions such as the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and the Mediterranean region (deMe - no cal 2001; Booth et al. 2005; Geirsdóttir et al. 2013; Yang et al. 2015; Weiss 2016; Bini et al. 2019). Multiple difficulties and shifts in these regions such as the col - lapse of the Akkadian empire, the Old Kingdom in Egypt, and so on (e.g., Meller et al. (2015) versus Sołty - siak and Fernandes (2021)), are attributed to this event. In contrast, the impact of this event in the mid and high-latitudes of north(western) Europe appears to be more heterogeneous and less pronounced (Brad - ley, Bakke 2019). While there appear to be indications of a decline in yew in the Ne therlands, Germany and England (Bebchuk et al. 2024), recent multi-proxy stu - dies in the UK, Ireland (Roland et al. 2014) and Poland (Pleskot et al. 2020) did not uncover compelling evi- dence for significant changes in terrestrial vegetation or lake ecosystems during this climatic event. Similarly, two-aisled houses feature outer walls constructed of posts inserted into deeply excavated foundation tren- ches – a technique some times also employed for inte- rior walls (Joseph et al. 2011) (Fig. 9). In certain in- stances, the wall posts were even embedded deep - er than the foundation trenches. This was com bin - ed with a central row of roof posts, some of which could reach very large dimensions. A similar ar chi - tectural change is observed in the coversand re gion of the southern Netherlands (Drenth et al. 2014), suggesting that this was not solely a localized development. Similarly, the discrepancy in SPD between the Upper and Lower Scheldt during the second half of the 3rd millennium BCE is likely skewed by differences in ar- chaeological research. Bell Beaker culture sites are predominantly concentrated in the Lower Scheldt ba - sin, with evidence primarily derived from isolated pot - tery finds and burials. The latter consisting of burial pits (Crombé et al. 2011) and barrow ditches (De Reu, Bourgeois 2013). Thus far, none of the known settle- ment sites have yielded clear settlement structures, such as house plans, which contrasts sharp ly with the first half of the 3rd millennium cal BCE. Again this has probably to do with changing building traditions ra - ther than indicating a decrease in population. By way of comparison, the scant Bell Beaker house plans iden - tified in the Dutch wetlands (Arnoldussen, Theunissen 2014) exhibit marked dif fe rences from those of the preceding culture; they lack deep foundation trenches, and wall posts are irregularly spaced and frequently are not visible or preserved. Nonetheless, the Dutch wetlands are known to have been extensively inha bit- ed during this period. Early Bronze Age (2000–1800 cal BCE) During the transition from the Final Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age, around 2100/2000 cal BCE, a large trough is visible both in radiocarbon dates and site counts. However, when examining the basin sub re- gions individually, a more nuanced picture emerges. It is apparent that in the Lower Scheldt the decrease in dates is less pronounced and of shorter duration com- pared to the Upper Scheldt, where the decline in dates and sites commenced around c. 2300/2200 cal BCE. In our opinion this contrast between the Lower and Up - per Scheldt, results from differences in research me- tho dology. The majority of sites dating from the Final Neolithic (Bell Beaker culture) to the Middle Bronze Age consist of barrows, specifically the deep circular ditches surrounding these earth mounds. Most of these 211 Beyond the sum: evaluati ng the potenti al and limitati ons of analysing Neolithic populati on dynamics ... bar row ditches and deep-founded buil dings. These features enhance visibility and pro vide greater op por - tunities for radiocarbon dating. In contrast to the observed boom-and-bust pattern in other studies within north(western) Europe, our study suggests that Neolithic population dynamics in the Scheldt basin region indicate a trend of gradual po pu - lation growth. This growth was only temporarily inter - rupted at the transition towards the Bronze Age, po- tentially due to a major climatic event that impacted eco nomic productivity. While subtle population fluc- tuations throughout the Neolithic cannot be entirely dismissed, it remains uncertain whether these fluc tu a - tions are discernible through the quantification of ra- diocarbon dates and archaeological sites alone. speleothem studies in the neighbouring Meuse valley of southern Belgium did not reveal evidence of major climatic fluctuations between c. 2500 and 1100 cal BCE, but rather suggest stable, temperate conditions (Al lan et al. 2018). Therefore, a correlation between the po tential population reduction and climate change at the Neolithic-Bronze age transition in the Scheldt basin remains to be established. Conclusion The interpretation of fluctuations in radiocarbon dates (dates as data) and sites represents significant chal- lenges when analysing population dynamics. 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Esti- mations of Population Density for Selected Periods Between the Neolithic and AD 1800. Human Biology 81(3): 357–380. https://doi.org/10.3378/027.081.0313 back to content 220 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.24 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – neolitizacija; stara DNK; migracija; prve ustanovitve; velikost; tveganje; preobrat; propad IZVLEÈEK – Dolga arheološka razprava o procesu neolitizacije Evrope se je, zahvaljujoè raziskavam stare DNK in drugim znanstvenim raziskavam, konèala v korist velikih migracij. Vzporedno so bile vzpostav- ljene bolj robustne in na splošno bolj natanène kronologije. Dolgoroèno gledano, je zgodovinski proces sprememb, ki so jih prinesli neolitski migranti, nepovraten. Kljub vsemu se lahko in mora nastajajoèa 'velika slika' podrobneje preuèiti. Nekatere kljuène implikacije za razumevanje mobilnosti in migracij so bile sicer raziskane, vendar pa je še veliko možnosti za boljšo povezavo arheoloških in znanstvenih, predvsem arheogenetskih raziskav. Te lahko razkrijejo nove vidike procesa kolonizacije in ustanavljanja neolitskih naselbin, za katero se zdi, da je bila na zaèetku majhna; nagnjena k prilagajanju, eksperi- mentiranju, preobratu in celo propadu; in odprta za stike z domorodnimi skupnostmi. Te možnosti dokazujemo z nizom kratkih študijskih primerov s severnega Balkana, Karpatskega bazena in severne Srednje Evrope. Z njimi želimo oblikovati preprost model 'mejnih razmer', ki bi jih lahko uporabljali pri preuèevanju zaèetkov neolitizacije Evrope. Negotova meja: tveganja, preobrati in interakcije ob ustanavljanju prvih neolitskih neselbin KEY WORDS – Neolithisation; aDNA; migration; initial establishment; scale; risk; reversal; failure ABSTRACT – Long archaeological debate on the process of Neolithisation across Europe has been resolved at a broad level, thanks to aDNA and other scientific investigations, in favour of significant migrations virtually everywhere. This development has coincided with the establishment of more robust and gener- ally more precise chronologies, and in the long run the historical process of change brought by Neolithic migrants was irreversible. However, the emergent big picture can and should still be examined in much further detail. Some significant implications for the understanding of mobility and migration have been explored, but there is plenty of scope for better integration of archaeological and scientific, especially archaeogenetic, investigations. This can reveal important dimensions of the process of colonisation and the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement, which appears often to have been small-scale at the outset; prone to adjustment, experiment, reversal and even failure; and open to contacts with indigenous people. We support these claims with a series of brief case studies principally from the northern Balkans, the Carpathian basin and northern central Europe to build a simple model of frontier conditions which could have implications for the study of initial Neolithisation across Europe as a whole. Eszter Bánffy1, Alasdair Whittle2 1 HUN-REN RCH Institute of Archaeology, Excellence Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, HU; banffy.eszter@abtk.hu 2 Department of Archaeology and Conservation, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK; whittle@cardiff.ac.uk The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement 221 The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement Neolithisation across Europe: the current big picture The long archaeological debate about the process of Neolithisation across Europe, which goes back to the later nineteenth century and even earlier, appears now at one level finally to have been settled. The big ques- tion has been whether migrants and colonisers were responsible for the introduction into Europe of a new way of life involving agriculture and a more set tled existence than practised by hunter-gatherers, or whe - ther this transition was in the hands of in di genous European hunter-gatherers themselves, using know- ledge of new techniques and practices diffused from centres of innovation in the Near East. Numerous aDNA studies particularly over the last nine or ten years (froma a much longer list, see Brandt et al. 2014; Szé - csényi-Nagy et al. 2014; 2015; in press; Lipson et al. 2017; Reich 2018; Brace et al. 2019; Nikitin et al. 2019; Rivollat et al. 2020; Marchi et al. 2022; Koptekin et al. 2024), supported by even ear lier isotopic inves ti ga- tions (for example, Price et al. 2001; Schulting, Ri- chards 2002; Schulting 2008), have at last settled the major outlines of Neolithisation process. Virtually everywhere across Europe, including in regions such as southern Scandinavia (Allentoft 2024a; 2024b; and see the references cited above) where previously there were very respectable ar cha eological arguments in fa - vour of a significant in volvement for indigenous peo- ple if not indeed a leading role, it now appears that in - comers ultimately of Near Eastern genetic ancestry were principally res ponsible for the introduction of the new way of life. This decisive shift has broadly coincided with the es- tablishment of a more robust and often more precise chronological framework for early Neolithic sequences than previously available. Many more radiocarbon dates have been achieved, to be interrogated now in many regions in a Bayesian chronological framework, with much more precise regional sequences emerging (e.g., Jakucs et al. 2016; Whittle et al. 2011; Porèiæ 2024). That has served to lower some previous in for- mal date estimates for the start of Neolithic activity in given regions, such as the coasts of the west Medi ter ra- nean (Cruz-Berrocal 2012; Szécsényi-Nagy et al. 2017; Revelles et al. 2018; Alt et al. 2020; Leppard 2021) or central Europe at the time of the earliest LBK (Jakucs et al. 2016; Bánffy et al. 2018; for a dif fering view, see Strien 2017; 2018), and to unravel and extend a po ten - tially lengthy process in the cases of Britain and Ire- land, where debate had previously assumed a single point of change (Whittle et al. 2011; McClatchie, Potito 2020; Smyth et al. 2020). While there is still plenty of regional detail to be sorted, one can now fairly claim a generally solid and plausible timeframe for the nar- ratives of migration and change (e.g., Shennan 2018; Whittle 2018; Hofmann et al. 2024). These key twin developments also sit well generally with the previous assertion made by John Robb (2013) that the process of Neolithisation across Europe was irreversible; region by region, once Neolithic practices had been introduced, there was in the long run no going back to earlier ways. By all these means, our understanding of the be gin- nings of the Neolithic period across Europe has been transformed within the last generation of research, or at an even tighter timescale within the last decade or so. This has served to reset debate in many fun da- mental ways but the rapidity with which data and in - terpretations have changed may also explain why, so far, there has been comparatively little further detail - ed discussion about the implications of these many shifts of perspective. On the one hand, there is a ten - dency to assume a single, broad or major initial mi gra - tion in any given region. In contrast, it is clear from wider, comparative discussion of concepts of fron- tiers, borders and boundaries (see for example, Gre- en, Perlman 1985; Kopytoff 1987; Parker 2006; Feuer 2016), that frontiers can often be fluid, unstable and porous. On the other hand, there has been so far ra ther limited – though very welcome – discussion of how the archaeogenetic data contribute to new understandings of migration and mobility in general and in particular cultural contexts such as the LBK and elsewhere (Hofmann 2016; 2020; Hofmann et al. 2022; 2024; Porèiæ 2024). We assert that, by contrast, there is still considerable scope for further and better integration of archaeological and archaeogenetic re sults and for the continuing interrogation of the specific fine detail, region by region, of the emergent big picture described above. We argue that alongside or complementing this big picture this may reveal much about the nature of co lonisation and the varying conditions of the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement across Europe. We offer selected brief case studies from the frontiers, principally from the north Balkans and central Eu rope, and cover further comparative examples from other regions of Europe in our discussion. These may vario- usly illustrate themes of local adjustment, experiment, reversal and even failure, as well as contacts with in di - genous people, and they may all help, in our view, to 222 Eszter Bánffy, Alasdair Whittle settlement at Alsónyék in southernmost Transdanubia represents a Starèevo strand (Oross et al. 2016), while Körös culture sites dominate the Alföld, with Criº sites in Romania (Kutzián 1944; Kalicz, Raczky 1980- 1981; Raczky 1980; Comºa 1959). While the data are far from perfect, the evidence we have is generally compatible with a picture of steady spread from south to north: in Transdanubia up to Lake Balaton (Kalicz 1990; Bánffy 2004), and on the Great Hungarian Plain, as far as up to near its northern limits (Domboróczki 2010.Fig. 11; Mester, Rácz 2010). Overall, many of the landscapes with Körös culture sites appear busy and even populous, though well-dated individual sites such as Ecsegfalva 23 are still few and far between (Whittle 2007; see Oross, Siklósi 2012 for a wider summary of the dating of Körös sites), and individual locations may have seen plenty of coming and going; but it remains hard to pin down a sense of settlement density at any one particular time. In Transdanubia, current research suggests that Alsónyék and a few settlements in its im- mediate vicinity on the south-east edge of the region show something of the character and scale of initial Neolithic activity (Fig. 1). The debate reset: some case studies from the fron tiers Impermanent Körös settlement on the east bank of the Danube There is reasonable information now about the spread of Neolithic people, things and practices through the Balkans though of course more excavation and more, robust dating would continue to be welcome. A plausible model is the establishment of settlement in the central Balkans by the later seventh millennium cal BC, represented principally by the Starèevo cul ture, and then in the northern Balkans and into the Carpa- thian basin, including on to the Great Hun garian Plain and Transdanubia, by the turn of the millennium and into the early sixth millennium cal BC (Whittle et al. 2002; Whittle 2007; Oross, Siklósi 2012; Blagojeviæ et al. 2017; Shennan 2018; Porèiæ et al. 2020; 2021). The Fig. 1. Map of the core case study areas and key sites discussed in the paper. 223 The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement ror or failure at the onset of the Neolithic. We do not know the detailed conditions of such a trajectory, but they could be to do with scale and connectivity, neither being sufficient for settlement to be maintained on a sustained basis. The evidence also highlights an intriguing lack of in - teraction between the Körös and Starèevo com mu ni - ties in the Sárköz region, despite their close pro xi mity, not more than 15–18km apart in the Danube wetlands. This lack of connection between the Körös and Star- èevo communities in the Sárköz region is un expected (Bánffy 2013). While both groups shared similar cultural and economic backgrounds, the differences between the Körös and Starèevo po pulations may have been expressed more through different practices (cf. Anthony 2007.104–105) than in their rather similar ma terial culture. Whatever the reason that the Körös and Starèevo groups avoided contact and cooperation, this circumstance may have contributed to the Sárköz Körös group falling back to the southern Alföld. Possible long-range but impermanent pio ne- ering in north-west Poland An early analysis of frontier conditions and the spread of the Neolithic phenomenon across Europe, suggested a ‘wave of advance’, progressing outward overall but consisting of local movement in all directions (Ammer- man, Cavalli-Sforza 1971; 1973; 1984; cf. Clark 1965; Porèiæ 2024.3–4). Subsequently, better dating indicat- ed a less even process, amongst which targeted or leap - frog colonisation was suggested (van Andel, Runnels 1995). That helps to give a more nuanced view of some frontier conditions, though it has to stay within the range of chronological and geographical probabilities. It has been invoked in the interpretation of the occupa- tion of Brunn in eastern Austria, where the authors have proposed a leapfrog jump from Starèevo com- munities some 300km to the south, avoiding Trans- danubia (Stadler, Kotova 2019; but see Bánffy 2021). Leapfrog colonisation could also help to make sense of some of the distribution of earliest LBK communities across central and western Europe, often with consi- derable gaps between known sites (Stäuble 2005; Strien 2018). Recently, a possible extreme case of long-range pio ne- ering has been proposed (Czerniak et al. 2023), which raises both further questions about frontier conditions and interpretive challenges in equal measure. The scene is north-west Poland in the lower Oder valley, at the very edge of the overall LBK distribution area, and stood out for their size and comparative longevity, while other sites further north may have been more scattered, smaller and with less abundant remains, and of short duration (Kalicz et al. 1998; Bánffy 2004). In this broader context, the example of Körös set tle- ment on the east bank of the Danube can be par ti cu- larly informative. Research on Körös settlement on the Great Hungarian Plain, east of the Tisza, had started in earnest in the 1930s (Banner 1937; Kutzián 1944), though the investigation of a Starèevo presence in south-west Hungary took much longer to get going (Kalicz 1990). The subsequent emergence of a no- table Körös settlement niche close to the Starèevo sites along the east bank of the Danube came as an ab solute surprise that suddenly filled a large blank spot in the Neolithic landscape (Bánffy 2013.157). After some spo- radic mentions of Körös potsherds in field walking re ports, a small excavation at Szakmár took place in 1975, led by Ida Kutzián. Apart from a short re port (Kutzián 1977), the site and its finds remained un pub- lished until a later synthesis and two further books dedicated to one of the most distinctive finds (Bánffy 2013; 2019). A single, conventional date is available from the excavated site (Bognár-Kutzián, Csongor 1987; Oross, Siklósi 2012.150). Precise dating for these settlements remains to be established. Based on the finds compared with well-dated parallels (Whittle et al. 2002; Oross, Siklósi 2012), however, the settlement niche could fall between 5800–5700 and 5650 cal BC (Bánffy 2012). Crucially for our wider argument, by the time of the late Körös period, none of the set tle- ments seems to have been inhabited, and there was a gap in settlement approximately four centuries long until Transdanubian LBK groups occupied some of the small elevations in the alluvial area (Kustár 2013). The niche in question, with some 50 known sites, is lo- cated where palaeochannels of the Danube led from the Tisza to the Danube: a green corridor for mo ve- ment north-westwards. In the presumably pe riodically inundated floodplain, with potentially fa vourable con- ditions for garden or other cultivation, the inhabitants probably moved around seeking the drier spots and avoiding temporarily submerged areas; such local in - stability may explain the high num ber of sites found within a small area of some 25km2. A plausible sce na - rio of the outcome is the re turn of this Danubian Kö rös group to where it came from: back again to the core distribution region on the Tisza. Overall, the emer- gence and decline of Körös settlement along the banks of the Danube could be seen as a story of trial and er- 224 Eszter Bánffy, Alasdair Whittle ses II and IV, and the presence of cereal cultivation in Phase IV is hardly controversial. The authors ascribe this ‘infiltration phase’ to the ac- tivity of Neolithic people, without quite specifying their possible identity. They refer to what has been claimed by the excavator of Brunn (Stadler, Kotova 2019) as a 300km ‘flying’ jump or leapfrog from Star - èevo communities in northern Croatia to found Brunn. One might also support the general argument of Czer- niak et al. (2023) by reference to more ge ne ral mo- dels of the prevalence and importance of move ment in the LBK tradition as a whole (Hofmann 2020), al- though Daniela Hofmann speaks about micro-mo bi li ty, back and forth, rather than on wider scales. There is the specific difficulty here that the activity in que stion begins before the emergence of the Formative LBK as represented by Szentgyörgyvölgy-Pityerdomb in west - ern Hungary and Brunn in eastern Austria, if we fol low the formal date estimates of János Jakucs et al. (2016) and reject the ‘high’ start date for Brunn proposed by the authors (Stadler, Kotova 2019). The ap peals to eth - nic diversity and competition are rather vague, though preeminent clans or lineages have been envisaged as a powerful force in the spread of earliest LBK com mu- nities (Frirdich 2005). Another possibility to be thought about, though re- jected by Czerniak et al. (2023), is of an episode of ex perimentation by local hunter-gatherers. We know of the long-distance movement of materials and ob- jects in Mesolithic Europe as a whole (Gronenborn 2010a). Putting this activity in the hands of far-ranging Mesolithic people might make it easier to explain the impermanence of the episode. In the end, time will tell whether similar instances can be documented beyond the frontier or leading edge of Neolithic settlement in the first half of the 6th millennium cal BC, and whe ther matching local archaeology can be located and do- cumented. Whichever interpretation is preferred, this episode can be seen as an important further clue to unstable frontier conditions in the very early stages of the Neo - lithic, and we note other possible comparisons in the discussion below. Once again – especially in the ver- sion promoted by Czerniak et al. (2023) – not only is there the possibility of fission and long-range mo ve- ment, but failure was the end result, as the activity de- scribed came to an end after probably some 140 years. Czerniak et al. (O.c.14) refer to probable indications of climatic downturn at the very end of their Phase II, some 90km from the Baltic. The authors present the results of a purely environmental investigation, from a pollen study of a lake core near Nowe Objezierze, fo- cusing on an estimated 140-year-long episode of clear- ance, cultivation and claimed animal husbandry (their Phase II), from the early 57th century to the mid-56th century cal BC. There follows a hiatus of some 200 years, preceded by signs of climatic downturn at the end of Phase II, and then a second phase (their Phase IV), some 300 years in length, of established clearance and cultivation, starting in the later 54th century cal BC. Although there is a cluster of known LBK sites on either side of the lower Oder (Czerniak et al. 2023. Fig. 2), and in the vicinity one established, late LBK longhouse has been excavated, no archaeological sites contemporary with the Phase II episode have yet been found. The Phase II episode is defined by increased visibility of Chenopodiaceae, Artemisia, Urtica and Plantago ma jor, Rumex acetellum and Viola arvensis; the pre- sence of Triticum- and Hordeum-type cereal pollen; and an initial decline in the values of oak, hazel and alder and subsequently a marked decrease in pine. There are also signs of burning. This is all taken to re- present clearance, cultivation of cereals and perhaps animal husbandry. Lech Czerniak et al. (2023) propose that this epi sode was the result of long-range migration by Neolithic people, not in circumstances of demographic pressure in their area of origin (cf. Shennan et al. 2013; Silva, Vander Linden 2017) – the available evidence for For- mative LBK and earliest LBK settlement hardly speaks to crowded landscapes (Jakucs et al. 2016) – but, in their view, perhaps as an outcome of ethnic diversity or of competition for prestige and access to resources among pioneering colonisers. The episode played out some fully 700km north of the area of the Formative LBK, and ignoring the spaces in between. At face value, there do not seem to be interruptions to or anomalies in the accumulation of lake sediment. The documented sequence has a coherent trajectory, with Phase IV corresponding broadly with our un- derstanding of the chronology of established LBK settlement in the north of Poland (cf. Marciniak et al. 2022). There are of course problems in the iden ti - fication of cereal pollen (Behre 2007), so that the claim for cereal cultivation in a context of probably li - mited interference with local woodlands might be chal - lenged, but a uniform method was applied to both Pha- 225 The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement Kabaciñski, Terberger 2009; Ka baciñski et al. 2015). The earliest evidence for agri culture gained from ce- real pollen grains is dated to no earlier than the final phase of the settlement, c. 3700–3600 cal BC. Its earliest dates (though not entirely unproblematic) appear to underline the dy namic nature of this cultural transition (Kotula et al. 2015.119,133). In the neighbouring area to the west, in north-east Ger many, similar dates have been published for the earliest Neolithic sites in northern Brandenburg and in western Pomerania (Cziesla 2008.409). Several pub - lications have investigated the appearance and disap- pearance of LBK groups in this northern periphery (Cziesla 2008). A new summary of the site of Lietzow 10, Havelland, Brandenburg, located on a ground moraine plateau, covers enclaves of agricultural life amidst the settlement zone of forager groups (Kirleis et al. 2024). The site yielded features containing late LBK pottery fragments, from which a settlement site with two farmsteads could be reconstructed, which was inhabited for two or three generations, around 5100 to 5000 cal BC. Despite its peripheral location, the pottery finds, and raw material provenance for tools attest to long-distance contacts. Domesticated cat tle and emmer are well documented, with pigs and small ruminants also present, as well as evidence for extensive gathering. A wide range of game species is re presented but hunting was probably not very im- portant overall. These sites did not have abundant material remains and probably disappeared by the early 5th millennium cal BC. In these northerly areas, to which the later Neolithic Lengyel orbit did not extend, the following culture group to occupy the northerly margins was the Funnel Beaker culture (Midgley 1992; see also Mar- ciniak et al. 2020; Czerniak et al. 2017). The one- and-a-half millennia-long hiatus between the two settlement periods is telling and meaningful; the LBK attempt to settle in northern post-glacial land sca pes appears to have been unsuccessful. Spe cu latively again, perhaps scale and connectivity were in sur- mount able challenges, apart from the dif ficulties set for the LBK subsistence system by the surroundings. Plausibly, these groups in the Polish and German cases that failed to thrive probably moved back to their core areas of settlement, as we suggested above was probably the case in the Danube-bank Körös case, to the regular LBK zones to the south. strongly implying that that was the cause of aban don- ment. As with the Körös example discussed above, spe- culatively the limited scale of set tlement, isola tion and poor connectivity might also have been respon si ble for abandonment. Other impermanent settlement and interaction close to the Baltic Following the probably 54th-century cal BC rapid ex - pansion of the earliest LBK (Jakucs et al. 2016; Bánf fy et al. 2018; Bánffy, Whittle 2022) that took ag ricultu - ral colonisers far west and north, there was further in - fill of the loess-dominated river basins in the estab- lished LBK. There are also signs of further spread be - yond the fertile loess areas. LBK groups have been found farther down the Vistula and Oder rivers on the north European Plain, some fairly close to the Bal - tic (Bogucki 1979; 1982; cf. Czerniak et al. 2017; Mar- ciniak et al. 2022; Czerniak et al. 2023.Fig. 2). Such LBK groups faced the challenge of creating a sub- sistence strategy in a post-glacial landscape without obviously fertile soils. Possible advantages included large empty spaces for settling and herding, rich wild game and plant resources, and perhaps good com mu - nication routes (probably also with hunters and fi- shers living in the coastal area: Kabaciñski, Ter ber - ger 2009). The earliest, arguably temporary settle- ments known so far are small, consisting of a few pits with potsherds and food remnants (Grygiel 1976). Demographic pressures may not have played a cru- cial role in this move since many of the loess-co vered regions to the south remained unoccupied. One cha- rac terisation of these numerous, scattered early sites has been as a group of tactical pioneers in search of finding and developing resources other than arable land (Bogucki 1979.242). The Baltic coastal and palaeo-lakeside settlement of D¹bki, S³awno County, West Pomerania, initially a forager (Ertebølle) site, offers an important case study with a long tradition of cultural exchange and adapta- tion. Its inhabitants are believed to have encountered LBK farmers and subsequently in cor porated some elements of the Neolithic lifestyle (Zve lebil 1998). Since 2004, extensive fieldwork and analysis have been carried out, providing numerous de tails about the mixed foraging and sedentary life style. There are a large amount of final Mesolithic material finds, in- cluding locally made pointed-bottom vessels, animal bones and plant remains indicating a coastal hunting and fishing lifestyle (Czekaj-Za stawny et al. 2013; 226 Eszter Bánffy, Alasdair Whittle out corresponding settlement traces, sherds of grass- tempered vessels were found. Stylistically these sherds do not match LBK styles, normally con si dered as the first Neolithic pottery north of Lake Balaton. The study faced considerable challenges in attempting the ra- diocarbon dating of this Santovka pottery. A novel method of bulk separation of organic content from the grass-tempered pottery was used, producing a coherent series of dates, from the 58th to 55th centuries cal BC, and in line with the chronostratigraphic Ba- yesian model for the coring site. However, dates on lipids extracted from the same sherds were divergent by up to 400–600 years. If the dating of the organic content of the grass-tem- pered pottery is robust, reliable and correct, ceramics pre dating the Formative LBK phase have been found, and the authors conclude that Mesolithic groups must have experimented with pottery-making prior to the ar rival of farming in the region (Tóth et al. 2023). San - tovka, just north of the Danube, is under 200km from known concentrations of early Neolithic, Starèevo set - tlement to the south, making a contact and connections plausible. Local copies of Starèevo and Formative LBK ob- jects People who experimented with tempered pottery- making probably also tried their hand at other facets of Neolithic things and practices, further informing us of frontier conditions. Given an overlap between the end of the late Mesolithic and the start of early farming settlement in Transdanubia, this may have been the case among the many sites found near each other be - tween the Regöly Mesolithic settlement (Marton et al. 2021) and the large oldest, Starèevo phase of Alsónyék. In the first half of the 6th millennium cal BC, the Star- èevo culture occupied the region involving the whole of Lake Balaton, at least sporadically including its northern side (for example at Tihany-Apáti: Re ge nye 2010). As already noted, there is proven contact be- tween the Transdanubian Starèevo and the hunter- gatherers inhabiting the forested upland north of them since the Starèevo groups were also users of the north Transdanubian red radiolarite. Accessing the sources was presumably only possible via forager con- tacts. Speculatively, some domesticates and pottery know-how may have gone in the other direction. A syn - chronicity between the latest phase of the Starèevo and the Formative LBK has also been documented by radiocarbon dates (Kalicz et al. 2002; Jakucs et al. 2016; Oross et al. 2023) as well as by archaeological Another facet of the frontier: contact with indi- ge nous groups Interbreeding at Brunn and pre-Neolithic pot- tery in Slovakia Recent aDNA results right across Europe (see, for exam - ple, the references cited above) have tended to suggest a rather modest contribution at best from in digenous hunter-gatherers to Neolithic genetic sig natures. The picture is varied region by region and we do not have the space here to go into all the detail. The great ma- jority of LBK samples come from established phases of that culture. The example of Brunn near Vienna (Ni ki- tin et al. 2019), however, can remind us of the potential variability in frontier contexts. Here in the Formative LBK at Brunn am Gebirge site 2, one of three analysed individuals had a genetic ancestry descended from Anatolian Neolithic farmers. The other two, however, had a mixture of Western Hunter-Gatherer-related and Anatolian Neolithic Farmer-re lated ancestry, one of them with approximately 50% of each. Strontium isotope analysis also showed that the latter individual with mixed, balanced ancestry was non-local to the Brunn 2 area (Nikitin et al. 2019). Sta ble carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios for all three individuals indi- cated a broadly Neolithic diet. Though the sample is very small, the report on the autosomal analysis re- veals descent from a potentially large num ber of an- cestors (cf. Mathieson et al. 2015; Booth 2019) and highlights interbreeding between incoming farmers and indigenous hunter-gatherers, and the ‘integrative nature and composition of the early LBK com munities’ (Nikitin et al. 2019.1). Whether or not LBK lithic production was strongly influenced by Mesolithic traditions (Mateiciucová 2008; Koz³owski 2004), we know that raw materials from areas occupied by hunter-gatherers were coming down into early Neolithic settlements, obsidian from north-east Hungary to Körös settlements on the Great Hungarian Plain (e.g., Szeverényi, Priskin 2021), and radiolarite from north of Lake Balaton into Starèevo and Formative LBK contexts (Biró 2005; Mateiciucová 2008). Further evidence of possible contact across a fluid fron tier between early farmers and hunter-ga the rers, thus providing more information about the con- ditions of early Neolithic settlement, comes from a recent study in Slovakia (Tóth et al. 2023). During pa- laeoecological research in calcareous lake sediments at Santovka, in the Slovakian Danube basin, so far with - 227 The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement However, this kind of motivation seems to decrease at the time of the LBK spread in the 54th century cal BC. There is a very high number of clay figural images from late Starèevo sites from the southern Carpathian basin, part of the north Balkan abundance of clay objects in general, while just a few years ago the total number of LBK figurines was 267 over its entire occupation area across Europe, and through its entire duration (Becker 2011). Moreover, this fading away matches the spatial and temporal distribution process of LBK spread, since most of the relatively low number of LBK clay images concentrate in the regions closest to the original zone of the Formative LBK. Bottlenecks, with features or objects fading away during the spread of Neolithic life- style from its Anatolian source, occur several times. While the reasons are not fully understood, the decline in clay figurine making is potentially connected to two main factors. One might be a scarcity of suitable clay raw material due to environmental factors, and the other would be the increasing influence of a different ontology of cult and ritual of local, forager population groups (Bánffy 2019). Discussion: implications for our detailed under- standing of colonisation and initial estab lish- ment We have given examples of varied situations and pro - cesses at what we have called the frontier of Neo li thi - sation in central Europe. An important general exa mi - nation of frontiers and borderland processes has called for “cross-disciplinary supra-regional com- parison of frontier dynamics” (Parker 2006.77) but our principal aim has been the examination of specific contexts in central Europe. Two examples, from the margins of the Körös and LBK cultures, on the east bank of the Danube and in Pomerania respectively, the latter including the site of Lietzow 10, show set tlement established for a while – or in the case of Lietzow just for a generation or two – but then being abandoned. A recent, controversial claim for early, long-range pio- neering into northern Poland in the earlier sixth mil - lennium cal BC has been discussed. Some of the evi- dence for contact and interaction between incoming farmers and indigenous hunter-gatherers has been re viewed, including aDNA evidence from Brunn 2 for interbreeding in the Formative LBK phase, adoption of new practices at D¹bki, and material evidence from Transdanubia in the form of figural representations in the Formative LBK phase, suggestive of potential local copying and the adoption of Neolithic things and prac - tices by indigenous people, seen also in the experiment ana lyses, with the ubiquitous use of the red radiolarite raw material by Formative LBK communities (Bánffy 2004; Biró 2005; Bánffy, Whittle 2022). This evidence implies that the forager groups must have been in con- tact with people from both major Neolithic cultural for- mations. During these long-standing encounters, there are further signs of the foragers’ intention to adapt to the Neolithic lifestyle and perhaps also adopt some of the farmers’ material practices. Among the figural finds from the Formative LBK site of Szentgyörgyvölgy-Pityerdomb, in westernmost Trans- danubia (Bánffy 2004), a fragment of a care ful ly mo- delled vessel, resting on a human foot, in di cates a di- rect south-east European Starèevo origin. Ano ther frag- ment found at the nearby site of Balatonszentgyörgy comes from a similar vessel, although it was less ca- refully made and is of vastly inferior quality (Bánffy 2004). This footed vessel is a fragment of a pot which is arguably a copy of late Starèevo and Formative LBK representations. Speculatively, and setting out from the Mesolithic traces in the region (Duffy et al. 2023), the copy was made by local foragers. The well-known animal (or human)-headed Starèevo altar from Lánycsók, in southern Transdanubia (Kalicz 1990), with a hint of its female character, may have been the model for a similar object of which only a fragment remains. This is the head from Kéthely, also not so far away in southern Transdanubia (Sági, Tö rõ - csik 1991) (Fig. 1). This looks like an imitation – a lo cal copy – of the same type as Lánycsók, albeit it is a vastly inferior, poorly fired variant of the ‘original’. The Ké- thely fragment has a further interesting detail. Its eyes were formed by cereal grains (Triticum di coc cum), a phenomenon that can perhaps be taken as a symbol in- dicating that the indigenous groups related positively to Neolithic innovations and made efforts to adopt ce- real cultivation. Thus, arguably, some Balkan early Neolithic cult pa ra - phernalia like clay figural representations were adopt- ed and used by the Formative LBK communities, while others (like pintaderas and small clay house mo dels) were discarded. We could posit that certain elements of the Balkan cult inventory were adopted or copied for prestige reasons, as in the case of other Neo lithic innovations such as some domesticated plants, per- haps reflecting some kind of incipient, modest so cial ranking among these indigenous communities, in the 56th–55th centuries cal BC. 228 Eszter Bánffy, Alasdair Whittle slight revisions in Por èiæ 2024). Predominantly with- in-group mating has been proposed, and fresh cal cu- lations have been made about the ‘front speed’ of the wave of advance (LaPolice et al. 2024). Reference has also been made to competition (Czerniak et al. 2023; cf. Frirdich 2005; Shennan 2018; Porèiæ 2024.12). Though many of the details and methods used can be debated – the summing of radiocarbon dates, for exam ple, remains a flawed method, on the open ad- mission of one of its exponents (Crema 2022) – the emphasis on a wave of advance and on demographic growth and pressure seems to fit well the big-picture narrative of Neolithisation provided now by aDNA analysis. What we want to emphasise, however, is the over-general character of this perspective, especially for the early stages of Neolithisation in Europe. Admit - tedly in the era immediately preceding the aDNA re vo- lution, a strong reminder was given of the potential variability and complexity of frontier con ditions (Bar- ker 2006.378–379), and in his many publications the late Marek Zvelebil patiently explored the possibilities for fusion models involving both incomers and in- digenous people (Zvelebil 1996; 1998; 2004; Zvelebil, Rowley-Conwy 2004; Zvelebil et al. 2010; see also Porèiæ 2024.8). These ideas seem largely to have been forgotten in the recent li te rature, though they seem still relevant to us. Even if the contribution of in dige- nous hunter-gatherers to Neolithic genetic signatures was generally low – and there is no space here to go into all the regional detail – that still leaves open the possibility that indigenous knowledge of landscapes and resources was of major importance in the colo ni- sa tion process (Bánffy 2004; Whittle forthcoming a; forthcoming b). And hunter-gatherers did not all go away, as pockets of survival and the later re-emergence of U-haplotypes testify (Bol longino et al. 2013; Szé- csényi-Nagy et al. 2015; in press; Lipson et al. 2017; Bánffy 2023). Much of the aDNA sampling for early Neolithic populations has been within established pha- ses of settlement, and as we have emphasised above in relation to Brunn 2, where a demonstrably very early situation has been investigated (in an admittedly tiny sample), interbreeding has been demonstrated. Thus, without wishing to subvert the big picture which we have sketched earlier, we think we should be refin- ing elements of a model for frontier conditions in the initial stages of Neolithisation. These appear to us to have been often fluid and unstable. There seem to have been variations in the rate of the spread of Neo li - thic people, things and practices across mainland Eu- at Santovka in Slovakia with the making of grass-tem- pered pottery probably before the arrival of Neolithic people and other new practices. These varied case stu - dies suggest to us that we need to make more allow- ance for fluid, unstable, frontier conditions in the ini - tial stages of Neolithisation than has normally been the case in the recent archaeological literature, though we note the ‘continuum of boundary dyna mics’ pro- posed by Bradley J. Parker (2006). We can profitably think more about instability, risk, reversals and even failures, paying attention to specific contexts and rely - ing less on generalising or universalising models. Further reference to the development of the archaeo- logical literature underlines this claim. The difficult conditions for pioneers of the initial es - tablishment of Neolithic settlement were perhaps first imagined in detail long ago by Humphrey Case (1969), in a far-sighted essay about the beginning of the Neo - lithic in Britain and Ireland. In the era of processualism and post-processualism, at least in what we can call the Anglo-American literature, there was a subsequent shift in favour of indigenous explanations, and it took two essays by David Anthony (1990; 1997) among others (note, for example, Gronenborn 1999; 2007; She ridan 2003; Rowley-Conwy 2004; 2011) to re- mind the discipline of the realities and practicalities of migration and colonisation. As not ed in our intro- duction, that perspective has been dra matically under - scored for studies of Neolithisation by the results of aDNA analysis, particularly over the last decade or so. So far, so good: but we argue that an over-generalising approach has been employed in ongoing modelling of the processes of Neolithisation. Targeted or leapfrog colonisation has usefully been recognised (van An del, Runnels 1995), as noted in our introduction, and is re- gularly included in continuing discussions (for exam - ple, Porèiæ et al. 2020; LaPolice 2024), but the evi dent favourite frame of reference remains the wave of ad - vance model (Ammerman, Ca valli-Sforza 1971; 1973; 1984). That in turn en cou rages a general model of po- pulation growth and demographic pressure as the generative motor of Neo lithisation across Europe (Shennan 2013; 2024; Blagojeviæ et al. 2017; Silva, Vander Linden 2017; Por èiæ et al. 2020; Porèiæ 2024. 3–4). Refinements of this approach are to be found in the literature, such as a study of the central Balkans, based on summing of radiocarbon dates which sug- gests, plausibly enough, high fertility and ‘scalar stress’,or the tendency for communities to fission and disperse further before reaching sizes of 50–100 peo - ple, to avoid social ten sions (Porèiæ et al. 2021; with 229 The uncertain frontier: risks, reversals and interactions in the initial establishment of Neolithic settlement aDNA analysis to have been modest in the early stages of the Neolithic, nonetheless the people already there should still be accorded agency and influence. In the long term, we can note further changes. Whereas in the early Neolithic Starèevo and Körös culture-associ- ated samples the U haplogroups were much rarer than in the hunter-gatherer populations, the frequencies of subvariants of U in Neolithic populations gradually in - creased in the LBK, and reached some 10–12% (espe- cially of U5b) by the late LBK and in the succeeding Tisza and Lengyel phases of the earlier fifth millenni- um cal BC (Szécsényi-Nagy et al. in press). Our aim in sketching a simple model of this kind is to reinforce the importance of local circumstance, and to make full allowance for variability from context to con - text. And while the wider literature can be seen as often too prone to over-generalisation if not uni versa - lising (cf. Whittle 2023), we can also reflect that risk, reversal and even failure have regularly been un der- played. Risk has often been seen as lying principally in unfavourable environmental or climatic conditions (e.g., for the LBK, Bogucki 1988; Gro nenborn 2010b), but social risk, for example in undertaking feats of con- struction under the gaze of a watching, critical public (Richards 2004), should also be kept in mind; pio- neering as much as monument building can be thought of as risky. Likewise, when risk leads to bad outcomes, failure results, but probably too much attention has been given to major failures and collapses, like the fall of great empires (Morrison 2006), and not enough to ones on a smaller scale (Price, Yaffe 2023). Finally, we believe that our call for a more nuanced view of the Neolithic frontier and the conditions of initial settlement could be useful in the detailed region- by-region interpretation of the spread of the Neolithic. Clearly this requires longer treatment than we have space for here, but an indication of its potential can be seen by brief, initial reference to some other situations across mainland Europe. Around the Aegean, including in Greece, for example, there seem to have been mul- tiple strands in the process of ini tial Neolithisation (e.g., Furholt 2016; Douka et al. 2017; Özdoğan 2024; cf. Koptekin et al. 2024). Perhaps that set the tone, as it were, for the continuing colonisation of the Balkans. We have already noted the significant claim for a faster wave of advance in the central Balkans (Porèiæ et al. 2020). There is still much to understand better about the timing and tempo of the spread of the earliest LBK (cf. Lenneis, Lüning 2001; Jakucs et al. 2016) but the rapid nature of its spread, the patchy nature of its di- rope (for reasons of space, we here leave the Mediter- ra nean aside (see Leppard 2021), though the same claim may well apply). It has been argued that the rate of spread in the central Balkans was faster than the con tinental average (Porèiæ et al. 2020), with a de- tectable slowing down north of the Sava and Drava (Porèiæ 2024.7): significant differences in the context of our discussion, since they bring variability. More- over, summing of radiocarbon dates offers a possible bust or decline at the very end of the 6th millennium cal BC (O.c.4): yet another instance of possi ble rever- sal. What we further need to understand better are whether faster spread equated to greater or lesser den - sity of settlement, and the duration of indivi dual occu- pations, few of which have been precisely dated and mo delled. We have suggested above that the scale of initial, pioneering settlement may regularly have been small and the gaps between pioneer occupa tions po- tentially considerable, even though wave of advance modelling, of for example a kilometre of advance or more per year (LaPolice et al. 2024; cf. Porèiæ 2024.6), implies a much more regular setting up of the Neolithic presence. There may have been all manner of reasons for the abandonment, indeed failure, of settle ment in given circumstances. Unfavourable climatic con ditions are often summoned, for example at the end of the LBK in general (e.g., Gronenborn 2010b) and have been used in the interpretation of the end of the Phase II episode at Nowe Objezierze (Czerniak et al. 2023); social tensions and disease are other main suspects, as discussed briefly above. We have also suggested, how- ever, that low social connectivity, related in turn to small scale, is another potential suspect in pro cesses of abandonment, especially in marginal si tu ations. We should also fully incorporate leapfrog moves into a more nuanced model of frontier condi tions, and not see these as just sporadic (Porèiæ et al. 2020.10). These may have had varied motivations: to create space, to build prestige (cf. Frirdich 2005), or to avoid social tensions (Porèiæ et al. 2021). And we could make al- lowance too for genuinely targeted colonisation. Du- ring their initial spread across central into western Europe, probably in the 54th century cal BC, farming groups of the earliest LBK reached out to three regions which were specifically rich in desirable salt water: the salt region of the Wetterau in north-west Ger many, the Middle Elbe-Saale region in central Germany and the Cracow-Wieliczka salt region in south-east (Lesser) Po - land (Bánffy 2015). A final element of a nuanced mo- del for frontier conditions is interaction with indige- nous population. Even though the contribu tion of local hunter-gatherers to genetic signatures is now shown by 230 Eszter Bánff y, Alasdair Whitt le Conclusion Ancient DNA analyses and robust chronological mo del - l ing have had a profound impact in recent years on wider narratives for the Neolithisation of Europe. There is, however, still considerable scope for the fur- ther integration of archaeogenetic and archaeological evidence and for working at varied scales. Our paper has suggested that a more nuanced approach to fron - tier conditions, early settlement and initial con tacts with indigenous people is one important way ahead, making allowance in thinking about pio neering condi - tions and initial Neolithisation for flui dity, instability, variations in scale, duration and connectivity, and some interaction between incoming farmers and indigenous population. Risk and even failure should be taken into account. A simple model incorporating these kinds of factors serves to unpick some of the fa- miliar generalisations of the dominant concep tua lisa- tions of an irresistible wave of advance, unrelenting de mographic pressure and ubiquitous Neo lithic suc - cess. Though generated by selected exam ples prin ci- pally from the northern Balkans, the Carpathian basin and northern central Europe, such a model could have wider usefulness. stribution and the often sizeable gaps between sites or clusters of settlement are striking. It is plausible that at least some of the spread was conditioned by existing connections created by the movement of raw materials by indigenous hunter-gatherers (Mateiciucová 2008). Seriation of pottery decoration in the west allows for finer phase estimates (Strien 2017; 2018), compatible in our view with continuing migration streams (cf. An - thony 1990; 1997). Jumping further west to the lower river valleys, coastal wetlands and estuaries of the Ne - therlands, a recent review of Neolithisation in the later fifth millennium cal BC stresses that “there is no rea- son to assume that early farming appeared in the same way at the same time everywhere in northern Europe” (Brusgaard et al. 2024.666) and “sweeping nar ratives should be reassessed to focus more on local tra jec tories and regional processes” (Brusgaard et al. 2024. 667; cf. Whittle, Cummings 2007). The ap- pearance of the first sedentary settlements post-dates the initial appearance of domestic resources in the con- text of a mobile wetland economy, by around a millen - nium (Am kreutz 2013; Dusseldorp, Amkreutz 2020. 124). Lastly, there are several competing mo dels for the start of the Neolithic in Britain and Ire land (full re - ferences in Whit tle forthcoming a; forth coming b). The wave of advance model has never been formally applied to Britain and Ireland, though informal repre- sentation of possible, time-transgressive processes of spread have been speculatively mapped on the basis of formal chro nological modelling (Whit tle et al. 2011. Figs. 14.177, 15.8); those are now in need of revision. The possibility of successive mi gra tion events or streams has been sug gested (Tho mas 2022; Whittle forthcoming a), compatible with the aDNA evidence as it stands (Brace, Booth 2023; Booth forthcoming). Small-scale and low-key beginnings have been moot ed (Thomas 2022), perhaps from the 41st to 39th cen tu - ries cal BC, but whether those excluded cereal culti va - tion in the initial stages (Griffiths 2018) remains de- bateable. There are controversial claims, on the basis of pollen analysis, for local experimentation with ce- real cultivation in northern England, in the later fifth millennium cal BC (Albert, Innes 2020; Innes et al. 2024). 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Oxford. back to content 238 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.3 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – sorodstvo; sorodnost; raznovrstnost; trajektorija; neolitik; Britanija; Irska IZVLEÈEK – Antropologi že dolgo analizirajo in razpravljajo o sorodstvu in raznolikih spletih odnosov, ki jih ustvarijo ljudje v svojih družbenih praksah. Razprave segajo od nekdanje prevladujoèe teorije ro - du do sedanjega bolj fluidnega poudarjanja sorodnosti. Arheologi so od èasov procesualizma sorodstvu posveèali veè pozornosti kot v zgodnjih letih razvoja discipline, vendar do nedavnega na precej omejen in splošen naèin. Z uspešnimi raziskavami stare DNK in nekaj spodbude iz posthumanistiène teorije pa se je za nimanje v zadnjem èasu poveèalo. Razpravljam o nekaterih nedoslednostih pojasnjevanja so- rodstva pri antropologih in arheologih; predvsem poudarjanja raznovrstnosti, sorodnosti, možnosti in posledicah bilateralnega potomstva ter negotovega razmerja med biologijo in sorodstvom pri prvih. Da bi zaèel raziskovati, kako bi vse to lahko delovalo v arheologiji, sem skiciral tri scenarije v zaporednih fazah neolitika v Britaniji in na Irskem, v èetrtem in tretjem tisoèletju pr. n. št.; pri tem posku šam obli- ko vati specifiène in ne posplošene modele ter nakazujem obrise možne trajektorije skozi èas. Vprašanja sorodstva: tri skice iz britanskega in irskega neolitika KEY WORDS – kinship; relatedness; diversity; trajectory; Neolithic; Britain and Ireland ABSTRACT - Kinship, diverse webs of relationship generated by people in their social practice, has long been analysed and debated by anthropologists, from an earlier dominance of lineage theory to the cur- rent, much more fluid emphasis on relatedness. Since the days of processualism, archaeologists have given more attention to kinship than in the early years of the discipline, but in rather limited and gen- eral ways until very recently. With the advent of successful aDNA investigations, and with some prompt from posthumanist theory, that interest has been renewed recently. I discuss some inconsistencies be- tween the accounts of kinship by anthropologists and archaeologists, notably the emphasis by the for- mer on diversity, relatedness, the possibilities and implications of bilateral descent, and the uncertain relationship between biology and kinship. To begin to investigate how this might all work out in archae- ology, I sketch three scenarios from successive parts of the Neolithic in Britain and Ireland, across the fourth to third millennia cal BC, attempting specific rather than generalised models and indicating the outlines of a possible trajectory through time. Alasdair Whittle Department of Archaeology and Conservation, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK; whittle@cardiff.ac.uk Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland Introduction Over the years, anthropologists and archaeologists have treated kinship in very different ways. Intensely observed and debated since as far back as the 1860s and 1870s, anthropological views of kinship – per haps the still best overall definition is given by Ed mund Leach (1982.107; emphasis in the original) as “a widely ramifying pattern of named relationships which link together the individual members of a social system 239 Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland in a network … The naming of relationships marks the beginning of moral sanctions” – have gone through a long series of changes of perspective: suc- cessively evolutionist, structural-functionalist and symbolist (Parkin, Stone 2004.ix). In the latter part of the twentieth century, following the work of David Schneider (1968; 1984), there was a revision of the significance of what had previously been regarded as at the heart of the discipline of anthropology (Leach 1982.134), with a shift to looser notions of ‘relatedness’ and care for others (Carsten 2000a; 2004; Sahlins 2013). Debate continues (e.g., Shapiro 2016; Bamford 2019a; Kuper 2018; 2019a; Papada ki et al. 2019; Ingold 2022.350–352; Miller n.d.), as sketched further below. By contrast, many archaeologists have long paid mere lip-service to anthropological notions of kinship. With the advent of processualism in the late 1960s and 1970s, the topic came more to the fore (e.g., Edmonds 2019.19), in the belief that kinship was a fundamental constituent of tribal and other non-western social existence and with renewed interest in schemes of social evolution or development (Sahlins 1968; cf. Flannery, Marcus 2012). On the whole, however, very little detail was suggested until very recently, other than vague reference to lineages, at a time when anthropologists had already moved on from lineage theory (in which stable, enduring descent groups were seen as the basic unit in stateless societies). In recent times, of course, the advent of successful aDNA analy- ses (Reich 2018), extending from popu lation studies to the first detailed examinations of spe cific mortuary contexts, collective and other, has changed the game, and kinship, starting from bio logical relatedness amen able to investigation by aDNA analysis but also going beyond those li mitations, is very much to the fore (Fowler 2022). Chris Fowler (2022), in the wake of the successful and thought-provoking aDNA-based study of the collective mortuary deposit at the Haz- le ton North long cairn in central-southern England (Fowler et al. 2022; elaborated in Cummings, Fowler 2023), has given the best archaeological overview so far of kinship as diverse social practice in the Neolithic of Britain. This has coincided with further prompting from posthumanist theory, arguing for more fluid, creative, relational notions of kinship (Johnston 2020; Crellin, Harris 2020; Crellin 2021). Nonetheless, in seeking to complement Fowler’s and others’ recent studies, there are further aspects to draw out: to emphasise the differing histories of the study of kinship in anthropology and archaeology; to underscore the diversity observed and debated by anthropologists and to consider the implications of such diversity, including the role of cognatic and bilateral systems; to look further at the role of biology in kinship; and to contemplate and speculate about possible differences through time, at least through the prism of changes in the Neolithic trajectory of Britain and Ireland. At stake are detailed questions about the possible character of small-scale social groupings and categorisations, allowing us potentially to move beyond so far often very general notions of ‘community’ and ‘society’. This could obviously have significance for the wider study of the Neolithic as a whole. Kinship: the anthropologists’ and archaeo lo­ gists’ accounts What archaeologists have to say about kinship is largely couched in the terminology derived from anthropology (and we may come to want to review that relationship in due course). I want to give a more historical or historiographical sense of how li mited archaeological accounts have been until very recently. I am not attempting a full history of the development of thought in both disciplines, an impossible task in a short paper, but in making rather compressed comparisons I do want to try to bring out important differences, and some of the key remaining challenges for archaeology. There have of course been important periodic reviews of both disciplines, where the reader can find much more detail and many times more references than I have space to cite here (for anthropology, see Leach 1982; Kuper 1999; Carsten 2000a; 2004; Parkin, Stone 2004; Eller 2013.chapter 8; Engelke 2017; Ingold 2018; 2022; Bamford 2019a; for archaeology, see Trigger 2006; Harris, Cipolla 2017; Chapman 2023). When the first detailed studies of kinship appeared in the 1860s and 1870s (Maine 1861; Morgan 1871; 1877), establishing an evolutionary interest in pat- terns of descent and affinity, and the terminology of patrilines and matrilines which is still in use, there is no sign that these were being read by early archaeologists. John Thurnam (1869.177), for example, in his examination of the remains from long barrows and long cairns, makes passing references to “great chieftains or heads of some British clan”, and ‘family tombs’ used in ‘successive generations’ (O.c. 224), but goes no further than that. Jump over fifty years for- 240 Alasdair Whittle Neolithic period itself (Whitley 2002). Mark Edmonds (1999.98–103,109–129) made perceptive suggestions about the possible role of kin groups in the planning and implementation of causewayed enclosures, though without any detail of their possible composition. An important general potential link with cattle in terms of fictive relatedness and descent was proposed (Ray, Thomas 2003; see also Ray, Thomas 2018.295–297). There were other, now rather striking, gaps in these processual and post-processual phases. Although the processual era ushered in a much more explicit interest in models of social development, in Britain exemplified by Colin Renfrew (1973; 1979) but drawing on a longer trail of comparative studies in the American tradition, going back to Elman R. Service, Morton Fried and Marshall Sahlins, and before them to Julian Steward and Leslie White, and other predecessors (see Trigger 2006; Flannery, Marcus 2012 for references), specific re ferences to the role of kinship, descent and affinity remained surprisingly scarce. The narrowing of focus in post-processual approaches seems to have been one culprit (there is more to say on this, but space pre cludes it here), though the lack of awareness in processual interpretation is more puzzling. The di- versity of situations by then being explored by an- thropologists (so often the leitmotif of overviews of social anthropology (e.g., Leach 1982.123; Engelke 2017.314; Ingold 2018.27; 2022.1) does not seem to be reflected in archaeological models of the time. That African lineages did not seem to fit observations of highland communities in Papua New Guinea (Barnes 1962; and see further below) passed archaeologists by, as did the devastating critique of lineage theory (Kuper 1982; 1988; 1999), perhaps best summed up in Adam Kuper’s (1982.84) striking judgment that “the Nuer are not like The Nuer”. Ku per’s account is com plex but emphasises how a particular model worked more as an abstraction for anthropologists than as a robust description of diverse situations on the ground, involving among other things lack of permanence, considerable variability, liability to change, and other dimensions of local and territorial groupings. He concluded that “there do not appear to be any societies in which vital political or economic activities are organized by a repetitive series of de - scent groups” (O.c. 92). Further, it has long been emphasised that ‘cognatic’ systems of kinship, in which common ancestry is traced through both male and female links’ are just as common as those dominated by unilineal descent (Leach 1982.167; see also Freeman 1961; Sahlins 1968.54–55). Finally, I ward, and the pages of Childe (1925; 1929), for exam ple in his Dawn and Danube, whose principal concern was to begin to make sense of the growing mass of archaeological evidence for the Neolithic and Copper Age (and Bronze Age) across Europe, are disappointingly thin on social interpretation, with the occasional reference to peasants and chiefs giving no idea of the by then much more detailed studies emerging from anthropologists like Bronis³aw Malinowski, William H. R. Rivers, Franz Boas and many others (Leach 1982; Kuper 1999). The more discursive Man makes himself from the 1930s (Childe 1936) offers little more, with only brief mention of clans (including ‘totemic clans’ in the early Nile valley, O.c. 101), kings and slaves. Likewise, the era of social anthropology in the middle part of the twentieth century of dominant British structural-functionalist models of lineages, especially unilateral descent groups, as a key constituent of acephalous societies as exemplified in studies of the Nuer, Tallensi and Tiv in east and west Africa (Fortes, Evans-Pritchard 1940; Evans-Pritchard 1940; 1951; Bohannan 1952; Radcliffe-Brown 1952; Leach 1982.45–47) found little or no direct echo in contemporary archaeological interpretation. The same fate befell the alternative ‘alliance’ theory of Claude Lévi-Strauss (1949), though this was belatedly to receive much more discussion through the idea of ‘house societies’ (see briefly further below). In the 1950s into the 1960s in Britain, for example, much debate centred on the difficulty of achieving reliable social interpretation at all (Bradley 1984, with re ferences); Ancient societies, by two giants of the establishment of British prehistory, Grahame Clark and Stuart Piggott (1965), has practically no specific social interpretations at all, far less any re- ference to the anthropological literature of its time. With the advent of processualism in the late 1960s and 1970s, and on into the post-processualist era from the early 1980s onwards, as already noted, the topic of kinship did receive more attention (Edmonds 2019.19). There were some attempts to provide more detailed and sophisticated models of social difference and change rooted in anthropological understanding (e.g., Friedman, Rowlands 1977). There were fre quent appeals in the literature to generalised ancestors, for example as a source of legitimacy for emergent social factions (e.g., Shanks, Tilley 1982) or the inspiration for specific feats of construction, as at Stonehenge (Parker Pearson, Ramilisonina 1998; cf. Parker Pear - son 2023), but this led in due course to severe criticism, albeit without detailed plausible alternatives for the 241 Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland his preface, he insists that “kinsfolk are persons who participate intrinsically in each other’s existence; they are members of one another” (O.c. i). Reviewing the book enthusiastically, Carsten (2013.249) notes nonetheless the enduring ‘sticky paradox’ of the biological-social divide; “the more one tries to dispense with the dichotomy, the more one seems to end up reiterating it”. Just as the notion of relatedness may prompt endless questions of definition (Miller n.d.), so too may Sahlins’ definition make it very difficult to draw distinctions between kin, neighbours, allies and others, but his contribution should at the least serve to make archaeologists much more aware of the challenge. Tim Ingold (2022.350–352), as part of a wider, generalising discourse on philosophical and anthropological approaches to life, has referred to notions of filiation (“the fundamental human bond between parent and child”, O.c. 350), going back to Meyer Fortes; “filiation – and the kinship it engenders – is supremely rhizomatic; its lines do not connect but are themselves lines of life that carry on alongside one another, answering or responding to one another – or literally corresponding – as they go” (O.c. 351). On a different note, Warren Shapiro (2016) has challenged the performative account of kinship championed by Sahlins and Carsten, and before them Schneider, reasserting the significance of indigenous kinship categories. Kuper (1982; 1988), who as noted above helped to demolish the previously perceived importance of lineage theory and was further another, earlier severe critic of Schneider (Kuper 1999; cf. Fe eley-Harnik 2019), has comparatively recently called for fresh attention to be paid to kinship (Kuper 2018). And other anthropologists go on with the task of investigating changing attitudes to kinship in particular contexts (e.g., Papadaki et al. 2019; Firth 2019.97; Goddard 2019.231; Eriksen, MacCarthy 2019.354). Signs of change in the archaeological literature came with a series of case studies through the Neolithic sequence of Greece, drawing attention to the neglect of kinship in social archaeology (Souvatzi 2017). An encouraging general statement frames things — “Kinship is about much more than just blood ties. It is a domain of social relations; a framework of action, rules, and rights; a powerful means to stretch identities across space and time; and a mode of structuring time, history, and memory” (O.c. 172) – and ways of weaving kinship into narratives of settlement and landscape are explored, but the theoretical and historiographical background is large- can find no reference in the archaeological literature of the time (but I make no claim to an encyclopaedic search) to the major critique of kinship studies as whole by David Schneider (1968; 1984), which argued that previous interpretations had falsely imposed a western, specifically American, model of a biological basis to kinship on other parts of the world. That led to kinship generally falling out of anthropological focus (but note Strathern 1992) for a generation or so, until revived by Janet Carsten (2000a; 2004) and others, but the archaeological literature of the time seems silent on these great shifts. A slow convergence of sorts has been taking place since. From the turn of the millennium, the anthropo- logical study of kinship was revived (Carsten 2000a; 2004). At one level, Janet Carsten’s After kinship simply constituted renewed, further studies of kin - ship (Car sten 2004; Bamford 2019a; Hirsch, Rollason 2019.16), but since that time kinship has no longer been the defining trope of anthropology (Moore 2010.20.footnote 9; Ingold 2018.98). Instead, the much looser and freer notion of relatedness has taken over, “to convey … a move away from a pre-given analytic op position between the biological and the social on which much anthropological study of kinship has been based” (Carsten 2000b.4). With “the boundaries between the biological and the social … distinctly blurred, if visible at all”, issues of gender, the body and personhood come much more to the fore (Carsten 2000b.3). Much of Carsten’s own work has covered case studies such as gender assignment, adoption, surrogacy, artificial insemination and blood and organ donation (Carsten 2004, covered also quite extensively in chapters in Bamford 2019a, including Carsten 2019), but she has also looked at the relevance of more fluid notions of kinship for migration studies (Carsten 2020). She contrasts two anthropological models of kinship, centred on static notions of being and descent versus doing, becoming and performance (O.c. 321–322). The emphasis on performance has also been strongly asserted elsewhere (Engelke 2017. 6; Ingold 2018.100, Fig. 4 caption; Bamford 2019b). The issue of biology has been explored in recent times most extensively by Marshall Sahlins (2013). His short book is full of examples of the social construction of kinship, whose essence he defines as a ‘mutuality of being’, with repeated examples worldwide of how the facts of generation and birth are not the defining features of how people go on to be classified and treated in life. From the very start, in the opening sentences of 242 Alasdair Whittle southern England (Fowler et al. 2022; Saville 1990). Fowler’s further reflections on whether it is possible to see patterns of kinship in the varying architecture of early Neolithic tombs, cairns and barrows (Fowler et al. 2022) are the first sustained and detailed attempt that I know of in Neolithic studies to align archaeological with anthropological interpretation of kinship. He strongly emphasises process and performance, as underlined above in discussion of the anthropological literature post-Schneider, and correctly underscores the fact that aDNA analysis is the investigation of biological relatedness. His account of the history of archaeological research into kinship, however, is quite brief and compressed, which why I have given a more extended historiographical review above, and whether the potential diversity of performed kinship arrangements is to be easily read from the varying plans of tombs and monuments is perhaps more open to question in principle than he allows. He and Vicki Cummings have elaborated their interpretation of Hazleton North and its context (Cummings, Fowler 2023), which I discuss further in detail below. Other posthumanist approaches to kinship have been made very recently. The most extensive, book-length, treatment is by Robert Johnston (2020), pri marily applied to the Bronze Age in Britain and Ireland, but with obvious relevance to Neolithic and other studies as well (and cited on that basis by Fowler 2022). In set- ting out his inspiring stall, seemingly with a principal reliance on Sahlins (2013), Johnston (2020.15–18) pronounces five main features of kinship as he per - ceives it: its ability to create personhood and col- lec tive belonging; its association of people with nonhuman beings, things and landscapes; its historical situatedness; its making through the sharing of substances and what are called presences; and its creative, performative and political nature. In a similar spirit, a perceived diversity of kin relations has been emphasised, in an attempt to underscore relationality and avoid binary opposition between nature and culture (Crellin, Harris 2020; Brück 2021; Crellin 2021). It is interesting to reflect on the theoretical sour ces here. Several of these themes overlap with the more recent, more fluid anthropological emphasis on relatedness. Some, however, are so broadly framed that it is often hard to see (as noted above with re- fe rence to Sahlins 2013) what is specifically to do with kinship, rather than with a general model of sociality (for example, including ‘relational work’, Bandelj 2020), of a mostly warm and positive kind (as opposed to anything more negative, as noted ly passed over and few suggestions are made about specific kinship relations. It is also worth mentioning the critique of patrilocality as the dominant mode for the European Neolithic, which combines isotopic, aDNA and archaeological analyses (Ensor 2021). Meanwhile, the diversity of turn-of-the-millennium theoretical and interpretive approaches in archaeo- logy shifted gradually to the relational, ontological or material turn. There are clearly many strands to this (Harris, Cipolla 2017; Harris 2021) but interest in themes of gender (see also Robb, Harris 2018), body, identity, flow, affect, vibrancy and others ra ther obvi- ously overlap with the wider remit of anthropological relatedness. But in the search for material agency in a complex world, there is no sign until very recently of special attention being given to kinship (absent, for example, from the index of Harris 2021; see further below). Other less theoretically driven recent archaeological syntheses for Neolithic Britain and Ireland also still make very restrained use of notions of kinship and descent, especially still that of lineage (e.g., Bradley 2019). Vicki Cummings (2017.137, 188– 189) has been more explicit than many others, even if very brief, while Keith Ray and Julian Thomas (2018. 47,119,172) have perhaps been the most explicit of all; their notion of ‘invested lineages’ (O.c. 113,171,312– 314) underpins their interpretation of both houses and tombs in the early Neolithic of Britain, though they do not spell out further just what kinds of descent and relationships they envisage in this concept. There has been one exception to this reticence, in the form of the idea of house societies, derived from models of kinship by Lévi-Strauss (Boriæ 2008; Thomas 2015; Richards, Jones 2016; Ray, Thomas 2018). This is also discussed by Fowler (2022.3–4). The notion is not in itself a form of kinship, and it has been applied to so many diverse situations that it is often hard to understand its specific force. Interesting though it is, there is not space to pursue it further here. As already indicated in the introduction, in the wake of the recent successful development of aDNA analysis, there have been important investigations of collective and other mortuary contexts, which have enabled close examination of particular situations beyond the initial attention given to population-level studies (e.g., among others Sánchez-Quinto et al. 2019; Cas- sidy et al. 2020; Cheronet et al. 2022; Rivollat et al. 2023; see also Meller et al. 2023). Those include the ground-breaking analysis of the human contents of the Hazleton North long cairn in the Cotswolds of central- 243 Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland et al. 2022). In Ireland, there were also diverse ar- rangements, as seen in the relatively small sample of sites so far available. There was a lack of close biological relations in both the early portal tomb at Poulnabrone (from c. 3800 cal BC onwards) and the probably slightly later court tomb at Parknabinnia, leading the investigators to “exclude small family groups as their sole proprietors and interpret our findings as the result of broader social differentiation with an emphasis on patrilineal descent” (Cassidy et al. 2020.387). Is it kinship as opposed to alliance or other relationships which is being expressed here? (It is also worth noting the apparent father-daughter relationship found in analysis of the remains from Primrose Grange (O.c.; Cassidy 2023).) There was also a network of distant relatives in the passage tombs examined so far, some of which may go back to earlier centuries of the Neolithic (Cassidy et al. 2020; Cassidy 2023). If Chris Fowler’s (2022) point is accepted that chamber architecture is re lated to kinship ar ran ge- ments (though that claim is not unproblematic, given the instances above where close biological relations do not predominate), then we should expect further diversity. Perhaps that is characteristic of pre-Indo- European societies, with Indo-European societies (perhaps from the late fourth or third millennia cal BC onwards) being said to be predominantly patrilocal and patrilineal (Pronk 2023). Penywyrlod, in inland south-east Wales, probably dating from the 38th century cal BC onwards and arguably one of the earliest constructions in its local area (Britnell, Whittle 2022), raises similar questions, though here without the benefit of aDNA because of poor preservation. Its large stone cairn probably contains several small lateral chambers, the investigated examples of which so far excavated have yielded varying, fragmented and small assemblages of human bone. Strontium isotopic evidence suggests a comparatively wide-ranging population, at a lifetime scale. We cannot therefore be certain in this and many other cases, but it is plausible on the basis of these isotopic analyses that Penywyrlod served a wider population, perhaps with multiple kinds of biological and social relationships, as seen in the diverse representation of age and sex groupings in the small assemblages of human bone excavated so far (Wysocki 2022), in a context of initial, pioneering inland settlement. The most stunning aDNA case study for the early Neolithic in Britain and Ireland so far has been that of importantly by both Carsten 2013, and Bamford 2019b). Thus, disappointingly, though Robert Johnston (2020) asserts the ubiquity of ‘kinwork’ and ‘kinfolk’ right from the beginning of his book, he never attempts to differentiate or further characterise kin relationships; it seems inherently improbable that these were uniform and unchanging throughout the span of the Bronze Age in Britain and Ireland. The dominant citations from the literature are to the broad ontological literature (for critique, see Whittle 2018), and the details of and historical shifts in anthropological models as such are not given. So plenty of questions remain to be debated. I see getting to grips with diversity, specific contexts, find- ing plausible ways to account for changes through time, and the ever-troubling relation between kinship and biology as particularly significant challenges. How can we follow patterns of kinship rather than broader trends in sociality? The performance of kinship: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland To offer a first start at addressing these questions, I give three brief sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland. The fullest is of the Early Neolithic, but I hope the other two may serve to point to ways of thinking about change through time. I will obviously make use of recent aDNA results, but hope fully to engage the archaeological evidence as well. My ac count is deliberately speculative. Early Neolithic I am not attempting complete coverage of the Early Neolithic from the late fifth to past the middle of the fourth millennium cal BC. I simply pick things up at the point probably around 3800 cal BC when mo- numents start to become more prominent. One of the most striking developments in recent times has been enhanced evidence for biological relatedness – or its absence – through aDNA analysis of mortuary assemblages. Completed aDNA studies of this kind are still com- paratively rare. The general picture for early mo nu- ments seems to be one of diversity. Patrilines have been suggested as the dominant arrangement found in megaliths in western Europe (Sánchez-Quinto et al. 2019), but differences in fact are also documented. Studies in western France indicate a mixture of related and non-related people being deposited (Cheronet 244 Alasdair Whittle It is also possible to examine the diachronic and chronological situation in a little more detail (for which there was hardly space in the original Na- ture publication, supplementary information not- withstanding, but now made fully good in Cum- mings, Fowler 2023). The genetic analysis showed five generations, whereas the initial Bayesian modelling of the radiocarbon chronology of the monument had suggested probably three (Meadows et al. 2007). Clearly, further modelling will be desirable, with both more radiocarbon dates to come and genetic relationships acting as further powerful priors in future modelling (Chris Fowler, Alex Bayliss, pers. comm.). It is possible nonetheless to offer some pre - liminary analysis of the generational pattern of suc - cession as it stands (it is also worth noting the ar gu- ments of Cummings, Fowler 2023.10 for probable generational overlap). We do not know if the first generation was itself responsible for the construction of the monument, or whether that was in fact the work of the second generation (Cummings, Fowler 2023.7); but if the latter, the case for lineage expansion in the first two generations (O.c. 10) is perhaps harder to support. That second generation is dominated by the adult sons of the women in the first generation (NC4, NE1, NE2 in various locations on the north side, plus an infant boy, NC5; and SC2, SC3 and SP1 on the south side, along with an infant boy who is a candidate for adoption from another union not otherwise represented). By the third generation, there is a strong emphasis on younger members, grandchildren of the first generation, which shows particularly on the north side (the side of the initial reproductive male); per haps this represents an emphasis on continuity, though it has also been discussed in terms already of waning and decline (O.c. 12). In the fourth generation, there is a mix of ages and sexes; one adult male, NC9, is again placed at the back of the north chamber adjacent to the ‘founder’ male (though Chris Fowler notes (pers. comm.) that locational information is imprecise). The fifth generation is found only on the south side, perhaps a reflection of the north passage collapse or perhaps a final indication of the successful continuity of the south-side maternal sub-lineages. These relationships may of course alter in detail with further chronological modelling (and see Cummings, Fowler 2023 for further valuable detail), but overall what is striking so far is the combination of both stable and unstable arrangements and relationships. It may be unwise to construct any rigid model of a fixed, closed, unaltering patriline, since the maternal sub- lineages were clearly important, and some kind of the Hazleton North, Gloucestershire, long cairn. Here in the two opposed lateral chambers and passages (Saville 1990) were the remains of 41 people; it was possible to obtain high-quality genetic information from 35 of these, 27 of whom proved to be close biological relatives (Fowler et al. 2022). The main picture is well published (O.c.; Cummings, Fowler 2023). Thus, over five generations in the earlier and middle part of the 37th century cal BC, deposition of the dead was carried out in parallel in both chambers, that on the north side interrupted and partly curtailed by the collapse of the northern passage. In the first generation, a man deposited in the innermost part of the north chamber had reproduced with four women, the remains of three of whom were recovered, two on the north side and one on the south side; the existence of the fourth is inferred from her descendants placed on the south side. Subsequent generations could trace relationships through the male line. There was a general lack of young adult females and indeed a total absence of any adult females born into the social group represented. Isotopic and other analysis had also already suggested a pattern of mid-range mobility at a lifetime scale and a diet rich in animal protein and including dairy products. In addition, there is strong evidence for the importance of maternal sub-lineages, with dominant continuity in those represented on the south side and also strong though not as complete continuity on the north side (Fowler et al. 2022.586). Women were also important in that offspring from unions from other fathers not represented in the mo nument were also deposited, which could evoke adoption and ‘adoptive kinship’ (O.c. 587). There were also “eight in dividuals without evidence of close biological relationships or reproductive partnerships with others in the pedigree” (O.c. 586). From these and other observations a possible model of “patrilineal descent, virilocality, polygyny and cattle husbandry” was aired (O.c. 586). There is little reason to doubt these features, but an equally strong impression is of the diversity of the situation. The women in the first generation must also have been significant individuals, and it may be telling that one of them is absent, though that woman could have died before the monument was conceived (Cum mings, Fowler 2023.10–11); there are of course many other such tombs in the Cotswolds, including the unexcavated Hazleton South close by. Their descendants in the respective maternal sub-lineages are also prominent. 245 Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland reflect a more numerous population, a plausible enough claim after three centuries or more of early Neolithic settlement. The idea of these constructions was surely based on knowledge and memory of en- closures on the adjacent continent, but it was activated in Britain and Ireland long after continental practice had begun (Whittle et al. 2011; 2022; forth coming). We have argued that enclosures both reflect and create a more competitive social milieu; some of the evidence for that can be seen in the occurrence of violent attacks and burnings, though that is not found in every case (Whittle et al. 2011; 2022). These three observations may be linked. It has also been claimed that enclosures can show the whole community at work, perhaps ‘the largest cooperating social unit’ of the time (Shennan 2018.101–103; cf. Pechtl 2009; Guilaine 2018; Von- drovský et al. 2022). Depending on the size of the enclosures in question and the temporality of phases and scales of construction, that might not always be the case, but there is no doubt that many of these undertakings, both in terms of the labour involved in building and of the people and things coming from afar to use these places, did represent a more intense order of social interaction (cf. Cummings, Fowler 2023.15–16). The question then remains of who drove such an innovation in the first place, before the phenomenon achieved its own momentum and dynamic of emulation, tradition and history. Such a question has tended to be overlooked in the literature, with an unstated assumption that things would develop naturally on a trajectory from simple and more fragmented to complex and more integrated. At the same time, there have long been social inferen- ces from the characteristically segmented ditch lay - outs of the involvement of multiple groupings (Os wald et al. 2001), and general speculation about the pos- sible role of kinship groups (e.g., Edmonds 1999.98– 103,109–129). In the proposed shifting social scenario it is plausible that more self-conscious and self-defining social groupings such as seen at Hazleton North by the earlier 37th century should have emerged. We can now therefore think in more concrete terms about the possible role of more rather than less tightly defined or self-defining kinship groupings, perhaps lineages or kindreds or both, in the adoption, practice and elaboration of the enclosure idea. Actual evidence of biological relatedness at enclosures themselves re- mains sparse in southern Britain; there are the dis- articulated remains of three maternally related 1st-de- gree relatives at Whitehawk (Brace, Booth 2023.140) and one of these had distant biological relatives bilateral descent could have been in question; there is the further dimension of the bilateral layout of the two opposed chambers (and their relationship to place in terms of placing relative to the pre-existing midden). It has been noted elsewhere in the vast global literature (see above) on kinship arrangements how bilateral systems tend to have a finite, relatively short span (Foxhall 2000; Forbes 2007). There is a tendency perhaps in the case of Hazleton and many other instances to seek more or less precise analogies with ethnographically documented systems. Such matching may be an historical chimera, but an alternative approach for Hazleton (since the account in Cummings, Fowler 2023.2, 3, 13–14 is still very much in the language of lineages) might be to think in terms of Melanesian big men, bolstered by an agnatic core but needing the support of many others including matrilateral kin and affines, and usually destined for a brief floruit (Barnes 1962.98–101; Sahlins 1968, 88–89; Martin 2019.375). It is important to underline the probable construction date of Hazleton North, in the earlier part of the 37th century cal BC (Meadows et al. 2007; cf. Cummings, Fowler 2023.13–14). Not far away from Hazleton North is the rather similar long cairn at Ascott-under-Wych- wood, also with opposed sets of lateral chambers or cists, containing a mortuary population not dis si- milar to that in Hazleton North; Ascott, however, dates probably to the second part of the 38th century cal BC (Bayliss et al. 2007a; Benson, Whittle 2007), and so far, aDNA analysis of its human remains has not been carried out, though that would now be highly desirable for better understanding of sequence and development. By the earlier 37th century cal BC, the Cotswolds may have been occupied for a couple of centuries (subject to the remodelling underway for Gathering Time). The latest revised models suggest that enclosures probably still appeared around the turn of the 38th century cal BC, but with a broader initial distribution than the previously suggested east–west spread (Whittle et al. 2011; 2022; forthcoming). Enclosures became more numerous through the course of the 37th century cal BC, and reached the peak of their use in the 36th century (Whittle et al. 2022). A few more enclosures have been discovered in eastern Ireland (Whittle et al. forthcoming). These developments were a radical transformation of the physical and social landscape. Enclosures may 246 Alasdair Whittle were still in use further south – with a deep grave shaft being used for the burial of four individuals, predominantly adult men, two with marks of trauma or violence (a fifth individual is represented by the severed head of a woman). After a probable gap of one to three centuries, the funeral around 3000 cal BC was that of a mature man (Burial C), in an adjacent shallow grave. Isotopic analysis indicates that none of these individuals were local, and that some lived far away, even perhaps on the Continent. Burial C was accompanied by worked flints, a bone pin, two beaver incisors and 12 boars’ tusks. A small mound was subsequently raised over these graves, containing further burials, and later, possibly around 2800 cal BC (O.c.), over 50 deposits of cremated human bone were inserted into an enlargement of the mound. So far, no aDNA analysis is available for this sequence (but it is underway, Tom Booth, pers. comm.), but we could speculate that it represents, at least down to the early third millennium, a series of named ancestors or forebears, with the gaps between funerals not too great to be covered by living memory. Though I am again wary of precise analogies from ethnography, perhaps something akin now to the all-important counting back through the generations of lineages among the Tiv (Bohannan 1952) could be involved here. Descent may be becoming a weapon in power relations. In the different context of Orkney in the late fourth millennium cal BC and around the turn of the mil- lennium, collective burials in a variety of styles of tomb were still the norm (Edmonds 2019; Bayliss et al. 2017). Kin groupings are plausible. Comparatively little aDNA analysis is so far available, and there was a lack of close biological relatives in small samples from Isbister and Holm of Papa Westray North (Armit et al. 2016; Olalde et al. 2018; Sheridan et al. 2019); recent discovery of a Maeshowe-style chambered tomb with preserved human remains at Blomuir (Current Ar cha- eology 2024) may soon expand the range of sampling. At the major settlement of Ness of Brodgar, a series of impressive, large stone-built houses in existence around and just after the turn of the millennium (Card et al. 2017; 2020) could be seen, from their individual characteristics, to represent separate communities or something like clans (Ed monds 2019.263) or kindreds, brought together in this dominant focus in the landscape. Among the monuments of this broad horizon, probably from the 32nd century cal BC, people were building large, impressive passage grave monuments, including nearby Maeshowe, whose architecture, decoration and contents evoke important in Normandy (Booth forthcoming) – and so far, tantalisingly, that is about all we have to go on directly. If the trail of the enclosure idea, however, leads back to continental sources, it is plausible that this could have happened along lines of ancestral connection (cf. Anthony 1990; Carsten 2020). Even if enclosures represent a wider community at work than seen previously in other constructions and activity, there is the question of mobilisation. More or less self-defining but open lineages or kindreds could have been one contemporary kind of social grouping that could have risked innovation and motivated others to contribute to bigger shared enterprises. The modelled histories of the neighbouring Windmill Hill enclosure and the West Kennet long barrow, with the construction of the long barrow woven in between the building of the inner and outer circuits on the one hand and that of the mid dle one on the other (Whittle et al. 2011.chapters 3,14), strongly suggest that enclosure building and kin groupings were actively contemporary ideas, and thus arguably interacting. There are signs that the earliest enclosures in southern Britain may have been relatively simple in terms of layout and labour (Whittle et al. 2022) and thus feasible for smaller social groupings working on their own. Almost all the many individual activities seen at enclosures (Whittle 2014; 2022) could be broken down to be within the reach and scope of lineages or similar social groupings. The diversity of the situation at Hazleton North, stressed above, is potentially important in this regard, as adop- tive kin and others associated but not biologically related would have served significantly to extend the network of connections and alliances that may have been necessary initially to bring enclosures into existence. Middle Neolithic My last two examples are much briefer. For the Middle Neolithic, from the later fourth into the earlier third millennia cal BC, I want to draw attention to both probable diversity and possible signs that kinship may not always have been a benign strand in society. One element in mortuary practice from the latter part of the Early Neolithic and on into the Middle Neo lithic is the development of more individualised burials (Whittle et al. 2011.724). I follow Keith Ray and Julian Thomas (2018.159–161, 221) in seeing a “grow- ing preoccupation with particular lines of descent”. In the unusual case of Duggleby Howe, Yorkshire (Gib- son, Bayliss 2009), funerary activity began in the 36th or 35th century cal BC – at a time when enclosures 247 Kinship questions: three sketches from the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland Newgrange example perhaps clinches that kind of explanation (though this is controversial). If so, here is a case of kinship being potentially part of unequal social relations and even coercive practices, and it may be telling that the apogee of the passage tomb tradition appears to have been quite short-lived. Late Neolithic My last example is even briefer and largely speculative, but develops the themes of extreme differentiation just discussed. At the end of the Late Neolithic, there was a flurry, not to say a frenzy, of major construction projects, before and perhaps overlapping with the arrival of Beaker practices and people, around 2400 cal BC. At least some of these undertakings appear to have been carried out swiftly, as at Mount Pleasant, Dorset, in the generations either side of 2500 cal BC (Greaney et al. 2020.219, Fig. 12; see also Marshall et al. 2024). The two largest heroic feats of assembly and building, Stonehenge and Silbury Hill, are very different in conception (Parker Pearson 2012; 2023; Parker Pearson et al. 2020; 2021; Whittle 1997a; 1997b; Leary et al. 2013) but similar in outrageous scale. The current consensus view is probably that the major sarsen phase (Stage 2) at Stonehenge preceded the building of Silbury Hill, these taking place perhaps a century or so apart at c. 2500 and c. 2400 cal BC res pectively (Darvill et al. 2012; Parker Pearson et al. 2022; Parker Pearson 2023.14; Leary et al. 2013), though in my view there may still be unresolved que- stions of detail about the currently available chro- nology of Stonehenge (Bayliss et al. 2007b) and these two constructions might be closer in time, offering rival, more or less contemporary, conceptions of the origin of the cosmos (Whittle 1997a; 1997b). Though great strides have been made in recent years in the understanding of Stonehenge and its wider context (Parker Pearson et al. 2020; 2022; Parker Pearson 2023), there is much still that we do not easily comprehend. Our knowledge of mortuary practice at this time, which had shifted to dominant cremation rites, is limited, though small cremation cemeteries could be consistent with all manner of kinship arrangements in line with practice earlier in the Neolithic (Willis 2021). Likewise, our knowledge of settlement and landscape at this time is decidedly uneven, with the broad exception of Orkney in the north. It is striking, however, in a recent review of Grooved Ware pottery across Britain and Ireland how a whole series of regional studies emphasise the shifting and comparatively slight evidence for settlement in connections with the developed passage tombs of eastern Ireland. That brings in another stunning recent discovery, thanks to aDNA analysis, of the adult son of a first- order incestuous union (between either parent and offspring or perhaps siblings) in a central position in the chamber – in the most elaborate recess – of the major passage tomb at Newgrange in the Boyne valley (Cassidy et al. 2020). This probably dates to the late fourth millennium cal BC, the apogee, with Knowth and Dowth in the same Boyne group, of the Irish passage tomb tradition and notable for its scale, architectural sophistication and the range from which constituent materials were brought in (Hensey 2015; Schulting et al. 2017; cf. Lynch et al. 2014). In- cest of this kind is seen as rare, and comparisons are said to have been documented almost exclusively among ‘politico-religious elites’, specifically within “polygynous and patrilineal royal families that are headed by god-kings” (Cassidy et al. 2020.384), examples being cited from Hawai’i, the Incas and ancient Egypt (O.c. 385; cf. Flannery, Marcus 2012). Fairly distant biological relatives are also detected in both Carrowkeel and Carrowmore out to the west (Cassidy et al. 2020.386). As far as I know, we do not have further information from other individuals in Newgrange or neighbouring Knowth. Cassidy et al. (2020.385) see such ‘dynastic incest’ as part of the ‘deification of political leaders’, and as “a means of intensifying hierarchy and legitimizing power”, “alongside tactics such as extravagant mo nu mental architecture and public ritual”; speculate that such practices may have extended to Wales, Orkney and Brittany, because of the link of shared architecture; and even talk in terms of “early states and their pre- cursors” (O.c. 386,387). This needs a bit of unpicking. I think that the re fe - rence to early states is unhelpful, since so much else characteristic of early states is missing from the Mid- dle Neolithic record in Ireland and Britain. The Bre- ton exemplars which have prompted speculation about Neolithic kings (e.g., Jeunesse 2017) are much earlier, and the claim for a much wider set of practices is open to discussion. It has also to be noted that incest does not universally incur the same level of taboo, historical and ethnographic counter-examples being given by both Robin Fox (1967.63) and Edmund R. Leach (1982.51,115,233). Nonetheless, the examples of dynastic incest are compelling (Cassidy et al. 2020.385, citing Wolf 2014), and the isolation of the 248 Alasdair Whitt le de finitions of kinship as relatedness, practice and performance, archaeologists nonetheless risk blurring, in generalised models of sociality and mutuality, principally of a benign kind, what could be distinctive about kinship. The issue of the role of biology in kinship remains problematic; we have learnt to be suspicious of it, but some of the most instructive case studies of kinship in recent times, enabled by aDNA analysis, are founded on the genetic identification of biological relatedness. I have also argued that specific models are needed. Through examples taken at intervals across the sequence of the Neolithic in Britain and Ireland, I have suggested the outlines of a possible trajectory, from fluid arrangements among pioneers and early communities, to more self-defining groupings and namings at the time of established tomb building and enclosure construction, through to diverse practice in the later fourth millennium, including the incestuous union at Newgrange, sug gestive of elite differentiation, and perhaps some kind of lineage at Duggleby Howe. Finally, I have speculated briefly on whether the drivers of massive constructions at the end of the Late Neolithic also made use of appeals to kinship with the divine, before a return to more grounded, familiar and acceptable notions in the Beaker period. the last stages of the Neolithic in southern Britain, better seen now in the context of often large-scale investigations in advance of development (Barclay 2024; Brook 2024; Cleal, Pollard 2024; Evans et al. 2024; Garwood 2024; Jones, Quinnell 2024). While there is still much more to be done with the fine grain of settlement, this surely raises the question of how the major constructions of the end of the Late Neolithic, and especially those of Stonehenge and Silbury Hill, were actually brought about in a context of potentially patchy population levels (Armit, Reich 2021; Booth forthcoming), albeit one with evidence for extensive movement of both people and animals (Snoeck et al. 2018; Madgwick et al. 2019). Paul Garwood (2024. 241) has suggested authoritarian ideologies and fundamentalist mythologies as driving monument building at this time. Could all this have been effected through the calling in of scattered kinship connections and obligations, by elites again (as in Middle Neolithic Ireland) claiming kinship with the divine? And was the ensuing “fragmentation, disillusion, rejection and rebellion” (O.c. 241) made all the more inevitable because of the irresistible attractions of more normal, intimate kinship arrangements among Beaker people, a return to the named relationships and moral code with which people had been familiar over the longer term? Conclusion I have tried to show in more detail than commonly attempted in the archaeological literature how until very recently archaeological interpretations of kinship have lagged far behind those of anthropology. 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The site was entirely excavated in 2005 due to the construction of the Outer Port of A Co- ru ña (Cano Pan 2012), which also entailed its sub- sequent demolition. Despite this unfortunate end, the huge amount of information that was collected provides an excellent framework for challenging our understanding of this period. This paper explores new KLJUÈNE BESEDE – starejša železna doba; SZ Iberskega polotoka; Evropa; prazgodovina; družbene spre- membe IZVLEÈEK – Izkopavanje naselbine Punta de Muros predstavlja prelom v poznavanju starejše železne do be na Iberskem polotoku. Razvoj novih meddisciplinarnih raziskav je razširil naše razumevanje naj - dišèa in razjasnil veè dejstev o nastanku utrjenih krajin. Èlanek povzema ta napredek in se osredotoèa na razvoj družbene neenakosti znotraj nehierarhiène družbe med 6. in 4. stoletjem pr. n. št. Obravnava li bomo odsev teh sprememb v arheološkem zapisu, s poudarkom na tem, katere sile so sprožile notranje spremembe in kako obsežna je bila na zaèetku družbena neenakost. Na sledi družbenim neenakostim v starejši železni dobi. Večplastni pristop v naselbini Punta de Muros (SZ Iberskega polotoka, Španija) KEY WORDS – Early Iron Age; NW Iberia; Europe; Prehistory; social change ABSTRACT - The excavation of the settlement of Punta de Muros was a breakthrough in our knowledge of the Early Iron Age of the Iberian Peninsula. The development of new multidisciplinary research has broadened our understanding of the site and clarified several facts about the emergence of fortified landscapes. This paper synthesizes these advances and focuses on the development of social inequality trends within a non-hierarchical society between the 6th and the 4th centuries BC. The reflection of these changes in the archaeological record will be addressed, focusing on what forces triggered these internal transformations and to what extent we can define the emergence of social inequality. Samuel Nión-Álvarez Institute of Heritage Sciences, Spanish National Research Council (INCIPIT, CSIC), Santiago de Compostela, ES; samuel.nion-alvarez@incipit.csic.es Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) 255 Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) strategy of occupation for almost a millennium in NW Iberia (González-Ruibal 2006–2007.160). Here, the EIA is defined as a fortified landscape that prioritizes the occupation of conspicuous and prominent places with high visibility, with small settlements (Parcero-Oubiña 2000.86–87) structuring a deeply fragmented and po- tentially conflictive context (Fábrega Álvarez 2005). This model of occupation brought a remarkable break with the dynamics of the Late Bronze Age (herein af ter, LBA). The LBA (1200–850 BC) was based on a semi- nomadic way of life, with non-fortified open set tlements close to the valley bottoms and a high degree of mo- bi lity, as reflected in the wide circulation of bronze ob jects on a large scale (Armada, Martinón-Tor res 2016). At the same time, different strategies of so cial inequality emerged (Parcero-Oubiña et al. 2020.156). LBA societies were probably focused on encouraging warrior values and promoting the role of the ‘cham- pion’ within the community (González García 2009. 63). It is necessary to underline the emer gence of per - so nal leadership focused on certain collectives, per - haps with the typical strategies of ‘Big Men’ so cie - ties (Armada 2012). In this context, the accumula - tion of objects and prestige goods, the in crease of which is highlighted in this period (Co men dador Rey 1999), would have fostered these social dif fe - rences, and legitimized a value system that glo ri fied predominant collectives, such as warriors. The process of ‘fortified sedentarization’ during the EIA brought about a significant change in LBA ways of life. In the social sphere, the system of pro minent leaders collapsed in favour of the strengthen ing of a more ‘egalitarian’ ethos (González García et al. 2011), rejecting unequal values (and the sym bols that underpinned them), in favour of a more collective worldview (Nión-Ál va rez 2023a.258). This is reflected in the dis ap pearance of the main cultural patterns of the LBA, such as a pro gressive abandonment of several prestige goods and iconographic representations, as well as an abrupt rejection of mobility and foreign goods (González-Ruibal 2006–2007.242). In line with this, the EIA set tlements represent a marked rejection of the dynamics of inequality, expressing different mecha nisms of resistance to hierarchization and social change (Parcero-Oubiña, Criado-Boado 2013). Punta de Muros: methods and results The present study is based on different investigations which have carried out an effective multidisciplinary study of the site. As a brief review, the archaeological works involved the complete excavation of the set- tle ment, as well as 53 archaeological surveys in the surrounding area (Cano Pan 2012.788). Several un- derwater surveys and a morphostatistical analysis of the related ceramic production were also carried out, as well as malacological, anthracological, pa ly- nological and archaeometallurgical analyses (Cano Pan 2012.10–12). Subsequently, the knowledge of the settlement was strengthened by architectural (Ayán-Vila 2012), socio-metallurgical (Nión-Álvarez, González García 2023), chrono-statistical (Nión- Álvarez 2023b) and paleodemographic studies (Nión- Álvarez 2023c), among others. All these data make Punta de Mu ros one of the sites with a larger volume of scien ti - fic information in the north west Iberian Pen insula. How ever, some problems affecting the study area should be point -ed out, such as the high aci dity of the soils (Fer - nández Marcos et al. 1994), which pre vents the effective con - servation of mate rials such as wood, bones or me tal (especially iron) or the lack of identification of phe nomena such as burials (Nión- Ál va rez 2023d). This situation has fuelled other fields of study, such as architectural or chrono-sta tis- tical analysis, aiming to exploit the possibilities of the available evidence.Fig. 1. Location of the site. 256 Samuel Nión-Álvarez 2023.59). This simplicity is evidenced by the absence of restricted space inside the dwellings and the straightforwardness of their accessibility (Cano Pan 2012. 690). This phase can be dated to between the mid-9th cen - tury BC and the end of the 6th century BC (Nión-Ál- varez 2023b. 10). However, a difference should be noted between the first period (Phase 1A), which lasted until the middle of the 8th century BC, and a second (Phase 1B), which lasted until the end of the 6th century BC. There is hardly any archaeological difference between the phases: the most re levant dif- ference relies on a gradual (albeit significant) de mo gra - phic increase, ac cording to radiocarbon dating and pa- leodemographic studies. Several cal culations based on the inhabited area suggest an annual growth rate of around 0.30%. Even with the most conservative calculations, this implies that the population of the village had doubled at the end of Phase 1 (Nión-Ál- varez, 2023c.8). However, we should remain cautious about these numbers, as the radiocarbon data are affected by the Hallstatt Plateau, which significantly affects the accuracy of samples dated in this period (Hamilton et al. 2015.2–3). In this sense, it cannot even be ruled out that this progressive demographic increase was part of a whole dynamic that dates back to the beginning of the settlement’s occupation. However, Punta de Muros underwent a significant change between the end of the 6th century BC and the beginning of the 4th century BC (Nión-Álvarez 2023b.9). The most remarkable change is an exten- sive process of the concentration of family units in new dwellings of greater size and complexity. This in volved both the concentration of old, previously built do- mestic units (e.g., Structures XII-XVI) and the creation of large dwellings from scratch (e.g., Structure XXIII), creating houses three or four times larger than in previous periods. All these examples of domestic complexity are chrono - logically related to Phase 2 (Nión-Ál va rez 2023b.10). The case of Structures X and XI is par ti cu larly repre- sentative of this process, as it relates archaeological and architectural contexts with the whole occupational sequence of the settlement. Structure XI was built in Phase 1A (PEC 8407, see Table 1) as a simple dwelling of small dimensions (27.5m2). Later, in Phase 1B (PEC 8425), Structure X was built nearby with similar characteristics (21.8m2). However, both units were merged to create a single domestic unit in Phase 2 (PEC Punta de Muros is a fortified settlement of barely one hectare in size, based on a small peninsula. The origin of the settlement dates back to the mid-9th century BC (Nión-Álvarez 2023c.9). During this period, Punta de Muros had a simple and non-organized layout, with a few dwellings scattered across the fortified enclosure. This rampart defines the boundaries of the dwelling area, as it is common in this period and region (Ayán- Vila 2012.403). It is interesting to note that this is the only building that shows evidence of collective work and symbolic activities during this period, a fact that hints at its value as a community symbol (Haber 2011.26–28). The dwellings are characterized by being simple and uniform across the settlement. They are all small (none of them cover an area of more than 35m2) and have no internal divisions or spaces dedicated to productive activities (Nión-Álvarez 2023a.258). Even a significant activity such as metallurgy (Cano Pan, Gómez Fil guei - ras de Brage 2010), does not have specialized areas detached from the domestic sphere. The case of Struc- ture III is quite meaningful: it has a furnace for the re - duction of copper ore in the same place where cook ing and resting activities were carried out, as it can be trac- ed by the presence of tools and pottery for cooking and everyday activities (Nión-Álvarez, González Gar cía Fig. 2. Aerial image of Punta de Muros (from Cano Pan 2012.102). 257 Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) CO DE N º DA TE (B P) CA L BC (9 5% c on fid en ce ) PH AS E SA M PL E LO CA TI O N LO CA TI O N D ET AI L M AT ER IA L DA TE D PL AN T SP EC IE S PE C 83 43 2 21 50 ± 35 23 1- 52 B C St ru ct ur e VI Co lla ps e le ve l Ch ar co al Fa ba ce ae PE C 83 45 3 24 80 ± 35 70 0- 54 7 BC 1B St ru ct ur e VI He ar th Ch ar co al Q ue rc us sp . PE C 83 47 4 25 50 ± 35 79 6- 54 7 BC 1B So ut h Ac ce ss Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 83 53 5 24 95 ± 35 77 1- 54 4 BC 1B Ra m pa rt (e xt er na l a re a) He ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 83 54 6 24 85 ± 35 69 9- 54 8 BC 1B Ra m pa rt (e xt er na l a re a) He ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 07 7 26 20 ± 40 83 0- 77 4 BC 1A St ru ct ur e XI -b He ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 25 8 25 00 ± 35 77 3- 54 4 BC 1B St ru ct ur e X He ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 29 9 27 10 ± 40 87 9- 79 3 BC 1A St ru ct ur e XI V He ar th Ch ar co al Fa ba ce ae PE C 84 32 10 24 85 ± 40 77 3- 53 7 BC 1B St ru ct ur e IX He ar th Ch ar co al Fa ba ce ae PE C 84 33 11 24 60 ± 40 76 6- 51 9 BC 1B St ru ct ur e IX He ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 41 12 20 10 ± 40 10 3 BC -1 21 A D St ru ct ur e VI I Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 44 13 26 20 ± 35 82 7- 77 7 BC 1A Ra m pa rt (e xt er na l a re a) Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 46 14 10 35 ± 30 95 5- 10 45 A D Ra m pa rt (i nt er na l a re a) Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 47 15 24 80 ± 35 70 0- 54 7 BC 1B St ru ct ur e XV I He ar th Ch ar co al Q ue rc us sp . PE C 84 51 16 23 75 ± 35 53 8- 40 2 BC 2 Ra m pa rt (e xt er na l r ei nf or ce m en t) Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 55 17 25 55 ± 35 79 7- 54 8 BC 1B Ex te rn al a re a of th e se tt le m en t Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 86 18 26 60 ± 35 88 7- 78 3 BC 1A St ru ct ur e XI X St ra tu m b el ow th e he ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n PE C 84 96 19 24 25 ± 35 54 2- 41 2 BC 2 St ru ct ur e XX V Is ol at ed c ha rc oa l Ch ar co al Q ue rc us sp . PE C 84 98 20 23 75 ± 35 53 8- 40 2 BC 2 St ru ct ur e XX III He ar th Ch ar co al Fa ba ce ae PE C 85 13 21 24 80 ± 35 70 0- 54 7 BC 1B St ru ct ur e XI b St ra tu m b el ow th e he ar th Ch ar co al Q ue rc us sp . PE C 85 29 22 25 10 ± 35 77 8- 54 4 BC 1B St ru ct ur e XX X He ar th Ch ar co al Fa ba ce ae PE C 85 32 23 23 85 ± 35 53 9- 40 6 BC 2 St ru ct ur e XX XI I He ar th (s ec on d le ve l o f u se ) Ch ar co al Fa ba ce ae PE C 85 36 24 24 80 ± 35 70 1- 54 7 BC 1B St ru ct ur e XX XI I He ar th (fi rs t l ev el o f u se ) Ch ar co al Q ue rc us sp . PE C 96 47 25 23 95 ± 35 54 0- 40 7 BC 2 St ru ct ur e XI a He ar th Ch ar co al U nk no w n Ta b. 1 . R ad io ca rb on d at es o f P u n ta d e M u ro s (f ro m N ió n- Ál va re z 20 23 b. 12 ). 9647), reusing the western wall of Structure XI for internal compartmentalization (Cano Pan 2012.325). This process can be hinted in other examples (e.g. Structures XII-XVI or XVII-XVIII-XIX-XIV) and also coexists with much simpler domestic units, similar to those from earlier phases (e.g., Structure XXVIII). This array of domestic changes is also reflected in accessibility and mobility strategies, creating more complex transit patterns (Cano Pan 2012.697). Changes in the domestic space are related to three key issues: a division and individualization of the 258 Samuel Nión-Álvarez With regard to consumption strategies, the uniformity of NW Iberian EIA pottery (González-Ruibal 2006– 2007.228) hinders a comprehensive functional ana- lysis. However, there was a progressive reduction in the per centage of kitchen and tableware ceramics be- tween Phases 1 and 2 (from 10.1% to 4.1%), parallel to the in crease in storage vessels. In this regard, the emergence of new specialized activities and storage areas within the household led to new needs in terms of pottery production, and therefore to a change in the materiality of the domestic units. Finally, a significant absence of imported goods might also be noted (Nión- Álvarez, González García 2023.59), an issue that will be discussed below. These profound changes in domestic space reflect a paradigmatic shift in the settlement, as strategies of town planning (Ayán-Vila 2012.399) and specialized buildings began to appear. In addition to productive structures (such as metalworking areas like Structure XXXII), the most outstanding example is Structure XX. It is a round building with an area of around 6m2, probably with a cultic/religious purpose. This structure was surrounded by a continuous bench running along the entire length of its inner wall, excluding a small 'niche' carved to host an outsized monolith (Cano Pan 2012.431). There is evidence of intentional deposits in some parts of the atrium, as well as of bonfires inside it (Cano Pan 2012.755). To the south, there is an open courtyard bounded by two walls, occupying an area of space, the creation of specific productive areas and an in cre - ase in the capacity to store goods. Intra-domestic com part men ta - lization embodied a different way of conceiving the dwel ling, shifting from sim ple, multi fun c- tional units to specialized and in - dividualized ones. This process expresses the specialization of cer- tain tasks and their separation from the activities of resting, cook- ing and consumption. Me tallurgy may be a representative example: metalworking activities were re- moved from the domestic en - vi ronment during Phase 2 (Nión- Álvarez, González Gar cía 2023. 62), finding new spa ces out side the dwelling (e.g., Struc ture XXXIII) or specialized, indi vi - dualized areas (e.g., Structure XXIII). Other evidence of spe cialization, re lated to craftsmanship or processing raw mate rials (see Structures XIII and XV, Cano Pan 2012.355,586), as well as new environment for storing goods (e.g., Structure XXIII), also sepa rated from do mes tic ac - tivities, have also appeared within these new com - pounds. These shifts in domestic space came along with an increase in the percentage of large storage vessels. The dwellings of Phase 2 show a significant increase in storage pottery (see Table 2): while they represent about a 10% of the pottery found on Phase 1 houses, they surpass 30% in the large dwel lings of Phase 2 (even exceeding 60% in some cases: Nión- Álvarez 2023a.259). Structure XXIII provides an insightful example about these changes. Built during Phase 2 and in use between 5th and 4th centuries BC, it was the largest building in the settlement (130m2). Its architecture illustrates the aforementioned task specialisation, setting apart dif- ferent areas for cooking, resting, storing goods or performing metalworking activities (see Fig. 8). Me tal- working, indeed, shows a significant change: it ac quir - ed a specific and specialised place, separate from the rest of the activities, marking a clear difference with the domestic environment of Phase 1, in which metal- working and domestic activities shared the same lo- cation. Fig. 3. Structures from Punta de Muros (numbered). 259 Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) ni ficance will come to mind just as quickly as their intrinsic problems. Therefore, throughout this re- flection on Punta de Muros’ societies, a brief depiction of how we understand these concepts will be provided when appropriate. One of the key questions about Punta de Muros’ social transformations is to define to what extent the changes in Phase II implied a shift towards models of social inequality. In some ways, archaeology may not tackle this issue fully and effectively. This is not only due to the usual problems arising from archaeological contexts, but also to the application and influence of some narrow perspectives that constrain the emer- about 150m2. Structure XX has some elements which are representative of a religious con text, such as the continuous bench (González-Ruibal 2006–2007.596) and which embody an architectural model that would be replicated during the following centuries (Nión- Álvarez 2023a.269). Tracing the emergence of in equalities In the following section, the archaeological context of Punta de Muros from the point of view of societal organization will be examined. Logically, this topic will touch on concepts such as ‘social inequality’, ‘hie rar - chy’, or ‘social difference’, some keywords whose sig - Fig. 4. Modelled radiocarbon dates (from Nión-Álvarez 2023b). 260 Samuel Nión-Álvarez wer are equitable, and the ruler is not detached from the social body but must justify their power in front of the community, based on the idea of ‘social debt’ (Heusch 1987). Victor Turner (1980.103–109) defines this subordination of the chief’s privileges to their community as a ‘slave in power’. In this kind of society, the government is ‘perpetually indebted’ to its community, as its position and prestige depend on the fulfilment of its prerogatives and responsibilities (Clastres 1981.139,147). Pierre Clastres (1978) de- scribed such societies as ‘undivided’ and ‘against-the- state’, but others have applied other definitions, such as ‘deep rural’ (Jedrej 1995) or, in more economic- based approaches, ‘transegalitarian’ (Hayden 1995). While these positions have explored different views, both identify forms of social organization in which the ruler irrevocably depends on communitarian de- cisions, even though the inner degree of inequality may vary. In any case, the community is the only po- litical decision-making unit, with several centrifugal mechanisms to preserve social cohesion. Returning to Punta de Muros, and as discussed above, there are two clearly differentiated phases of occupa- tion. Phase 1 is consistent with both the current know - ledge of the EIA and the previously noted social is- sues. There is a lack of signs of social hierarchy or in- equality, and the settlement seems to be the basic unit of political organization: there is no evidence of other agents capable of structurally imposing their decisions on the rest of the community (Nión-Álvarez, González García 2023.57). In this sense, we can consider them as ‘undivided’ from a Clastrian point of view: everything points that relations were established among equals that ignored inequality. However, the transformations of Phase 2 paint a dif- fe rent pic ture. In contrast to a static, immobile and change-resistant EIA (González García et al. 2011), gence of inequalities to concepts such as coercion or a transactional economy (McGuire 2022.491). The emergence of inequalities in ancient societies should not be understood as one specific phenomenon, es- pecially if it is mostly referred to present rather than past contexts. On the other hand, as Kenneth Ames (2010.20–23) suggested, it is particularly difficult to identify any community without any kind of social disparity, as almost all communities show a system of status and internal organization. In my personal opinion, the works of Pierre Clastres may be helpful with regard to understanding ega li- tarianism and inequality, at least at a theoretical le- vel. Clastres’ works have been already used to analyse different kinds of human societies (Demoule 1999; Par cero-Oubiña, Criado-Boado 2013; González Gar - cía 2017), and have proven to be highly valuable for societal analysis, since they suggest a key factor to pay attention to in order to define unequal so cie ties. It is undoubtedly true that criteria such as gen der, age or origin are prone to generate intra-com mu nitarian dif- ferences, regardless of the degree of social inequality. However, what is defined as social inequality stems from how the relations between individuals in each community are structured. Ega li tarian communities are defined as such because they are composed of equal individuals who ignore what inequality means (Clastres 1981.122–123), and thus the life of any in- dividual is not worth more or less than that of another – it is neither inferior nor superior. It may be possible that some people can acquire a higher social status according to certain circumstances based on prestige, but always to a degree that is far smaller than that seen in hierarchical systems. If there is a chief in an ega- li tarian community, then they do not exercise power because they are worth ‘more’ than another member of the community, but because the community al lows and empowers their position. The relations of po- Fig. 5. Phases of occupation. 261 Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) “for the state or against the state”. It might be worth mentioning that Clastres considered as ‘the state’ any kind of political subjugation by some individuals towards others, an intentionally broad and polemical definition that intended to undermine ideas based on Marxist and ecological-liberal ideology, as well as to detach social division from modern perceptions of statalized power (Clastres 1981.165–180). In this regard, we need to reflect to what extent it is possible to suggest a breakdown in egalitarian relations and, at the same time, to what extent it is useful to use con- tingent categories to interpret these changes. Trans- formations in Punta de Muros’ domestic architecture have been related to the appearance of different li- neages/collectives with greater or lesser influence (Nión-Álvarez, González García 2023.65). In con- trast to the previous uniform context, this points to the emergence of new social agents with greater agency in the village’s decision-making. Aspects such as the these changes hint at a breakdown of the non-hie- rarchical values. Perhaps the most meaningful ar- gu ment is the process of aggregation, division and specialization of the domestic sphere, an illustrative proxy for increasing social complexity (Steadman 2015). The appearance of large household groups implied a substantial change in family relationships and community strategies. The emergence of spe- cia lized activities in some houses, as well as houses with dissimilar sizes, marks a clear break from the uniformity of Phase 1 dwellings. The necessity to distinguish the individuality of domestic spaces usually represents a fracture of the collective ethos (Gerritsen 2007). In view of these approaches, it is worth considering to what extent the relationship between equals traced back to Phase 1 broke down in Phase 2. Pierre Clastres (1978.175) established a dichotomy: societies can be Domestic Unit Area(in m²) % of storage vessels In overall pottery record Has dedicated storage space % of cooking vessels in overall pottery record Radiocarbon Dating Phase 1A/1B III 28.1 21.5 5.8 VI 18.1 7.1 3.0 700-547 BC (PEC 8345) IX 25.2 5.1 11.1 699-548 BC (PEC 8432)704-546 BC (PEC 8433) X 21.8 _ 0.7 697-546 BC (PEC 8425) XI(b) 27.5 _ _ 829-780 BC (PEC 8407) XII 20.9 0.0 10.5 XIV 27.7 _ _ 853-796 BC (PEC 8429) XVI 26.9 33.2 11.8 700-547 BC (PEC 8447) XXIV 23.4 8.6 1.3 XXV 28.0 0.0 18.5 XXVIII 36.8 29.3 0.0 XXX 34.2 17.7 0.0 654-549 BC (PEC 8529) XXXII 19.8 5.8 47.8 701-547 BC (PEC 8536) Mean 26.0 12.4 10.1 Phase 2 X-XI 68.8 37.5 Yes 1.6 518-401 BC (PEC 9647) XII-XVI 114.3 27.7 Yes 16.6 XVII-XVIII-XIX-XXIV 154.2 27.3 Yes 5.6 XXII 25.8 _ _ XXIII 130.5 58.4 Yes 0.7 517-399 BC (PEC 8498) XXVIII 36.8 29.3 0.0 XXIX-XXX 108.8 14.8 0.0 Mean 91,3 32,5 4.1 Tab. 2. Dwellings of Phases 1A, 1B and 2 (according to Nión-Álvarez 2023a.260). 262 Samuel Nión-Álvarez cannot set a univocal formula (Giddens 1995.270– 271). In any case, it may be more appropriate to define these kinds of societies as ‘potentially unequal’, rather than to apply Big Men models, as there are different factors that can trigger a change in social strategies. In fact, the emergence of internal inequalities does not only rely on the appearance of Big Men, as it is not unusual for lineages or families that achieved great prestige to reinforce status differences in contexts without class differences. In these cases, status and prestige rely on customary laws and inter-familial ho- nour (Jamous 1981.181–188). In addition to this, even in some Big Man contexts there is not only one Big Man, but many: they are defined by their success in prestigious tasks and, therefore, they achieve a higher social position (Godelier 1986.167–168). According to Clastres, it is not clear that these con texts reflect a ‘debt inversion’, but it may reflect the be- ginning of social division. Following Hayden (1995.56), about 70% of the Big Men of New Guinea were de- scendants of other Big Men. This fact highlights the potential of such contexts to perpetuate and legitimize privileged positions. In this regard, a fracture of ho ri- zontal relations can be observed, but there is still no group with a structural class predominance. In Phase 2 of Punta de Muros, evidence suggests the emergence of several individuals with greater agency different capacity to store or obtain goods, as well as specialization in cer - tain activities, may indicate a fur ther step towards a process of greater so cial fragmentation and inequality. In addi- tion, it should be noted that these trans- formations have an eminently local root. In spite of some proposals that have suggested the relevance of the trade and production of objects (Cano Pan, Gó- mez Filgueiras de Brage 2010.52–54; Cano Pan 2012.773), no material evi- dence of foreign contacts has been found (Nión-Álvarez 2021.185). For instance, there was no evidence of early Punic pro ductions (García Fernández 2020), and the common ware shows evidence of a geological composition from local deposits. The archaeological record points to a significant shift between Phases 1 and 2. However, and regardless of the issues on archaeological diachronic analysis (Feinman 2023.350–351), there exist two substantial difficulties in societal analysis: identifying the emer gence and consolidation of social inequality and how we can define it. In this regard, it may be necessary to re flect on the differences between inequality and hierarchy. Naturally, any process of hierarchization entails in- equality, but not all inequality can be la belled as hierarchy. Social hierarchization may be con sidered as the existence of a structural col lective that holds certain privileges by its very na ture, implying a po- tentially inheritable structural inequality (Nión-Ál- varez 2024.65). However, stable inequalities can arise without inheritance systems and class dif feren - tiation. If we move further away from materialistic and economistic views, it is possible to trace alternative societal forms of organization. Inequalities do not usually emerge from wealth or land control: there are different kinds of ‘capital’ to accumulate and waste in order to express inner dif ferences (Bourdieu 1992. 111–113). Indeed, the rise of differences usually came from social prestige, which could be obtained in many different ways. This fact links up with Sahlins’ (1963) idea of Big Men and later reinterpretations. The Big Men proposals aimed to fill the gap between egalitarian and hierarchical models, but, in my personal opinion, I find it a bit narrow to categorize social dynamics. This is indeed an issue with any kind of categorization (Feinman 2023.349), as any explanation of change Fig. 6. Changes in Structure X and XI across different phases (modified from Nión-Álvarez 2023b.9). 263 Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) Phase 2, a new set of criteria led to a complete re con- figuration of the layout. Among other changes, the emergence of religious buildings marked a profound shift with respect to cult areas and expressions of earlier phases, which were exclusively focused on the defensive systems. In Phase 2, however, cultic ac ti- vi ties shifted from the walls towards new buildings constructed under hierarchical and restrictive criteria. In Structure XX, the courtyard seems to be accessible to the public, but the inner part of the building is invisible from the outside and its access seems to have been reserved to a small number of individuals (Cano Pan 2012.755). In this sense, the value of re li- gion in structuring unequal models has recently been emphasized in Iron Age studies (López-Mondéjar 2014; Fernández-Götz, Roymans 2015; Stegmaier 2017). Religion operates as a binding element of collective identities, promoting the reformulation of cultural schemes under identitarian frameworks linked to po - wer collectives (Assmann 2011.123–138). This makes religion an ‘enabler’ in cases in which social dynamics shifted toward inequality (Aldenderfer 2010.8792), building environments in which col lective par tici pa- tion is essential, but in which some rituals are re strict- ed from the whole community. Finally, changes in household units and social structure may have also triggered changes in kinship relations. In other Iberian Iron Age contexts where larger domestic units have emerged, the dwellings were usually defined by several structures around a courtyard or corridor (Grau-Mira 2013.63–64). This type of dwelling is of- ten associated with patrilocal residence patterns and patrilineal descendancy (Blanco-González 2020.126). However, the complex houses of Punta de Muros were structured differently: they were built on a single building, with internal divisions and housing different hearths with cooking and resting areas, in addition to storage and production spaces. The construction of these large dwellings (with more than 50–60m2 of living space, Porèiæ 2010.406–407) tend to relate to matrilocal residence patterns in 85–90% of cases, ac cording to kinship studies (Ember, 1973; Divale 1974). Re cent phylogenetic studies have confirmed the statistical validity of these approaches (Hrnèíæ et al. 2020), although there are some exceptions that may pose problems, especially in non-agri cultural contexts (Porèiæ 2019). These interesting hints, however, should be taken with some caution, given the impossibility of carrying out genetic or isotopic analyses on skeletal remains. in the village’s decision-making. Aspects such as the different capacity to store or obtain goods, as well as specialization in certain activities, indicate a further step towards complexity from relations of reciprocity and dependence to a process of greater social fragmentation and inequality. These contexts point towards a ‘potentially unequal’ society, in which different agents acquired more power than others and, therefore, may retain a greater weight in decision- making. As discussed above, defining different de- grees of inequality is not easy, especially from a strict ly archaeological point of view. In this regard, it is difficult to identify if it is the beginning of an unequal society or even the onset of a process of social hierarchization. In this case, it is perhaps enough to identify a path towards social inequality that may have culminated, some centuries afterwards, in a process of social hierarchization, as has been argued (Nión- Álvarez 2023c.266–267). It seems interesting to link these changes with de- mography and the environment. Palaeodemographic studies do not indicate any correlation between the appearance of complex domestic units and a de mo- graphic increase, ruling out this factor as a trigger for social change. In fact, it has been highlighted that the growth rate was very similar in all periods, being even slightly lower in Phase 2 (Nión-Álvarez 2023c.8–9). In this sense, the increase in the size of the living space in each dwelling does not necessarily imply a demo- gra phic increase: extended family models allow for more members in each unit, but with a lower density of occupation than in nuclear families (Flannery 2002. 424). Along these lines, paleoenvironmental stu dies also seem to suggest that demographic pressure on the landscape did not imply any abrupt changes in the surrounding vegetation. Pollen studies show a low presence of forest species, following the usual trends of coastal environments (Gómez-Orellana, Ramil Rego 2012.1019). The expansive presence of shrubby species such as Fabaceae (Martín Seijo 2012.936) does not stem from a process of deforestation resulting from the demographic pressure, but as part of a gradual de - mographic dynamic (Gómez-Orellana, Ramil Rego 2012.1018) consistent with palaeodemographic stu- dies. In addition, it is likely that this strong presence of Fabaceae was encouraged by the inhabitants of the settlement, as it was commonly used as firewood in the Iron Age (Figueiral, Bettencourt 2004). The changes in the patterns of settlement organization are also significant in terms of societal analysis. During 264 Samuel Nión-Álvarez Perhaps we have to consider other phenomena from a more long-term perspective. I would like to put the spotlight on some changes in the so cial value of ob- jects. As mentioned above, the LBA has been defined by the accumulation of goods and the ostentation of certain prestige ob jects. However, the processes of se- den tarization and fortification completely changed the rationality patterns of the northwest communities: the value of the old prestige goods began to decline and the possession and ownership of land (probably, in a communal sense) acquired a new meaning. Instead of being semi-nomadic, holding and preserving the same land across generations became essential for com- munity cohesion and sustainability. This is clearly evident in the structuring of domestic space: EIA hou ses, even those built with perishable materials, maintain and preserve its location after several re no- vations, although it would have been easier to rebuild them elsewhere (Blanco-González 2011). In this sense, it is possible that the change in the ways of inhabiting the landscape brought about an unstoppable long-term change in the patterns of these societies. As argued by some scholars (González García et al. 2011), the EIA may have started as a rejection of social inequalities, focusing on new pat terns of rationality oriented to- wards community cohesion and heterarchical systems. However, it is possible that this new model planted the seed of a new social system, in which housing, kinship and land became future forces of inequality. The emergence of the dynamics of social inequality during the EIA are unknown in the NW Iberian Pen- in sula, as also seems to be the case in most of the Spanish Northern Plateau. Landscape fragmentation, resistance to change and egalitarian ethos remained as Discussion and conclusions Phase 2 of Punta de Muros has shown a remarkable transformation of the settlement. Between the 6th and the 4th centuries BC there was a dynamic of social frag - mentation in the domestic sphere, a higher degree of specialization in certain tasks, a new planning strate - gy on the settlement’s layout or a shift in re li gious ex- pressions towards more hierarchical forms of worship. All these changes seem to have brought a dramatic transformation in the social ethos of the settlement. In our opinion, there are some aspects that point to the emergence of internal inequalities, showing the ap- pearance of several powerful groups with enough po tential to influence the decision-making process. Accordingly, this is no longer a re la tional system es- tablished ‘between equals’, but a context in which dif ferent individuals retain a pri vileged position ac- cording to their lineage or occupation. The coexistence of very different domestic units suggests a context of ‘stable inequality’ which, according to the radiocarbon dates, lasted only a few generations, which prevents as serting the emergence of a truly hierarchical system. It is also worth considering whether this possible social imbalance is based on belonging to a fa mi ly affiliation (such as the iqar’iyen of north Africa, Ja - mous 1981) or whether it depends on certain col- lec tives whose occupation gives them a pre do mi- nant, non-structural position (as with the Baruya of New Guinea, Godelier 2014). The possibility that the knowledge of metalworking may have been a key factor in the social rise of certain groups has recently been proposed (Nión-Álvarez, González García 2023), and it is true that the pro duction of metal acquired a cer tain degree of specialization, controlled by some of the most outstanding house holds (Nión- Álvarez, González García 2023. 66). However, not all large dwel- lings produce metal, so this res- ponse can only emphasize me- tal working as an activity that en - hances the prestige of those who know and perform it, but not as a main driving force of social in - equality. In other words, the me- talworkers of Punta de Muros may have resembled the Big Men, but they had to share their pres - tigious position with other collec- tives with similar recognition. Fig. 7. Structure XX: detailed view of the inside (from Cano Pan 2012.434). 265 Tracing social inequalities in the Early Iron Age. A multiproxy approach from Punta de Muros (NW Iberia, Spain) centuries BC, as part of a completely different pro- ces ses that only emerged in specific regional con texts (Álvarez González et al. 2018; Nión-Álvarez 2023a). In this regard, it has more similarities with other Eu- ropean contexts than with the most part of the Iberian Peninsula. In social terms, we may reflect on how the ‘egalitari- an’ community of Punta de Muros underwent a radical shift towards an antagonistic social model. Perhaps we can bring up the possible shift towards a matrilocal residence pattern, as previously mentioned. It should be borne in mind that matrilocality is not particularly common (about a 10%, according to Murdock et al. 1999), and tends to appear in contexts favoured by situations of social instability, usually due to external conflicts (due to men’s prolonged absences) (Ember, Ember 1971.588–590) or in contexts of migration (Divale 1974.79–80). Matrilocality, especially in war- influenced contexts, emerges as an efficient adaptive response that breaks ties between men and dilutes potential internal conflicts, channelling them towards external warfare with neighbouring communities (Di vale 1984). It is also possible that this led to a ma- trilineal descent system, as Bradley E. Ensor (2013.25) stated. Although the degree of influence of war and migrations must be correlated with other factors (Moravec et al. a social constant on the Atlantic façade until the 5th and 4th centuries BC (Marín Suárez 2011.350; Moore, González-Álvarez 2021.142). However, other European regions have acknowledged dynamics of inequality. One example are the Fürstensitze: central places in Baden-Wüttenberg, Rhineland-Palatinate and Alsace-Lorraine regions, characterized by very marked social hierarchies (Fernández-Götz 2017.120–124). A similar case (although in a wider time span) occurs with the stelae temples of southeast Gaul, which be- came central sites in the urbanism of a new model of social hierarchization (Golosetti 2014). This emergence of new central sites is also a common feature on the nearby Iberian Northeast (Sanmartí 2004.20–22), although it is not a widespread process, being mostly traced in contexts of social instability (García, Rubert et al. 2011.450), as may have happened in Punta de Mu ros. In other locations, such as the Meuse-Demer- Scheldt (MDS) region, the social landscape underwent a profound change during this period: old, fortified habitats and community landmarks were abandoned in favour of a new settlement pattern based on the pre- dominance of the house as a representative ele ment of kinship and family unity (Gerritsen 2007.161). Finally, a similar domestic transformation to that in Punta de Muros, albeit on a greater scale, has been observed in the Mediterranean Gaul, pointing to a shift from un- specialized, undivided houses to more specialized spaces (Py 2012.166–170). As in Punta de Muros, these processes of change oc- curred abruptly in a similar brief period (6th–5th cen- tury BC). Usually known as the ‘Crisis of the 400s’ (González-Ruibal 2006–7.269), this is understood as a widespread context of social instability throughout temperate Europe (Fernández-Götz 2014.149). As hap - pened in most of Europe, this process was brief and sharply interrupted. In Punta de Muros, chrono sta- tistical studies have highlighted a rapid and uniform abandonment process in the early 4th century BC (Nión-Álvarez 2023b.9). The same happened with most of NW Iberian hillforts, which were abandoned during these decades in favour of new habitats closer to the valleys and natural communication routes (Par cero-Oubiña 2003.287–288). This marks a clear difference with other areas of the Iberian Peninsula, where the processes of social hierarchization ef fec- tively began in the 4th century BC and continued until the Phoenician colonization (Grau-Mira 2019.158). However, this ‘Crisis of the 400s’ had a very different outcome in the northwest: there was no evidence of sig nificant social hierarchization until the 2nd–1st Fig. 8. Complex household with metalworking activities (Structure XXIII: domestic activity in green (+), metalworking in red (*), rest and storing areas in yellow (#) (redrawn from Nión-Álvarez 2022.496). 266 Samuel Nión-Álvarez migratory, in which matrilocality was chosen as a new pattern of post-marital residence. Following this hy- pothetical approach, matrilocal patterns may have persisted over the following centuries. More than 70% of post-marital residence patterns result in matrilineal descent systems (Surowiec et al. 2019.6–7), in which women can inherit land and assets through the ma- ternal line (Mattison 2011.70), even though men retain political power (Mutolib et al. 2016). It is interesting to note that classical authors such as Strabo have em- phasized the power of women in NW Iberian, and it has been pointed out that women were the ones who work - ed and inherited the land, while men were only focused on war and looting (Llinares García 1997.163). Although it cannot be considered more than a mere hypothesis, this has great potential for future research. To sum up, the development of new archaeological research has helped to contextualize the trans for ma- tions that took place in the EIA of northwest Iberia, leading the acknowledgement of a profound change in terms of households and architecture, an emergence of social inequality and a possible shift towards different kinship strategies. We hope that this work will encourage further research to delve deeper into the outstanding context of Punta de Muros. 2019), it can be assumed that there is a link between social instability and the emergence of matrilocal residence patterns. In Punta de Muros, either war or migration may be on the table, as this region is noted for a warlike and conflictive context (González Gar- cía 2009), but there are also some (written, not ar- chaeological) sources that suggested the presence of migrations during this period (the most representative example is the Ora Maritima by Avienius, Suárez Pi- ñeiro 2002). In any case, both could have fuelled the rise of these significant transformations at Punta de Muros. On the other hand, if there was a pattern of ma- trilocal residence it was not necessarily related to the emergence of inequalities. An extensive cross-cultural study by Alexandra Surowiec et al. (2019) did not find any pattern linking inequality with matrilocality or matrilineality. Matrilocality may have not been a cause but a consequence of the social and political instability of that context. In conclusion, regardless of the causal factor, this si- tuation may have led to the emergence of powerful new groups and a greater degree of social inequality. In this regard, it may be interesting to consider the capacity to accumulate prestige. Some familiar units, and perhaps also some collectives, managed to achieve a higher social position in terms of cultural capital (Bourdieu 1985), controlling prestigious activities (war fare, metalworking, religion) and holding a pre- dominant position in the community. This can be seen through some differences in the domestic record: although diffuse in material terms, the increase in storage capacity and the exclusive control of activities such as metalworking by some specific households may point in this direction. This predominant position may have been favoured (or perhaps promoted) by a context of social instability, perhaps warlike, perhaps Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Tamara Barreiro for reviewing and proofreading the text, as well as the Editorial Board and the anonymous reviewers for their kind comments and suggestions. 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From the first excavations by Josip Brun- šmid in 1897, the first larger excavations by Robert Ru - dolf Schmidt in 1938, smaller trial excavations by Sto - jan Dimitrijeviæ in 1966 and 1967, to the first syste ma tic KLJUÈNE BESEDE – eneolitik; vuèedolska kultura; pokopi v naselju; grobovi; pogrebne prakse IZVLEÈEK – Nedavna arheološka izkopavanja na najdišèu Vuèedol – Koruzno polje Streim so bila izve- dena med letoma 2012 in 2021. Veèina izkopanih predmetov pripada poselitvi klasiène faze vuèedolske kulture (2900–2630 pr. n. št.). Poudarek našega prispevka je na analizi groba 5 v vuèedolskem naselbin- skem kompleksu in njegovi vlogi ter pomenu v življenju in pogrebnih praksah vuèedolske kulture. Antro - pološka analiza je pokazala biološke znaèilnosti vuèedolske populacije in znaèilnosti vzorca, naj de ne- ga le na najdišèu Vuèedol. Nova spoznanja o pogrebnih praksah v vučedolski kulturi na primeru groba št. 5, najdišče Vučedol – Koruzno polje Streim KEY WORDS – Eneolithic; Vuèedol culture; settlement burials; graves; ritual practice ABSTRACT - Recent archaeological excavations of the Vuèedol site at the Cornfield Streim were carried out in the period from 2012 to 2021. Most of the excavated objects belong to the settlement of the Clas- sical phase (2900–2630 BC) of the Vuèedol culture. The focus of this paper is on the analysis of Grave 5 within the Vuèedol settlement complex and its role and meaning in the life and funeral practices of the Vuèedol culture. Anthropological analysis will show the biological features of the Vuèedol population and of the sample found only at the Vuèedol site. Danijela Roksandić Vukadin1,2, Zdravka Hincak Daris1,2, and Slavica Bošnjak3,2 1 University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of Archaeology, Zagreb, HR; daroksan@ffzg.unizg.hr, zhincak@ffzg.unizg.hr 2 University of Zagreb, Forensic Science Office, Zagreb, HR 3 University of Split, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Split, HR; sbosnjak@ffst.hr New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site 273 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site gated to date (Hoernes 1903.263–289; Schmidt 1945; Dorn 1965; Dimitrijeviæ 1966.22–23; 1977/78.3–4; 1979.268–271; Durman 1982; 1984; 1985; 1987; 1987a; Težak-Gre gl 1986; Durman, Forenbaher 1989; Durman et al. 2003; 2013; 2014; 2015; 2016; 2017; Ba- len 2004; 2006; 2007; 2008; 2009; Durman, Balen 2005; Dur man, Hutinec 2011; 2019; Hutinec 2011; 2012; 2012a; Hutinec, Šuljug 2018; Miloglav 2018; Sol - ter 2017; Hutinec et al. 2021). Until the 1980s, the site was partially explored through smaller test probes and trenches, which did not yield sig nificant data on the size and appearance of the set- tlement. Most of the data was collected during 16 years of systematic excavation (1984–1990, 2001–2011) of the location of the Vineyard Streim, where a part of the northern edge of the plateau with a total area of about 1800m2 was investigated. Four archaeological trenches (V 84, V 85, V 87, V 04) were excavated, and cultural la yers whose depth varies and is approximately up to three meters deep were found that belong to the Ba- den, Kostolac, Vuèedol and Belegiš cultures, as well as sporadic finds of the Starèevo culture and the Early Bronze Age Vinkovci culture1 (Forenbaher 1995; Mi- lo glav 2018). Most of the layers in that position can be distinguished very clearly, although the upper la yers were destroyed by ploughing and drilling for the vine - yard. The layers of settlements of the Vuèedol culture, which according to radiocarbon dates are dated 3080– 3060 cal BC to 2580–2450 cal BC, stand out in parti - cular (Benko et al. 1989; Horvatinèiæ et al. 1990; Ba - len 2010; Miloglav 2018). Although the absolute dates from this location speak of the Pre clas sical phase (A phase) of Vuèedol settlement and then through the Classical to the Late phases (B and C phases), the mo- bile finds speak only in favour of the classical stage (B1 and B2 phases) of the Vuèedol culture (Dimitrijeviæ 1979.272). In this position, the relationship between the settlement layers of the Baden and Kostolac cul- tures and their relationship with the Vuèedol culture is also interesting (Durman 1984; Težak-Gregl 1985; Durman, Balen 2005; Balen 2004; 2010; 2011; 2018; Ðukiæ 2018). Recent systematic excavations of the Vuèedol set tle- ment were carried out during ten years of excavation on the southern edge of the plateau of the Cornfield Streim (2012–2022). Cultural layers with a relative depth of up to 2.5m were found, belonging to the La si- nja, Baden, Kostolac, Vuèedol, Vinkovci, Belegiš II cul- tures and the late Middle Ages. The fully preserved youngest layer of the Late Classic Vuèedol culture (B2) and its link, i.e. stratigraphic relations, with the layers of the Vinkovci culture as well as relations with the old- er Kostolac culture were clearly defined (Durman et al. 2014; 2016; 2017; Hutinec, Šuljug 2018; Durman, Hutinec 2019). Absolute dates from this position also indicate a very wide time period, ranging from 2910 to 2630 BC (Hutinec et al. 2021.15). The Vuèedol settlement of the tell type, according to the data known so far, is spread over several positions (Vineyard Streim, Vineyard Karasoviæ, Cornfield Streim and Gradac) on the higher loess plateau on the right bank of the Danube, which is up to 30 meters high and forms a natural barrier and protection in a narrower sense, it includes three excavated sites, the to tal as - sumed area of which is about 3ha; however, it should be kept in mind that the largest part of the site is com- pletely unexplored, and the total area in a broader sense should be much more, over 8 ha (Fig. 1). Exca va - tions at the Vineyard Streim position from 1984 to 2011 (trenches V 84, V 85, V 87, V 04) on the edge of the northern plateau established the residential part of the Vuèedol settlement, i.e. above-ground and pit objects (houses, storerooms and other), and indivi dual and group graves within the settlement grid (Foren ba - her 1995.17–25). The Gradac position was mostly explored in 1938, and completely by rescue excavation in 2009, during the levelling of the ground for the con- struction of the ‘Copper Caster’s Me garon’ building within the Vuèedol Archaeological Park (Schmidt 1945; Hutinec 2011.94–96). The la yers of the Neolithic (Starèevo) culture, Eneolithic cul tures (Baden, Kostolac and Vuèedol cultures), Iron Age cultures, and from the early and late Middle Ages are defined. The most re- presented is the Baden and Classical Vuèedol culture layer with above-ground buil dings, pits and graves that are defined as special purpose objects, and the entire plateau, which was physically separated from the rest of the settlement by a trench or some kind of palisade, is colloquially defined as a kind of sacral-metallurgical centre cal led the ‘Copper Caster’s Megaron’ (Schmidt 1945; Di mi trijeviæ 1979.332; Durman 1988.15). 1 The first excavation of Vuèedol site, at the Vineyard Streim, were conducted by Brunšmid in 1897, then director of Na tio- nal Museum, when he probed the southeastern edge of the plateau and found 15 skeleton graves which he attributed to a necropolis of Vuèedol culture. Recent analyses of several whole and several fragmented skulls from his excavations date these graves to the Early Bronze age, most likely Somogyvár-Vinkovci period (Hoffiller 1933; Solter 2017.161–163; Za- vod ny et al. 2021). 274 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak are larger in size, have an open space floor plan and are innovative in con struction technologies. This es pe- cially applies to the use of new construction materials, such as loess dolls and recycled pottery fragments that have been used for the foundations of houses and levelling of floors, fireplaces and furnaces. The grouping of some objects is noticed, which indicates their related function. The objects are located near each other, with regular repeating orientations, form - ed into special units separated by corridors, i.e. pas sa- geways, so one gets the impression of planning, i.e. a well-thought-out organization of space, and a survey of the floor plan of the buildings. Obviously, the function of the buildings in these positions is different from the others (Vineyard Streim and Gradac) and it is most likely a part of the settlement with a pronounced work - shop, i.e. craft activity. This is indicated by the or gani- zation of the interior of certain buildings and certain structures within them, such as, for example, spaces with dome furnaces and waste pits with a large amount of workshop waste, as well as numerous findings that point to work activities. This should not be so sur pris- At the position of Cornfield Streim, recent rescue ex ca- vations of trenches V 12/V 17 on the edge of the east - ern part of the Vuèedol settlement, on an area of about 1200m2, recorded 72 above-ground buildings with as - sociated infrastructure and the existence of five con- struction phases of the settlement, Classic Vuèedol phase (B1 and B2), and an earlier, sixth Kostolac-Vu èe - dol construction phase, represented by several smal- ler, poorly preserved above-ground buildings (Fig. 1). The duration of individual construction phases can be roughly estimated because the stratigraphy shows sud- den demolitions, upgrades, repairs and conversions of space, so it can be noticed that some pha ses lasted long- er than others. The relationships between individu al objects and entities are very clear, but some remain with- out concrete explanations. What can already be pre - liminarily concluded by ob serving Vuèedol architec - ture from the position of the Cornfield Streim is that it differs greatly in its con struction elements and tech- niques from other investigated buildings in the rest of the settlement (Fo renbaher 1995; Miloglav 2018.113– 145; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2021.12–17). The buildings Fig. 1. Positions of excavated archaeological trenches at Vuèedol site (authors S. Bošnjak and D. Roksandiæ Vukadin). 275 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Dimitrijeviæ 1979.332; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001; 2002), pit graves with human and animal remains were found in the settlements (Vineyard Streim and Corn field Streim) and certain conclusions can now be drawn (Markoviæ 1985; Težak-Gregl, Dur man 1985; Dur- man 1988; 1999; 2000; 2004; 2006; 2009; Hoti 1993. 183–184; Forenbaher 1994. 314–319; Teschler-Nicola, Berner 1994.64; Hincak 1995; 2005; Balen 2007.64; Hincak et al. 2007; 2013; Hutinec 2012; Durman et al. 2015; 2017; Miloglav 2018.131–134; Hin cak Daris et al. 2022.33–34; Roksandiæ Vu kadin 2022.31–32). This occurrence of burials within the settle ment of the Vuèedol culture is unique for the Vuèedol site, and Vu- èedol necropolises have not been recorded anywhere else so far. In total, more than 20 Vuèedol burials with more than 60 deceased were excavated at the Vuèe dol site within the settlement (Vineyard Streim, Cornfield Streim and Gradac) (Tab. 1).3 Burials of the Vuèedol culture appear in several other sites in Eastern Slavo- nia, such as Vinkovci, Osi jek – Ciglana and Zeleno po - lje, and Beli Manastir – Po pova zemlja. How ever, these are skeletons attributed to the Vuèedol culture based on indications or ex clu sively according to radiocarbon dates without fin dings or other cir cum stances that would support it (Dimitrijeviæ 1979.285; Hincak 2005; Krmpotiæ et al. 2016; Jankoviæ, Novak 2018; Matheison et al. 2018; Miloglav 2018.131–134; Los 2020). Outside the home area of the Vuèedol cul ture, graves under tumuli are found in Serbia (Velika Hum ka in Batajnica, Humka in Vojka) and Montenegro (Ma la Gruda, Velika Gruda and Bo ljeviæa Gruda) (Di mi trije - viæ 1979.285–286, 333; Dur man 1988; Primas 1996; Bakoviæ, Govedarica 2009; Bakoviæ 2012; Saveljiæ- Bulatoviæ et al. 2015). According to the published and processed results so far, graves of the Vuèedol culture from the Vuèedol site can be characterized as intramural (within the settle - ment), primarily divided according to the type of bu - rial into human and animal burials with several sub- categories: (a) according to the type of grave/tomb ing considering the peripheral location within the set- tlement and the proximity of the sacral-metallurgical complex Gradac. Grave burials in pits between resi den- tial and workshop buildings and their mutual re la tion- ships show a similar pattern in the organization of the settlement as in the mentioned position of the Vine- yard Streim. Considering the relatively small percentage of the ex - cavated area of the entire Vuèedol site (about 15%), it is difficult to create a complete picture of the organi za - tion and functioning of the Vuèedol set tlement in cer- tain phases. Nevertheless, within certain microloca- tions in the current phase of excavation, some archi tec - tural and functional elements can be concretely re con - structed and they tell us about the psychology of the settlement of the Vuèedol site. The innovations that stand out in the new elements of architecture and con - struction techniques speak of a high standard and chan ges in technological de velopment and give us pos- sible solutions in the re construction of the organi za- tion of the settlement in the Vuèedol site (Durman et al. 2013; 2014; 2015; 2016; Miloglav 2018.119–125; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2021.12–17). Grave burials and funeral customs at the Vuèedol site The largest part of the investigated structures at the Vuèedol site consists of above-ground residential and workshop buildings with associated infrastructure, as well as semi-open spaces for work and living. In addition to the profane elements of everyday life, with- in the settlement itself there are objects that indicate a sacred function and ritual activities. In addition to the old excavation from 1938 at the Gradac site with above-ground cult buildings (‘Copper Caster’s Me ga- ron’) and the well-known excavated ‘Married Couple Grave’, a ceramic bird-shaped vessel widely known as ‘Vuèedol Dove’2 and a deer burial, to which a ritual and magical role are attributed (Schmidt 1945.41–47; 2 One of the most famous pieces of pottery and symbol of Vuèedol is the ritual bird-shaped ceramic vessel, the so-called ‘Vuèedol Dove’, found in an excavation of Gradac in 1938 (Schmidt 1945). The latest interpretation by Durman, however, is that the vessel is in the shape of the male partridge, a symbol of fertility, whose limping defensive behaviour against attack by predators on a partridge nest has symbolic meaning and is linked to the limping shaman–copper smelter (Mi li - æeviæ-Bradaè 2002; Durman 2004). 3 Partial skeletal remains and findings from graves found during excavations of trenches V 84, V 85 and V 87 disappeared or were destroyed in the Croatian War of Independence, and the majority of them are not published, but sporadically men tioned in the literature. That’s why ’it is hard to distinguish how accurate the number of graves is and what is the mi - nimal number of the deceased in them. The cultural belonging of some of them is also in question. The revision of the documentation is currently being worked on in the archive of the Vuèedol culture Museum, so the accurate results will be published soon. 276 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak cerned – in fact, each grave is specific. They are laid in various positions: partially or heavily crou ched on their left or right side, stretched out on their backs and on their chest, and in the so-called sitting position. The position of the arms, legs and head va ries. Apart from graves in pits, several burials of ske letons are found in the layer between the floors of hou ses without tra- ces of a defined burial pit, and for now only at the po - sition of the Vineyard Streim (Balen 2007.64). The filling of pit-graves, apart from a large amount of ce - ramic, bone, stone and metal objects, is specific due to the layers of ash, charcoal, pieces of daub, ochre or cinnabar, as well as shells and snails (Schmidt 1945; Durman 1988; 2000; Miliæeviæ-Bra daè 2001; Hin - cak Daris et al. 2022; Roksandiæ Vu kadin 2022). Such a custom has been known since the Neolithic, and we find identical examples in the graves of the Baden and Kostolac cultures (Filipec et al. 2009; Balen 2010; 2011; Horváth 2010; 2017; Hor váth, Ko hler 2012). The number of deceased can vary from one, two or three to groups with more than 20 individuals. With regard to previous anthropological analyses, slightly more burials of women and children were recorded, and fewer of male individuals. Although human sacri fices are associated with Vuèedol, most of the skeletons show no signs of a violent death (Durman 2000.40– 57; Hincak et al. 2013). The health status of the ana- lysed skeletons does not deviate from the standard traces of work activities, and some diseases typical of the Eneolithic period. However, some spe cific traces on the bones, for example lesions or shal low depressions on the skulls of the deceased (Grave 3 from 1985 speak of some specific treatment of the deceased before death. In addition to complete, un disturbed skeletons, secondary burials of body parts of the elderly de ce- ased were recorded inside the graves, mostly com plete skulls, parts of skulls or extremities, i.e. long bones of arms and legs (postmortem mani pulation). This custom can be traced not only within gra ves, but also within other objects at the Vineyard and Cornfield Streim sites on house floors, in house walls, layers, and as independently laid in pits (Dur man 1988; 2000; Hoti 1989; 1993; Teschler-Nicola, Berner 1994.64; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001.214; Hincak et al. 2013; Hin- cak Daris et al. 2022; Roksandiæ Vuka din 2022). We have seen this custom since the Neo li thic in the Carpa- thian Basin, especially in the Lengyel cul ture (Bánffy 1990/91.225, 228) and in the Baden and Boleráz cul tu- ral groups, and they are connected to the cult of skulls or the cult of ancestors (Banner 1956. 206; Miliæeviæ- Bradaè 2001.214; Horváth 2010.37–42; 2017.402– 403; Bondár, Szécsényi-Nagy 2020). (layer, pit, dislocated bones), (b) according to the number of deceased (single, double, triple, group, parts of skulls and limbs, cenotaph?), (c) according to the type of ceremony (ritual, laid with out traces of ritual), (d) according to social status (findings pointing to social stratification – elite individuals and others?). The majority of Vu - èedol graves can be associated with the practice of rituals, more or less lavish, with contributions of va- rious objects of daily use, objects of special purpose and contributions of animal bones, i.e. parts of animal skeletons with traces of cutting, butchering or burning (Jurišiæ 1990; Hincak 1995; Miheliæ, Leiner 2022). In - dependent ritual burials of animals were found at the Gradac and Vineyard Streim positions, but most of them have not been processed or published (Schmidt 1945.28; Jurišiæ 1990.22; Miloglav 2012). Complete ap pendages of animals have so far not been found with human skeletons. The remains of animal bones, along with human deceased, were mostly recorded in large quantities and indicate a large number of in di viduals, and they certainly speak of the prosperity of the Vu èe - dol community, which could afford such ‘gifts’ in food (Jurišiæ 1990; Miheliæ, Leiner 2022). Of course, animal offerings also had a deep, symbolic role (Durman 1988; Jurišiæ 1990; Hoti 1993; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001; 2002; Pasariæ 2018). According to the type of grave/tomb in Vuèedol, buri - als are mostly found in deep and shallow pits, in the layers next to the floors of houses, between pits, and dislocated human bones are found around the set tle - ment and on the slope of the tell (Schmidt 1945; Di mi- trijeviæ 1979; Markoviæ 1985; Težak-Gre gl, Durman 1985; Durman 1986; 1988; 2000; 2006; Balen 2007; Hutinec 2012; Radman 2018). A catacomb tomb relat- ed to the well-known ‘Married Couple Grave’ that is as- sociated with steppe influence are mentioned in the ex - cavations of Gradac (Schmidt 1945.44; Tasiæ 1967. 59; Garašanin 1970.135; Dimi tri jeviæ 1979.284–285; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001.211). No such types of tombs were found in the other in vestigated positions. There are mostly deep or shal low pits, cylindrical in shape, with vertical walls de scending to a flat bottom (sub- soil) or they spread in a bell-shaped manner to wards the bottom, forming a burial niche, thus somewhat reminiscent of a catacomb burial (Težak-Gregl, Dur- man 1985; Durman 1988; 1999; 2000; 2009; Hoti 1993; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001). The deceased lie on a flat subsoil in the pits, and are buried in the layer/fil ling of the pits or in niches on a loess charge. They were bu ried towards the edge or in the middle of the pit, and no special pattern for laying the deceased has been dis - 277 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Site Label Burial type by number of individuals Burial type by context Cultural affiliation Sex Skeleton elements in grave burial Gradac Grave 3, 4 ՙMarried couple grave՚ double (2) pit Vučedol culture ♂ complete ♀ complete Gradac Grave 5 single (1) pit Vučedol culture (?) ♀ partial (destroyed grave) Vineyard Streim Grave 1 V 85 ՙOrion grave՚ single (1) pit Vučedol culture ♂ complete Vineyard Streim Grave 2 V 84 single (1) pit Vučedol culture (?) ? complete, commingled? Vineyard Streim Grave 4 V 84 single (1) pit Late Eneolithic ? complete Vineyard Streim Grave 6 V 84 single (1) pit Late Eneolithic child complete Vineyard Streim Grave 7 V 84 single (1) pit Late Eneolithic child complete Vineyard Streim Grave 1 V 85 group (3 or more) pit Late Eneolithic ? commingled? ? complete, commingled? ? commingled? Vineyard Streim Grave 2 V 85 ? ? Late Eneolithic ? ? Vineyard Streim Grave 3 V 85 ՙMars and Venus grave՚ group (8) pit Vučedol culture ♀/1 cranium (postmortem manipulation) ♀/2 complete ♀/3 complete ♂/4 complete ♀/5 complete ♀/6 complete ♀/7, child complete ♀/8 complete Vineyard Streim Grave 4 V 85 single (1) pit Vučedol culture ♀ complete Vineyard Streim Grave 5 V 85 single (1) layer Late Eneolithic ♀, child complete Vineyard Streim Grave 1 V 87 ? ? Late Eneolithic ? ? Vineyard Streim Grave 2 V 87 single (1) pit Late Eneolithic ♀ complete Vineyard Streim Grave 3 V 87 double (2) pit Vučedol culture ♂, child complete ♀ complete Vineyard Streim SJ 37 V 04 double (2) layer Vučedol culture ? postcranium (postmortem manipulation) ? commingled Vineyard Streim SJ 37 V 04 double (2) layer Vučedol culture ? commingled ? commingled Cornfield Streim Grave 2 V 12 single (1) pit Vučedol culture ? cranium (postmortem manipulation) Cornfield Streim Grave 3 V 12 group (3 or more) pit Vučedol culture ? commingled Cornfield Streim Grave 4 V 17 single (1) pit Vučedol culture ? cranium (postmortem manipulation) Cornfield Streim Grave 5 V 17 single (1) pit Vučedol culture ♂ complete + extra ulnar bone (postmortem manipulation) 278 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak which eight deceased were ritually buried, and the largest group grave investigated so far was found in the recent excavation of the Cornfield Streim from 2021 (Grave 6) with at least 22 indivi du als. In both cases it was a ritual bu rial and the deceased were laid in several stages, over a period of time of per haps se - veral weeks. Both pits were prepared in ad vance for the ritual, the deceased were carefully placed in dif fe- rent positions, they were covered with a large amount of charcoal and ash with a large amount of grave goods mostly ceramic pots and animal bones. In both graves, skulls from some older graves were secon darily added, which may point to a cult of ancestors, and on some skulls depressions, i.e. lesions on the top of the head or forehead, were noticed. The cause of death of the de ceased is unknown in both graves. This points to a large and long-lasting ceremony in which many people participated and placed prestigious gifts in the graves, and the large amount of animal bones with traces of cut ting and burning point to a kind of ritual feasting (Durman 1988; 2000; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001; Hincak Daris et al. 2022; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2022). The burial of human remains in pits within the set- tlement is taken over by the Vuèedol culture as a tradi - tional element of older Late Neolithic cultures, espe- cially the Sopot-Lengyel cultural circle. During the time of the Lengyel culture in the Carpathian Ba sin, the so- cial hierarchy changes, social differences increase and the population begins to be buried in separate necro- po lises, however, the tradition of bury ing a certain type of people within the settlement still remains (No- votný 1962.162–163; Bánffy 1990 (1991).192–193; Toth 2019.39–43). Such customs, which can be more directly connected with the Vuèedol culture, can be seen in the sites of the Baden culture in Hungary (Bu- dakalász, Szentes, Balatonlelle-Rádpusz ta, Szentes- Nagy hegy, Balatonõszõd-Temetõi dûlõ, etc.) (Banner 1956; Horváth 2010.37–42; 2017.402–403; Horváth, Kohler 2012; Bondár, Szécsényi-Nagy 2020). It should In addition to pits with human and animal burials, there are pits filled with a large amount of finds, as well as objects of special purpose attached for ritual pur poses without traces of any deceased. Whether this means that these are independent ritual pits of the ce- notaph type or that there is a deceased person in the immediate vicinity in another building is a question that is still impossible to answer (Roksandiæ Vukadin 2022). Most of the graves in Vuèedol, which are cy lin- dri cal and bell-shaped pits prepared in advance for burial, contain the deceased who were carefully treat- ed and placed in various positions within the pits. Such pits are mostly sealed with lids or seals with several layers of loess, filled with daub and are often well burned (Hoti 1993; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001). The pits themselves, i.e. their shape and function, can per haps be symbolically interpreted as symbols of fertility and well-being, especially those with a bell-shaped cross- section, which are interpreted in the literature as sto- rage pits for storing grain (Reynolds 1974; Jiménez- Jái mez et al. 2020). Older graves in pits are often used as waste pits, so most of the skeletons inside are de stroy- ed and dislocated by secondary use. Despite the com - mon claims that older waste pits or storage pits could serve as graves, and that the deceased were bu ried in- side, the authors of this paper did not observe such cases while reviewing the do cumentation. What can be concluded is that the pits were carefully pre pared for burials, with regular floor plans and flat, aligned flo- ors, and vertical, polished and reinforced walls, and some have prepared niches and loess charges for lay- ing the deceased. Such pits were certainly marked and visible in the area, and pro bably corres ponded with other objects in the area and formed a cluster of two, three or four tombs. It is thus con si dered that the larg - er graves/tombs of group burials may have been fa- mily, i.e. clan-organized, with in the settlement (Hoti 1993; Forenbaher 1994.320; Miliæe viæ-Bradaè 2001. 215). The most fa mous group burial iscertainly Grave 3 from 1985 from the location of Vineyard Streim, in Cornfield Streim Grave 6 V 17 group (22) pit Vučedol culture ? 15 crania (postmortem manipulation) ? complete ♀ complete ? complete ? complete ? complete ? commingled ? commingled Tab. 1. List of excavated graves with available data from all positions in Vuèedol site (authors S. Bošnjak and D. Roksandiæ Vukadin). 279 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site with the well-preserved bones of a complete skull that was buried in a shallow pit (J 39, SJ 184/185) next to the so-cal led House 13 in the third construction phase of the Vuèe dol culture (Fig. 2). Grave 4 (SJ 498) from 2017 refers to the destroyed skull bones that were placed in a shallow pit (J 97, SJ 496/497) between the above-ground objects in the second construction layer. Both burials of skulls belong to the layers of the Late Classic B2 Vuèedol culture and were most likely placed in the mentioned layers with a specific intention, i.e. as part of the ancestor cult tradition mentioned in the pre vi ous chapter. Traces of trauma or violent death on these skull bones have not been pre liminarily es tab- lished (Durman et al. 2016; Hutinec, Šuljug 2018). Such burials are known to us from old research from the 1980s, for example the skull of a woman without a mandible in Grave 3, and the human femur bone from Pit 20 from 1985 at the Vineyard Streim location (Mi- liæeviæ-Bradaè 2001.214). Interesting information is given by M. Miliæeviæ-Bradaè about a complete skull from 1981 found at the location of Cornfield Streim during probing excavations, that was found on the floor of the house next to the hearth, near the altar that was in the form of the so-called consecrative horns be noted that at the Vuèedol site, be low the oldest layer of the Vuèedol settlement, we can trace the Kostolac and Baden settlement layers with buried graves in pits, whose burial pattern ap parently continued during the Vuèedol culture. The Baden and Kostolac burials from Vuèedol have not been extensively researched or pub- lished, but there are certain similarities in the burial ritual between these two cultures (Schmidt 1945.41– 47; Dimitrijeviæ 1979. 202–203; Težak-Gregl 1985). In the area of east ern Slavonia and Syrmia, among the few explored graves of the Baden and Ko sto lac culture within the settlement, burial customs show certain similarities with the Vuèedol site (Miheliæ 2008; No di - lo 2012.14; Balen 2010; 2011; Horváth, Balen 2012). Burials from recent research from the position of the Cornfield Streim Recent archaeological excavations took place at the position of the Cornfield Streim (trenches V 12 and V 17) in the time frame from 2012 to 2022 on an area of 1200m2 where, in addition to the already mentioned workshop part of the settlement, five graves were also excavated (Grave 2–5) i.e. burial units from the Vu èe- dol culture period (Durman et al. 2013; 2014; 2015; 2016; Hutinec et al. 2017; Hu ti- nec, Šuljug 2018; Durman, Huti- nec 2019).4 Graves were found within all con struc tion phases of the set tle ment (pha ses 1 to 5), and they are mostly individual or group ske le ton graves inside pits, and individual skull bones or long bones of limbs (postmortem ma nipu la tions) placed within la yers in shal low pits between above-ground objects. Burials of human bones de fin ed under numbers 2 and 4 (Graves 2 and 4) are considered post mor- tem manipulations, i.e. there are parts of skulls, one complete and one crushed, which were placed in a layer that had no tra ces of other bones. The context of Grave 2 (SJ 204) from 2015 is quite clear 4 In 2012, at the position of trench V 12, a skeletal burial without a proper grave was found, attributed to the Vinkovci-Somogy- var culture period, which was located at the very edge of the settlement next to the so-called rampart of Vinkovci culture (Grave 1, SJ 021/022). The graves from this period are known from the first excavations of Vuèedol done by Brunšmid in 1897, when the cemetery in rows was excavated (see ft. 1). Fig. 2. Skull placed in the pit J 39, SJ 184/185 as part of the ritual (post mor- tem manipulation) (author D. Roksandiæ Vukadin). 280 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak was a fireplace with the remains of charcoal and ashes. The deceased were buried in various positions and orientations, and were sprinkled with layers of ash, charcoal, river shells, animal bones and fragments of ceramic pottery. Traces of red colour were found with the deceased in the layers, which also indicate evi- dence in favour of a ritual burial that is known through - out prehistory. Fifteen skulls without other skeletal remains were placed on these layers. What is impor - tant is that those 15 skulls were secondarily plac ed on top of the grave without other skeletal remains, and they can be treated as grave contributions, i.e. they may have been ritually brought from another location or from older graves, which could indicate a cult of skulls and a cult of ancestors and a special relationship to the dead and the afterlife (Miliæeviæ-Bra daè 2001; Bondar, Szécsényi-Nagy 2020; Stavreva 2022.20– 22). Many complete pots and parts of richly decorated pottery and animal bones were placed along with the deceased. The remains of clay altars in the form of con- secrative horns were also found in the tomb, which speaks of the cult of worshiping horned animals, pri- marily cattle (Hoti 1989). Animal bones in this context should be understood as a grave goods, and some of them show traces of butchering. Nume rous processed finds made of animal bones were also found, primarily hollow cattle horns and deer antlers that show traces of sawing or cutting, probably with metal tools, as well as various bone awls, spatulas made of animal ribs and many other tools used in everyday life or rituals. With a complete zooarchaeological analysis, it will be pos- sible to say how many animals were killed in this ritual and how many kilos of meat were sacrificed, but it is cer tainly case of several tens of kilograms. The ritual of the Vuèedolians itself is not completely known, but analogies from older cul tures show that a special ri tual took place here for some se parate class that held a hi- gh er position in society, with a real ritual feast that could last for several days, where the deceased were exposed and specially treated (Horvath, Koh ler 2012; Horváth 2017; 2019; Hincak Daris et al. 2022; Rok- sandiæ Vukadin 2022; Stavreva 2022). A spatial ana- lysis of this part of the settlement will su rely establish some regularities in the planning, construction and re - lationships between profane ar chi tecture and graves, (Hoti 1989.34; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001.214).5 This phe - nomenon of burying parts of human skeletons as se- parate burials or as grave contributions is known from all excavated positions in Vuèedol and is indeed one of the most important traditional elements known since the Neolithic that the Vuèedol culture inherited and maintained throughout its entire period at the Vuèedol site. Graves 3 and 6 are defined as group graves dug in deep pits previously prepared for the burial of a large number of the deceased with a large amount of con tri- butions and finds with a special pur pose that indicate a ritual character (Durman et al. 2016; Hincak Daris et al. 2022; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2022). Grave 3 (SJ 226) was found in 2015 inside a pit (J 46, SJ 227/228) that was previously prepared for the burial of the deceased. The pit has a relative depth of about 2m, cylindrical shape and contains at least three deceased people whose bones were de stroyed and dislocated due to the digging of the pit from the younger layer of the Vuèedol culture (J 45, SJ 220/221). Preliminary anthropological ana lysis established that there were at least three individuals of a younger age who were bu ried along the southern edge of the pit wall on a loess charge just above the very bottom. The burial pit was almost completely destroyed by a younger burial, the bones and contributions were dislocated, and it is difficult to draw concrete conclusions. Grave 3 belongs to the third construction phase of the Vuèedol culture at this position. Grave 6 from 2021 is defined as the largest group grave in Vuèedol, as well as in the entire Vuèedol culture, with a minimum of 22 deceased. The burial pit consists of two parts, a smaller pit (J 155, SJ 866, 867, 882, 883, 884, 890) and a larger pit (J 158, SJ 775, 776, 779, 780, 781, 856–858, 865, 868, 871– 876, 882–884, 887–889) that form a whole-tomb. The pit was carefully planned, dug and prepared for the bu - rial of the deceased. An earthen type grave, made of loess with walls covered with fine clay and then fired for hardness. It consists of two spaces, one main larger one (funeral chamber), with a diameter of 3m where the deceased were buried, and a smaller pit that serv - ed as an antechamber where numerous grave contri- bu tions were found. Layout wise, it is a pit burial in the shape of the number eight, which is sealed at the top with 1.5m layers of clay and fired earth, on top of which 5 Excavations on the position of the Cornfield Streim in 1981 was led by Durman when he opened three small trenches, the largest of which measuring 10x5m was located inside the recent trench V 17, which is a continuation of the re search of trench V 12 from 2012. The mentioned skull find was thus located in the vicinity of other recent graves investigated from 2012 to 2021. The documentation and findings from the research were destroyed by the destruction of Vukovar in 1991 during the war, and unfortunately we cannot obtain more specific information about this burial. Revision surveys of the probe from 1981 were carried out during the expansion of the V 12 probe from 2017, but nothing else was pre served apart from the destroyed stratigraphy. 281 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site on the loose filling of the pit (Fig. 3). Pri marily, Grave 5 (SJ 689/690) belongs to the fourth con struction phase of the settlement, it was buried in the oldest Vu- èedol layer SJ 270 and SJ 691, and goes deeper into the subsoil to a relative depth of 350cm (108.80–108.00m AMSL). The grave was filled with several layers of soil mixed with daub, charcoal, biological remains and small finds marked as SJ 689/1–6. The upper edge of the grave is at an absolute height of 108.82m and is defined as a layer of loose grey soil with admixtures of daub and charcoal (SJ 689/1–2), and this is also the lower edge of the pit J 101, which did not destroy the grave with its dig as is usually the case. An example of the destruction of an older pit and of the secondary dig is the already mentioned Grave 3, which was destroy - ed by the digging of a pit from the younger phase of the settlement, and numerous exam ples of seconda - ry uses of pit burials can be seen thro u ghout the site (Durman 1988; Forenbaher 1994; Te žak-Gregl 1998; Balen 2010; Miloglav 2016). In the example of Grave 5, there was no secondary use of pits and graves. How- ever, there is an interesting strati gra phic si tua tion where, in one small area in the section of the layers that are 350cm thick, we can follow the constant bu - rial of similar objects, in this case of pits that are clear - ly separated from each other, ranging from the young- est to the oldest phase of the settlement. Obviously, due to the looseness of the soil this part of the terrain was constantly used for dumping and burying waste. The investigated pits in the vicinity, es pecially in the southern part of the trench, where the edge of this settlement plateau is located, were defined as waste pits with a large amount of animal bones, ashes and daub. This is certainly evidence in favour of the au- thors who place larger waste disposal sites at the very edge of the settlement (Hayden, Cannon 1983). In the recent layers of humus SJ 001 and SJ 001a, sub sidence of the terrain is visible in that place but also in several others towards the very edge of the plateau, which im - mediately indicates the long-term digging of what are probably older pits with loose fil lings. In these places, during the excavation certain geo logical anomalies and cracks in the soil caused by tectonic movement and water washing were recorded in the subsoil, cau- sing deep natural depressions into which the cultural layers sank (Bognar 1976). Typologically, the grave belongs to the type of in di vi- dual skeletal burials in a pit (one male person), and ac - cording to stratigraphic relationships, it was buried in the fourth construction phase of the Vuèedol sett le- ment (Fig. 4). which obviously function in some symbiosis. Con si- dering the relatively small num ber of burials from this position, but also from the entire Vu èedol site, and their partial and insufficient analysis and publication, one gets the impression that the Vuèedol culture shows certain inconsistencies re garding the burial of the dead and funeral customs. In deed, each mentioned grave burial shows certain pe cu liarities, but also some common elements and the follow ing of certain estab- lished patterns, thus creating a general picture of the treatment of the dead at the Vu èe dol site. Grave 5 (SJ 689/690) was excavated in 2019, and refers to an indi- vidual skeleton burial in a burial pit (J 101, SJ 515/516). That is also the only excavated individual grave inside the pit from the position of the Cornfield Streim. In the next chapter, we present the knowledge and conclu- sions that re sulted from the first systematic and com - prehensive analysis of this grave burial, and it repre- sents an im portant contribution to the knowledge of funeral customs at the Vuèedol site. Grave 5 – stratigraphic relations, analysis and in - terpretation of the burial Grave 5 (SJ 689/690) is located next to the western pro file of trench V 17, buried just below the pit object with a relative depth of 280cm (J 101, SJ 515/516). It was excavated during the 2019 campaign as a con ti nu- ation of the excavations of the objects of the third and fourth construction phases of the Vuèedol settlement. The location of the grave within the ex cavated part of the settlement is rather isolated, so it cannot be seen whether it is part of an unit, an ob ject or if it is in a re- lation to others. However, the pro ximity of a pit (J 103, SJ 533/534) defined as a ritual or cenotaph type pit with a large amount of in tact richly decorated pot tery, as well as various finds and objects of special pur pose that speak in favour of a ritual character, is interesting. Other pit objects in the vicinity belong to the type of waste pits or sto rage pits, and the above-ground ob- jects, houses, show a distinct workshop character with traces of certain processing activities (Hutinec et al. 2021). The stra ti graphic relations of the grave and the younger layers are clearly visible in the cross-sec tion of the west ern profile of the trench, they speak of the use of similar objects in the younger phases of the set tle- ment ap plied in the same spot and of the pragmatic use of space and existing resources (Fig. 3). Pit J 101 was dug during the second and third construction pha- ses of the settlement (SJ 039, 565/567, SJ 516/1-5), and was probably also visible in the youngest phase, the first construction phase (SJ 024, 036), where the floors of the houses were sinking due to the poor foundation 282 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak form a bell-shaped burial pit with an extension in the form of a niche (Fig. 6). The deceased was laid on the flat bottom of the pit, on a prepared subsoil in a niche along its southern edge. The filling of the grave (SJ 689/1–6) consists of six la - yers in which the skeleton was buried, indicating cer- tain symbolic and ritual behaviour. Layer SJ 689/1 (109.02–108.64m AMSL) is the contact layer between Pit 101 and Grave 5 and consists of dark grey-brown soil. The older layer is SJ 689/2 (108.82–108.62m amsl), which consists of grey loose earth with ad mix - tures of ash, and may indicate a certain part of the fu- neral ritual that includes lighting a fire and sprinkling ashes on a fireplace above the pit after the burial of the deceased, burial and sealing of the grave. Fill SJ 689/3 (108.65–108.42m AMSL) is a harder layer of yellow charge made of pure loess and brown earth, 5–10cm in thickness. It is placed in order to seal the grave by com- pacting a layer of loess and harder, fatter earth. We see these layers of sealing in most of the excavated graves on Vuèedol. Layer SJ 689/4 is a loose fill of grey soil The calibrated absolute dates obtained from the bone sample of the deceased also speak in fa vour of older phases of settling at this location (2910–2670 cal BC, 4222±33 BP).6,7 These dates fit the existing radio car- bon dates of the Vuèedol culture from the Vineyard Streim site, which are mostly in the range of 3000 and 2500 BC and confirm the existence of the Early and Classic phases of the Vuèedol culture (Fig. 5). Accord- ing to the dates from the research done after 2000 in the V 04 trench from the Vineyard Streim position, the theory of the existence of the Late Classic B2 phase of the Vuèedol culture is put forward, contrary to what was the common opinion until then, that Vuèedol was inhabited only in the A and B1 phases (Balen 2010.T. 8). Recent investigations of the position of the Corn- field Streim definitely established the existence of B2 phase in several construction phases, but also the exi- stence of B1 phase precisely with the date from Grave 5 (Hutinec et al. 2021). Burial Grave 5 (SJ 690), with a relative depth of 80cm, has vertical walls that widen towards the bottom and 6 AMS results: AMS 14C Lab Code: DeA-25458; Sample prep. Nr.: I/24101; Sample ID: PN 3457; Sample material: bone; Conv. 14C age (yrs BP, ±1σ): 4222±33; Cal. Age (cal AD/BC, 2σ): BC 2910-2670. 7 MS radiocarbon measurements were performed in the laboratory of Isotoptech Zrt. (Debrecen, Hungary) on one bone sample from Grave 5. We thank Mirela Hutinec, the director of the Vuèedol Culture Museum for providing us the re port done by Iso toptech Zrt. Laboratory from 30.04.2020. Fig. 3. Part of the western profile of trench V 17 (profile A) with a section of pit J 101 and Grave 5 (authors S. Bošnjak and D. Roksandiæ Vukadin). 283 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site incarnation, but also to break their connection with the living, to pro- tect them from their possible harm - ful ef fects and from a new death (Stav reva 2022.18). As can be ob- serv ed in Grave 6, a group grave, char coal and ashes can, together with other finds such as ceramic pots and animal bones, point to a ri tual feast (Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001; Horváth 2019). Below this la yer, layer SJ 689/5 of river snails and shells appears, 15cm thick (108.45–108.30m amsl) (Fig. 7a.1). Such backfills are known from ot - her excavated graves from Vuèe dol, however, they have ne ver been re- corded in this quantity, i.e. the thickness of the layer. The custom of placing fresh water shells and molluscs in graves has been known since the Neolithic (e.g., the Linear Pottery culture in Slovakia and Transdanubia), it is not excluded that as food they could have had a sym bolic meaning (a symbol of rebirth) and that they were consumed as a ritual meal during re li gious ce re- monies or that they in di cat ed warmer periods, spring or sum mer (Pavúk 1980.208; 1994.98; Hroma da, Varsik 1992.47; Jelínek 2010.32–34; Toth 2019.39– 40). The layer just above the skeleton is SJ 689/6, which con sists of loose brown soil mixed with charcoal and animal bones (108.35–108.00m amsl). Traces of char- coal and animal bones with traces of scraping, cut- with a large amount of charcoal and ash, 20cm thick (108.65–108.40m amsl) (Fig. 7a.1, a.2). Such layers are already known in almost all graves in the site and are apparently a standard part of rituals throughout the entire period of the Vu èedol culture (Durman 1988; 2000). Covering the deceased with charcoal can have multiple meanings. Traces of charcoal and ash may in- dicate that fires were lit over the deceased to reduce the unpleasant smell of decomposing bodies. The ri- tual could have lasted se veral days or weeks, so the grave could have been open for a long time. In this ritual, beech, ash or elm wood rich in tannins and plant proteins with a bacteriostatic effect or maybe some grasses and aromatic herbs could have been used. These things, in combination with the thermal effect, could denature the proteins in the bo dies, pre- venting decom position for some time (Mi liæeviæ-Bradaè 2001.215–216). Tem - perature and smoke together with tan - nins can also have a slight mum mi fy ing effect, as we know from the tombs of, for exam ple, the Yamnaya culture (Maj- chrzak, W³odarczak 2021.169–172). The per cep tion of fire as an act of pu ri fi- cation and protection has a universal character and occurs in different geo gra - phical areas, in different historical pe- riods and in dif ferent contexts (Horváth 2010.68–69; 2017.396; Stavreva 2022. 17–18). It is used in rituals for purifi ca - tion and pro tection during some im por- tant life events or transitions: birth, mar- riage, and death (Grebenarova 2009. 194). According to folk beliefs, fire is used in the grave to protect the dead from re- Fig. 4. Position of the skeleton in the Grave 5 (author S. Bošnjak). Fig. 5. Radiocarbon date (AMS) for Grave 5 (OxCal v. 4.4.4, Bronk Ramsey 2021; Atmospheric data, Reimer et al. 2020) (prepared by S. Bošnjak). 284 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak were interpreted as ritual bu rials (Banner 1956.81; Jurišiæ 1990.27; Horváth 2010; 2019). Cattle burials were also found in Vuèedol, and they are as sociated with the cultures of Baden and Kostolac (Ju rišiæ 1990. 22–23). From the earliest sanc tuaries that contain bu - crania or only horns, through many Neolithic cultu res up to the Eneolithic, it is possible to trace the appea rance of cattle in dif fe rent forms and contexts. Real cattle horns were already replaced in the Neolithic by their schematized representations, as a hint of what we call consecrative horns in the Ko stolac and Vuèedol cul- tures (Hoti 1989; Šimiæ 2020.165–173). Consecrative horns at the Vuèedol site are found in most houses located on the floor near the hearth (Hoti 1990). Real horns in the form of bucrania are found in front of Vuèedol houses or on the floors, while horns or parts of horns are found in layers, pits and graves. The two horns in Grave 5 certainly have a strong symbolic role, and while on the one hand they are a symbol of ferti li- ty, abundance, birth and life, on the other they are re - lated to dying, death and the underworld. Layer SJ 689/6 is 30cm thick and in addition to animal bones the outlines of a human skeleton lying on the flat bottom of the pit in a layer of yellow compacted loess (subsoil), could be seen there. In this layer a lar - ger piece of stone (grindstone) was also recorded, which was deliberately placed on the torso of the de- ceased, which for now is another phenomenon and a new ele ment recorded in burials at Vuèedol. This piece of grinding stone was certainly not accidentally thrown at the deceased, but it probably indicates a ritual func- tion. Placing a stone on the body of the deceased can be interpreted as a precaution to immobilize the de- ceased at the bottom of the grave so that he cannot get out. This custom is recorded in graves until the Mid dle Ages. We find similar cases in the Eneolithic graves in Bulgaria at the site of Durankulak and Demir Baba Teke, where stones were placed on various parts of ting and burning point to a ritual feast. We find a similar situation in the gra- ves of the Baden cul ture in Hun gary, but also in other posi ti ons at the Vuèe - dol site (Durman 1988; Jurišiæ 1990; Hincak 1995; Hor váth 2006; 2010; 2019). A preliminary analy sis of the ani - mal bones established se veral species of domestic and wild ani mals (cattle, deer, pig, small ruminants, sheep or goats and fish), while a de tailed zoo- archaeological analysis brings the re - sults pre sented in the following chap - ters. The burial of animals with humans is ex plain - ed by social, religious and emo tional motives (Beh- rens 1964.161–162). Most of the pits in Vuèedol re - cord a large amount of animal bones, so one gets the impression that bone material occupies a lar ger part of the total researched finds. It is almost impos - sible to explain such a quantity of animal bones, and then define and separate the burials as ritual or pro - fane with certainty. Funeral rites must have some com - mon characteristics, recurring aspects (in the way of dying, character of burial, location, finds, etc.) and coincidences that suggest that a particular burial is not a common, profane death (Horváth 2010; Pasariæ 2018). At Vuèedol, two types of ritual burials of ani mals can be distinguished for now: parts of animal skeletons laid next to the human deceased as part of a ritual feast, and independent burials of complete ani mal skeletons as sacrifices of some communal ritual probably related to the cult of fertility or social status (e.g., a pit with a deer burial in front of the sacral-work shop building the ‘Copper Caster’s Megaron’) (Schmidt 1945.28). Ne - vertheless, the majority of complete animal burials from the excavation done so far at the Vineyard Streim site be - long to the Baden and Kostolac cultures, while in the pits of the Vuèedol culture settlements we record more par - tial parts of skeletons or fragmented, cut or split bones (Jurišiæ 2010). In Grave 5, in addition to the animal bones, there are also two hollow cattle horns (Fig. 7.b, PN 3458, PN 3468) which show a distinct ritual cha - racter, can be connected to the cult of fertility, and are placed next to the thigh and chest of the deceas ed. Cattle certainly have a special meaning in the Eneo- lithic period, starting with the arrival of the Baden cul - ture. With the advent of the Eneolithic, the general Euro pean symbolism of cattle gradually changes in some details, although it most likely still retains its pri - mordial, ancient general meaning of worshiping fe male deities. Cattle burials were dis covered in the area set- tled by the Baden culture, the vast majority of which Fig. 6. Layout and cross-section of Grave 5 and Pit J 101 (authors S. Boš njak and D. Roksandiæ Vukadin). 285 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site The deceased (young male person, age 11–15 years) was laid in a very crouched, hocker position on his left side, which indicates that he was placed in the grave immediately after death while the body was flexible, before stiffness, rigor mortis, occurred, but there is also the possibility that he was tied. The most common the body of the deceased (shoulder, legs, pelvis, skull) (Bartelheim, Heyd 2001.268–269; Stavreva 2022.16). In the case of the deceased from Grave 5, the weight of the stone destroyed parts of the bones of the chest, causing movement and rotation of the skull, arms, vertebrae and pelvis (Fig. 7.a.1). Fig. 7. Layout of Grave 5 by research phase (a.1–3, b) (authors S. Bošnjak and D. Roksandiæ Vukadin). 286 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak 2021 (Hoti 1993; Hincak 2005; Hincak Daris et al. 2022; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2022). Traces of a dull red colour were also found on the mentioned skulls in- side the hollows, which indicate the use of cinnabar, which is a custom, as well as sprinkling with ochre, known in remote Pre historic times (Çatalhöyük, Var na I) (Schots mans et al. 2022; Hincak et al. 2022; Stav - reva 2022). In pre historic times, the presence of red ochre in graves is associated with the concept of pre- serving life by the passage of the soul to the afterlife, and the red colour provides magical power to cross the border between the two worlds. The other bones of the deceased were relatively well preserved, and ac- cording to preliminary analysis it was a younger male person (adolescent). Next to the legs of the deceased was another human bone (left ulna of an adult male person, age 40–50 years) that does not belong to the mentioned person, and no other bones were recorded (Fig. 7.b). This finding is in support of the ritual of secondary laying of individual bones from an older grave, in this case upper limbs, namely arm bones. This phenomenon can be related to the cult of ancestors, and it constantly appears in Vuèedol, especially related to ritual burials, which we wrote about in previous chapters. Offering parts of the human body is a tradi - tional ritual in many societies, and is explained as pro- tection for the living or for their redemption (Stavreva 2022). Finds with the skeleton of the deceased are con tri bu- tions in a ritual burial, and we can divide them into ce- ramic (pots and loom whorls), bone (antler awl), stone (whetstone), and horns (hollow horns of cattle) (Pls. 1–3 (see below), cat. no. 1–12, Fig. 7.b). Ceramic pots are a typical repertoire in Vuèedol gra- ves, as grave contributions in the form of whole pots or more or less fragmented ones. They are mostly fine ta - bleware items, but there are also fragments of coarse kitchen pottery. There are large quantities of them in the graves: the ‘Married Couple Grave’ records 21 com- p lete pots, 30 broken ones and over 800 frag ments, Gra ve 3 (V 85) contains 4670 ceramic frag ments, Gra- ve 2 (V 84) contains more than 40 pots (Schmidt 1945. 41–44; Durman 1988.48; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001.213). Large quantities of pots in graves indicate some kind of wealth and prosperity, but they are not primarily a symbol of prestige in the Eneolithic cul tures and Vuèe- dol society. In addition to complete pots, fragmented pots with traces of older breaks were also placed in the graves. These contributions were placed in the graves as prestigious gifts, whether from family, tribe or al- positions of the deceased at Vuèedol are: strong or re- laxed hocker left or right (on the chest or back with deviations in the position of the head, arms and legs), stretched out on the back and on the stomach (with deviations in the position of the head, arms and legs), and in a so-called sitting position. Throughout the Eneolithic there are examples of gender differentiation according to the position of the deceased, especially in the hocker position with respect to the left or right side. In the Tiszapolgar cul ture, men are buried in a crouched position on their right side and women on their left side. The position of the head is a similar case (Boriæ 2015). The direction in which the body was fac- ing could possibly be in accordance with the direc- tion in which the dead would have directed their gaze (Stavreva 2022.12). For a long time it was thought that the burial pattern at Vuèedol was similar (differen tia - tion according to gender), i.e. that women were bu- ried on the left side and men on the right, however, it seems that this is not the case, as confirmed by the an - thropological analysis of the deceased in Grave 5 in the following chapter. The po sition of the hands of this deceased individual is questionable. Due to the movement of the entire chest the bones of the arms are dislocated, i.e. the right hand can be seen on the left side, while the left hand is dislocated towards the head. In Vuèedol graves, we notice various positions of the hands (folded towards the face, folded on the face, separated on the chest or towards the side, separated in various positions, above the head), and no specific pattern can be observed. It should also be kept in mind that the original position of the deceased can change as the body decomposes and the bones move, and an important factor is the consistency of the soil and the influence of weathering. The skeleton’s skull is rotated with its face towards the ground, so the facial bones are quite fragmented. On the frontal part of the skull, depressions-lesions were observed that resemble those from the skulls of the deceased male person from Grave 3 from the Vineyard Streim (V 85) from 1985 (group grave of seven women and one man, the so-called ‘Mars and Venus Grave’) (Durman 2000.41– 57). Unusual depressions were vi sible on their skulls, which Durman explains as the dripping of incan des- cent metal. The depressions were made during the life of the deceased, probably at an early age, and it was a sign that these eight people had been specially marked and sacrificed for some rea son (Durman 1988; 2000; Teschler-Nicola, Berner 1994). We can see such a cus- tom on the skull in the double grave, Grave 3 from the Vineyard Streim (V 87) from 1990, and in the group grave, Grave 6 from the Cornfield Streim (V 17) from 287 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site yard Streim, i.e. phase A of the Vu èedol culture (Dur- man 1988.cat. no. 53; 1999.3, Fig. 1; 2000.62, Fig. 25; 2009.254–255). The appearance of smaller, un de co- rated terinas is very unusual and we have such exam- ples from the Sarvaš site near Osijek where they are de fined as cups (Rajkoviæ, Balen 2016.T. 34,204,206, 207). The small terina (cup) from Grave 5, according to stratigraphic relations and ab solute dates, un doub - tedly belongs to the classic B1 phase. We are of the opi- nion that older theories about the existence of phase A at the investigated positions on Vuèedol should be reconsidered. Another terina, of larger dimensions, with a straight line on the biconity and a specific tri an- gular decoration, was located next to the feet of the deceased (Fig. 7.b, PN 3470, 3477, Pl. 1.1, cat. no. 1). It should be noted that the triangular motif is quite well represented as a decorative motif on items of the Vu- èedol culture. It appears in many different combina ti- ons: independently, in a row as a wreath, as a pattern that fills the frieze (Dimitrijeviæ 1956.25). Similar triangle motifs on other parts of the pots, in various orientations, independently or in a row are relatively represented on ceramic material from the Vineyard Streim, which is unpublished. How ever, for now we are not aware of the presence of such deco ra tion on terinas in a grave context, except on the hand les where the triangle motif is very often executed in the form of an hourglass (clepsydra) (Dimitrijeviæ 1956.25). Dur - man notes that terinas with a deco ration of a simple straight line on the biconity are si milar to the earli est examples of such pots (phase A according to Dimitrije- viæ), and he attributes to the same phase the pots that have geometric motifs above such a line. Durman also provides examples of two te rinas from the Vineyard Streim (from the floors of houses) that can be con nect - ed with the example from Grave 5 in terms of shape and decoration on the bi conity, although their deco ra - tion is somewhat simpler (Durman 1999.3–5, Figs. 2,3; 2000.62, Figs. 26,27; 2009.254–255). The best pa- rallel to this type of pot is the terina from Sarvaš, which has almost the same motifs of grouped con cen - tric triangles in a row (Balen 2005.119, T. 33). Un for tu - nately, we do not know the exact context of the disco - very of this pot. However, Dimitrijeviæ uses the men - tioned terina from Sarvaš in his chronology and dates it to the B1 phase of the Vu èedol culture (Dimi trijeviæ 1979.T. XXIX, 9). A terina with a horizontal strip above the biconity is located next to the chest of the deceased (Fig. 7.b, PN 3476, Pl. 1.3; cat. no. 3). Decorations with a ‘decorative strip’ consisting of al ternately placed two or more flowing ornaments se parated by empty rectangular fields are most often found on bowls and lies. In Grave 5, we find a generally small amount of items. There are mostly ceramic pots (four complete and three fragmented) placed by the head and central part of the body of the deceased (Fig. 7.b; Pl. 1–2, cat. no. 1–7). The most recognizable form of Vuèedol pot with a fine structure is the so-called te rina, a bowl with a convex top and biconical belly with a single handle. We find these in the context of re si dential, workshop, and burial objects. As a rule, they are decorated with geometric motifs made by a com bination of grooved incising, notching and in crus ta tion. The decoration is made on, above or below the biconity in the form of a line or strip. There are also examples of undecorated terinas, as well as terinas that are richly decorated above the biconity. The ap pearance of decorations un- der the biconity is extre mely rare. Terina handles are almost always de corated (Dimitrijeviæ 1956.17; 1979. 287; Durman 2000.60; Ba len 2005.44; Rajkoviæ, Balen 2016.78). Richly de corated terinas are known from Vuèedol graves, for example, the ‘Married Couple Grave’ from Vuèedol’s Gra dac or the terina from ‘Mars and Venus Grave’ (Grave 3, V 85) from Vineyard Streim from 1985, and the decorations on them contain some sym bolic mes sage (Schmidt 1945.41–45; Durman 1988.48). In Grave 5, terina-type pots are dominant, one of which is smaller, miniature and placed next to the head of the deceased and has a strong symbolic role (Fig. 7.b; PN 3422, Pl. 2. 4, cat. no. 4). Miniature ce - ramic pots in the form of glasses or cups and terinas that are found next to the deceased or in their hands speak of the sym bo lism of drinking containers in graves, which is an ex tre mely wide phenomenon in European prehistory, as well as in cultures that pre- cede Vuèedol, and they in di cate the stratification of so- ciety and the leading class, typically men in the Vuèe- dol culture, who were buried with drinking pots (Trig- ger 1995; Miliæeviæ-Bradaè 2001). Drinking sets made it possible to con sume a specific substance – alcohol. Alcohol is an im portant ritual and social phenomenon, the production and joint consumption of which is a significant ele ment in establishing social relations in the community. It also becomes a symbol of a certain social status, and is used during religious rites or ri- tuals, and in the Eneolithic it was possible to consume beer, fruit wine, mead or spirits (Krištuf 2005.72–73; Toth 2019). We find a direct analogy for this smaller terina (cup?) in Grave 1 (V 84), the so-called ‘Orion Grave’from 1984, where the deceased was found in a very unusual position with his hands above his head touching a te rina-type pot, of smaller dimensions and without decorations. Grave 1 from 1984 is dated to the earliest phase of the Vuèedol set tlement at the Vine- 288 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak 1979.290). Miloglav singles out S-profiled pots as the most represented form of the group of pots, and es pe - cially pots with a cylindrical neck (Miloglav 2012). We have analogies for these findings from Vuèedol, Vin - kovci and Sarvaš (Schmidt 1945; Dimitrijeviæ 1979. 290–293; Durman 1988; Balen 2005.40; Miloglav 2012; Rajkoviæ, Balen 2016.76–77). Coarse pottery is also found in Graves 3 and 4 from Gradac from 1938 (Schmidt 1945.T. 32.1, 3, 4). Of the other ceramic items in Grave 5, we find three types of spindle whorls, conical, round and discoid type (Pl. 3.8–10, cat. no. 8–10), as textile tools in the pro cess of a textile spinning technology. Ceramic loom weights and spindle whorls often appear in a Neo li thic context throughout Europe, while in the Late Eneo li- thic period loom weights are very rare and differ in form from earlier and later examples (Grabundžija 2016; 2018). At the Vuèedol site spin dle whorls out- num ber loom weights and the lack of weights is noti - ceable in other Eneolithic sites. Loom weights could be lacking in archaeological contexts due to the peri - shable materials used for their pro duction. Additio- nally, according to some authors more unconventional forms such as spools might have also been applied to provide the necessary ten sion for warp threads (Gra - bundžija 2018.272). In the prehistory of Europe, start- ing from the Neolithic period (Barber 1991.91–100), vertical looms on which the threads are stretched using weights, usually ce ra mic, are considered a cha racte ris- tic type of loom. The question of the techno lo gical so - lution for weaving in the late Eneolithic period, at the time of the Vuèedol culture, is still open due to the absence of direct and unequivocal material evi dence of the weaving technique. The particular issue of re - cognizing textile tools, which often have a multi func- tional character, is addressed in experimental research (Grabundžija et al. 2016). Similar types of whorls as in Vuèedol site are present in Eneolithic sites throughout continental Croatia (Grabundžija 2018. 264–265, Fig. 1). We also find them in graves of the Baden culture together with other finds such as pot tery, stone and bone tools and the like (Nìmejcová-Pavúková 1979; Hor váth 2017; Toth 2019). At Vuèedol, they appear in the context of residential objects and speak of a highly developed weaving craft, while we have no records of them in the published graves (Ka ravidoviæ 2021). The sym bolism associated with the burial of whorls in graves is complex and appears to be associated with individuals and their relatives. It was once thought that the whorls were only buried in women’s graves, but this theory has been rejected. The fact that they terinas (Dimitrijeviæ 1956.26). Various zigzag motifs and then chain, wavy, double toothed, and mesh pat- terns and other motifs can be found within these strips (Dimitrijeviæ 1956.26). Border decorations are most of ten placed under the edge of the opening of the pot, where the needle motif dominates, followed by drip- shaped and harpoon (her ringbone), zigzag lines and wavy lines are also com mon. Sometimes, only the mo- tif of slashes or a se ries of stabbing motifs was used for this purpose (Dimi trijeviæ 1956.27). Examples of bi co- nical terinas with a decorative strip and a decorated handle are extremely numerous in all sites of the Vu- èedol culture. We can thus find parallels in Vuèedol it- self (Gradac, Vineyard and Cornfield Streim) (Schmidt 1945; Dur man 1988; 1999; 2000; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2021), Sarvaš (Balen 2005.2; Rajkoviæ, Balen 2016. 77–78) and Vinkovci (Durman 2000). A terina of this type, rich ly decorated, was included in group Grave 3 (V 85) from Vineyard Streim from 1985 (Durman 2000.50). In Graves 3 and 4 (‘Married Couple Grave’) from Gra dac from 1938, a richly decorated terina was found turned upside down and placed over a woman’s head (Schmidt 1945.T.36), which Dimitrijeviæ dates to the B1 phase (Dimitrijeviæ 1979.T. XXIX.1). Closer ana logies to the terina from Grave 5 can be found in the same grave, i.e. two terinas with the same deco ra- tion (Schmidt 1945.T. 38.1, 2). A shallow, decorated bi conical bowl with handles was found at the feet of the deceased in Grave 5 (Fig. 7, PN 3471, Pl. 1.2, cat. no. 2). This type of pot and those like it are one of the most re presented types in the Vuèe dol culture. Parallels to it can be found at Vuèedol (Schmidt 1945; Roksandiæ Vukadin 2021), Sarvaš (Balen 2005.42; Rajkoviæ, Balen 2016.77–78) and Vinkovci (Durman 1988; Mi - loglav 2012). According to the typology proposed by Ina Miloglav, it belongs to the A4 c type (Miloglav 2012). Other examples of pottery in the grave belong to coarse kitchenware of the pot type with tunnel- shaped handles, and are found next to the deceased (Pl. 2.5–7; cat. no. 5–7). Pots with tunnel-shaped hand- les under the neck (smal ler amphorae) are a typical in - ventory among coarse kitchenware for everyday use. Such pots are often decorated in two rows, along the rim of the pot and at the transition of the neck to the body of the pot, often made with applied strips with fingerprints and less often, as in this case, by stabbing. The neck is very often more or less polished, and the belly is co vered with barbotine. All these elements speak of an extended Neolithic tradition (Dimitrijeviæ 1979.290–293). A significant number of coarse kit - chenware is undeco rat ed and a relatively rough surface is left, with out secon dary interventions (Dimitrijeviæ 289 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Saller (1957), osteological mea surement was per - formed with a standard set of anthropological instru- ments GPM – Sieber Hegner. Sex determination is performed according to the ap- pearance of the greater sciatic notch of the ilium and according to the sexual sign expression of the man di - ble: corpus mandibulae, trigonum mentale, and angulus mandibulae (Buikstra, Ubelaker 1994). Age determination is carried out according to maximum diaphysis lengths of humeral, radial, femoral and tibial bones, by measurements of the scapula and hip bone, and by the closure of epiphyseal lines (Black, Scheuer 1966; Stloukal, Hanakova 1978; Saunders 1993; Cunningham et al. 2016) together with the dental sta - tus analysis of both mandibular and maxillary teeth (Buikstra, Ubelaker 1994; Schaefer et al. 2009). Pa- tho logical changes were registered morphologically and morphometrically (Ortner 2003; Aufderheide, Rodrigez-Martin 2011). The development of ulnar muscle attachments of person B, an adult male, was analysed. Results The osteological remains of two persons, an adolescent (person A) and an adult male (person B), were found in the grave. The skeleton of person A is almost com- ple tely preserved (Fig. 8), while only the left ulna of person B is preserved. Person A Sex: male; age at death: 14–15 years ± 30 months; pa- thological changes: cribra orbitalia second and third degree. The bones of the skull are almost completely pre serv- ed. The described damage was caused post mor tem, af - ter the discovery of the grave. The frontal bone is com- pletely preserved with open coronal suture. The up per surface of both orbits are thickened, with dense po ro- sity. The surface of the left orbit is cribrotic (second degree), while changes on the right orbit are tra be cu- lar (third degree) (Fig. 9). The skull’s bones are almost com pletely preserved. The damage described occurred postmortem after the grave was discovered. The frontal bone is com ple - tely preserved with an open coronal suture. The upper surface of both orbits is thickened with dense poro sity. The surface of the left orbit is cribrotic (se cond de - gree), while changes on the right orbit are tra becu lar (third degree). On the median plane of the frontal bone, 45mm from sutura coronalis, a slightly oval were placed next to the deceased in a similar way to other items suggests that they are probably a part of the social iden tity of the deceased. It is possible that they were owned by the deceased or were passed down through generations within a family group (Douglas, Muti 2019). Along with the deceased in Grave 5, there were two other tools that could pos sibly be tied to weaving, a tool made of antler (Pl. 3.12, cat. no. 12) and a piece of (whetstone) stone (Pl. 3.11, cat. no. 11). The tool made of deer antler would fall under the group of pointed tools, and can be categorized as an awl made of antler or more likely as a piercing tool be - cause it has a stronger, more resistant working tip (Vi- tezoviæ 2010.284). It shows careful crafts man ship with its square-shaped base that serves as a han dle attachment, and the entire surface of the tool is po li - shed. The top is damaged, which indicates that the object was used before being placed in the grave. It is known that an exceptional amount of tools made of deer antlers appeared during the time of the Vuèedol culture. There are numerous massive tools, while small tools like this one from Grave 5 are less common (Mi- troviæ, Vitezoviæ 2017.187–88; Vitezoviæ 2018.178–81; 2022; Bošnjak et al. 2020). The stone tool (Pl. 3.11, cat. no. 11) is a square-shaped whetstone with traces of use and damage before the burial. Both of these tools with the three loom whorls may be a toolkit that was used or passed down within the family of the deceased, and they speak of a certain social status and particular iden tity in the community, in this case of textile ma nu - facturers or weavers. Anthropological analysis of human bone re- mains Material and methods The osteological human remains originate from trench V 17, Cornfield Streim, Grave 5 that was analysed dur- ing the autumn of 2019 (V 17, SJ 689, Grave 5, PN 3457). The material was stabilized, cleaned, re constructed and analysed on the premises of the Fo rensic Science Office of the University of Zagreb. Although fragmented, the bones of the skull and lower jaw, as well as most of the postcranial osteological ele - ments, have been well preserved, allowing the de ter - mination of the sex and age at the time of death. Me- thods of analysing human bone remains include ma- cromorphological and morphometric approaches. Ba - sic dental analysis is limited to the dental status, pos- si ble pathology, and determination of macro mor pho - logical features. According to Rudolf Mar tin and Karl 290 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak skull, is preserved. Stronger porosity is recorded on the posterior parts of the parietal bone, towards the sagittal and lambdoid sutures, and close to the pro xi - mal parts of the occipital bone. Both tem poral bones are partially pre served in a part of the squama tem po- ralis, but the other parts are fully preserved: the mas- toid process, tympanic, and petrous parts of the bone. Of the cervical vertebrae, a series from the atlas to the fifth vertebra, which is preserved in half of the body and arch, and the se venth ver te bra, whose arch is par- tially pre served, have been preserved. On the dens axis of the second cervical vertebra, which has bro ken off from the body, a slight epiphyseal line is visible at the point where the tip, the apex dentis, meets the rest of the tooth. All the damage to the ver tebrae occurred post mor - tem, and the fresh edges of the fractures are visible. The thoracic vertebrae are preserved in rows from the first to the fifth and from the seventh to the twelfth, but from the twelfth on only the vertebral arch is pre served. The lumbar vertebrae are preserved in the entire row, from the first to the fifth, and the third is da maged on the la teral right edge of the body and arch of the ver tebra. The first sac- ral vertebra is partially preserv- ed, and the distal part of the body shows an unfused joint of the first and se cond sacral ver tebrae. In the row from the second to the fifth sacral ver tebrae only the bo - dies are preserv ed, which are not fused, and the last two bear half of the medial sacral crest. The left ribs are preserved in a row from the first to the twelfth ribs, the fourth and tenth ribs are pre ser - ved in the proximal half, the fifth rib in the proximal two-thirds, the proximal and distal third of the eighth rib is preserved, the proximal fragment of the ele ven- bony depression measuring 6x6.7x1.3mm is observed. Another depression is located laterally and to the right of the first, measuring 11x10x0.6mm. Both are almost level (Fig. 10). Both parietal bones have been preserved, the left al- most entirely and the right mostly. The sagittal su ture is completely open. A shallow, oval, bony de pression with thickened edges is observed on the right parietal bone, measuring 7.5x5.33x1mm. It is located 57.63mm from the coronal suture, and 33.35mm from the sa git - tal suture (Fig. 10). Another shallow, irregularly elon- gated depression with a rough surface measures 14x 8mm and is located 24mm from the previous one and 52.3mm from the sagittal suture. This last one differs in appearance and depth from the three depressions de scribed earlier. The occipital bone is partially pre- served, mostly along the lambdoid suture located by the left parietal bone and less so along the right parie - tal bone. More distally, the internal occipital protu be- rance with the cruciform eminence, i.e. the muscle at - tachments of the nuchal region on the outside of the Fig. 9. Cribra orbitalia third degree, right orbitae, detail (person A) (author Z. Hincak Daris). Fig. 8. Skeleton of person A in anatomical position (author Z. Hincak Daris). 291 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site the left arm are completely pre served, the diaphysis and parts of the proximal and distal epiphysis are not fused. The humeral diaphysis is completely preserved with measurements maximum diaphysal length = (229mm).The left radial bone is completely preserved, and mea sures: maximum dia physal length = 181mm. Age at the time of death of person A, based on the ma - ximum diaphysal length, is 14 years according to Stlou- kal and Hanakova’s mea su rement table. The left ulnar bone is completely preserv ed, and the maximum dia- physal length = 204mm. From the group of carpal bo- nes, the scaphoid bone, capi tate bone and trapezoid bone are preserved. Metacarpal bones are preserved in a row: II–V, on all spe cimens, the distal epiphysis is fused, and the proximal one is not completely fused. Phalanges of the hand – proximal row: II, III, medial row: II. In terms of the right arm, the diaphyses are completely preserved and in terms of the epiphyses, the proximal epiphysis – head of radius – is preserved. • Humerus, maximum diaphysal length = 235mm • Age at the time of death of person A, based on the ma ximum diaphysal length, is 12–13 years according to Stloukal and Hanakova’s measurement table. • Radius, maximum diaphysal length = 182mm • Age at the time of death of person A, based on the ma ximum diaphysal length, is 12 – 13 years according to Stloukal and Hanakova’s measurement table. • Ulna, maximum diaphysal length = 303mm • Among the right carpal bones, the scaphoid and lu- nate bones are preserved, and among the metacarpal bones II and IV and from hand phalanges – proximal row I. • Hip bones • Male sex is determined by a narrow, ‘U-’shaped greater sciatic notch, the scoring of which is +1, arcus compose is not developed. • Left hip bone • The iliac bone is completely preserved, and the ma- ximum iliac length = (101.3mm), maximum iliac width = 98.2mm. • Ischial bone is completely preserved, and the ma- ximum ischium length = 70mm, maximum ischium width = 48.2mm. • The pubic bone is partially preserved in the ace ta- bulum and the superior pubic ramus. • The right hip bone • The iliac bone is completely preserved, and the ma- ximum iliac length = 101.2mm, maximum iliac width = 98mm. • The ischial bone is completely preserved, and the maximum ischium length = 67.4mm, maximum is chi- um width = 48mm. th and another shorter fragment are pre served, while the proximal three-quarters of the twelfth rib are pre- served. Three shorter fragments of the rib body were isolated, for which the side they belonged to could be determined. The right ribs are preserved in full se- quence, from the first to the twelfth ribs. The se cond rib is preserved in the proximal third, while the twelfth is preserved in the distal three quarters of the rib body. The sternum is partially preserved. The manubrium, as a proximal part of the sternal bone, is preserved in full, while only two divided seg ments of the body or middle mesosternum were preserved, first and second as in- dividual, nonfused juvenile sternebrae. Both clavicles are completely pre served, sternal and acromial or mid- dle end have an open diaphysal surface. The age at the time of death of person A, ac cording to the clavicle measures, is in the age range of 12–13 years according to the table of measurements of the longest lengths of the clavicle in the infans II and juvenile phases, accord- ing to Black and Scheuer. Measurements: clavicle; left clavicle, maximum length = 114.7mm, right clavicle, ma ximum length = (111.2 mm). The right scapula is completely preserved, while the left one is preserved partially in the glenoid cavity and partly in the body, mostly in the lateral bor der. According to measu re- ments of scapular width and sca pular length, age at the time of death of person A was in the range of 9–10 years, according to the values of measurements 6 and 5, according to Saunders’ table. Measurements: right scapula: length of glenoidal sur face = 20.7mm, middle diameter of the glenoidal sur face = 15.6mm, length of glenoidal mass = 26.7mm, spine length = 91.8mm, sca- pular width = 75mm, sca pular length = (101.4mm), infra-sca pular height = 83.3 mm. The long bones of Fig. 10. Norma verticalis: shallow depressions on the frontal and right parietal bone are indicated by black arrows (author Z. Hincak Daris). 292 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak PM1, PM2, M1, M2 and M3, which is visible in the semi- closed alveolus (Tab. 2). Right side of the mandible: I1–I2 postmortem empty alveolus, C, PM1 fully closed alveolus, PM2 postmortem empty alveolus, M1, M2, while M3 is observed in half-open alveolus (Tab. 2). The maxilla is preserved only in a very small part of the body of the right maxilla and the dental row: M1– M3. The other teeth of the maxilla are outside the al- veoli: left – I1, C, P1, P2, M2 and M3 and right – P1, M1, M2 and M3 (Tab. 2). A thin ring of calcified tartar, den- tal calculus, is visible on the teeth. The age at death of a person A is determined according to the dental status as presented by Ubelaker. Surface wear of all M1 upper and lower jaws indicates ab ra- sion, unusual for such a young age, with a lower level of bone at the cemento-enamel junction. Approximal caries of the first degree are located at the contact of M1 and M2 of the right side of the mandible and M1 and M2 of the right maxilla. Horizontal caries of the second degree are visible on the buccal side of the right half of the mandible, on the M1 and M2 crowns, along the edge of the tooth neck. Outside the alveoli are P1 and P2 of the left maxilla, and at their contact, on the crowns of both teeth, approximate caries of the first degree are visible. Diagnosis: caries of the first and second degree. Two transverse lines and tiny pits are visible on the an- terior surfaces of the preserved canines and the first incisor of the left upper jaw (Fig. 11). Measurements were taken on the upper left canine, according to Reid: crown height = 10.6mm, height of the first transverse line = 5.4mm, height of the second transverse line = 8mm. Diagnosis: linear enamel hypoplasia. According to measurements, the timing of linear enamel hypo pla- sia on the crowns of the teeth during growth was 4–4.5 years (the first transversal line) and 5–5.5 years (the second transversal line), according to Reid’s method. • The pubic bone is completely preserved, and the ma- ximum pubic length = 87.2mm. Out of the right leg bones, the diaphysis of the femur, the unfused head of the femur and the free, unfused distal epiphysis are almost completely preserved. The trace of a fresh fracture is visible on the anterior surface with a length of 7.6mm in the most distal part of the diaphysis (postmortem). On the proximal part, diaphysis of the tibia is almost completely preserved. On the distal third of the bone, on the facies la te ralis, the trace of a more regular fresh fracture (post mor- tem) is visible, measuring 97mm in length and 7mm in width. A triangular fracture measuring 32.4mm in length and 26.7mm in width is visible on the me- dial surface. The distal half of the diaphysis and the proximal quarter of the leaf bone are preserved. The fractures visible on the diaphyses are fresh, post mor - tem fractures. The patellar bone is completely preserv- ed. The right tibial bone is completely pre served, and the maximum diaphysal length = 279.8mm. The age at the time of death of person A, based on the maximum diaphysal length of right tibia, is about 14 years, ac- cording to Stloukal and Hanakova’s measurement table. The right fibular bone is preserved in the proxi - mal and distal third of the diaphysis. From the right ta- lar bones, the navicular bone, intermediate cuneiform bone and medial cuneiform bone are pre served. From the left leg bones, the diaphysis of the femur, the com- pletely unfused head of the femur, the distal epiphysis, almost the entire diaphysis of the ti bia, the proximal epiphysis, and the entire diaphysis of the metatarsal bone are preserved. The femoral bone is completely pre served, and the maximum dia physal length = 343 mm. The age at the time of death of person A, based on the maximum diaphysal length, is about 14 years, ac - cording to Stloukal and Ha nakova’s measurement table. The tibial bone is completely preserved, and the maximum diaphysal length = 280mm. The age at the time of death of per son A, based on the maximum dia- physal length, is about 14 years, according to Stloukal and Hanakova’s measurement table. The fibular bone is completely pre served, and the maximum diaphysal length = 268mm. The first metatarsal bone is pre- served. Dental analysis Sex: male; age at the time of death: 15 years ± 30 mo- nths. The mandible is completely preserved. Left side of the mandible: I1–I2 (postmortem empty alveolus), C, Tab. 2. Dental status of person A, mandibula (Grave 5) (author Z. Hincak Daris). upper right upper left M3, M2, M1, P2, P1, C, I2, I1 I1, I2, C, P1, P2, M1, M2, M3 M3, M2, M1 ,P2 ,P1, C ,I2 ,I1 I1, I2, C, P1, P2, M1, M2, M3 lower right lower left Legend: black – tooth in dental alveolus, red – tooth out of den tal alveolus, blue – empty dental alveolus (postmor­ tem), green – resorption of dental alveolus, orange – tooth and dental alve o lus are missing. 293 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Discussion Grave 5 at the Vuèedol site is located in the Vukovar loess plateau of eastern Croatia, in a loess of a very po - rous and slightly alkaline thick sedimentary deposit (Bognar 1976). The Danube wears away and erodes the west side of loess-palaeosol horizons, leaving cliffs up to 20m high, with a clear stratification (Galoviæ et al. 2008). The altitude of the site and the elevated po- sition of the plateau does not presuppose seasonal flooding of the terrain, but heavy rains and changes in seasons, along with the action of permeable and easily mobile loess sediment, can have a significant impact on the situation in the grave. Even after the early stage of decomposition, bones became detached from the skeleton, and the disintegration of the soft tissues of the body led to the movement of certain osteological elements of the skeleton of person A, when the loose sediment filled the gaps created by the disintegration and ‘pushed’ the osteological elements in the spacious burial pit. The position of the skull of person A is par- ticularly interesting, as it had been turned upside down, while the lower jaw had sunk below the left cheekbone. The head movement occurred while the lower jaw was still attached to the skull. The bottom of the grave is slightly sloping, and the person’s head was placed on the side and in an elevated place, and after the skull connection was broken – i.e. the atlas (first cervical vertebra) – it ended up in the described po- sition. Pathological changes were found on the bones of the skull and on the teeth. Trabecular cribra orbitalia, or third degree cribra orbitalia, is observed on the upper orbital surfaces, in this case as a thick and spongy bone. Hermann Welcker (1888) describes this pathologi - cal change on the superio-lateral surface of the orbitae for the first time. The cause of this development is still be ing debated, with reasons for it being attri but - ed to malnutrition, scurvy, gastrointestinal bleeding and iron deficiency anaemia (Ortner 2003; Wal ker et al. 2009; Aufderheide, Rodrigez-Martin 2011; Mann, Hunt 2012; Viva et al. 2021). In the bioarcha- eological context, the hypothesis of the origin of cri bra orbitalia as a consequence of iron deficiency anaemia is accepted and still used as an explanation even today, and is also described as a fea ture that is exclusive to childhood. However, the literature de scribes cases of cribra orbitalia not only in children and very young people, but also in the eld erly (Hens et al. 2019). New- er research reveals the con nection between the oc- cur rence of cribra orbitalia and frequent respiratory infections, which are today a lead ing cause of mortality Person B In the grave, but far from the adolescent’s skeleton, there was an almost completely preserved left ulna of an adult. Sex: male; age at the time of death: 40–50 years. The male sex of a person is determined according to the robustness of the bones and the expression of the muscle attachments. A strongly developed attachment of the brachialis muscle (m. brachialis) can be ob serv- ed. The flexor digitorum profundus muscle is pro- nounced. The development of the attachment of the supinator muscle (m. supinator) is pronounced and accompanied by the development of the supinator crest, as well as the pronator quadratus muscle (m. pronator quadratus). A short, oval olecranon spur (calcar olecrani) was developed on the superior and posterior surfaces of the olecranon. An age in the wide range of 40–50 years was determined according to the degree of osteoarthritic changes on the edges of the articular surfaces of the proximal epiphysis of the left ulna. An oblique section is visible on the distal sixth of the diaphysis as a result of sharp force trauma or more precisely due to the action of a sharp object on the surface of the bone, on the edge between the ante- rior and posterior surfaces measuring 12x3mm. It re- presents a trace of a bone cut that does not exceed half a millimetre in thickness. Distal damage caused by the action of a sharp object expands into a sharp-edged trauma in the shape of an inverted letter ‘U’, which measures 24.6x9.2mm. According to the appearance and features of the incisions, the trauma is perimortal, and thus occurred around the time of the person’s death. Fig. 11. Linear enamel hypoplasia (arrows), canine tooth, left half of mandibula (author Z. Hincak Da- ris). 294 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak mel linear hypoplasia (Fig. 11) point to non spe ci - fic indicators of metabolic stress during early child- hood. Skeletal maturation is also not free from envi - ronmental influences related to food source availabi- lity or food quality, nor from health status and di sease, such as the possible presence of pa rasites in the diet. Moreover, cultural practice in fluencing the length of breastfeeding and weaning could have played a major role in the creation of pa tho logical markers such as cribra orbitalia and linear enamel hypoplasia. Studies of dental development and skeletal growth indicate that dental development is less sensitive to socioecono - mic factors than ske le tal development (Co neição, Car- doso 2011), but hereditary, ecological, nu tritional and hormonal fac tors also play a major role (Goodman, Armelagos 1989; De Souza Araujo 2011). The three regular bone depressions on the bones of the head are very shallow and their traces are not visi - ble on the endocranium (Fig. 10). We could call them lesions, although based on the characteristics it is not possible to accurately conclude how they formed. Simi- lar lesions were described on the skull bones from the burial pit of the Vuèedol culture at the Vinograd Streim site from 1985 (Grave 3) (Hincak et al. 2013). In both cases it is only possible to establish that they are of un- known aetiology. The fourth de pression, which, due to its irregular shape and very small depth and irregular surface, differs from the ones described earlier, pro ba- bly represents a trace of a healed, shallow lesion as a re sult of an injury. The development of the muscle attachment of the left ulna of person B reveals the ’individual’s frequently re- peated movements. Strongly developed muscle at- tachment of the brachialis muscle indicates flexion movements of the forearm at the elbow. The deep flexor muscle of a hand is prominent and indicates a firm holding of an object in the hand. The strong deve- lopment of the muscle attachment of the su pi na tor muscle and the pronounced supinator crest is res pon - sible for the lateral rotation of the hand, and the strong grip of its antagonist, the pronator quadratus muscle, enables the medial rotation of the hand. The develop- ment of these muscles is common in people who work with metal (Angel et al. 1987) or pick fruits (Wienken, Wood 1988). On the basis of only one bone, it is pos si- ble to conclude only how well developed the muscles of the ulna are, with a special emphasis on the move- ments of turning the hand while the arms are out- stretched, perhaps as a part of the specific work the person was engaged in. This includes movements that (O’Donell et al. 2021), or the determination of cribra orbitalia as vascular in nature, and bony evidence of vascular anatomical va riation (Rothschild et al. 2021). Although scientists have been investigating this patho- logical change for about a hundred years, it seems that the aetiology of cribra orbitalia still remains unclear. Linear enamel hypoplasia is a disorder that occurs in the early, em bry onic phase of tooth development, as a result of stopping the appo sition of hard dental tis- sues (Šutalo et al. 1994). A number of pathological conditions are usually cited as the cause – severe infec- tions, a lack of vitamins A and C and the deficiency of prenatal vi tamin D, cal cium deficiency, scarlet fever and gas trointestinal diseases in children (Mante gaz za 2016; Reed et al. 2016; O’ Donell et al. 2020; Wang et al. 2024). However, since cribra orbitalia and linear ena- mel hypoplasia are only se condary indicators of the disease, it is impos sible to determine more pre ci sely the cause of their development. The appearance of enamel hypoplasia certainly in crea- ses the risk of dental caries. Perhaps this, but also the general health status of person A, is the cause of the large number of established caries lesions in the teeth of a very young person and the generally poor den tal condition of the jaw. Earlier investigations of the den- tal status of skeletons of the Vuèedol culture from the Vuèedol site did not indicate a poor dental status of in- dividuals, and it was even established that, despite the advanced age of maturus II, no pa tho lo gical changes in the teeth were found (Hincak et al. 2013). It is not uncommon for skeletons of children and ado- lescents to be found in graves from different ar cha eo - logical periods, which, according to the results of den - tal analyses, show a higher age range than the results of analyses of the bone remains of the same person. According to dental analyses, the age at the time of death of person A was in the range of 15 years ± 30 months, while according to the results of osteometric analyses of the bones of the skeleton, that range is low- er, mostly around 11–14 years. It should be mentioned that the results of osteometric analyses for the scapula bone were compared with the results for modern po- pulations as per Saunders, and that is a possible reason for the low result for the age (9–10 years). Another pos - sible explanation of such discrepancies for other osteo - logical elements (range of 11–14 years) lies in the fact that skeletal maturation and growth are not free from environmental in flu en ces, nor from the influence of the individual’s health status. Pathological markers such as third grade cribra orbitalia (Fig. 9) and ena- 295 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site phalanx of the third or fourth finger of an adult animal is preserved. Three femur heads have been preserved, two left ones and one right one that belonged to adult animals, which were cut diagonally from the neck of the femur to the edge of the femur head with a sharp object. The incision is oval, starting caudally on the epi - physeal line between the head and the rest of the proximal epiphysis obliquely towards the caudal sur - face of the bone. The third head of the femur is pre- served in the unfused part of the proximal epiphysis of a young animal up to 2.5 years old, along with a shorter fragment of the neck. Two damaged condyles of the distal epiphysis and four fragments of the dia- physis have been preserved. The proximal left third of the tibia of an adult animal is preserved. The frac - ture marks on the distal part of the sample are fresh and postmortem. The left half of the tibia is preserved with par tially open epiphyseal lines on the proximal epiphysis, as a result of which the age at the time of death of the animal was estimated to be appro xi mate - tely three years. The longitudinal half of the left meta- tarsal bone is preserved. The left calcaneal bone with partially pre served tuber is preserved, as are two mid- dle pha langes. Red deer (Cervus elaphus, L.) The distal third of the right hu meral bone has been preserved, with clear traces of cutting off the proximal part of the bone with a sharp object, just as it was in an already described humerus bones of a cattle. The edges of the trauma are sharp and the surface is smooth. According to the macromorphological features, the trauma is perimortal. Small ruminants, sheep/goat (Ovis aries, L., Capra hircus, L.) The right side of the mandible of an adult small ru mi- nant is pre served, with a preserved P2–M3 dental row. Small ruminants sheep/goat (Ovis aries, L., Capra hircus, L.) The right side of the mandible of an adult animal with a P3–M3 dental row is fully preserved. The body and par- tially the ramus of the left side of the man dible with a dental row of dp2, dp3, dp4, and M1 is preserved. The age at the time of death of an individual was around three mo nths (Fig. 12.c). Two left ribs have been pre - served, the body of one and almost the whole of the other, both from a younger animal. Theright scapular bone of an adult individual is preserved. On the caudal border, three shorter incisions measuring around 4 mm are visible. Tiny traces of te eth are also visible on lead to enthesopathy, oval and short olecranon spur (calcar olecrani) on the posterior surface of the ole- cranon as a result of stress, repetitive forceful fle xion- extension movements. Such movements in the elbow describe a large number of phy sically demanding ac- tivities, such as those of a woodcutter (Galera, Gar ral- da 1993) or fisherman, who casts a heavy net many times a day (Dutour 1986). But in order to conclude anything about the physical activities of a person, it is necessary to study the muscle attachments on the skeleton, and not on an isolated bone. Animal osteological remains of Grave 5 Material and methods Methods of animal osteological analysis include macro - morphological analyses of mammal and fish remains (Schmidt 1972; Nickel et al. 1995; Radu 2005; König 2009; France 2010). Results Sample U 837 Cattle (Bos taurus, L.) Six short fragments of cranial bones have been pre- served. A short body fragment of the right half of the mandible of an adult animal with the dental row from P2 to P4 has been preserved. The thoracic and lumbar vertebra have been preserved. The body is preserved in its entirety, and the arch is partially pre served, as well as another fragment of the arch of the lumbar and cervical vertebra. The first and se cond left ribs and three shorter fragments of the rib body are partially preserved. The distal half of the left humerus is pre- served, with an obvious cut mark of a sharp object on the distal third of the diaphysis. The edges of the trau- ma are sharp, the cut surface is flat. The distal third of the right humerus bone has been preserved with the same, already described cut mark of a sharp object, which starts on the caudal side of the diaphysis and descends cranially about 40mm towards the distal epiphysis (Fig. 12.a). The distal epiphysis is preserved with a short part of the diaphysis, on which an irregu- lar cut mark of the proximal part of the bone is visible. According to the macromorphological cha racteristics, the trauma is of a perimortal nature. The proximal third of the right ulnar bone is preserved. A well-deve- loped left ulnar bone with partially pre served olecra- non in the distal part is preserved. The longitudinal strip of the diaphysis and lateral part of the left fourth metacarpal bone and the distal third of the fourth metacarpal bone have been preserved. The medial 296 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak Ruminants (Ruminantia) A bone fragment of the base of the skull, two rib frag- ments, three diaphysis bone fragments and a fragment of the vertebral body of large ruminants have been preserved. Small ruminants: sheep/goat (Ovis aries, L., Capra hircus, L.) Three fragments of the rib body and four fragments of the diaphysis of long bones have been preserved. Sample PN 3449 Ruminants (Ruminantia) A fragment of the arch of the cervical vertebra and two fragments of the rib body of a large ruminant have been preserved. Small ruminants: sheep/goat (Ovis aries, L., Capra hircus, L.) The acetabulum and ischial bone have been preserved partially and the ilium of the left hip bone has been completely preserved. The body of the mandible and a fragment of the body of the rib are preserved in a short strip. Sample PN 3450 Cattle (Bos taurus, L.) A molar of the upper jaw of an adult bovine, a part of the arch of the thoracic vertebra, a fragment of the the lateral surface of the bone, in seven positions (Fig. 12.d). The dorsal edge is partially de stroy ed. The right scapula of a young ani- mal, no older than six months, is preserved, and the dorsal part of the body is partially preserved. The head and a part of the neck of the right humerus are comple- tely preserved and the epiphy- seal line between the head and the neck of the bone is clearly vi- sible. Age at the time of death of the individual was less than three years. The left metacarpal bone is preserved in the pro ximal quar - ter together with three fragments of the diaphysis of the same bone. The distal third of the right fe mo - ral bone is preserved, and the age at the time of death of the animal was in the range of up to three years, according to the unfused distal epiphysis. The right talar bone is completely preserved. Boar (Sus scrofa sp.) The proximal half of the left third metacarpal bone is preserved. Fish (Pisces) Three vertebral bodies of an adult and two fish spines have been preserved. Ordo: Cypriniformes, family: Cyprinidae Pharyngeal teeth in two right pharyngeal arches of the throat of an adult fish are preserved (Fig. 12.b). Both are molariform shapes of pharyngeal teeth, very similar to Eurasian carp (Cyprinus carpio). Sample PN 3446 Cattle (Bos taurus, L.) The proximal half of the adult animal’s horn and 11 smaller fragments of the distal half of the rib are pre- served. All fractures on the horn fragments are fresh and occurred postmortem. Sample PN 3448 Twelve small animal bone fragments have been pre- served, without a more precise taxonomic deter mi na- tion. Fig. 12. a Detail – oblique section on one third of right humeral bone of cattle due to perimortal sharp force trauma; b molariform shape of pha ryn- geal teeth, left pharyngeal bone, Cyprinidae; c left half of a young sheep or a goat mandibula with a dental row: dp2, dp3, dp4, M1, (the age at the time of death is around three months); d teeth marks (red arrows), right scapu- lar bone of a sheep or a goat, lateral surface (author Z. Hincak Daris). 297 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site sp.), according to two preserved samples of the di - s tal third of the right humeral bone, two small ru mi- nants (sheep/goat – Ovis aries, L., Capra hircus, L.) ac- cording to two preserved right scapular bones, two fish from the family Cyprinidae according to two right pharyngeal bones with teeth, one deer (Cervus ela- phus, L.) according to the distal third of the upper arm bone and one pig (Sus scrofa sp.) according to the left metacarpal bone. The results of the percentage representation of in di vi- dual animal species at the site are shown in Graph 1. The most numerous group are cattle with 49.04%. The next largest group with 30/57% are small ruminants, sheep and goats (Capra hircus, L., Ovis aries, L.). The remains of ruminants (Ruminantia) follow with 6.37%, and there are samples that are too fragmented for a more accurate taxonomic determination. The Cy pri ni- dae family is represented by 4.46% of the re mains, while the remains of deer (Cervus elaphus, L.) ac- counted for 1.27% of the total and pig (Sus scrofa sp.) just 0.64%. Extremely fragmented remains, for which it was only possible to determine that they are animal remains (NN), are 7.65% of the total. In the Graph 2, the percentage representation of an in- dividual anatomical element in Grave 5 shows a signi- ficant percentage of head bone samples, at 24.49% of the total. In that group, the largest number belongs to fragments of cattle horns, at 61.11%, skull bones with 19.45%, lower jaws with 13.88% and pha ryn geal arches with 5.56%. To this we can add a high per cen- tage of bones of the thoracic cage, at 27.21%, such as ribs which make up 67.5% of these and ver tebrae with 32.5%. The teeth of small ruminants, cattle and fish from the family Cyprinidae are account for 19.05% of the total, of which 3.57% are outside the jaw. There is a slightly smaller number of bones of a thoracic limb, at 8.85%, and a high percentage of samples of the up- per arm bone at 61.54%, followed by fragments of the scapula with 23.08% and ulna bone with 15.38%. The bones of the pelvic limb are also less represented, with 7.48%, of which the most numerous remains are the femur with 63.64% of these, the tibia with 18.18%, and hip bone and fibula, each with 9.09%. More frag ment- ed samples of diaphyses of long bones are represented by a high 4.76%, and unidentified samples account for 8.16%. There are nine samples of bones on which traces of human activity were found. The largest share of these, seven, is bones on which traces of cutting with a sharp body of the scapula, a fragment of the diaphysis of the femur, two short fragments of the body of the rib and the medial phalanx of the third or fourth digit have been preserved. Small ruminants: sheep/goat (Ovis aries, L., Capra hircus, L.) The left rib is preserved in the dorsal two thirds, two fragments of the diaphysis of the humerus bone, the distal half of the diaphysis of the right humerus bone of a young animal, no older than ten months, a frag- ment of fibular bone, proximal two thirds of the right metatarsal bone. Sample PN 3454 Cattle (Bos taurus, L.) The medial phalanx, a fragment of scapular body, and two fragments of vertebral arch are preserved. Sample PN 3458 Cattle (Bos taurus, L.) Twenty fragments of the horn have been preserved. Sample PN-3469 Cattle (Bos taurus, L.) The caudal half of the cervical vertebra is preserved. Sample PN 3478 Bone awl (Pl. 3.12, cat. no. 12) A conical tool has been preserved, a processed and smo othed fragment of a parochial deer horn, which measures 109.2mm, while the width in the proximal, widest part is 23mm, and distally it extends into a spike. Sample PN 3447, PN 3455, PN 3459 Numerous remains of freshwater and terrestrial ma- lacofauna, snail shells and shells have been preserved. Discussion The osteological analysis included 165 samples, of which there were 137 bone (83%) and 28 dental (7%) animal remains from the Grave 5. The degree of pre- servation of the material is low. Fragmented samples comprise 97% (160 samples), while only 3% (five sam- ples) are completely preserved. The number of specific animal samples according to species and genus is 51.3%. The rest of 48.7 includes a group of small (sheep/goat/roe deer – Ovis aries, L., Capra hir cus, L.) and large ruminants (deer/aurochs/cattle – Rumi- nantia). The minimum number of individuals (MNI) at the site is eight. Among them there are two cattle (Bos 298 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak field Streim, which is defined as the easternmost part of the tell-type settlement at the Vuèedol site. The ex - cavated trenches are located along the southern edge of the plateau covering an area of 1200m2. The layer of the Vuèedol culture is located very shallowly at a depth of 0.50–0.70m just below the layer of the Vin- kovci culture and can be traced in five construction phases that date back to the Classical phase (the B1 and B2 phases of the Vuèedol culture). This part of the settlement is architecturally very different from the ones previously investigated (Vineyard Streim and Gra dac), and the well-preserved layers of above- ground objects and pits, as well as movable finds, speak in favour of workshop activities. Between these objects, five graves of the Vuèedol culture (Grave 2–6) and one grave of the Vinkovci culture (Grave 1) were excavated. All graves were buried in deep or shallow pits, and according to the types we can distinguish here individual and group graves (of three or more people), and burials of parts of skeletons (skulls). Pits with graves were carefully placed, excavated and pre- pared for the deceased, and according to the spatial layout some links between certain objects can be ob- served. All examples show a certain pattern of ritual be haviour from the very preparation of the pit, the laying of the deceased, the grave goods burial and sealing. In addition to pits with human remains, pits without human bones were recorded with a large amount of ceramics and other objects that speak of some form of communal sacrifice or cenotaph-type graves. So far, more than 20 burial units with more than 60 deceased have been excavated at the entire Vuèedol site. These are mainly double and group gra- ves, some of which have more than 20 individuals, and object are visible. According to the features of the edge, it is assumed that the traumas are of the perimortal type, and thus occurred around the time of death. The bones on which a cutting mark was recorded are the distal third of the humerus, in three cases of cattle and one of small ruminants (Fig. 12.a,c,d). If we add to that three samples of obliquely cut femur heads of cattle, it is possible to assume that what is being observed is a butcher’s technique of cutting meat. Three short cuts on the neck of the scapula on a small ruminant bone sample were observed, and these are the only traces of shallow cuts. Only for one sample, a processed deer ant ler, is it possible to conclude with certainty that it represents an object, i.e. a tool – a simple awl. On the lateral side of the right scapular bone of a small rumi- nant, a sheep or a goat, traces of teeth are visible and they are marked by red arrows in (Fig. 12.d). Their im - prints are not deep enough and wider possibilities of comparative studies are very limited. However, according to what has been determined, all the prints could belong to a man because there are traces of two incisors and canines, incisors with rectangular and ca- nines with triangular marks. The scapula of small rumi - nants is still a culinary specialty today, and on the la- teral side, due to two depressions (fossa supraspinata and fossa infraspinata) divided by a ridge (spina sca- pulae), the lack of muscle tissue and the teeth marks on the described part can be explained by this. Conclusion Grave 5 is one of the last findings from the recent ex- cavations of two trenches (V 12 and V 17) at the Corn- Graph 1. Representation of analysed animal spe - cies (bone and tooth fragments), Grave 5. Legend: BT cattle (Bos taurus, L.) cattle; O/C small ruminants (sheep, goat – Ovis aries L., Capra hircus L.); CE red deer (Cervus elaphus L.); P fish (Pisces); S pig (Sus scrofa sp.); R ruminants (Ruminantia), NN un iden- tified (author Z. Hincak Daris). Graph 2. Percentage representation of individual osteological elements of animals in Grave 5. Legend: CB cranial bones; DENT teeth (dentes); BTC bones of the thoracic cage; BTL bones of the thoracic limb; BPL bones of the pelvic limb; SMSP bones of manus and pes; LB long bones; NN unidentified (author Z. Hin cak Daris). 299 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site the community. Person B was buried in the same burial pit, but further away from person A. During field re- search, only the left ulna of person B, a male that was 40–50 years old at the time of death, was discovered. According to the development of the muscle attach- ments, it was determined that the person was extre me - ly physically active. Severing of the distal third of the left ulna with the distal epiphysis, according to the fea - tures of the trauma edge, must have occurred peri mor- tally, around the time of the person’s death. In addition to human remains, the fragmented skeletal remains of animals were also found in the grave: cat tle, deer, pig, small ruminants, sheep or goats and fish from the Cyprinidae family. Shallow traces of teeth and incisions were found on eight samples, but it is pos si- ble to claim that mostly dismembered parts of animal bodies were placed in the grave, since no traces of an- thropogenic action can be seen on the other bones. The cutting marks visible on the bones are traces of butchering techniques. A bone awl made of deer antler was discovered as a grave find. Other items are ceramic finds, pots and loom whorls, as well as stone, bone tools and cattle horns. The pots are partially fragmented due to the stone being placed on the deceased, and according to the types we disting- uish biconical bowls with one tunnel-shaped handle that are of a terina type, biconical bowl with two hand- les, and pots of smaller dimensions. The terinas are lo - cated next to the upper part of the ske le ton, and ac- cord ing to their shape and decoration technique they belong to the Classic phase of the Vu èedol culture. Ceramic whorls, a stone tool and a bone tool (antler awl) probably belong to the group of tools for weaving or fabric processing, and speak about the social status or identity of the deceased and the group (genus) to which they belonged. Grave 5, although one of the ‘most modestly’ equipped graves, actually contains almost all the ritual elements that we also notice in the other ‘richer’ graves from the Vuèedol site that have been excavated so far. From the shape and preparation of the burial pit, to the laying of the deceased, symbolic offerings and the filling of the burial with the remains of charcoal, shells and animal bones with traces of butchery and traces of human teeth, everything speaks in favour of a standardized protocol and repetitive forms of ritual behaviour and ritual feasting. Although the Vuèedol culture is a re- presentative of the Late Copper Age and already sig ni - fies a kind of transition to the Bronze Age, funeral cus- according to the treatment of the deceased and the elite finds we believe that they are all of a special class in the society. Traces of violent death were not observ- ed on the analysed skeletons, but we can certainly speak of human sacrifice at Vuèedol. Grave 5 belongs to the type of individual burials in a deep bell-shaped pit, laid in an extension (niche) on a levelled loess bottom. The deceased (person A) was laid on his left side, in a very crouched position. The upper part of the skeleton was significantly disturbed as a result of placing a heavy stone (grindstone) on the deceased. In the immediate vicinity of the legs of the deceased another human bone was found, a part of the hand (ulna) that belonged to another person (person B) (postmortem manipulation), and we are treating it as a secondary burial, i.e. as a grave contribution. The skeleton is covered with several layers of soil with various admixtures, and the backfill immediately above the deceased with a large amount of shells and snails, as well as a layer of charcoal and ash, stand out. Immediately above the burial pit was a younger pit (waste pit) of the Vuèedol culture (phase B2), and above it a layer of the Vinkovci culture. Grave 5 was bu - ried in the fourth construction phase of the Vuèedol settlement and we date it to the B1 phase of the Vu èe- dol culture, which is supported by the absolute dates taken from the human bone sample (2910–2670 cal BC, 4222±33 BP) In Grave 5, the osteological remains of two people were found. The skeleton of person A, a young male whose age at the time of death is in the range of 13–15 years ± 30 months, is almost completely preserved. Such a wide range for the age was found to be due to the ‘delay’ in skeletal development as opposed to the dental development. With regard the reason for this, it is possible to assume the person’s poor state of health, as evidenced by established pathological changes, cri- bra orbitalia on the superior-lateral surface of or bitae and linear enamel hypoplasia on the teeth, but without the possibility of revealing a primary dia gnosis. Three regular, shallow bone depressions are described, two on the frontal and one on the right pa rietal bone. It is possible to call them lesions, but it is not possible to make an exact conclusion about the manner of their formation. The fourth depression, which differs in shape, depth and surface features from the other three, probably represents a trace of a healed lesion as a con- sequence of trauma. Two special marks – depressions or lesions on the skull of the deceased that are not trauma scars – indicate the special status he had in 300 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak positions of the deceased in the graves, rich ritual feasts and the marking of the deceased before death, i.e. markings on the body, also indicate strong influ- ences of Steppe cultures in which we could look for the origin of the Vuèedol population. toms do not differ much from the oldest traditional ones related to previous periods existing on the tells in this area south of the Danube. Nevertheless, we find direct links in the graves of the Baden and Kostolac cultures, and some new elements such as the unusual Angel J. L., Kelley J. O., Parrington M., and Pinter S. 1987. Life stresses of the free black comunity as represented by the first African Baptist Church. Philadelphia 1823–1841. 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Journal of Archaeological Science 38(3): 103032. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103032 307 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Abbreviations: Pl. no. plate number; C clay; S surface; G grave nbr.; SU stratigraphic unit; PN/N artifact number; h. preserved height; w. preserved width; w.t. wall thickness; r.d. rim diameter; b.d. bottom dia meter; h.w. handle width; w.d. whorl diameter; p.d. perforation diameter; m. mass. 1. A biconical bowl (terina) with a slightly everted rim with one tunnel-shaped horizontally placed handle (Pl. 1.1); C: purified with a little admixture, dark grey colour (GLEY 1 4/N Dark grey); S: hard, traces of burning, polishing, the outer surface is light brownish-grey in colour (10 YR 6/2 Light brownish grey), the inner surface is dark grey (GLEY 1 4/N Dark grey); D: incising, notching and stabbing, decoration in the form of geometric motifs (line, triangle, wave). The motif of the wave is made with grooved incising located under the rim. A complex motif of tri angles made by incising, notching and stabbing located above the biconity. The decoration made by stabbing small oblong motifs in a row continuously flows along the triangle motifs above the biconity. The decoration on the handle is made by incising, notching and stabbing in the motif of complex triangles bordered by two lines and smaller oblong motifs (clepsydra motif); h. 11cm; w. 17cm, 18.8cm (with the handle); w.t. 0.7–0.9cm; r.d. 15cm; b.d. 5.5cm; h.w. 5.4cm; type terina bowl; dating B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3470, 3477; unpublished. 2. A shallow biconical bowl with a everted rim with two opposite handles (Pl. 1.2); C: purified with a little ad- mixture, dark grey colour (GLEY 1 4/N Dark grey); S: hard, burn marks, polished, outer surface varies from very dark grey (GLEY 1 3/N Very dark grey) to a light reddish-brown colour (5 YR 6/4 Light reddish brown), the inner surface is light brownish-grey (10 YR 6/2 Light brownish grey); D: incising and stabbing. Decoration in the form of horizontally and vertically placed strips made with horizontal lines and oblong motifs. The horizontal strip is located above the biconity, and two vertical strips to the rim of the bowl above the handle; h. 5.6cm; w. 16cm; w.t. 0.4-0.6cm; r.d. 16cm; b.d. 5cm; h.w. 2.6cm; type: biconical bowl; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3471; unpublished. 3. A biconical bowl (terina) with a slightly everted rim with a single tunnel-shaped horizontally placed handle (Pl. 1.3); C: purified with larger admixtures, dark grey colour (GLEY 1 4/N Dark grey); S: hard, traces of burning, po lished, outer surface, outer and inner surface are dark grey (GLEY 1 4/N Dark grey); D: incising and stabbing in the form of geometric motifs (line, mesh decoration, wave, triangle, oblong decoration).The motif of irregular ob long decorations and triangles executed by incising is located under the rim of the bowl. Complex geometric motifs are separated into a horizontal strip that continuously flows above the biconity in rows (metopes). They are separated by two vertical lines, made by incising, notching and stabbing motifs of wavy lines, lines and mesh decoration. Decoration on the handle made by incising in the motif of a cross (X-motif) bordered by lines in the shape of a rectangle; h. 8cm; w. 13.6cm, 14.9cm (with handle); w.t. 0.5–0.6cm; r.d. 13cm; h.w. 5.1cm; type: terina bowl; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3476; unpublished. 4. A biconical cup (small terina) with a slightly everted rim, a flat bottom and a tunnel-shaped handle (Pl. 2.4); C: refined with larger admixtures, grey colour (GLEY 1 5/N Grey); S: soft, traces of burning, polished, the outer surface is reddish-brown in colour (5YR 4/4 Reddish brown), the inner surface is reddish-grey in colour (5 YR 5/2 Reddish grey); D: unadorned; h. 6.5cm; w. 8.00cm; 9,3 (with handle); w.t. 0.5–0.9cm; r.d. 7.4cm; b.d. 4cm; h.w. 2.2cm; type: terina cup; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3422; unpublished. 5. Fragment of a pot with a tunnel-shaped handle (Pl. 2.5); C: purified with a few small admixtures, grey colour (GLEY 5/N grey); S: soft, polished, outer and inner surfaces are greyish brown in colour (10 YR 5/2 Greyish brown); D: decoration made by deep incising in the form of horizontal and oblique lines; h. 5.9cm; w. 6.2cm; h.w. 3.8cm; w.t. 0.9cm; type: pot ?; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, N: 662/2; unpublished. 6. A pot with a slightly everted rim and a cylindrical body with a tunnel-shaped handle (Pl. 2.6); C: purified with admixtures, dark grey colour (GLEY 1 4/N Dark grey); S: soft, burn marks, poorly polished, very dark grey outer surface (10 YR 3/1 Very dark grey) to a light yellowish brown colour (10 YR 6/4 Light yellowish brown), the Appendix. Catalogue 308 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak inner surface is grey (10 YR 5/1 grey); D: imprinting and polishing. Decoration on the outer edge of the bowl in the form of oblong motifs made using the imprinting technique. Incomplete polishing is present on the outer and inner surface of the bowl; h. 11.8cm; w. 8.8cm; w.t. 0.9cm; r.d. 8cm; h.w. 3.5cm; type: pot; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, N: 662/4; unpublished. 7. A pot with a rounded body and narrow neck (Pl. 2.7); C: a lot of admixtures, very dark grey colour (GLEY 1 3/N Very dark grey); S: soft, traces of burning, polished and barbotine, the outer surface is very dark grey in colour (GLEY 1 3/N Very dark grey), the inner surface is dark reddish-grey in colour (5 YR 4/2 Dark reddish grey): D: stabbing and barbotine. Decoration on the outer edge of the bowl in the form of oblong motifs. On the shoulder of the pot in line with the tunnel-shaped handle, there is a decoration in the form of oblong motifs using the stabbing technique. The decoration is partially polished. Polishing is present on the rim of the upper part of the pot and on the neck and shoulder, while the lower part of the body of the vessel is decorated with the barbotine technique; h. 7.4cm; w. 9.5cm; w.t. 0.7cm; r.d. 8cm; h.w. 3.3cm; type: pot; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, N: 662/3; unpublished. 8. Round, flat (discoid) whorl (Pl. 3.8); S: polished, grey in colour (10 YR 5/1 Grey); w.d. 7.2cm; p.d. 1.6cm; h. 2,8cm; m. 126.1g; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3472; unpublished 9. Conical whorl (Pl. 3.9); S: polished, light brown colour (7.5 YR 6/4 Light brown); w.d.1. 2.4cm; w.d.2. 6.8cm; p.d. 1.2cm; h: 5.2cm; m. 157,7g; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3473; unpublished. 10. Round (spherical) whorl (Pl. 3.10); S: polished, dark grey (7.5 YR 4/1 Dark grey), burn marks; w.d. 5.8cm; p.d. 1.2cm; h. 5cm; m. 140.8g; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN: 3474; unpublished. 11. A fragment of whetstone of a rectangular shape with traces of use (Pl. 3.11); h. 7.3cm; w. 3.8cm; w.t. 2cm; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, N: 662/1; unpublished. 12. A complete bone (deer antler) awl with a square-shaped base and a pointed working tip (Pl. 3.12); S: traces of processing, use and a damaged tip; h. 10.8cm; w. 1.2cm; type: group of pointed objects, awl; dating: B1 phase; location of the find: G 5, SU 689, PN:3478; unpublished. 309 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Pl. 1. Pottery finds from Grave 5, Vuèedol-Cornfield Streim: 1 terina type bowl (PN 2470, 3477); 2 biconical bowl (PN 3471); 3 terina type bowl (PN 3476) (author of the drawing S. Bošnjak). 310 Danijela Roksandić Vukadin, Zdravka Hincak Daris, and Slavica Bošnjak Pl. 2. Pottery finds from Grave 5, Vuèedol-Cornfield Streim: 4 terina type bowl (PN 3422); 5 pot fragment with handle (N 662/2); 6 pot fragment (N 662/4); 7 pot fragment (N 664/3) (author of the drawing S. Bošnjak). 311 New insights into the funeral practices of the Vučedol culture from the example of Grave no. 5, Vučedol – Cornfield Streim site Pl. 3. Finds from Grave 5, Vuèedol-Cornfield Streim: 8 whorl (PN 3472); 9 whorl (PN 3473); 10 whorl (PN 3473); 11 grinding stone (N 662/1); 12 Antler awl (PN 3478) (author of the drawing S. Bošnjak). back to content 312 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.9 “I made a drink-offering to all the dead, first with honey and milk, then with wine, and thirdly with water, and I sprinkled white barley meal over the whole, praying earnestly to the poor feckless ghosts, and promising them that when I got back to Ithaca I would sacrifice a barren heifer for them, the best I had, and would load the pyre with good things….” (Homer, Odyssey, From Book XI. Translation by Samuel Butler.) KLJUÈNE BESEDE – Domas³aw; kernoi; ritoni; obredne posode; starejša železna doba; kromatografske analize IZVLEÈEK – Na starejše železnodobnem grobišèu v Domas³awu (Poljska) so odkrili izjemne ceremoni- alne posode, ritone, kernoi in psevdo-kernoi. Njihovo pojavljanje dokazuje, da so družbe halštatskega kul turnega kroga prevzele kulturne ideje gostij, pitja in libacij iz sredozemskega sveta. GC-MS analize so bile opravljene na petih posodah, te pa primerjane s posodami z grobišèa Domas³aw (74 vzorcev) in bližnjega naselja Milejowice (46 vzorcev). Raziskave kažejo, da so prouèevane posode verjetno vsebo- va le obredne pijaèe in tekoèine, povezane z libacijo med pogrebnimi obredi. Rhyta in kernoi z grobišča Domasław. Daritve v halštatskem obdobju KEY WORDS – Domas³aw; kernoi; rhyta; ceremonial vessels; Early Iron Age; chromatographic analyses ABSTRACT - Unique ceremonial vessels such as rhyta, kernoi and pseudokernoi were discovered in a cemetery from the Early Iron Age in Domas³aw (Poland). The appearance of such vessels proves that the societies of the Hallstatt culture adopted cultural ideas, feasting and drinking practises and offerings from the Mediterranean world. GC-MS analyses were carried out on five vessels and compared with pot- tery from the Domas³aw cemetery (74 samples) and the nearby settlement of Milejowice (46 samples). The investigations show that the examined vessels probably contained ceremonial drinks and liquids used for offerings and libations during funeral ceremonies. Anna Józefowska1, Angelina Rosiak2, Małgorzata Markiewicz1, Joanna Sekulska-Nalewajko3, Jarosław Gocławski3, and Joanna Kałużna-Czaplińska2 1 Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, PL; a.jozefowska78@gmail.com; m.markiewicz@iaepan.edu.pl 2 Institute of General and Ecological Chemistry, Faculty of Chemistry, Lodz University of Technology, Łódź, PL; angelina.rosiak@p.lodz.pl; joanna.kaluzna-czaplinska@p.lodz.pl 3 Institute of Applied Computer Science, Faculty of Electrical, Electronic, Computer and Control Engineering, Lodz University of Technology, Łódź, PL; joanna.sekulska-nalewajko@p.lodz.pl; jaroslaw.goclawski@p.lodz.pl Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period 313 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period Introduction In 2006–2008, the Institute of Archaeology and Eth no - logy of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Wroc³aw con - ducted excavations at the multicultural site in Doma- s³aw, sites 10/11/12, Wroc³aw district (Fig. 1). In addi - tion to traces of the Neolithic, Early Bronze Age, La Tè - ne and Roman Iron Age settlements, the investigations revealed an extensive Lusatian and Hallstatt culture cemetery used from BD-HA1 to HD3 (Gediga, Jó ze fow- ska 2019.18). The Early Iron Age ne cropolis yielded over 800 cremation burials, including about 300 with internal wooden structures, often richly furnished, with numerous imports. The selection pattern and types of funerary vessels ob - served in the Domas³aw graves and the practice of pro - viding the deceased with multiple ornaments, weapons, toiletries and other accessories indicate that lo cal eli- tes attempted to imitate Greek feasting practices. The burials demonstrate the existence of a uniform fune - rary ritual, including a recurring number, formal com- position and location of the deposited ce ramic vessel sets. Vessels used in the burial ritual contained pro vi - sions given to the deceased for the afterlife and/or serv - ed as drink containers during the ceremonial com mu - nity libations and feasting. Central parts of the wooden grave chambers in Domas³aw ac commodated sets of vessels (Fig. 2), consisting of vases with funnel-shaped rims and cone-shaped necks and arranged next to them sets of bowls and dippers, frequently placed on a plate-shaped bowl. In the chambers’ eastern parts, a vase with a conical neck and a straight or slightly evert - ed rim, a pot with a dipper covered with a lid and fre- quent ly a crescent-shaped firedog placed on a ce ra mic disc were deposited. The chambers’ western parts were oc cupied by urns, grave offerings and vessels sur round - ing them, typically bowls and cups. As these brittle con - tainers with ca re ful ly worked surfaces only excep tio - nal ly displayed macroscopically vi sible use-wear tra- ces, they were likely – with a few exceptions – explicitly made for funerary pur poses. Numerous hea vi ly burn- ed vessel fragments, less often whole ves sels, were ex- cavated from layers above the grave fur ni shings. Within this ritual pattern occurred isolated specimens of morphologically distinctive vessels, such as the ce ra - mic rhyta, kernoi and triple vessels consisting of three cups connected by hollow channels. They might be as- sociated with pouring and transferring liquids during libation rituals (Nebelsick 1997.71). While such vessels were first recorded in the Mediterranean, their func tion might have changed upon reaching the di stant pla ces of the Hallstatt world. The shape of a rhy ton de ter- mines its function as a vessel used for feasting and individual drinking. The kernoi and triple vessels were likely used for sacrifices, pouring and combining li- quids. It is assumed that feasts were of great im por tance in the Early Iron Age socie ties (Ne- bel sick 1997; Diet ler 2006; Ralph 2007; Mierzwiñski 2012; Re - bay-Sa lis bury 2016). In the Hal - lstatt cultural zone, fu ne rary ri tu - als, including feasting and liba- tions, played a sig nifi cant role. Not only did feasts include liquid of fe- rings for the gods and the deceas- ed, but also the con sumption of be - verages, most li kely alcoholic (Mier - zwiñski 2012.27; Nebelsick 2016. 22). New feasts and rituals connect- ed with pre paring and consuming liquids are shown in the figural sce- nes on the Pro vi dence, Benvenuti, Kuffern, Vaèe and Magdalenska go - ra situ lae (Lucke, Frey 1962; Eib - ner 2018.93–96). In central-east- ern Europe, large vases were like ly used as containers for fermented liquids, water and other ingre di- Fig. 1. Cemetery in Domas³aw and the European Hallstatt culture sites (edited M. Markiewicz). 314 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska ese and honey (Mierzwiñski 2012.93). An alcoholic beverage based on honey was known back then, as well as beer. The lat ter was prepared using malt, with germinated and dried cereals (O.c.91–93). Poured of- fe rings were made on graves, even sometime after the fu neral. As the people of the Hallstatt culture readily adopted cultural ideas from the Mediterranean world, the central-eastern European societies fur nished their deceased with elaborate sets of vessels for libation and feasting. Some were ritually broken to permanently remove them from use (Nebelsick 2016.19,23–25; Metz ner-Nebelsick 2017.436). Ceramic drinking and offering vessels from the Domas³aw cemetery The cemetery in Domas³aw produced unique ‘ritual’ pot tery, such as the multi-piece kernoi or pseudo-ker - noi (triple vessels) and rhyton-shaped drinking vessels – zoomorphic and knee-shaped horns. They did not belong to a typical set of funerary pottery, but we might try to reconstruct their usage pattern and find matching examples. ents (pos sibly beer or mead, Nebelsick 2016.30,48), served to the guests after mixing. The ritual act of drinking, in volving the mixing, serving and con sump- tion of an alcoholic beverage, was one of the main ele - ments of the funeral feast. The ritual of pouring drinks as of ferings to a deity or in memory of the deceased was com mon in the Mediterranean (Malkin 2016). Links to the Greeks and Etruscans led to the adoption of this practice north of the Alps in the Early Iron Age (Rebay-Sa lisbury 2016.85; Rebay-Salisbury et al. 2021.117). Poured offerings – spondí (sponde, σπον­ δή), that is, measures of liquids offered during a ri tual by pouring them on the ground or to another vessel, were per form ed during the burning of the funeral pyre, grave preparing, furnishing and filling (Mierz- wiñski 2012.64; Nebelsick 2016.23,48–49). The spon - dí – burned at the funeral pyre along with the body – in cluded milk, water, mead or wine, pe lanos (a mixture of olive oil, water and flour) and kollyba (first fruits of the harvest and fruits). Animal and animal blood sacrifices were made as well (Wy pustek 2009.42,45). The rituals also involved kykeon, a ceremonial beve- rage made of water and barley seasoned with mint and hallucinogenic herbs, sometimes with wine, goat che- Fig. 2. Chamber graves: 8892 (with a zoomorphic vessel); 8945 (with an ornitomorphic vessel); 8959 (with a knee-shaped horn); 10874 (with a kernos and a pseudo-kernos) (drawing A. Józefowska). 315 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period morphic vessel with a flat bottom was sized 13x7.5cm. A small head on a short neck was set above the curve of the biconical body, also cup-shaped, featuring wings made of knobs and a tail. The graphite-coated surface was richly decorated with an incised ornament of lines and triangles. The feature contained an urn with child’s remains and at least five miniature vessels. Two of them were deposited by the cinerary vessel with a rattle, two by the bird in the central part by the cham- ber’s northern wall, and one did not have a specific location (Gediga, Józefowska 2018b.Pls. 881.7,10,11; 882.14,16; 883.I). Footless zoo- and ornitomorphic vessels were used in the central part of Silesia, Greater Poland, northern Bo hemia, northern Moravia, and Saxony between HA2 and HC-D (Gediga 1970.82–86). The graphite coating and decorations on the discussed specimen indicate a later dating within this period. Unlike bird figurines, similar vessels rarely occur in the Lu sa tian culture. They were recorded, e.g., in grave 33 in Kietrz, G³ub- czyce dis trict (Gedl 1973.Pl. XIV.4) and in Manieczki, Rhyta Two chamber graves contained rhyta (Greek ῥυτόν, ‘horn-shaped drinking vessel’ deriving from the verb ῥεῖν, ‘to flow’). This term encompasses a wide va riety of drinking vessels, usually imitating animals or ani- mal heads. They were used for drinking and religious rituals in the eastern Mediterranean in the Bronze Age (Koehl 2016). Feature 8892 yielded a small vessel sized 8.7x6.5cm, shaped like an animal on four legs (Figs. 2, 3.1, 4). Its head featured two ears pointing up and an elongated muzzle with an opening, making it funnel-shaped. The head was attached to a bulging body shaped like a cup with a rim diameter of 4.6cm. The vessel surface was covered with flaking remains of red slip. Traces of black decoration forming two circles survived next to the tail. The 5x2mm drinking spout allowed liquids (and probably only liquids!) to pass through. The ves - sel was deposited in the north-central part of the cham- ber, which is exceptional. Around it, other vessels for scooping and drinking were deposited in a semicircle. The grave, con taining remains of one or two adults and a child, also featured four miniature flask-like vessels deposited near the urns, each with a hole in the bot- tom (Gediga, Józefowska 2018b.40,41,42, Pls. 812,816.35). Such small zoomorphic vessels occurred in child and male bu ri als from the end of the Bronze Age. A similar, painted specimen comes from a Hallstatt cemetery in Gorszewice, Sza mo tu³y di- strict (Pieczyñski 1954.110, Fig. 10.4). A formally matching vessel was dis covered, e.g., at a barrow ce me tery in Vaszar, Vesz- prém county (Metz ner-Nebelsick 2017. 437, Fig. 4a.4) and in the Moravian Znoj- mo (Eibner 1973.166) and Prostìjov-Do- mamyslice H1/2016 (Golec, Fojtík 2020. Fig. 47.12). In the Silesian-Platìnice cul- ture, zoomorphic vessels on three or four legs have two openings: a cup-shaped one on the animal’s back and another one in the place of its head. Such specimens were recorded in Dobøenice, Hradec Králové di - s trict, Pardubice-Hùrka, Platìnice and Pøedmìøice nad Labem, Pardubice district (after Venclová et al. 2013.Fig. 49.3,5,7, 9). A stylistically different rhyton was found in grave 8945 (Figs. 2, 3.2, 5). The or ni to - Fig. 3. Rhyta: 1 – 8892/15; 2 – 8945/15 (drawing M. Markiewicz and K. Œwi¹tek). 316 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska the horn was deposited between two urns – one with remains of an adult person, and the other – by which two miniature vessels were placed – with a person aged juvenis-adultus. The unique, painted knee-shaped horns with animal- shaped handles are characteristic of the Hallstatt cul - ture’s eastern fringes. They were recorded, i.e., in grave in a vineyard Kraus in Dalj Busija, in barrow IV/ grave 1 in Kaptol, and in grave 1 in Tumulus 1982/XII in Gorièan near Varaždin (Metzner-Nebelsick 2017. 433,434, Figs. 2; 4b.1; 6 A,2). Although the angl ed clay rhyta occur in various shapes, the variant with an animal handle is specific for the Drava region and Kap- tol. The distribution of these vessels in Europe reflects the course of the Amber Road from the Me di terranean through Croatia, Transdanubia, and the Morava Val - ley to the Oder area, occupied by the Lusatian commu - nities. On this ‘communication route’, the morphology Œrem district (Gediga 1970.85.Fig. 23). Notably, some zoomorphic vessels representing this type were fa- shioned with a kotyliskos-shaped inlet forming a se- parate cup on the top of the central vessel. It is thus possible that the liquid poured into it was an offering, as in the kernoi. In the Hallstatt pe riod, they were de posited in both male and female graves, meaning their role may have shifted to other functions, such as libation (Rebay-Salisbury 2016.85). Vessels with a spout resembling the one from grave 8892, suitable for pouring liquids, occur in Bronze and Iron Age grave and settlement contexts. Their presence in children’s gra- ves might suggest they were also used for feeding (Eib - ner 1973; e.g., from Este, Italy, cf. Marzatico, Gleir- scher 2004; Franzhausen, Austria, Neugebauer 1996; Sopron, Hun gary, Preinfalk 2003; Donnerskirchen, Austria, Rebay 2005; Statzendorf, Austria, Rebay 2006. 107; Rebay et al. 2021), and their presence in adult gra - ves may indicate they were used for feasting, too. While some late Bronze and Early Iron Age vessels may have served the purpose of feeding infants, their in- creasingly elaborate form, increased size (Sieg fried- Weiss 1979), and spout diameter suggest their appli ca - tion for pouring liquids (Rebay et al. 2021.117). This formal and functional shift of spouted vessels is de- monstrated by the fact that they were more prevalent in (elite) male burials than in those of women and children. The Iron Age saw the development of ela bo - rate zoomorphic pottery shapes for ceremony and dis play. This tendency culminated in placing ritual pot- tery with a bull’s head in elite graves in the eastern Hallstatt zone (Nebelsick et al. 1997; Preinfalk 2003; Rebay-Salisbury 2016.85; Metzner-Nebelsick 2017. 433; cf. Müller-Scheeßel 2000). The Domas³aw graves also produced knee-shaped (elbow-shaped), ceramic horns (Figs. 6–8). Four items, sized 5-8.2x7.3-8.7cm, have slightly arched, pointed bases. A specimen from chamber grave 1693 was paint- ed red, but no remains of other decorations were pre- served (Fig. 6.1). The other three have gra phite-coat- ed surfaces (grave 3784 – secondarily fired, Fig. 6.2; grave 3786. Fig. 6.3; grave 8959. Figs. 2,6.4) and in- cised zig-zag patterns (grave 3784) or lines around the rims (grave 3786), as well as concentric pits (gra - ves 3784, 8959) or gro oves (grave 3786) on the ba- ses. The horns were deposited next to the urns. Cham - ber grave 3786 and grave 3784 containing child re - mains were adjacent. A similar arrangement was ob - served in chamber grave 1693, with the remains of a man and another adult, and grave 8959, in which Fig. 4. Rhyton (zoomorphic vessel): 8892/15 (photo I. Dolata-Daszkiewicz). Fig. 5. Rhyton (ornitomorphic vessel): 8945/15 (pho- to I. Dolata-Daszkiewicz). 317 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period of an adult person. A horn from the same grave was deposited next to another urn with the re - mains of an adult male. Fea ture 4416 (Fig. 7.3) yielded two urns with child remains and three miniature ves sels (Gediga, Jó ze - fowska 2018b.Pl. 552.2,4,10). In the richly fur nished child grave 5977 (Fig. 7.4), an arched ves sel deposited by the southern wall co-occurred with four minia- ture vessels and two rattles. The vessels are com pa rable to spe ci- mens interpreted as miniature replicas of dome furnaces found in a male grave from the late Urnfield period un der barrow A in Gündlingen and barrow 1 in Schirndorf in Upper Palatinate (Nebelsick 1996.350, Fig. 17. 1–2). Graphite-coated specimens with widely everted rims were frequently cup-shaped (Fig. 7.5-7). The most com plete, although secondarily fired, specimen was recorded in the backfill of grave 3312 (the grave also produced an arched vessel base and a miniature ves sel, Fig. 7.5). Other examples include a vessel from grave 5994 decorated with an incised ornament and con- centric circles (adult grave, Fig. 7.7) and a smaller cup from grave 3795 (child grave with five miniature vessels, Fig. 7.6). Vessels fashioned as cone-shaped horns and featuring graphite-coated surfaces were re - corded in cemeteries discovered in Poland (e.g., in Lubi¹¿, Wo³ów district; Bry³ówek, Strzelin district; Bêdów, Zielona Góra district) and the Czech Republic (e.g., Platìnice, Pardubice dis trict; Mìlnik, Hradec Kra - lové dis trict, Tøebelov, Hradec Kra lové district). How- ever, their dating stretches from B2D to the Hallstatt period (Gediga 1970.86–98). Formally similar vessels with painted decorations were found in Wroc³aw- Ksiê¿e Wielkie (Glaser 1937.Pl. 15/24; Al fawicka 1970. 205, Pl. XXIX/e) and Kamienna, Namys³ów district (Glaser 1937.Pl. 15/21). Kernoi The so-called kernoi (κέρνος lub κέρχνος) occurred at the discussed cemetery in iso lated cases. The kernoi are variously sized vessels with a central body and con - necting funnels/cups/kotyliskoi. The pseudo-kernoi are vessels in which those containers are joined of the rhyta, their theriomorphic de sign and perhaps sym bolic load may have changed and passed on to new types of ritual ceramics (such as fire-dogs, oven mo- dels, discs and others – Metzner-Nebelsick 2002.151– 152, Fig. 59). Knee-shaped specimens occurred in Moravia and East Bohemia, such as the orange-surface specimen deco- rated with a tree of life motif from Brno-Holásky H2 – ‘U Tuøan’ (Mirová, Golec 2018, Fig. 7.18, Pl. 27), two spe cimens from grave 27 in Slatinky PH27 – ‘Nivky’ 43 (Podborský 1993.377, Fig. 248.15; Pøichystal 2003.Pl. VII.PH27/3–4; Golec, Fojtík 2020.152,153, Fig. 53.5), and another from Pøedmìøice nad Labem, Pardubice district (after Venclová et al. 2013.Fig. 49.8). Another vessel type resembling the knee-shaped horns were arched and cup-shaped vessels (Fig. 7.1-4, Fig. 8). The former have flat bases on which they can stand, and they might also be laid on a flattened or con cave side, and were ty pi cally found in this po si tion. The Do- mas³aw specimens are sized 5.5-6.7x6-7cm, featuring graphite coating. Their bodies were abundantly de- corated with in cised lines and bases with con centric circles (graves 4416, 5977). Alternatively, the body was ornamented with grooved zig-zag bands and pits and the base with cross-motifs (grave 1693). A base with con centric cir cles found in grave 3312 pro bably also belonged to an arched vessel (Fig. 7.2; Ge diga, Józe fow - ska 2018a.Pl. 358/9). A vessel from grave 1693 (Fig. 7.1) was found in a cinerary vessel containing the remains Fig. 6. Rhyta (knee-shaped horns): 1 – 1693/8; 2 – 3784/8; 3 – 3786/8; 4 – 8959/3 (drawing M. Markiewicz and K. Œwi¹tek). 318 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska joint between the body and the funnels, but the even displacement of the funnels from the vessel suggests that this action might have been intentional. Kernoi-type vessels are rarely recorded in Poland (£a - ciak 2018). The discovered specimens come from late through openings/channels in their bo dies but do not con nect to the central vessel. The name is used because they resemble a vessel type well-known in the ancient world, already occurring in the Mediter ra - nean world and central Europe in the Eneo- lithic. Ac cording to the text of Athenaeus (Deipnosophistes XI), libations utilizing many interconnecting, Mediterranean-type kernoi were practiced in the early 5th cen- tury BC during the Eleusinian my steries. The author specifies that the kotyliskoi received a small amount of each of the ma - jor earth’s crops: honey, oil, wine, wheat, barley, sage, vegetables and animal pro- ducts (such as wool), as offerings to the dei- ty. The products were mixed in the central vase (Delnef 2006.218). The Domas³aw cemetery yielded two graves with vessels featuring funnels. The first was a secondarily fired cup from grave 3779. Its surface was originally cream-coloured and painted (Figs. 9.1, 10). It was fa shioned as a small vase-shaped vessel, only 4.5cm high, with a bulging body with a maximum diameter of 7.2cm, everted rim and short neck. Three upward-facing funnels were attached at the maximum body diameter, reaching the level of the main vessel’s lip. The vessel was deposited in a child’s grave located in a grave pit outside the chamber containing an urn with the remains of an adult. It was burnt through to an extent suggesting that it had been placed on a funeral pyre or was used to burn a particular substance. It might thus have served as an oil lamp, where the openings/ funnels accommodated the wick. However, the kernoi discovered elsewhere rarely bore traces of burning (Delnef 2006.218). Similar vessels were found at the cemetery in Kietrz, G³ubczyce district: a larger one with a black surface and an incised decoration in the centre of grave 499 (Gedl 1973.Pl. C.10), and frag- ments in graves 25 and 3/1938 (Gedl 1973.37). The kernos from chamber grave 10874 was a 9cm tall tureen with a diameter of 13cm and graphite-coated surface (Figs. 2, 9.2). It had three funnels shaped as small, profiled vessels placed around the circum fe- rence of the main vessel’s shoulder and connected to it with channels. The kernos was deposited in the chamber’s northeastern part, but the funnels were detached. The vessel was fragile, particularly at the Fig. 7. Rhyta (arched and cup-shaped vessels): 1 – 1693/32; 2 – 3312/9; 3 – 4416/5; 4 – 5977/31; 5 – 3312/III; 6 – 3795/27; 7 – 5994/10 (drawing K. Œwi¹tek). Fig. 8. Rhyta: 1 – 1693/8; 2 – 3786/8; 3 – 8959/3; 4 – 1693/32 (photo I. Dolata-Daszkiewicz). 319 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period Four of the Domas³aw’s graves contained triple ves - sels, which might be interpreted as pseudo-kernoi con- sisting of three small cups connected with channels. The specimens are typical of the Lower Silesian Hal- lstatt style. Two were painted and de co rated with gro - oves running around the vessels’ circumferences, as well as red circles or bands of diagonally hatched tri- angular motifs highlighted in black paint. The two other vessels had graphite-coated surfaces decorated with vertical grooves and pits. One of the painted spe- cimens was deposited in the centre of chamber grave 2170, piled with other vessels (Figs. 9.3, 11.1). The other occurred in grave 6029, in which one cup was located above the urn, and two were deposited next to another bowl along with three miniature vessels Bronze and Early Iron Age cemeteries in Lower Si le sia (Sobocisko, O³awa district, Czer ska, Gediga 1975.Figs. 132,138), Greater Poland (Biernatki, Poz nañ di - strict, Krzy¿aniak 1963.107, Pl. I.2; Gorszewice, Szamotu³y district, Na ro¿ - na-Szama³ek, Szama³ek 2007.215, Fig. 31.1, Phot. 9, 226; Kro bia Stara, Gostyñ district, Lipiñska 1964.116, Fig. 18.6), Upper Silesia (Kietrz, G³ubczyce district, Gedl 1973.237,370, Pls. C.10; XV.10) and settlement sites in the Lubusz land: Wi- cina, ¯ary district (£aciak, Orlicka-Jas - noch 2013.166, Fig. 74.5) and central Poland: Laski, Piotrków district (Buch- ner, Józefowska 2016). Vessels with funnels also occurred in a Pomeranian culture context in ¯ukowo, site 2, Za- moœæ district (Kuœnierz 2010). The distribution area of the kernoi found at the Early Iron Age cemeteries stretches from the Caucasus to Spain (Du lar 1982.60). Even the exceptional spe cimens found in rich barrow cre ma - tion burials from HB-D, e.g., in Lower Austria (Rabensburg, Ge mein lebarn: Kromer 1958.68–69, Pl. A11m; Ker- chler 1977.14, Pl. 23), Slovakia (No vé Košariská, Pichlerová 1969.262, Pl. XXVIII/2) and Slovenia (Novo mesto, Dolenjske To plice, Dular 1982.59, Pl. 20.173, 20.174) do not indicate how they were used (Delnef 2006.218). Their arm- and hand-shaped protomes with up- ward-pointing hands have matches in the fine art of the Hallstatt period, and re presentations of women identified as priestesses. The women were shown praying or ex pres- sing a gesture of despair or lamentation. In the scene de picted on a vase found in Bar row 27 in Sopron, the gesture is associated with weaving, spinning and danc- ing (Eibner 1986.Pl. 1). The vessels’ shape made them also suitable for hanging. In his study of grave IV/20 from Novo mesto, which contained three kernoi, Tone Knez argues that those (and kernoi from other female burials, such as Dolenjske Toplice V6, V/26 and II/35) might have belonged to an aristocrat or priestess (Knez 1976.609). However, most of the specimens from HC come from male burials. Using such vessels in domestic settings might also testify to domestic wor- ship and symbolic or religious activities (Fischer 1998.324). Fig. 9. Kernoi and pseudo-kernoi: 1 – 3779/5; 2 – 10874/16; 3 – 2170/ 24; 4 – 6029/2-4; 5 – 8894/I; 6 – 10874/19 (drawing M. Markiewicz and K. Œwi¹tek). 320 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska The kernoi probably served a variety of ritual and prac tical functions throughout time and space. They might have been used as sacrifice, libation and even fermentation vessels, spice con tainers, lamps, can dle- sticks, devices for thread making and even fumigation (Delnef 2006; Boghian 2012; £aciak 2018). Double and triple ves sels, particularly those interconnected with channels, served most likely to combine offerings of similar or different types of liquids. Frequently, gra- ves con taining such pottery pro duced miniature flask- and vase-type vessels, sometimes with holes in their bot toms, which might have also been used for making sacrifices and which, in other Hallstatt culture areas, were parts of multiple vessels. One of the horns at the Domas³aw cemetery was found in a cinerary vessel, and a cup-shaped specimen in the grave’s backfill. Both were secondarily fired, just as the kernos in the child burial. The idea of depriving a vessel of its function was also reflected by detaching the funnels from the large kernos and bowls from two triple vessels. Creating a composition of contrasting light and dark vessels, as in the case of the red-painted, cream-coloured and graphite-coated rhyta and kernoi, was probably also intentional. Colour played a crucial symbolic role and had a recognizable meaning in the Hallstatt cultural circle (Nebelsick 2016.52; Mar kie- wicz 2023.159–169). Results and discussion Chromatographic analyses A gas chromatograph (6890N GC System, Agilent Tech - nologies) coupled to a mass spectrometer (MS 5973 Network Mass Selective Detector, Agilent Technologies) was used to determine the organic com pounds in ves- (Figs. 9.4, 11.2). A graphite-coated triple vessel was found in child’s grave 8894 (Fig. 9.5), and one more in grave 10 874, deposited in a bowl in the southeastern part of the chamber (only two of the three bowls were deposited or preserved, Fig. 9.6). Painted triple vessels were also recorded at the ce me - teries in Wroc³aw, Ki¹czyn, Szamotu³y district, and Wo³ów (Glaser 1937.Pl. 15.12, 15.14; Alfawicka 1970. 192,204, Pls. XVI.b, XXVIII/i). Matching finds oc- curred in Moravia and Bohemia, at a necropolis in Modøice – ‘Sádky a Rybníky’, site 2, in grave Wombat H 1 (Kos et al. 2022.Fig. 10.16; Pl. 1.5) and Vojkovice H 117, Brno district (Golec 2005.213, Pl. 124.9), Mi- roslav, Znojmo district (Stegman-Rajtár 1992.Pl. 103.2), Platìnice H 6/1926 and Kunìtice H VI/1934, Pardubice district (Buchvaldek 1966.49.Pl. 4.31; Vokolek 1999.222, Pl. 52.8; Venclová et al. 2013.10, Fig. 49.6), and Seloutky, Prostìjov district (Golec, Fojtík 2020.Fig. 47.14). In Lower Austria, they were found in Pokampí, Maierschi cemetery (H 31, Berg 1962.Pls. 8.6, 8) and in the Tulln area (Gemeinlebarn grave 10.368, Ne belsick 1997.31, Fig. 8.4). Double ves - sels mainly occurred in the Kaldenberg group in north- eastern Au stria and northwestern Hun gary (Nebelsick 1997.39,41, Figs. 10,12; Patek 1993). In the late Hal- lstatt period, however, triple vessels also emerged there (cf. Nebelsick 1996.331, Fig. 4). In the Billendorf culture area (Buck 1979.125–127) and in Greater Po - land (¯ychliñska 2013.63–64), multiple ves sels con- sisting of joint vases with handles, jugs and dippers prevailed. Fig. 10. Kernos: 3779/5 (photo I. Dolata-Dasz kie- wicz). Fig. 11. Pseudo-kernoi: 1 – 2170/24; 2 – 6029/2–4 (pho to I. Dolata-Daszkiewicz). 321 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period ta and kernoi groups. The results also served as a background for identifying distinctive components (acids, biomarkers) and proportions in the case of the vessels in question. This approach provides an ex cel- lent background for interpreting the rhyta and kernoi. Chromatographic analyses provided information on the organic compounds’ contents. The analysis focuses on determined fatty acids and biomarkers that can directly indicate the source of the examined organic residues. The contents of the identified fatty acids in samples from the Domas³aw cemetery are included in Table 2. Seventeen acids were determined in the samples, mainly saturated acids. Unsaturated acids were re pre - sented by palmitoleic acid (C16:1) and oleic acid (C18:1). Linoleic acid (C18:2) was not detected in the drinking vessel samples. Eleven acids were present in all samples, and these were caproic acid (C6:0), ca- prylic acid (C8:0), pelargonic acid (C9:0), capric acid (C10:0), lauric acid (C12:0), myristic acid (C14:0), C16:1, palmitic acid (C16:0), C18:1, and stearic acid (C18:0). Arachidic acid (C20:0) was present in samples nos. 16 and 34 and the long-chain acid behenic acid (C22:0) – in all samples except No. 9. Only in two sam - ples (nos. 9 and 14) was undecanoic acid (C11:0) de- termined, but in general this acid rarely occurred at the cemetery and was detected only in seven other vessels, such as the urns, the censer and the offering vessels. Any detailed conclusions about the sources of the exa- mined organic re sidues based only on the presence and content of individual acids may be unreliable. Most acids are present in both plant and animal re sour ces. Mo re - over, the residue composition can change over time, and this should always be considered in ar chaeo lo - gical samples. Consequently, researchers are look ing for another way to interpret the results of chro ma to - graphic analyses. One of the methods is based on study- ing the proportions of selected fatty acids, as it ap- pears that acid proportions can remain relatively un - sel samples. Samples collected from ceramic vessel fragments were ground to powder in a mortar. The weighed amount of ground material (2 grams) was ex - tracted in a Soxhlet apparatus for 4 hours. The ex trac - tion mixture contained methylene chloride and me- thanol (200mL, 2.1v/v) and 100µL of standard so lu - tion (tetracosane, 1mg/mL). The ex tracted lipid frac - tion was evaporated to dryness and then dissolved in 2mL of hexane. Portions of 0.5mL extract were eva po - rated from atmospheric pressure in a stream of nitro - gen to dryness. The obtained dry residue was sub- jected to derivatization in the form of silylation. To con vert the analytes into their volatile derivatives (tri - methylsilyl esters), 100µL of a derivatizing mix ture composed of two reagents was used: N,O-bis(tri methyl- silyl)trifluoroacetamide and trimethylchlorosilane (100.1v/v). The sample with the mixture was heated for 30 minutes at 75°C. Following the process, 300µL of hexane was added to the sample and GC-MS analysis was performed. The analytes were separated on an HP- 5MS (5%-diphenyl-95%-dimethylpolysiloxane) column at a carrier gas (helium) flow rate of 0.9mL/min. The injected sample volume was 1µL. The injector was ope - rated in the mode without separating the carrier gas flow. The gas chromatograph oven was programmed as follows: the initial temperature was 60°C, with a temperature increase of 12°C/min until the final tem- perature of 300°C was reached. The parameters of the mass spec trometer were as follows: the temperature of the ion source and mass analyser were 230°C and 150°C, res pectively. Mass spectra were acquired in elec- tron ionization mode at a potential of 70eV and a mass range of 50 to 550m/z. Qualitative analysis of organic acids and biomarkers was performed using Wiley and NIST14 mass spectral libraries and commercially available standards. Quantitative analysis of fatty acids was performed using the internal normalization me- thod. The procedure for the determination of fatty acids in ceramic samples was developed and optimized for C5-C22 acids. The analyses included five vessels discussed in this article (Table 1; rhyta from graves 1693, 3795, 8892, 8945 and kernos from grave 10 874). However, a large group of 120 Hallstatt vessels were examined in the pro ject – 74 from the cemetery in Domas³aw and 46 from the neighbouring settlement in Milejowice, where we can also confirm the existence of a privileged social class (elites). The selection of samples created a unique opportunity for comparative studies of the funeral and settlement contexts. For this study, statistical analyses were performed on all vessels, with a focus on the rhy - Sample number Object number Vessel number Kind of vessel 9 3795 27 cup-shaped rhyton 14 8945 15 bird-shaped rhyton 16 10874 19 kernos 22 1693 8 knee-shaped rhyton 34 8892 15 zoomorphic rhyton Tab. 1. Characteristics of the studied vessels. 322 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska gno stic criterion for milk and milk processing (Dudd et al. 1998; Evershed et al. 2002). Gas chromatography com bin ed with mass spec trome- try made it possible to determine organic compounds from dif ferent groups. Literature studies enabled us to select compounds that might be con sidered archaeo- logical biomarkers. Biomarkers are associated with one specific material or substance, regardless of its origin – plant, animal or mixed (Tab. 5). Glycerol, a product of lipid degradation, lactic acid and cereal biomarkers were present in all samples. Lactic acid is one of the essential products of bacterial fer- mentation, which occurs, e.g., during vegetable pic- kling or milk fermentation. However, malic acid (a beer and wine ingredient) can also be converted by bacteria into lactic acid, which gives the beer a sour taste (Coote, Kirsop 1974; Li, Liu 2015). The simultaneous presence of oxalic acid (sample nos. 14, 22, 34), azelaic acid (sample nos. 16, 22) and su be- ric acid (sample nos. 16, 22, 34) may suggest that the studied residues originated from grain products in clud ing wheat or barley (oxalic acid, Park et al. 2017) or rye and ba rley (azelaic acid, Farag et al. 2019). Suberic acid, also found in cereals, is produced during castor oil oxidation and is used to produce resins. changed over time. The conclusions pre sented in this paper were founded on the work of Jelmer W. Eer kens (2005). Based on his proposed pro portions, the most likely sources of the studied re si dues were in - ferred. The calculated proportions of se lected acids, shown in Table 3, are intriguing and sug gest that all the examined residues have a mixed origin (Tab. 4). The residues probably came from seeds and nuts combined with land mammal fat, and sample 22 additionally from berries. A higher C18:1 ratio detected in rhyta 9, 22 and 34, and a few other vases and pots from the cemetery, sug - gest that the samples contained acid-rich plant oil or derivative mixtures (Roffet-Salque et al. 2017). The pre dominance of C16:0 over C18:0 in samples 22 and 34 is generally typical of plant oils rather than animal fats (Colombini et al. 2009). Stefano F. Notari (2012) suggested that when the C18:0 level is slightly lower than the C16:0 amount (1.2 < C16:0/C18:0 < 2.0), it may indicate a vegetable residue (the C16:0/C18:0 ra- tio in samples 22 and 34 amounts to 1.67 and 1.55). How ever, Michael W. Gregg and Greg F. Slater (2010) indicated that when the C16:0/C18:0 value is between 1.0 and 2.0, the residues could contain decomposed ani mal fats. The C12:0, C20:0 and C22:0 acids can be detected in significant amounts in palm and peanut oils, while C14:0 acid can be found in plant seed oils and dairy products (Rosiak et al. 2020). The highest C14:0 level of all samples was in rhyton 34 (2.10). The C12:0 to C14:0 ratio in bird-shaped vessel 14 is 1.69, much higher than in other samples from the cemetery and settlement. C12:0>1 was observed only in one of the urns and an offering vessel, while in rhyton 14 it amounts to 1.88. The abundant presence of short- chain fatty acids (mainly C14:0 and C12:0) suggests dairy products. However, short-chain saturated fatty acids are only exceptionally detected in archaeological pottery due to their compositional alteration during the burial. Their changed distribution might resemble adipose fats, and thus cannot be used as a single dia- Fatty acid proportion Sample number (C15:0+C17:0)/C18:0 C16:1/C18:1 C16:0/C18:0 C12:0/C14:0 9 - 0.42 0.95 0.37 14 0.06 0.75 0.71 1.69 16 0.04 0.79 0.66 0.34 22 0.05 0.24 1.67 0.46 34 0.08 0.33 1.55 0.42 Tab. 3. Proportions of selected fatty acids in the studied samples. Sample number Acid symbol 9 14 16 22 34 C6:0 0.47 1.34 1.52 0.11 0.14 C7:0 0.34 0.66 0.58 0.15 0.18 C8:0 0.70 1.00 0.84 0.26 0.41 C9:0 1.07 1.29 1.17 0.94 1.09 C10:0 0.41 0.40 0.26 0.26 0.30 C11:0 0.06 0.08 - - - C12:0 0.43 1.88 0.49 0.51 0.89 C13:0 - - 0.16 0.17 0.24 C14:0 1.15 1.11 1.44 1.10 2.10 C15:0 - 0.47 0.46 0.42 0.71 C16:1 1.02 0.70 0.41 0.70 0.66 C16:0 3.70 5.69 11.43 12.81 13.68 C17:0 - - 0.27 - - C18:1 2.43 0.93 0.52 2.89 2.02 C18:0 3.89 7.99 17.23 7.65 8.85 C20:0 - - 0.81 - 0.45 C22:0 - 1.13 1.62 1.14 1.20 Tab. 2. Fatty acids determined in the studied samples (content in %) (-) under the limit of quantification 323 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period essential oils, pine resin and herbs like, e.g., tansy (Tanacetum vulgare), sa vo ry (Satu - reja), Ar te misia seibeni (from the worm- wood family), mint, sage, and thyme (Mc- Govern et al. 2009). Like croton oil, it has medicinal and toxic properties and may cause eye and skin irritation and vomiting. Again, it was only found in specific funerary vessels (8), such as offering vessels, an urn, and two large vases (one in the Bas- ara bi culture style). In the Milejowice settlement, it occurred in the context of the offerings. The plant ori- gin of the examined sample is also in di cated by stig- mastanol. This plant sterol occurs in vegetable fats or oils in many plants, such as beans, rapeseeds, and herbs (Ferrer et al. 2017). Fumaric acid, levulinic acid, caprolactone, and 3,4-di- hydroxybutyric acid were exclusively identified in the zoomorphic rhyton 34. The presence of fumaric acid was confirmed during beer fermentation and wort production (Li, Liu 2015). Levulinic acid is a preserva- tive with a sweet, creamy-buttery odour re miniscent of guaiacol, which is one of the sugar degra dation pro- ducts produced in maple syrup (Fi lipic et al. 1969). In turn, caprolactone is a fragrance com po nent in flo - wers and some fruits and vegetables and is also pro - duced by the Khapra beetle as a pheromone. Δ-capro- lactone is found in heated milk fat (Parliment et al. 1965). 3,4-dihydroxybutyric acid is a human meta- Castor bean plants were widely available in the east- ern Mediterranean (Polito et al. 2019), and were re- portedly significant sources of natural substances with various applications in antiquity. Methyl dehydroabietate, a dehydroabietic acid de ri- vative, was identified in all samples except kernos 16. This acid, formed when the resin is heated in the presence of wood, is classified as a resinous acid and is considered an indicator of resin or its products (May- yas 2018; Rageot et al. 2019; Breu et al. 2023). Resins have hydrophobic properties and can be used to seal un glazed vessels (Serpico, White 2000), but they were also intentionally added to alcoholic beverages to pre- serve, enhance, or change their flavour (McGovern et al. 1996; 2004; McGovern 1997; 2007). Mentions of wines intentionally resinated with pine resins occur in historical sources, and this practice was popular and widespread throughout the ancient world (McGovern 2009). Vanillin, a phenolic compound, and/or vanillic acid were determined in all vessels except arched-shaped rhyton 9. Vanillin has been found in many fruits and fruit products, such as elderberry juice (Poll, Le wis 1986), blueberries (Hirvi, Honkanen 1983), straw ber- ries (Pyysalo et al. 1979), wines (Spillman et al. 1997), apple cider brandy (Mangas et al. 1997), and mush- rooms (Li zarraga-Guerra et al. 1997). Vanillin may originate from tree resin or pine wood/dust, which is do cumented in the same samples by the pre sence of methyl dehydroabietate. Tiglic or crotonic acid was rarely detected in vessels of special purpose from the cemetery (14) and absent from settlement samples. It was identified in rhyta 9, 14 and kernos 16. The compound has a spicy smell and occurs, among other things, in croton oil and the secretions of some beetles. Croton oil is obtained from the seeds of the laxative croton plant, which belongs to the Euphorbiaceae family. It is used as a purgative and tonic, and it possesses inflammatory properties (Sa - latino et al. 2007; Dey et al. 2015). In bird-shaped rhyton 14 appeared tiglic acid and bor- neol, which is a compound from the terpene group with a camphor-like fragrance. It is a component of many Possible source of residue Sample number seeds and nuts, berries and fat of land mammals 22 seeds and nuts, fat of land mammals 9, 14, 16, 34 Sample number Biomarkers 9 14 16 22 34 glycerol + + + + + vanillin + + + + vanillic acid + + lactic acid + + + + + azelaic acid + + oxalic acid + + + fumaric acid + adipic acid + benzoic acid + + stigmastanol + methyl dehydroabietate + + + + borneol + dibutyl phthalate + + + ethylene glycol + + + + suberic acid + + + tiglic acid + + + caprolactone + levulinic acid + 3,4-dihydroxybutyric acid + Tab. 4. Possible source of studied residues. Tab. 5. Characteristic of biomarkers in the studied sam ples. 324 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska For both biomarkers and fatty acids, detected in vessels from the Domas³aw cemetery and the Milejowice set - tlement, each principal component explained a cer- tain part of the variability of the original va riab les. The percentages of variance explained by the lead ing two components in Figures 12.a and 12.c, for bio mar - kers and fatty acids, are less than 30% or 50%, res pec - tively. This indicates relatively little diversity of ar cha- eological samples in the space of organic compounds. However, the presented PCA biplots (Fig. 12.b,d) show a quite characteristic mutual arrangement of the exa- mined organic features and vessel samples, including the characteristic location of kernoi and rhyta samples within the components, which may lead to further conclusions. In particular, taking into account the biomarkers, the first five principal components accounted for about 50% of cumulative variance. Lactic acid and vanillin have the highest contribution in the first principal component. The percentage share in explaining the va riability of the PC1 of these substances were 15.25% and 13.69%, respectively. Methyl dehydroabietate and glycerol also have the highest share in PC1, at 12.23% and 12.08%, respectively. The second leading compo - nent in Figure 12.b is entirely dominated by stig ma- stanol, with its contribution over 44%. As can be seen in Figure 12.b, the points of kernoi and rhyta sam ples are located close to the primary variable vec tors cor- responding to lactic acid, glycerol, ethylene gly col, and dibutyl phthalate. With regard to the fatty acids distribution in vessels, the first five principal components account for about 70% of cumulative variance. C9:0 and C8:0 have the highest participation in the first principal component with the contribution of variables 16.77% and 16.25%, respectively. In addition, C6:0 and enanthic acid (C7:0) fatty acids contribute to PC1 at a level higher than 10%. In turn, acids such as C20:0, C18:0, margaric acid (C17:0) and pentadecanoic acid (C15:0) have a high percentage of variability of the second main com po - nent, and this proportion ranges from 12.41% to 15.45%. After separating the samples of rhyta and kernoi for the clustering methods, it can be seen that they con- stitute a characteristic group of vessels, different from the others considered both within the cemetery ves- sels and those originating from the settlement. The heatmaps shown in Figure 13 indicate the separation of ritual vessels, which distinguished mainly glycerol, bolite detectable in the urine and the blood (Fell et al. 1975), also a metabolite produced by Escherichia (Wang et al. 2017). This acid has also been found in foods and is believed to be formed via the degradation (cooking) of di- and polysaccharides, including lac tose (Shimizu et al. 1984; Minami et al. 1988). The pre sence of benzoic acid in this vessel may also indicate the plant origin of the examined samples, as it is a fruit and vegetable component (Beaten et al. 2018). It is also recognized as, among other things, a propolis in- gredient (Çelemli 2015). Furthermore, its occurrence could result from the degradation of anthocyanins by ketones in wine (Fujii et al. 2021). Benzoic acid was also identified in the knee-shaped rhyton 22. Adipic acid from sample 22 occurs rarely in nature and can be found in beets and sugar cane (Mus- ser 2000). Dibutyl phthalate, a phthalic acid, was detected in drink ing horns 9 and 22, as well as kernos 16. How- ever, it is important to note that its presence may result from sample contamination (similar to ethylene glycol, which was determined in vessels 9, 14, 16, and 22). However, it could also indicate the thermal processing of products within the vessels (Poulain et al. 2016). Its presence in fine pottery from graves, which is un sui - t able for heat treatment, could suggest that these ves- sels once contained products previously exposed to high temperatures. Data analysis Principal component analysis (PCA) was used to de tect organic data structure, by reducing the number of va- riables, and to classify samples in new spaces de fined by the uncorrelated principal components. PCA was applied to reduce the dimensionality of the feature space of selected organic compounds found in the food remains. The space of the new variables, called prin ci- pal components (PCs), was then used in more detailed studies of the structure of archaeological data. Since the primary data are of similar magnitude, due to scal - ing, the PCA method was based on covariance as a mea sure of variability. A heatmap was used to visualize the hierarchical clustering of the samples and features. Ward’s method was applied for the clustering, and Euclidean distance was used for the distance measures. Statistical analyses were performed using the R lan- guage, directly in the R Studio environment, and in the MetaboAnalyst (https://www.metaboanalyst.ca). 325 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period cessarily an oil but possibly an ingredient of herbs, vegetables or grains. The contents of each vessel were not exclusively of plant origin, but were in contact with animal fat, mixed with wax resin pre served in the samples. While most funerary vessels seem to have been used only for a single ceremony, they may have taken part in various rituals and activities earlier. While it might be assumed that liquids, alcoholic be- verages/offerings/libations were in or were drunk from the rhyta, it is rather challenging to determine the nature of those substances. The vessels contained a wide range of compounds, meaning the products were mixed. This fact is reflected in the studies on ancient lactic acid and ethylene glycol, C7:0, C8:0 and C9:0, as it was shown in PCA biplots. Also distinctive are tiglic, oxalic, suberic and C12:0 acids. Furthermore, cluster heatmap for selected acid proportions (Fig. 13c) also highlights the kernoi and rhyta among the other ves- sels from the cemetery. Conclusions The organic residue analysis showed that the vessels from which the samples originated may have con tain- ed food: fermented drinks, animal fat (meat or milk), oily plant products and fruits, probably of va rious species, and resins. The detected plant fat was not ne- Fig. 12. PC1–PC2 plots and biplots in the plane of the first two principal components, containing vectors of primary variables and points representing individual archaeological samples. Samples of rhyta and kernoi (0) are distinguished against the remaining samples from the cemetery (1) and the settlement (2). 326 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska berry were also used as additives. Plant and ani mal substances were attested in wine-containing vessels from Heuneburg (Rageot et al. 2019). Animal fat in samples from the cemetery in Domas³aw may ori gi- nate, among other things, from milk or cheese added to drinks or the use of dairy (milk) as a sealant agent (Schiffer 1990; Gosselain 2002; Drieu 2017; 2020) or, e.g., from leather bottles in which the pro ducts were transported (Nebelsick 2020). Beverages from Domas³aw, maybe a kind of ale gruit, were probably made of wheat, barley and/or rye due to the presence of oxalic, azelaic and suberic acids in some samples, which are suggested as markers of these cereal species (Park et al. 2017.349–355; Farag et al. alcoholic beverages, and is also in concert with ancient texts, which specify that the obligatory ingredients in libations and sacrifices were wine, water, milk/cheese, flour/barley, and blood (e.g., in the kykeon mentioned by Homer, see Ridgway 1997; Nebelsick 2020). Much archaeological evidence exists of mixed types of ancient drinks, combinations of beers, wines and meads. Nordic peoples preferred a hybrid beverage, in which many ingredients were fermented together, in- cluding locally available honey, fruit (e.g., bog cran- berry and lingonberry), cereals (wheat, rye, and/or ba r ley), and sometimes grape wine imported from the south of Europe (McGovern 2009). Birch tree re sin, juniper, bog myrtle, yarrow, bog cranberry, and lin gon - Fig. 13. Clustered heatmaps for biomarkers (a), fatty acids (b) and acids proportions (c) found in the samples. 327 Rhyta and kernoi from the Domasław cemetery. The idea of offerings in the Hallstatt period also had a symbolic meaning. A higher oleic acid ratio suggests that plant and plant oils were also added. No more reliable compounds occurring in the honey or waxes used to sweeten wine/beer/grogs or seal ves sels were identified. The many uses of re sins, such as seal- ing, polishing, sweetening, and pre serving, prevent us from determining their purpose in Domas³aw. It cannot be ruled out that some aromas, essential and plant oils, balms and spices were im port ed, just like other prestigious products. Both drinking horns and zoomorphic rhyta were pro - bably used for drinking. However, the design of ves- sel 34, formed as a sheep or goat, allows us to as so - ciate it with liquid offerings, where the mixture could be poured out of the spout in the front. The rhy ton has two openings, one at the top for filling and another at the muzzle to allow the liquid to flow out. Unless the mouth hole was plugged, any liquid poured into the top hole would flow out immediately. A rhyton could have functioned either as a drinking vessel or a funnel for filling other vessels. It might have also been used to carry the liquid from one location to another. A group of 24 spouted vessels from Austria from the late Bronze and the Early Iron Age were also studied (Dunne et al. 2019; Rebey et al. 2021), seven of which provided results suitable for interpretation. Gas chro - matography, GC-mass spectrometry and GC-com bus - tion isotope ratio-MS analyses showed that three ves - sels were used predominantly for processing dairy products from ruminants, mostly milk from cattle, sheep or goats, four were used for processing mainly products from ruminant carcasses with a small ad mix- ture of non-ruminant products, pig milk, or human milk. Three vessels with clear ruminant milk signals are associated with burials of young children. In Do- mas³aw, we can also associate the small zoomorphic vessels (rhyta 14 and 34) with children, and they de fi- nitely cannot be compared to the impressive vessels with animal protomes known from lavish elite male burials in Europe. Most of the rhyta and kernoi were placed in children’s graves or in multi-individual bu ri- als with children. It is possible that they contained dif- ferent products in accordance with the corresponding ritual. The results, which might indicate a nutritious cereal-milk drink for children, would be, in this case, consistent with the nature of the other tested vessels (Dun ne et al. 2019). However, at the same time vessel 34 contained shorter aldaric acid (fumaric acid), con- si dered as marker of alcoholic fermentation (Gar nier 2015; Blanco-Zubiaguirre et al. 2019). 2019). Cereal cultivation is confirmed by botanical studies, which showed the presence of burnt (or may- be fried) wheat and millet grains in sam ples from ves- sels and graves (analyses by Agata Sady-Bugajska). These isolated findings cautiously suggest that wheat was most likely used in beverages. Plantal, herbal, bac- tericidal and medicinal ingredients found in organic residues might have been added to improve the be ve- rage’s flavour, extend its durability, and enhance its effect. Various herbal, grain, milk, honey and/or fruit be ve - rages were possibly poured into the libation ves sels during funerals. They were made according to re cipes based on nearby plants and following specific re stric- tions reflecting the social or familial status, or maybe the sex or the age of the deceased. The principal bitter- ing agents in early medieval European beer were bog myrtle, yarrow, meadowsweet, and other herbs (Nel- son 2005). For example, native rosemary, mint, and thy me were added to a fermented emmer wheat and barley beverage at Genó, near Barcelona in Spain, around 3000 BC (Juan-Tresserras 1998). Mugwort was hypothesized as an additive (alongside carrot) to a dark, sour barley beer at the settlement of Hochdorf (Stika 2010). It was also added to some of the early Spanish brews. The identified benzoic acid may indicate the presence of fruits and propolis components. Simple phenols, such as vanillic acid or vanillin, may also be benzoic acid derivatives (Nelson 2005). Tree saps, such as ma - ple (levulinic acid), could also be consumed fresh and fermented. Adding maple sap or syrup may have a swe- etening or healing effect. Alcoholic beverages made by mixing malt extract with milk were possibly also con- sumed, as indicated by rhyta 14 and 34. Products used for funerary purposes were diverse; some might have been associated with taboos. Certain plants with symbolic significance and medicinal or poisonous effects could be used only in funerary con - texts. The examined rhyta did not contain any in to- xicating substances, as found in some cemetery vessels from the most lavish graves. C11:0 was only detected in ‘special’ vessels and ceramics used for of ferings, which may indicate a unique oil or plant in the com- position of beverages they held. Tiglic acid may in di - cate that the vessels contained oils (croton oil) added for medicinal purposes, flavouring or sym bolic rea- sons. Similarly, while borneol might come from herbs customarily added during beer pro duc tion, the cam- phoraceous, herbal or resinous flavour might have 328 A. Józefowska, A. Rosiak, M. Markiewicz, J. Sekulska-Nalewajko, J. Gocławski, and J. Kałużna-Czaplińska ney, blood, dyes or even urine. Unfortunately, it was not possible to collect samples from these vessels. Special vessels, such as rhyta and kernoi, stand out from the other burial and settlement vessels. They were part of funeral rites and played a significant role in displaying the identity of the buried people. Along- side the sets of drinking vessels and other objects plac - ed in graves at the cemetery in Domas³aw, they demon - strate that the Early Iron Age communities inhabiting Central and Eastern Europe adopted Greek customs of feasting and making poured offerings and libations during funeral ceremonies. The impact of the Mediter- ra nean world made feasting and using ritual vessels for mixing, pouring and consuming liquids an element of the Hallstatt societies’ identity. The studies failed to explain how the kernoi and pseu- do-kernoi were used. The funnels of kernos 16 were de liberately broken (like parts of a pseudo-kernos from this grave), which may suggest the ‘killing’ of its function after being placed in the grave. The vessel contained cereal markers (azelaic acid, suberic acid) and croton oil, but no resin markers were found. The secondarily fired kernos from grave 3779 may have been related to fumigations or burned offerings. Organic products connected with libations or fu mi ga- tions have always played a significant cultural role, es pecially in burial symbolism. Combining na tural in - gredients, such as oils and plants, carries a strong sym- bolic and sometimes sacred load. Triple vessels consisting of small cups joined toge ther might have played a role in liquid libations in volv ing changes in the content’s visible colour and density caused by mixing different substances. The arran ge- ment of openings allows the mixing of three different liquids. 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Byd- goszcz. back to content 334 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.18 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – Slovenija; poznoneolitska naselbina; savska skupina lengyelske kulture; radiokar- bonsko datiranje; analiza keramike; arheobotanika; arheozoologija IZVLEÈEK – V prispevku so predstavljeni in obravnavani radiokarbonski datumi, analiza keramiènih najdb, živalskih kosti, plodov/semen in lesa (oglja) iz naselbinskih struktur savske skupine lengyelske kulture na najdišèu Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce v osrednji Sloveniji. Namen študije je umestiti material no kulturo v njen regionalni in nadregionalni kontekst, da bi izboljšali naše poznavanje poznoneolits kih naselbinskih struktur, kronologije, keramiènega stila in strategij preživljanja na naselbinah na ob­ moèju celotne razprostranjenosti savske skupine. Gre za prvo sintezo arheobotaniènih in arheozoo loš- kih podatkov z najdišè iz 5. tisoèletja pr. n. št. v Sloveniji, v katero je vkljuèeno vrednotenje in primer java rastlinskih makroostankov in živalskih kosti, ter prvo sintezo podatkov o tehnoloških in tipoloških vid- ikih poznoneolitskega lonèarstva na naselbinah, ki so bili pridobljeni z uporabo enakega analitiènega pristopa. Izpostavljene so negotovosti glede kronologije razliènih variacij keramiènega stila in glede strategij preživljanja. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce in nov vpogled v poselitev, kronologijo, keramični stil ter strategije preživljanja v času poznoneolitske savske skupine v Sloveniji KEY WORDS – Slovenia; Late Neolithic settlement; Sava group of the Lengyel Culture; radiocarbon dat- ing; pottery analysis; archaeobotany; archaeozoology ABSTRACT - Radiocarbon dates, analysis of ceramic finds, animal bones, fruits/seeds and wood (char- coal) from settlement features of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture at the site of Dolsko – Spodnje Škov ce in central Slovenia are presented and discussed in this paper. The aim of the study was to place the excavated material culture in its regional and supra-regional context in order to improve the under- standing of Late Neolithic settlement features, chronology, pottery style(s) and subsistence strategies in settlements throughout the area of distribution of the Sava group. This is the first synthesis of archaeo- botanical and archaeozoological data from the 5th millennium cal BC sites in Slovenia, including the evaluation and comparison of plant macro-remains and animal bones, and the first synthesis of data on technological and typological aspects of pottery production in the settlements obtained using the same analytical approach. Uncertainties regarding the chronology of different variations of a pottery style and subsistence strategies are emphasized. Bine Kramberger 1,2, Borut Toškan 2, and Tjaša Tolar 2 1 Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia (ZVKDS), Centre for Preventive Archaeology (CPA), Ljubljana, SI; bine.kramberger@zvkds.si 2 Institute of Archaeology, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana, SI Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies of the Late Neolithic Sava group in Slovenia 335 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... Introduction The Late Neolithic in the south-eastern Alpine region has many similarities with the contemporaneous set - tlement in the Pannonian Basin, but the sub si stence strategies, ceramic style(s), households and chro nolo - gy are comparatively poorly known. This study brings new analyses of ceramic finds, animal bones and plant remains, as well as six radiocarbon dates from two pits of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture at the site of Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce in cen tral Slovenia. The sam - ples of cattle teeth and charcoal are dated and pro vide a basis for discussing the un covered material cul ture in the context of regional and supra-regional develop- ment. The possible use of large, irregularly shaped pits is discussed on the ba sis of the excavation results, the distribution and composition of the finds, and com pa- ri sons with con temporaneous and culturally related settlements. The technological and typological aspects of ceramic production were compared with those re- ported pre vious studies and the results evaluated. We also eva luated new radiocarbon measurements in the context of 5th millennium cal BC ceramic sequences in central Slovenia, while archaeozoological and archaeo - botanical analyses were used to discuss sub sis tence stra- tegies and environmental conditions in settle ments located in different micro-regions. Late Neolithic in the south-eastern Alpine re gion The material cultures of the south-eastern Alpine Late Neolithic and the Early Copper Age have long been re - garded as a single chronological phase, probably be - cause the Late Neolithic pottery here has many si mila- ri ties with the later Lasinja Culture pottery, and be- cause finds from both periods have often been found mixed together (e.g., Korošec 1956; 1960; 1964; 1965; 1975; Pahiè 1976). The fact that the oldest settlement dates to the first half of the 5th millennium BC was fi- nally recognized in the 1980s with the research car ried out at Moverna vas (e.g., Budja 1992; 1994; 1995) and at Gradec near Mirna (Dular et al. 1991.84–90; 2001). At both sites, several Neolithic and Copper Age occu pa - tion layers were uncovered in a vertically stratified po - sition. The earliest settlement was dated to the Late Neolithic, associated with the Lengyel Culture and the following to the Early Eneolithic/Copper Age and as - sociated with the Lasinja Culture. Both sites were ex- cavated during research projects, the results of which clearly showed that lowland river terraces and the hills were settled, with at least some of the hilltops sur- round ed by stone walls. In 2002, on the occasion of the newly discovered set- tlements Èatež – Sredno polje and Dragomelj, the Sa - va group of the Lengyel Culture was introduced as “a cultural phenomenon that was spread in the Sava River basin between Kranj (NW Slovenia) and Kar­ lovac (NE Croatia)” (Guštin 2002; 2005; Gu štin, Be- kiæ 2002). All Late Neolithic sites in the south-eastern Alpine region around the river Sava were included in the newly established group, but not the settlements in NE Slovenia and the Bela krajina region (Fig. 1). It was argued that the pottery at the Sava group sites was mostly made of medium-grained fabrics, rarely coated with coloured clay slip, and most often decorated with impressions, the rest with appliqués and incised de co- ration (Guštin 2005.9–12). In contrast, it was em pha - sized that the pottery from NE Slovenia is mostly de- corated with appliqués, and the pottery from Bela kra - jina with incised decoration or in a combination of in - cised decoration and impressions, and most often made of fine- and very fine-grained fabrics, but more of ten coated with a coloured clay slip. Furthermore, it has been suggested that large pits represent traces of pit-houses or places of residence, and based on the ra - diocarbon measurements the settlement has been chronologically correlated with the Lengyel II phase in Transdanubia (Guštin 2005.13; Guštin et al. 2005.104). Twenty years after the recognition of the Late Neolithic Sava group, possible earlier Neolithic settlements (from the Early or Middle Neolithic) in the area of di- stribution of the Sava group are still unknown. Tra ces of above-ground, timber-framed houses are known only from two Late Neolithic sites in the wet lands of Ljubljansko barje (Korošec 1964; Velušèek 2006; Ve- lušèek et al. 2023) and large irregular pits at other sites are assumed to represent the remains of pit-huts (e.g., Ravnik, Tica 2018.39; Tomaž 2022.25–27; Turk et al. 2022.332). Subsistence strategies in the Late Neo- lithic are also poorly known. Archaeobotanical and ar - chaeozoological data are available from only a few Late Neolithic settlements, mostly with a small number of identified plant and animal remains (e.g., Culiberg et al. 1992; Toškan 2018; 2022; Tolar 2021.109–110; Hincak 2022; Kram berger et al. 2023.69–71). More- over, the chro nology of the Late Neolithic in Slovenia is less well established. According to one theory, the Sava group was contemporaneous with the Lengyel II (Guš - tin 2005) or even Lengyel I (Tomaž 2022.105) phase in Trans danubia, while others proposed that the sites are younger, contemporary with the Lengyel III phase (Velušèek 2006; 2011), according to the Hungarian chro nology of Nandor Kalicz (1969; 1976) and Pal Ra - 336 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar the comparison of radiocarbon dates is also less than ideal, because radiocarbon dating can provide only a limited time resolution, and because dating in Slo ve- nia is based on long-lived material (charcoal) and on dates from charred organic residues on the pot tery, i.e. samples that have given unexpected re sults, probably also due to issues such as the ‘old wood effect’, the ‘ma - rine reservoir affect’ and the ‘hard water effect’ (Mle - kuž et al. 2013.132–133; Hlad 2015.13–14; Kram ber- ger et al. 2023, 55–68; cf. Oross et al. 2010.392–398; Nowak et al. 2017.189). Some attempts to comprehensively compare and eva- luate the variability of the pottery at the Sava group sites were published in 2014 and 2020 (Kramberger 2014; 2020). Three groups of sites could be identified based on the similarities and differences in ceramics (Sa va group Ia-b, II). However, due to the limited num - ber of samples from short-lived materials, it was not possible to fully explain the pottery variability. The re- search conducted at the Dolsko site yielded new 14C czky (1974), which is mainly based on Pavúk’s clas- sification (Pavúk 2007; see also Osztás et al. 2016.197). The main problem for chronological research on the Ljub ljansko barje is the small number of piles from the 5th millennium cal BC and the use of timber taxa (e.g., Alnus, Salix), which are not suitable for dating with the help of the Quercus/Fraxinus reference (den dro) chronology, which has so far been established mainly for sites from the 3rd and 4th millennium cal BC (Fig. 1.6,9) (Èufar et al. 2010; 2022), while in the case of other studies the research approaches used had their own risks and weaknesses. One of these stu dies was a typological analysis of ceramics and an attempt to cor- relate them with the Lengyel Culture sites (Velušèek 2006; 2011), while other studies drew conclusions based on a comparison of radiocarbon dates with the same culture (Guštin 2005; Sraka 2012.369–370; To - maž 2022.105). The first approach is not ideal, be- cause the sites of the Sava group have a specific mate- rial culture, which does not correspond entirely to the Lengyel pottery (e.g., no painting). On the other hand, Fig. 1. Most important sites of the Sava group and Late Lengyel Culture in Slovenia and near Karlovac: 1 Dol- sko – Spodnje Škovce, 2 Drulovka near Kranj, 3 Gradišèe near Stiška vas, 4 Kamnik – Mali grad, 5 Dra gomelj, 6 Resnikov prekop, 7 Zamedvedica near Plešivica, 8 Sv. Lovrenc, 9 Verd, 10 Ponikve near Trebnje, 11 Gra dec near Mirna, 12 Dolenji Leskovec, 13 Sevnica, 14 Èatež – Sredno polje, 15 Moverna vas, 16 Gradac – Graj ski park, 17 Pusti gradec, 18 Griblje, 19 Ozalj – Stari grad, 20 Spaha, 21 Podgorje near Pišece, 22 Stoperce, 23 Ptuj - ski grad and Ptuj – Šolski center, 24 Andrenci, 25 Bukovnica. 337 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... and implements from the Late Neolithic and Copper Age (Kramberger in preparation). These finds are not the subject of the following study. Nearby, 1.62km southwest of the site, there is a con- fluence of three major rivers. The Sava River flows from the northwest, the Ljubljanica River flows into it from the southwest, and the Kamniška Bistrica from the north (Fig. 1.1). Based on the results of ar chaeo lo - gical excavations, both the Sava River and smaller streams shifted their beds throughout history until they were artificially regulated at the end of the 18th and in the 19th centuries, partly for economic rea sons and partly for safety reasons due to frequent flooding. In both excavation areas (areas 1 and 2), several paleo - channels were found, which flowed in different pe- riods in a northwest-southeast direction and are not shown on the first or later military maps of the Habs- burg Empire from the 18th and 19th centuries, each with a sequence of alluvial deposits, often containing archaeological finds from various periods (Fig. 2.3,4). AMS dates and a rich pottery assemblage, animal re - mains and some plant macro-remains from strati gra- phically well-documented contexts. These data enabled us to conduct archaeobotanical and archaeozoological analyses, to analyse ceramics and to evaluate results in the context of the aforementioned research problems in Slovenian Late Neolithic Archaeo logy. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce: excavation, Late Neo li- thic settlement features The archaeological site is located 5.56km southeast of the Late Neolithic settlement of Dragomelj (Fig. 1.5), at the edge of a second river terrace of Sava, which is between 2 and 3m high. It is located close to the Mlinš- èica stream (Figs. 1.1 and 2.1,2), and it is a known site of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture, Middle Cop - per Age, Bronze Age and Early Medieval period, docu- mented with several short reports (Žorž Matjašiè 2009; Žorž 2009; Žorž, Nadbath 2010). Meanwhile, a monograph of the site is in progress, which includes the finds from all periods, including the stone tools Fig. 2. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. 1 Location of the excavated areas (sources: ARSO, Lidar 2014; GURS, Hi dro- grafija 2020; GURS, REZI 2019); 2 view on Area 1 from the west during excavation, with the Sava River in the background and Mlinšèica stream in the foreground (photo: Matija Lukiæ); 3 the area on the map of Maria The resa’s “First Military Survey”, 1784–1785 (source: Arcanum); 4 satellite map with paleochannels, alluvial de posits (blue, orange) and a large alluvial depression (green) discovered during the excavation (Google Maps). 338 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar 4.02x1.10m were found during the rescue excavations in 2008, most of them in Area 1 (Fig. 3). Traces of Late Neolithic posts in ground structures were not dis co- vered, although several post holes were found, all but one of which proved to be later based on finds and their stratigraphic positions. The most interesting Late Neolithic features are two large pits (1 and 2), interpreted in the first pub li ca- tions as the sunken floors of buildings, which yielded most of the pottery from the site. They were connected by a thin layer of darker soil, with a li near layout, interpreted as a path between houses (Figs. 3.202,75 and 4) (Žorž Matjašiè 2009; Žorž, Nad bath 2010). However, this layer could also have been formed na - turally by the erosion and deposition of material from the northwest. This is suggested by the ground plan and orientation of the layer, which matches the orien- ta tion of another layer, yel lowish-brown alluvial de- posit (SU 21), found beneath it (Figs. 3.21 and 4). The latter may be as sociated with the clearly visible crop mark to the north of the site (Fig. 2.4), and one of the pa leochannels do cumented in the section of trial trench at the north-eastern edge of Area 1. The fragments of a single pot were found scattered in both large pits (SUs 200, 148), suggesting that the pits were partially filled with the same material (Fig. 3). Late Neolithic pits 1 and 2 were found below the topsoil (SUs 1, 34) and were dug into the above mentioned light yel lo wish-brown alluvium, soft and malleable sil ty clay (Fig. 3.21), deposited in the Holocene over the older allu vi- um, the Sava gra vel (Figs. 3.45 and 4), of either Late Ple istocene or Early Holocene age. The larger of the two features, pit 1 (SU 248 = a cut feature), measured 11x7m in size and yielded 6282 pottery fragments, or almost 40% of the total prehistoric pottery reco ver - ed at the site. It was irregular in shape (in plan and sections) and ap peared as a complex of se ve ral smaller pits filled with three la yers (SUs 113, 148, 194 = 196), each con taining pottery frag- From the shape of the Sava gravel discovered at the bot tom of a large depression below the uncovered for- mer edge of the river terrace, it can be concluded that the Sava River flowed close to the settlement in the La te Neolithic (see also Žorž, Nadbath 2010). During this period, a layer was deposited on the edge of a ter - race, pro bably a buried soil, as evidenced by its con si - stency, colour and the finds discovered (Fig. 3. 1026, 1020,1013). In later periods the Sava and smaller wa- tercourses deposited younger sediments along the edge of the Sava terrace and the river gradually moved southwards, with this process, based on the finds, being most intensive in the Late Bronze Age. Finally, in the 19th century, the river moved to the southern edge of the valley and soon after the Mlinšèica stream was ar tificially diverted from the nearby Kamniška Bistrica River into the former dead arm of the Sava for use by wa termills and later power plants (Fig. 2.1,2; cf. Fig. 2.3). Two larger Late Neolithic pits and 12 smaller Late Neo- lithic pits ranging in size between 0.74x0.74m and Fig. 3. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. General plan of the eastern part of Area 1 with the Late Neolithic pits and alluviums. 339 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... Ceramic finds A total of 6923 pottery fragments were found in pits 1 and 2, which places it among medium-sized Late Neolithic pottery as sem bla - ges from Slovenia. More pottery is only known from Èa tež – Sred- no polje (more than 57 000 frag- ments; Tomaž 2022.34). At the nearby Dragomelj 4256 ceramic fragments were found (Turk, Svet lièiè 2022.36), 3612 at Po- nikve near Trebnje (Ravnik, Tica 2018.59), 1186 in SU 128 in Sto - perce (Kramberger et al. 2023. 93) and at Dolenji Leskovec 5379 in the only studied pit so far (Hlad 2015.15; cf. Klasinc et al. 2010; Jovanoviæ et al. 2012). At Moverna vas and Resnikov pre - kop many pottery fragments were also found, and 3173 from the total assemblage at Moverna vas (To- maž 1997.116) and 951 from Resnikov prekop were analysed (Tomaž, Velušèek 2005.89). At other sites, pot tery finds are fewer or the data on the quantity of ceramic fragments are not available (e.g., Korošec 1960). After assembling the fragments, 215 typologically characteristic pieces of Late Neolithic ceramics from Dolsko were selected for publication (Kramberger in press). The typological classification was based on the author’s own typology (Kramberger 2014; 2020), while the pottery production methods were described using macroscopic standards (after Horvat 1999) and the results are presented here for the first time. Only the most relevant findings are shown graphically in the continuation of this text, labels mentioned (e.g., G33, G34, G36) are from the catalogue included in the monographic publication of the site (Kramberger in press, G1–G511) and consequently do not follow each other sequentially. Technological macroscopic analysis was conducted on all Late Neolithic typologically cha- rac teristic ce ra mic fragments (No. 215), while the per - centages of decoration techniques are calculated ba- sed on typologically characteristic fragments with de- coration (No. 104). It can be established that the Late Neolithic pottery contained quartz, mica and iron oxides, which are com mon inclusions in ceramic bodies in the region ments, stone tools, flakes, animal remains, burnt clay and charcoal. Small con centrations of charcoal (SU 192, size 0.4x0.1m; SU 244, size 0.49x0.37m, 0.02m thick), possibly the remains of hearths, were also found (Figs. 5–6). The pottery was fragmented and it can be observed that parts of individual vessels were scattered across layers in different stratigraphic positions (see Figs. 5–6). Fragments of two pots (G33, G34) were found in two different pits excavated at the bottom of the large pit and in the layer above (SUs 148, 194, 196). Frag- ments of two dishes (G11, G15), two pots (G37, G161) and a ladle (G58) were found in layers SU 194 and SU 148 above it. Parts of another pot (G171) and a dish (G149) were discovered in layers SUs 113 and 148. In addition to these cases, fragments of several other in- dividual vessels were found scattered, but within the same layer (e.g., G13, G29, G38, G57, G77, G81), some uncovered up to 4.5m apart (G26, G34; Fig. 6). Pit 2 (SU 90) was discovered to the north of pit 1. It was oval in ground plan, and smaller (3.5m long). Shal low pits were found on its bottom, and a small pit of circu- lar ground plan, probably the only Late Neolithic post- hole at this site, was found close to its edge. Stone fla - kes, stone tools, fragments of burnt clay, animal re- mains and charcoal were dis co vered in two different fills of the pit, as well as 627 ceramic frag ments: 170 in SU 200/201, which covered only the deepest part of the pit and 457 in SU 89/90 above it (Fig. 3.89,200). Fig. 4. Photo from the south-east on the pits 1, 2 and alluviums in the Area 1 during excavation. 340 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar ties. In some cases, thin parallel smooth lines are no- ticeable, indicating the use of a harder tool for surface treatment. 27% of the vessels were additionally coat ed with a coloured clay slip of red, brown, pink or yel- lowish red colour (Fig. 7.2). Approximately 50% of typological significant pottery fragments show decoration: most often applied de co- ration (62%), followed by impressions (23%), com bi - nations of applied decoration-impressions (8%), ap- plied decoration-impressions-incised decoration (4%), and beyond. However, there are obvious differences in the size and frequency of the quartz grains, which are thought to have been added to the clay as an additive (sand tempering). In most cases, Late Neolithic pottery consisted of very fine-grained (43% – no temper) and fine-grained (36% – less temper) fabrics, followed by me dium-grained (20%) and coarse-grained fabrics (1%) (Fig. 7.1). The surfaces of the vessels are matte and smooth and they were sponged before firing to remove irre gu la ri - Fig. 5. Pit 1 (SU 248 = a cut feature). 1 Floor plan, 2 types of the deposits, 3 section, and 4 ver tical distribution of pottery fragments be longing to individual vessels. Labels for the finds (e.g., G33...) are taken from the monographic publication of the site (Kramberger in press, G1–G511). 341 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... mic beads and a fired clay coil. The most common are pots (29.23%; Fig. 8.A), followed by dishes (13.51%; Fig. 8.F) and pedestal dishes (14.29%; Fig. 8.E). Just under a quarter (24.44%) are dishes or pedestal dishes (Fig. 8.G). Fragments of thin-walled vessels are also common (12.75%; Fig. 8.D), and pitchers could be re - constructed in two cases (1.20%; Fig. 8.C). Ladles are present in significant numbers (12.00%; Fig. 8.I), other types were rarer: bowls (2.44%; Fig. 8.H), a bot tle-like vessels (0.59%; Fig. 8.B), ceramic beads (Fig. 8.G47– G52), a vessel with an attachment for a (wooden?) grip (Fig. 8.G57), fragments of vessels with anthro po mor- phic/zoomorphic grips (Fig. 8.G23, G118, G117), and a fired clay coil (Fig. 8.G123) (altogether 7.69%; Fig. 8.J). Vessels made of very fine and fine-grained fabrics (mostly dishes, pedestal dishes, pit chers, thin-walled impressions-incised decoration (2%) and incised decoration (1%) (Fig. 7.3). Four pots, two pedestals and a small vessel with a grip attachment were decorated with incisions, other vessel types were in most cases only decorated with appliqués and/or impressions. The firing atmosphere was fairly standardized. Pottery was generally fired under incomplete oxidizing con di- tions (93%), and a small amount in oxidizing (3%), re - ducing (3%) or oxidizing conditions with a reducing atmosphere at the end (1%). The pottery assemblage includes pots, bottle-like ves- sel, pitchers, thin-walled vessels, pedestal dishes, di- shes, bowls, ladles, a vessel with a grip attachment, ves sels with zoomorphic/anthropomorphic grip, ce ra- Fig. 6. Pit 1 (SU 248 = a cut feature). Horizontal distribution of ceramic fragments belonging to individual vessels. Labels for the finds (e.g., G4...) are taken from the monographic publication of the site (Kramberger in press, G1–G511). 342 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar largest circumference, which is also typical for the pottery from Èatež – Sredno polje, near by Dragomelj and Resnikov prekop (Korošec 1964; Harej 1975; Velušèek 2006; Tomaž 2022; Turk et al. 2022). The de coration can be complemented with impressions on the largest circumference and/or on the lip and with incisions spread over the neck and shoulder, and in the case of a pot from Dolenji Les kovec, extending into the lower part of the vessel (Fig. 9.Pot, type L7, Motif). Pots with ellipsoidal necks were found at the sites of Resnikov prekop, Dolenji Les ko vec (see Jovanoviæ et al. 2012.Tab. 5.5a, Tab. 22.22b), Mo ver na vas (phase 2), Stoperce (SU 128) (Fig. 9.Pot, type L15/2) and others. Dishes and pedestal dishes with everted rims (Fig. 8.G1, G15, G80, G150) are de co rated with ap pli- qués (Fig. 9.Pedestal dish). In contrast, dishes with everted rim at Èatež – Sredno polje and Dragomelj are often decorated with appli qués and impressions on the transition to the rim and/or on the lip (Tomaž 2022; Turk et al. 2022). Dishes with an everted rim decorated with im - pressions occur only occa sional ly at other sites: two at Dolsko (Kram ber - ger in press, finds 18 and 19), one in the pha se 2 at Moverna vas (To - maž 1999.Pl. 3.1), one at Podgorje near Pišece (Cigleneèki 1979.Fig. 3.1) and one at Ptuj Castle (To ma niè Jev remov et al. 2006.find no. 2). In addition, dishes and bowls with an inverted rim are found at Dol sko – Spodnje Škovce (Fig. 8.G92, G87) and Resnikov prekop, Do lenji Les - kovec, Gradec near Mir na (phase 1), Moverna vas (phase 2) and Sto per - ce – SU 128, although in much smal - ler numbers (Fig. 9.Dish). These vessels are mostly decorated with small round ap pliqués on the ma xi- mum circum fe rence. The cera mic assemblages at these sites are com- pleted by pit chers, smaller vessels with a han dle, which are also deco- rated with a round appliqué on the largest circumference and often coated with coloured clay slip (Fig. 9.Pit cher). The pottery from Drulovka near Kranj (Fig. 1.2; Ko rošec 1960), Po - nikve near Trebnje (Fig. 1.10; Rav- vessels, and some bowls) usually have a surface of a uniform brownish or reddish co lour, often coated with a colour clay slip. Most of the pottery with a significant amount of sand tempering (most pots and ladles) has no clay slip. The pottery from Dolsko was typologically compared with pottery from other Late Neolithic sites and it was concluded that the pottery from Resnikov prekop, Do - lenji Leskovec, Gradec near Mirna (phase 1), Mo verna vas (phase 2) and Stoperce (SU 128), which are located in different parts of Slovenia, are the most similar (Kram berger in press; see also Kramberger et al. 2023). The most chronologically relevant finds are pots with an everted neck of approximately the same length as the shoulder (Fig. 6.G33, G34, G36, G38; Fig. 8.G170, G38). They may have handles con necting the neck and the shoulder, or they may be with out them As a rule, they were decorated with appliqués on the Fig. 7. Late Neolithic pottery from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. 1 Percentage of different granularity groups, 2 colour clay slip and 3 decoration tech- niques. Percentages of granularity groups and of colour clay slip are cal cu lated on all Late Neolithic typologically characteristic ceramic fragments (No. 215), the percentages of decoration techniques on all ty po logically characteristic fragments with decoration (No. 104). 343 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... decorated with appliqués, which is also characteristic of similar dishes at Col 1 near Podgraèeno (Horvat 2005; 2020), Ajdovska jama (Korošec 1975) and Kranj – pit at Trubarjev trg (Dolinar 2016), where ty pi cal pottery of Lasinja Culture appears together with this Lengyel type (e.g., Velušèek 2006; 2011; Kram berger nik, Tica 2018) and phases 4 and 5 at Moverna vas (Fig. 1.15; Budja 1995; Tomaž 1999) was found to be pro nouncedly different (see Kramberger 2014; 2020; Kramberger et al. 2023). Pots with short necks, usually cylindrical, rarely everted, predominate. Dishes and pedestal dishes with everted rim are present, but never Fig. 8. Vessel shapes and their percentages within the typologically defined finds. Labels for the finds (e.g., G4...) are taken from the monographic publication of the site (Kramberger in press, G1–G511). Scale 1:8. 344 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar the motif of horizontal incised lines are characteristic. All these motifs are also present at Ozalj – Stari grad (Fig. 1.19; Težak­Gregl 2001; 2005) in northern Croa - tia and at Spaha in Koèevsko region (Fig. 1.20; Veluš- èek 2011). Small biconical vessels with a tubular at- tachment on the shoulder and a clay coating must also be mentioned as characteristic vessel type (see also ger 2020). Pottery from Drulovka near Kranj, Po nikve near Trebnje and phases 4 and 5 in Moverna vas shows a similar decoration. Round appliqués do not appear on the largest circumference of the pots. The pots are decorated with regular bundles of incisions, often combined with impressions on the largest circum fe- rence and/or lip. The zig-zag incised decoration and Fig. 9. Most important Late Neolithic pottery types at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and at sites Resnikov prekop, Stoperce (SU 128), Moverna vas (phase 2), Dolenji Leskovec, Gradec near Mirna (phase 1) representing Sava group Ib (after Korošec 1964; Harej 1975; Budja 1995; Tomaž 1999; Dular et al. 1991; Hlad 2015; Kramberger 2020; Kramberger et al. 2023). Not to scale. 345 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... plex. Apart from the question of interbreeding and/ or feralization, studies combining genetics, geometric morphometrics and isotopic analysis show that large specimens traditionally assigned to wild boar may also contain feral individuals or domestic pig (Evin et al. 2015; Balasse et al. 2016; Orton et al. 2016). Due to the high ly fragmented nature of the archaeozoological ma - terial from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce, no standard mea- surement data for suines could be collected. However, based on the general size of the best-pre served spe ci- mens, most have been tentatively assigned to domestic pig. A single fragmented lower second incisor may have come from a wild boar. Most of the archaeozoological remains examined come from Pit 1 (Tab. 1). The vertical distribution of these finds in the pit is clearly uneven, with over 80% of them coming from the lowest fill SU 194 = 196 = 217. Interestingly, about 70% of these specimens are cal- cined, as evidenced by the predominantly white co lour of the exposed surfaces, often in combination with heat-induced cracks (Krap et al. 2019.1–2). Al though specific sedimentological conditions (e.g., well-drain- ed, acidic, well-aerated soils) can also favour the rapid degradation of whole bones and teeth into small frag- ments (Kendall et al. 2018.12–13), and sodium salts or carbonate-rich sediments can be responsible for white staining (Dupras, Schultz 2013.323), none of these factors contributed in any meaningful way to the ta- phonomic history of the archaeozoological material from Pit 1 in general, and SU 194 = 196 = 217 in par ti - cular. Having said that, a few specimens exhibit wa- ter-related abrasion, weathering or dark brown colou- here Fig. 14.15). They were found only at the sites of Ponikve near Trebnje (Fig. 1.10; Ravnik, Tica 2018. find nos. 7,8,198,289,290,292), Drulovka (Fig. 1.2; Ko - rošec 1960.Pl. 32: 5), phases 4 and 5 of Mo verna vas (Fig. 1.15; Tomaž 1999.Pl. 21: 1; Pl. 26: 2), and one in feature II at Ptuj – Šolski center in NE Slovenia (Fig. 1.23), where similar Late Neolithic pottery was found together with the Lasinja Culture ceramic forms (Kram berger 2020.68–70, Fig. 6: 11). Overall, the pottery from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce can be attributed to the Sava group, but with deviations in decoration compared to the nearby Dragomelj and Èatež – Sredno polje, and with sig ni ficant differences compared to the pottery from Drulovka, Ponikve near Trebnje and phases 4 and 5 at Moverna vas. The pottery can be assigned to Sava group Ib according to the proposed ter minology (Kramberger 2020; cf. Tomaž 2022.151–152). Animal remains The archaeozoological assemblage from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce comprises 1645 animal remains from the Late Neo lithic, Middle Copper Age, Late Bronze Age and Early Mediaeval periods (Toškan in press). The Late Neolithic material that is the subject of this study consists of several hundred tiny bone/tooth frag ments (Fig. 10), most of which were recovered by wet sieving. Only 82 of these finds could be identified taxo no mi - cally, with tooth fragments clearly outnumbering bo- nes (NISPbones = 3). This is not surprising considering that highly fragmented diaphyseal splinters are usually only identified at higher taxonomic levels or not at all (cf. Morin et al. 2017.921–923; McGrath et al. 2019). Cat tle is by far the best represented species, with do mestic pig, caprines and possibly wild boar be ing the remaining identified taxa (Tab. 1). Bovine remains were all attributed to do- mestic cat tle. This is due to the size of the better-preserved teeth and bone fragments, although the metrical se para tion between domestic cattle and au rochs is far from clear (e.g., Wright, Viner­Daniels 2015). Ca - prines are re pre sented by two partially pre - served teeth, neither of which allows a re- liable differentiation between sheep and goat (cf. Payne 1985; Zeder, Pilaar 2010). In suines, the distinction between wild and domestic animals is probably the most com- Fig. 10. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. A selection of highly fragmented, of ten calcined animal bones from Late Neolithic pit 1 (photo D. Valoh). 346 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar were analysed. In many cases, the charcoal fragments selected were from the same part (or piece) of wood, so there was no need to identify multiple frag ments from the same sample. In several cases (32 samples) the species or even the genus of the taxa could not be de termined due to poor preservation state, in these cases only DPW (diffuse porous wood), RPW (ring porous wood) or coniferous wood is indicated. Other plant macro-remains (i.e. seeds/fruits) were rarely found in the sediment samples from Dolsko. They were found in only 11 sediment samples: mostly (four) from the Copper Age, two from the Middle Ages and one from the Late Neolithic; other samples (four) were from unspecified contexts (Tolar in press). In the sediments of the Late Neolithic contexts of the Dol sko site no macro-remains of cultivated or gathered plants were found. The only sample containing seed/ fruit remains from the Late Neolithic is Flot. No. 34/1- 4 (SU 194) with one non-carbonized seed of plantain (Plantago lanceolata) – most likely a contaminant, i.e. not archaeological (Tolar in press). Therefore, among the archaeobotanical remains from the Late Neolithic settlement, only charcoal remains are worth discussing (35 in total). The charcoal comes from different pits, most of them from pits 1 (28) and 2 (four). In general, species diversity is not high, with nine different tree taxa identified (Tab. 2). The identifications are do mi - nated by oak (Quercus sp.; n = 12) and other ring-po- rous tree taxa (RPW; n=9; i.e. oak/ash (Quercus sp./ Fra xinus sp.) or chestnut (Castanea sativa)). Conifers are identified in only three cases. They are probably re - presented by fir (cf. Abies alba) and pine (cf. Pinus sp.). Eleven charcoal fragments were identified as dif- fuse-porous tree taxa (DPW), among which Cornus, white hornbeam (Carpinus betulus) and maple (Acer sp.) are frequently identified (Tab. 2). ration, the latter due to oxide staining in a water log- ged, anaerobic environment (Stathopoulou et al. 2019). The high proportion of calcined teeth and bones from SU 194 = 196 = 217 contrasts strikingly with the almost com plete absence of such finds in other, similarly thick (Fig. 5.3) fills of the same pit (Tab. 1). This observation is even more remarkable as fill US 148, overlaying US 194 = 196 = 217, contained significantly more charcoal (up to 40% of the volume compared to <15% in SU 194 = 196 = 217 and <1% in the uppermost SU 113; Kramberger in press). No burnt/calcinated bones were found in any of the other features that yielded Late Neolithic archaeozoological material. Even un- burned animal remains were only collected in pit 2 and paleochannel SU 218 (Tab. 1) (Kramberger in press). Plant remains Archaeobotanical analysis at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce includes plant identification of seed/fruit remains and charcoal fragments. A stereomicroscope with up to 50x magnification, light microscope with up to 600x mag- nification, the reference collection of seeds, fruits, wood and charcoal at the Institute of Archaeology ZRC SAZU and specialized literature for seed/fruit and wood identification (e.g., Berggren 1981; Schwein gru ­ ber 1990; Anderberg 1994; Gale, Cutler 2000; Cap- pers et al. 2006) were used. Among the archaeobotanical remains charcoal remains predominate. It was not always possible to identify them to the tree taxa level due to poor preservation. Charcoal was found in almost every sediment sample analysed (70 from all settlement phases). One to three randomly selected charcoal fragments per sample Feature SU Bo s t au ru s Ca pr in ae Su s c f. do m es tic us N on - id en tifi ed Taphonomic observations Pit 1 113 4 (4) no traces of exposure to fire 148 11 (11) 1 (1) 10++ two calcined fragments 194 = 196 = 217 53 (50) 1 (1) 10 (10) 478 (6) ~70% of finds calcined 190 2 (2) 2 no traces of exposure to fire Pit 2 200 1 3 no traces of exposure to fire Paleochannel 218 18 no traces of exposure to fire Tab. 1. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. Late Neolithic animal remains per feature. The number of tooth fragments is given in brackets. 347 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... ing sample material was hydrolysed to CO2 with 4ml of 60% phosphoric acid. To remove any sulphur com- pounds present, the CO2 sample was plac ed in a quartz ampoule together with CuO and Ag wool, which was sealed and burned at 900°C for 4 hours. The resulting CO2 sample was then converted to graphite with H2 at 600°C using an iron catalyst, and finally the iron-gra- phite mixture was pressed into a tablet in the sample holder for AMS dating (Grootes 2009a). The samples were then dated by AMS. The Con ven- tional Radiocarbon Age was calculated using the Libby half-life (5568 years, Stuiver, Polach 1977), and this was then corrected for total isotopic fractionation. At the Leibniz Laboratory for Radiometric Dating and Stable Isotope Research the correction for iso to pic fractionation was based on the 13C/12C ratio measur ed by AMS. These δ13C values include isotope fractio na- tion effects that occur during graphitization and in the AMS device and are therefore not directly comparable to δ13C values measured in a CO2 mass spec trometer. At Beta Analytic, these were mea sur ed separately in an IRMS (isotope ratio mass spec trometer), thus elimi- nating fractionation effects from natural, chemical and AMS induced sources. The radiocarbon age of the samples dated at Beta Analytic is rounded to the near- est 10 years and calculated sig mas less than 30 BP are conservatively rounded up to 30 (Grootes 2009a; 2009b; Hatfield 2021). All samples contained more than the minimum re com - mended amount of carbon 14C for accurate age de ter- mination. The earliest date was provided by a char coal sample (Quercus sp./Castanea sativa) from pit 2. A charcoal sample from pit 1 yielded a later date, as did samples of enamel apatite from cattle teeth in pit 1. The apatite samples had δ13C values typical of CO2 apa tite and showed very similar ages, which may sup- port their reliability (Grootes 2009a): approx. 4500 and 4350 cal BC (95.4% probability). Details of existing radiocarbon dates from Dolsko are listed in Table 3. Listed below are those from set tle- ments associated with the most similar pottery (Sava group Ib) from the area of distribution of the Sa va group as it was initially defined (Guštin 2005). These radiocarbon dates are compared in the following chap - ter with those of the Lengyel Culture, other dates from the Sava group in central Slovenia, dates from the sub- sequent Early Copper Age Lasinja Culture in the same area, and the radiocarbon sequence from Moverna vas in the Bela krajina. Results of radiocarbon dating Six radiocarbon dates were obtained from the Late Neo lithic settlement features at Dolsko – Spodnje Škov- ce as part of the research conducted as part of the res - cue excavation project (see Acknowledgements). Five samples were radiocarbon dated in 2009 in the Leib- niz Laboratory for Radiometric Dating and Sta ble Isotope Research in Kiel and one in the Beta Analytic Miami in 2021. All attempts to date collagen from ani- mal bone were unsuccessful due to poor pre servation of the collagen. In four cases, animal teeth, identified as Bos taurus from different fills of pit 1 (SUs 194, 196, 113, 148), from the bottom to the top, was dated. In addition, a charcoal sample of undetermined wood taxon from pit 1 (SU 194) and a charcoal sample from pit 2 (SU 200), identified as oak or chestnut (Quercus sp./Castanea sativa) were radiocarbon dated (Tab. 3). Charcoal samples were first examined under a micro- scope in laboratories to remove contaminants, then the appropriate amount of each charcoal sample was chemically treated (acid/alkali/acid) (Grootes 2009b; Hatfield 2021). The dating of four teeth was based on enamel apatite (carbon from carbonate). The secondary calcite in the outer part of each individual tooth was removed. This was done by mechanically crushing the sample and dissolving it in HCl to a minimum of 28%. The remain- Plant taxa Amount of identified charcoal fragments Quercus sp. 12 Quercus sp./Castanea sativa 3 Fraxinus sp. 1 Fraxinus/Castanea 1 RPW 4 Cornus sp. 4 Sorbus/Cornus 1 Acer sp. 1 Carpinis betulus 4 Coniferous; cf. Abies alba 2 Coniferous; cf. Pinus sp. 1 TOTAL 35 (28 pit 1; 4 pit 2; 3 SU 86; 1 SU 76; 1 SU 218) Tab. 2. Charcoal identifications (nos. of identified items) in Late Neolithic contexts at the site Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce (sum: 35 wood-anatomical iden ti fi- cations; items). For the results of plant macro-re- main analyses for other periods at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce site see Tolar in press. 348 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar ments in central and south-eastern Europe (e.g., Pa- leèková 2008; Šavel, Karo 2012; Minichreiter, Mar- koviæ 2013; Sava 2015; Barna 2017; Barna et al. 2019; Tomaž 2022). Two such pits found in the Late Neolithic set tlement at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce have been studied in terms of the archaeological excavation results, distribution of finds, technological and typo lo - gical as pects of pottery, taxonomy of animal and plant Comparative analysis and evaluation of results in a regional and supra-regional context Large pits filled with deposits containing ceramic frag - ments, stone implements, charcoal, animal re mains and other finds showing evidence of human occupa- tion have been found at various prehistoric sites and are also characteristic of 5th millennium BC settle- LAB number Site Material Context Age (BP) δ 13C (‰) PMC cor-rected* Cal BC (68.3%) Cal BC (95.4%) KIA37347 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce Charcoal (Quercus sp./Castanea sativa) Pit 2, SU 200 5837±32 -26.29±0.28 48.35±0.19 4770- 4620 4788- 4608 Beta- 591316 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce Charcoal (n/a) Pit 1, SU 194 5690±30 -28.9 o/oo / 4547-4458 4609- 4450 KIA37351 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce Tooth (enamel apatite, Bos taurus) Pit 1, SU 194 5587±35 -13.36±0.23 49.88±0.22 4452- 4369 4488- 4352 KIA37350 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce Tooth (enamel apatite, Bos taurus) Pit 1, SU 113 5602±32 -13.25±0.34 49.79±0.20 4459- 4370 4493- 4358 KIA37346 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce Tooth (enamel apatite, Bos taurus) Pit 1, SU 148 5612±30 -11.49±0.22 49.73±0.18 4486- 4371 4500- 4360 KIA37349 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce Tooth (enamel apatite, Bos taurus) Pit 1, SU 196 5563±30 -14.00±0.39 50.03±0.19 4446- 4360 4454- 4350 Poz-72746 Gradec near Mirna Animal bone (n/a) Phase 1, »below wall rubble« (assemblage 1) 5540±40 -24.00±0.5 / 4443-4345 4445- 4331 Poz-72747 Gradec near Mirna Bone (heel bone, Bos taurus) Phase 1, »below wall rubble« (assemblage 2) 5570±40 -21.4±0.2 / 4445-4358 4491- 4342 Poz-72751 Gradec near Mirna Bone (mandible, Bos taurus) Phase 1, »in the layer behind the wall« ((assemblage 3?) 5580±40 -26.1±1.2 / 4447-4363 4493- 4345 Poz-66248 Dolenji Leskovec Charred seed (Cratageus sp.) Pit 3 (SU 1099) 5680±40 -25.9±0.1 / 4546- 4454 4656- 4371 Poz-66249 Dolenji Leskovec Charred residues (pot; n/a) Pit 3 (SU 1099) 5680±40 -27.8±0.1 / 4546- 4454 4656- 4371 Poz-66250 Dolenji Leskovec Charcoal (n/a) Pit 3 (SU 1099) 5880±35 -27.0±0.2 / 4790- 4716 4841- 4625 Beta- 339594 Stoperce Charcoal (n/a) Pit SU 128 5690±30 -25.4 o/oo / 4547- 4458 4609- 4450 Hd-24038 Resnikov prekop Wood (Alnus glutinosa) Pile with 10 rings 5718±23 / / 4603- 4501 4673- 4459 Tab 3. List of 14C AMS dated samples from Late Neolithic features at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and other sites with pottery of Sava group Ib (after Velušèek 2006; Sraka 2016; 2020; Kramberger 2014) in its distribution as defined (Guštin 2005; Tomaž 2022). The list does not include data affected by the possible hard water effect from Resnikov Prekop (Mlekuž et al. 2013). * “PMC corrected” refers to the percentage of modern (1950) carbon, corrected for mass fractionation by 13C measurement. Samples were calibrated using OxCal v4.4 (Bronk Ramsey 2009) and the IntCal 20 calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2022). 349 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... tion of the archaeological record in the vicinity (Fig. 2.4). Similar phenomena can be ob served at many other sites in Slovenia. In the Late Neolithic set tle ment of Dolenji Leskovec, for example, the Sa va River com- pletely washed away a part of the settlement, which was surrounded by two circular palisades (Jovanoviæ et al. 2012.App. 7). No post holes of possible houses could be identified in the area surrounded by dit ches, only a few pits of irregular ground plan. Furthermore, at Dragomelj it was observed that the surface of less than half of the Late Neolithic ceramics was partial ly preserved, while the rest of the pottery had a com ple- tely destroyed sur face (Turk, Svetlièiè 2005.68; 2022. 37–38). Rede positions of material are indicated by the finds from younger periods in the Late Neolithic pits and the re sults of radiocarbon dating (e.g., Turk, Svet- lièiè 2022.168,184–185, SU 402). All these examples show that when interpreting large irregularly shaped pits and Late Neolithic settlements as a whole, we must consider site losses related not only to destruction dur- ing modern agriculture (e.g., Guštin et al. 2005.104; cf. Osztás et al. 2012.386), but also to post-depositional processes such as water, erosion and other sediment mo vements caused by natural factors. Looking at the location of the sites where large, ir re gu - larly shaped pits were found, it can be concluded that they did not occur in the lakeside settlements, like Res- nikov prekop and Verd (Velušèek 2006; Velušèek et al. 2023). They are more widespread phenomenon of the Late Neolithic in the Carpathian Basin, south-eastern Alpine region and Northern Croatia, in regions with dry lands with thick layers of loam. The two larger pits at Dolsko were found on a clayey-loamy geological base (Fig. 4.21), which spread in a line from northwest to southeast over alluvial deposits of Sava gravel (Fig. 4.45; see also Fig. 3). Furthermore, it should be empha- sized that the phenomenon of large irregularly shaped pits in Late Neolithic settlements represents a kind of change in comparison to Central European LBK set- tlements. Linear ditches next to the long houses, which were dug in the LBK settlements for the extraction of clay material (e.g., Oross 2010; Oross, Bánffy 2009; Hofmann 2013; Bánffy 2013.131–137; Bickle 2013. 155–162, Fig. 7.2), were almost completely (e.g., Bar- na 2017.83–84, Fig. 16) replaced by large pits in the Late Neolithic settlements. Large-scale excavations over the last 25 years have uncovered many above-ground, timber-framed houses in Late Neolithic settlements in the Carpathian Basin, which required a reassessment of earlier theories. It re mains and radiocarbon measurements. The follow- ing section summarizes the results of comparing this data with that available from settlements of the 5th mil lennium BC in Slovenia and neighbouring regions. The use of large pits of irregular plan The largest pit at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce (pit 1) did not yield any architectural elements, it was irregular in shape and filled with different layers in which ceramic fragments, bones, burnt clay, stone tools, implements and charcoal fragments were scattered. It was ob serv - ed that fragments of individual vessels were dis tri- buted over an area of up to 4.5m, partly in fills in dif - ferent stratigraphic positions. The distribution of frag - ments of certain vessels in different fills from the bot- tom to the top of pit 1 may to some extent be the result of post-depositional processes, partly it may reflect the accuracy of the excavation, but given the large number of such cases it seems likely that it is largely the result of the deposition process. It probably indicates that in - dividual vessels were broken prior to deposition and that they came in the pit as fragments with different fills, together with charcoal, animal remains and stone implements. The large amount and concentration of finds and two charcoal clusters suggest that pit 1 was probably filled by people, but some of the material may have been de- posited naturally. This is indicated by the dis tribution of individual pot fragments found in pit 2 (SU 200) and pit 1 (SU 148). It can be assumed that a layer with Neolithic pottery running from northwest to southeast across pits 1 and 2 (Fig. 3.202,75) and con sistent with the direction and orientation of the alluvial sediment in which the two pits were dug (Figs. 3.21 and 4), is re - lated to this post-depositional process (cf. Fig. 2.4). The situation where parts of a single vessel are dis- tributed in different pits is not unique. In the Early Cop per Age settlement at Zgornje Radvanje, parts of in dividual vessels were also distributed in different pits in several cases. One of the most significant exam- ples is the distribution of ceramic fragments of a pot found in large pits 5 and 2 (Kramberger 2021.342– 343, find no. 235). Alluvium and paleochannels were discovered above both pits, which may indicate that the upper parts of the pot were deposited by water from feature 5 to feature 2 (Kramberger 2021.24–25, 149,137–139, Figs. 22,23,41a­b). Paleochannels found during the excavations at Dolsko with finds from different periods indicate the destruc- 350 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar site Col 1 near Podgraèeno was the first to be at tri- buted to the Sava group (Guštin 2005.8) and the pot - tery found there was analysed using the same analy- tical approach. However, according to the exca vator the pottery is later, contemporary with the pot tery from SUs 43-44 in Ajdovska jama cemetery, Zgornje Radvanje and partly Ptuj–Šolski center (Hor vat 2005; 2020.120–121, Fig. 75, 59–62), and a ra dio carbon mea surement also provided a later age (Guštin 2005. Fig. 3; cf. Kramberger 2014; 2020; 2021). A comparison of pottery production methods between the above-mentioned sites has shown that the pottery from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce differs significantly from the definition of the Sava group (Guštin 2005.9– 12). The proportions of granularity groups, with the predominance of very fine (43%) and fine (36%) fab- rics, contradict the definition in the first place, as it has been stated that the pottery of the Sava group was mainly made of medium-grained fabrics (Fig. 7.1). Si - milar proportions of granularity groups are found at Dolenji Leskovec, 50% of very fine-grained fabrics, 35.71% of fine grained and 14.28% of medium grained fabrics (Hlad 2015.Fig. 19). At the Late Lengyel site of Andrenci very fine grained pottery prevails (83%), at Stoperce – SU 128 very fine grained (42%) and fine- grained pottery (58%) were found in similar pro por- tions (Kramberger 2014.Fig. 27). All other sites of the Sava group (Tomaž, Velušèek 2005.Fig. 1; Turk, Sve­ tlièiè 2022.Fig. 46; Tomaž 2022.Fig. 42) and phases 2, 4 and 5 of Moverna vas (Tomaž 1997.Tab. 4) yielded mostly medium grained pottery (see also Fig. 1). The pottery from the Bela krajina region should have been coated with coloured clay slip significantly more often than that from the Sava group and from north- eastern Slovenia (Guštin 2005.20). However, the pot- tery from Dolsko (27%) is more often coated with clay slip than the pottery from phases 2 (23.9%), 4 (22%) and 5 (12.3%) of Moverna vas (Tomaž 1997.Tab. 7). Very similar proportions of pottery with colour clay slip are also found at Dolenji Leskovec near the Sava in Posavje (29.03%; Hlad 2015.21) and SU 128 at Sto - perce, in Haloze, northeastern Slovenia (32%; Kram - berger 2014.Fig. 29). Only in the pottery from Dra go- melj (Turk, Svetlièiè 2005.68), Èatež – Sredno polje (To maž 2022.Fig. 45), Andrenci (3%; Kramberger 2014.Fig. 29) and Resnikov prekop in the wetlands of the Ljubljansko barje (2.1%; Tomaž, Velušèek 2005. Fig. 3) was colour clay slip rarely present (see also Fig. 1). became clear that large pits, previously interpreted as residential buildings, were temporary shelters or features used for a variety of activities (Pávuk 2003. 464; Raczky 2005.24; Osztás et al. 2012.385; Barna et al. 2019.126–128). In most settlements, large pits of irregular ground plan were found near houses (e.g., Fig. 11.A), and at Alsólnyék-Bátaszék, one of the largest Lengyel settlements in Transdanubia with more than 100 houses uncovered, some large pits extended along the edges of buildings, and these can in all probability be associated with these (Bánffy et al. 2016; Osztás et al. 2016.192–196). They were probably used to extract the clayey loam needed for construction, and later filled with household waste (Osztás et al. 2012.390, Fig. 12; see also Barna et al. 2019.125). In many set tle - ments, rectangular houses and irregular large pits appear inside circular ditches, representing traces of defensive enclosures (Fig. 11.B,D), similar to those at Dolenji Leskovec (Fig. 1.12), where only two large pits and three smaller ones have survived in an area of 56x46m surrounded by ditches (Jovanoviæ et al. 2012.App. 7). However, in many other settlements the remains of palisades are not found, which may mean that they did not exist, or may be due to the state of re - search at individual sites. Such cases have been found in Transdanubia as well as in the neigh bouring Cro- atia, in the Late Neolithic settlements attributed to the Sopot culture (Fig. 11.C). All these cases of better researched and preserved settlements with above- ground, timber-framed houses and large, irregularly shaped pits in their vicinity show that the latter were most likely not the remains of houses. Pottery style(s) of the Late Neolithic Sava group Analyses of the technological aspects of pottery pro- duction have been conducted at several Late Neolithic sites in Slovenia using the same analytical approach as at Dolsko (Horvat 1999), but the results have not been compared and evaluated since the recognition of the Sava group (Guštin 2005). These are Resnikov prekop (Tomaž 1999.76–87; Tomaž, Velušèek 2005.87–99), Dragomelj (Turk, Svetlièiè 2005; 2022.36–39), Èatež – Sredno polje (Tomaž 2005.113–129; 2022.62–73) and Dolenji Leskovec (Hlad 2015.15–29), which were attributed to the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture (Guš tin 2005), Moverna vas in the Bela krajina re- gion (Tomaž 1997; 1999.76–8), Stoperce in Haloze (Kramberger 2014.244–247; Kramberger et al. 2023) and Andrenci in northeastern Slovenia (Kramberger 2014.244–247), whose material culture has been at- tributed to the Late Lengyel Culture (Bánffy 2002; Ve - lušèek 2006.33; Kavur 2010; Kramberger 2014). The 351 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... theory, we compared all sites with the available sta- tistical data on decoration, and also conducted an ana- lysis of published Late Neolithic finds from the sites of Drulovka near Kranj (Korošec 1960.Pl. 9.1– Pl. 34.10; see also Guštin et al. 2005.43–47), Ponikve near Treb- nje (Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 1–810), Resnikov pre kop (Korošec 1964.Pls. 3–18; Harej 1975.Pls. 1–7; According to the definition, the pottery from the Sava group sites is mostly decorated with impressions, the rest with appliqués and incised decoration, which should be different from the pottery from northeast- ern Slovenia (predominant appliqués) and the Bela kra jina region (predominant incised decoration) (Guš - tin 2005.9–12; see also Fig 1). In order to test this Fig. 11. Examples of above-ground rectangular houses and large pits in their vicinity at the Late Neolithic settlements of Lengyel and Sopot cultures. A Alsólnyék-Bátaszék (Osztás et al. 2012.Fig. 6), B Žlkovce (Pávuk 1981), C Kruševica – Njivice (Balen, Èataj 2014), D Veszprem – Jutasi út (Regenye, Biró 2019.Fig. 1). 352 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar The analysis showed that the most common vessel type at Dolsko was a pot with an everted neck that is approximately the same length as the shoulders, de co- rated with appliqués (Fig. 6.G33, G34, G36, G38; Fig. 8.G170, G38; Fig. 13.1). A comparison of the pro por- tions of types of pots at Late Neolithic sites in Slovenia (Kramberger 2014; 2020) shows that pots with a cy lin - drical neck dominate at only three sites (Fig. 13.d) – these are, again, Drulovka (65%; e.g., Korošec 1960. Pls. 11.1, 19.1, 22.1,6,9; Fig. 13.3), Ponikve near Trebnje (52%; e.g., Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 1,178,181; Fig. 13.5) and phases 4 and 5 (69%) at Moverna vas (e.g., Tomaž 1999.Pls. 22.1–3, 24.1; Fig. 13.8). At all other Late Neolithic sites pots with everted necks – similar to those at Dolsko – dominate (Fig. 13.a). At Resnikov pre - kop pots with cylindrical neck represent 10% of all pots (e.g., Korošec 1964.Pl. 16.3; Harej 1975.Pl. 7.12; Fig. 13.4), 2% at Èatež – Sredno polje (e.g., Tomaž 2022. finds nos. 1758,1760; Fig. 13.7), and at other sites no pots were found which could be described as having cylindrical necks (Fig. 13.d). Pots with everted necks dominate at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce (90%), followed by Èatež – Sredno polje (73%; e.g., Tomaž 2022.finds nos. 251­253,1331), Resnikov prekop (76%; e.g., Korošec 1964.Pl. 5.5, Pl. 15.1. 3), phase 2 at Moverna vas (65%; e.g., Tomaž 1999.Pl. 11.1–2, 13.1) and Dolenji Leskovec (63%; e.g., Hlad 2015.finds nos. 16,17,19,20,23). Fragments of evert ed neck of pots are rarely present at Drulovka (18%), Po - nikve near Trebnje (24%) and in phases 4 and 5 at Mo - verna vas (25%). As it can be argued from the pub li- shed material, they all belong to pots with short necks (e.g., Tomaž 1999.Pl. 21.3, 23.1–2, 26.3; Korošec 1960.Pl. 10.1, 15.7, 19.6; Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 176–177,180,624,692), which are rare or not present in other sites (Fig. 13.a). In addition to pots with everted necks, a pot with a long sloping neck (5%; Fig. 13.b) and a pot with a short ellipsoid neck (5%; Fig. 13.c) were found at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce (Fig. 13.1). Pots with a long sloping neck are also present at Dolenji Leskovec (26%; e.g., Hlad 2015.finds nos. 4–6; Fig. 13.6), Èatež – Sredno polje (21%; e.g., Tomaž 2022.finds nos. 1329,759; Fig. 13.7), Resnikov prekop (7%; e.g., Harej 1975.Pl. 1.1; Fig. 13.4), in the earliest (6%; Tomaž 1999.Pl. 10.1), as well as later (6%; Tomaž 1999.Pl. 21.2) Neolithic phases at Moverna vas (Fig. 13.8). Some pots with ellipsoid necks can also be found at Resnikov prekop (2%; Harej 1975.Pl. 6.6; Fig. 13.4), the earliest phase at Moverna vas (12%; e.g., Tomaž 1999.Pl. 11.3; Fig. 13.8) Velušèek 2006.Pls. 1–19), Dragomelj (Turk et al. 2022. finds nos. 1–447), Late Neolithic finds from Moverna vas (Tomaž 1999.Pls. 1–32) and Bukovnica (Šavel 1992.Pl. 1–6) in northeastern Slovenia. It can be con - cluded that only at the sites of Dragomelj (62% and 9%; Turk, Svetlièiè 2022.Fig. 54) and Èatež – Sredno polje (68% and 13%; Tomaž 2022.Fig. 34) are impres- sion and a combination of impressions and appliqués dominant as decoration techniques. At Dolsko, applied decoration predominates (62%; Fig. 7.3), similarly at the Late Lengyel settlements at An drenci (80%; Kram- berger 2014.Fig. 31) and Bukovnica (86%; Šavel 1992), and the Sava group site at Dolenji Leskovec (50%; Hlad 2015.Fig. 31) (for all of these see Fig. 12). In the earliest phase of Moverna vas (phase 2) most or - naments on the pottery were made with a com bina- tion of impressions and incisions (37%), followed by applied decoration (30%) and impressions (20%), with the rest being decorated with incisions and other com - binations. This was probably used to support the sta- tement that most of the pottery at the sites in the Bela krajina region was decorated with incised decoration and a combination of incisions and im pres sions (Guš- tin 2005.13; cf. Tomaž 1997; 1999). How ever, at Resni - kov Prekop (Fig. 12.4) and SU 128 in Stoperce (Fig. 12.9) the proportions of pottery decorated with in ci- sions and impressions, and with applied decoration and impressions, are more similar to those from phase 2 at Moverna vas (Fig. 12.8) than to those at Dragomelj (Fig. 12.2) and Èatež – Sredno polje (Fig. 12.7). More- over, if we consider the sites of Drulovka (Fig. 12.3), Ponikve near Trebnje (Fig. 12.5) and later phases of Moverna vas (phases 4 and 5; Fig. 12.8), we can no tice that the pottery found there has a very similar propor - tion of individual de coration techniques as in phase 2 at Moverna vas, with incisions and a combination of incisions and impressions significantly predominant. Specifically, at Drulovka 36% of the pottery is decorat - ed with incisions and impressions, 33% with inci sions, 20% with impressions, only 5% with applied decora - tion and impressions, 4% with applied decoration and 2% with other combinations. At Ponikve near Trebnje 43% of the pottery is decorated with incisions and im- pressions, 41% with incisions, 16% with impressions and not a single fragment with applied decoration. More over, in phases 4 and 5 of Moverna vas the pot - tery was decorated with the same decoration tech ni - ques with some deviations in proportions: 69% with incisions and impressions, 17% with incisions, 14% with impressions and not a single fragment with ap- plied decoration (for all of these see Fig. 12). 353 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... has been suggested. On the contrary, a si mi lar techno - logy of pottery production was spread and used in Late Neolithic settlements throughout the southeastern Alpine region and northeastern Dinaric Carst, from Kranj in northwestern Slovenia, Bela krajina in southeastern Slovenia, to Stoperce in northeastern Slovenia, with some variations. The presence of co- loured clay slip varies considerably from site to site, which may be largely due to local conditions, the cha - racteristics of the soils in which the pottery is found, and taphonomic site loss. How ever, at Dolsko – Spod - nje Škovce (Fig. 1.1) similar con ditions could be as- sumed as at the neighbouring settlement at Dragomelj (Fig. 1.5; see also Fig. 2.1), yet there is still much more pottery with coloured slip at Dolsko. On this basis it cannot be excluded that the presence of coloured slip is to some extent related to the cultural variations within the pottery style, although not in the way that has been proposed (Guštin 2005.13). Similar proportions of coloured clay slip as at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce are and, as fragments, at Drulovka (4%; Korošec 1965.Pl. 20.3; Fig. 13.3) and Ponikve near Trebnje (5%; Ravnik, Tica 2018.find no. 625; Fig. 13.5). Much the same is true for pots without a neck (Fig. 13.f). They sparsely ap pear, in different variations, at the sites Èatež – Sred- no polje (4%; e.g., Tomaž 2022.find no. 1732; Fig. 13.7), phase 2 at Moverna vas (17%; e.g., Tomaž 1999. Pl.7.1–2; Fig. 13.8), Dolenji Leskovec (11%; e.g., Hlad 2015.Pl. 1.3; Fig. 13.6), Resnikov prekop (5%; Harej 1975.Pl. 2.6; Fig. 13.4) and Ponikve near Trebnje (10%; e.g., Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 197–198; Fig. 13.5). Pots with shoulders and sloping necks (Fig. 13.e) were identified only at Drulovka (13%; Korošec 1960.Pl. 10.2; Fig. 13.3) and Ponikve near Trebnje (9%; Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 2, 179; Fig. 13.5). Overall, based on the results presented here, the sites in Bela krajina do not differ from the sites in Posavje, Savska ravan and Ljubljansko barje, either in terms of pottery production, decoration or ceramic forms, as Fig. 12. Percentages of different decoration techniques in Late Neolithic settlements in Slovenia. Only sites with at least 50 typologically defined pottery fragments are included. 1 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce, 2 Dragomelj, 3 Drulovka near Kranj (Late Neolithic finds), 4 Resnikov prekop, 5 Ponikve near Trebnje, 6 Dolenji Leskovec, 7 Èa tež – Sredno polje, 8 Moverna vas (left phase 2, right phases 4 and 5), 9 Stoperce (SU 128), 10 Andrenci, 11 Bukovnica (Late Neolithic pit). The data from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce are presented for the first time in this publication (Fig. 7) and are the result of the author’s analysis. Data from Èatež – Sredne polje (Tomaž 2022. Fig. 34), Dolenji Leskovec (Hlad 2015.Fig. 31), Stoperce (SU 128) and Andrenci (Kramberger 2014.Fig. 31) are taken from the literature. Comprehensive analysis of finds from the Late Neolithic pile-dwelling at Resnikov prekop (Korošec 1964.Pls. 3–18; Harej 1975.Pls. 1–7; Velušèek 2006.Pls. 1–19), Ponikve near Trebnje (Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 1–810), Drulovka (Korošec 1960.Pls. 9–34), Dragomelj (Turk et al. 2022.finds nos. 1–447), Late Neolithic finds from Bukovnica (Šavel 1992) and Moverna vas (Tomaž 1999.Pls. 1–32) were con ducted by the author based on the published material. 354 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar Re genye et al. 2022). The old wood effect is a common phenomenon (e.g., Whittle 1990; Brock et al. 2010; Nowak et al. 2017.189), but in the case of Slovenian sites it is difficult to assess its influence on the results of radiocarbon measurements, as tree species are ra- rely determined prior to dating and con trol dates are not available. In the case of Resnikov prekop in the wet lands of Ljubljansko barje, the dat ing of charred re - mains on pottery also proved problematic, with a large number of measurements yielding significantly older dates than expected (Mle kuž et al. 2013). As collagen leached from the dentine, four radiocarbon measurements on apatite from samples of cattle teeth from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce were introduced in the present study. Carbonate exchange takes place be- tween the apatite and burial environment, so pre-treat- ment is required, but as a comparison of 155 samples from more than 100 sites worldwide has shown, pre- treat ment is often inadequate (Zazzo 2014). This also applies to enamel, which has long been considered a more reliable dating material than bone apatite beca- known from the phase 2 at Moverna vas, Dolenji Les- kovec (southeastern Slovenia), and SU 128 in Stoperce (north eastern Slovenia). These are the sites which to- gether with Resnikov prekop and Gradec near Mirna (phase 1) yielded the most similar vessel types and or - naments and were therefore attributed to the same va - riation of the style – Sava group Ib (Figs. 9, 14). Ano- ther variation of the pottery style is represented at Dra gomelj and Èatež – Sredno polje (Sava group Ia; Fig. 1.5,14) and the third at Drulovka, Ponikve near Trebnje, phases 4 and 5 at Moverna vas and similar sites (Sava group II; Fig. 1.2,10,15; Fig. 14) (for all see also Kramberger 2020). Absolute chronology As mentioned above, the absolute dating of the Late Neolithic in Slovenia is based on charcoal samples and on samples of charred organic residues on the pot tery. This is also due to the rare finds of charred seeds/ fruits, missing human graves and often poor preser- vation of collagen in animal bones (cf. Stadler, Ruttkay 2007; Oross et al. 2010; Ilon 2004; Bánffy et al. 2016; Fig. 13. Percentages of different types of pots in Late Neolithic settlements in Slovenia. Only sites with at least 15 definable pots are included. 1 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce, 2 Dragomelj, 3 Drulovka near Kranj, 4 Resnikov pre kop, 5 Ponikve near Trebnje, 6 Dolenji Leskovec, 7 Èatež – Sredno polje, 8 Moverna vas (left phase 2, right phases 4 and 5). All data were calculated from the finds published in the publications of individual sites (Kramberger in press; Turk et al. 2022.finds nos. 1–447; Korošec 1960.Pls. 9–34; 1964.Pls. 3–18; Harej 1975. Pls. 1–7; Velušèek 2006.Pls. 1–19; Ravnik, Tica 2018.finds nos. 1–810; Hlad 2015.finds nos. 1–248; Tomaž 2022. finds nos. 1–3522; 1999.Pls. 1–32). The typological classification was based on the authors’ typology (Kram - berger 2014; 2020). 355 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... lap, they should be treated with cau tion. They can be un derstood as a minimum age for the cattle, while both charcoal samples (from pits 1 and 2) can be taken as a maximum age for tree felling (Tab. 3). Among the sites with the most similar pottery finds, ra diocarbon dates are available from Moverna vas, Dolenji Les ko vec, Resnikov prekop, Stoperce – SU 128 and Gradec near Mirna (see Tab. 3, cf. Figs. 1, 9). Of particular importance are the dates from Gradec near Mirna, where samples of animal bones (Cer vus ela- phus, Bos taurus, Sus sp. and two samples of un defin - ed animal species) were radiocarbon dated. According to Marko Sraka (oral information) collagen was dat- ed and δ13C values measured by AMS range from –21.05±0.5 to –28.07±02. A total of ten samples were measured from the multi- period settlement of Gradec near Mirna (Dular et al. 1991; Dular 2001), six from the occupation layers of the Sava group, two from the Lasinja Culture oven above the Late Neolithic layer and two from the highest settlement layer attributed to the Furchenstich horizon (Sraka 2020). The results of the radiocarbon dating indicated that the samples collected as belonging to the lowest settlement layer were most likely from two different chronological phases, the Late Neolithic and the Lasinja Culture, indicating that the mate- rial from the lowest cultural la yer may be partially mixed. Never- the less, three radiocarbon dates from this layer (Gradec phase 1) can be recognized as older than the radiocarbon measurements from the layer above it (Gradec phase 2 – Lasinja Culture), which is in ag re ement with published pottery assemblages (Dular et al. 1991; Dular 2001) (Tab. 3). Another important group of sam- ples was introduced from Dolenji Leskovec (Tab. 3; Sraka 2016). Three sam ples were measured, all from a single pit (SU 1099; Hlad 2015). The samples consist of different materials: charred seed, charred residues on pot tery and a charcoal sample of un- known plant taxon. If we com- pare these measurements with use of its lower porosity, smaller sur face area, larger cry stallites, and lower solubility due to its lower car bo - nate content (Hedges et al. 1995; Wood et al. 2016.). Mechanical grinding can significantly increase the amount of carbonate contamination removed in an acid leach compared to hand grinding, although in many cases not all contamination is likely to be re mov - ed (Wood et al. 2016). Within the mid-late Ho locene, this level of contamination has resulted in radiocarbon age estimates within approximately 100 14C years of the true sample age, but sometimes more. A recent study suggests that decontamination of younger sam - ples may be possible if higher con centrations of hy dro - chloric acid solution are used in the che mical pretreat- ment (Hopkins et al. 2016). Samples of modern equine incisors, a Roman cat tle molar, and a Palaeolithic rhi no molar were taken and pre treated with different acid solutions, dated at the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit (ORAU), and compared with con trol dated dentine collagen from the same individuals. Such control dates are not available from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. The only other radiocarbon date available from pit 1 is a charcoal sample from an unknown tree species. Con se - quently, despite ra diocarbon dates of enamel apa tite from different samples of cattle teeth from pit 1 over- Fig. 14. Pottery of different variations of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture. 1–4 Èatež – Sredno polje, 5–10 Resnikov prekop, 11–16 Moverna vas, phases 4 and 5 (after Kramberger 2020; Tomaž 1999; 2022; Korošec 1964; Harej 1975; Velušèek 2006). 356 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar 187) are almost identical. All these dates indicate that Dolsko and related sites of the Sava group (Ib) in cen- tral Slovenia, Late Lengyel Culture in Transdanubia, re - gional variation of the Lengyel set tlement in Styria and the MOG IIa phase in eastern Austria belong to the same horizon. Two Bayesian models were then processed to compare the chronological sequences of the settlement at Mo- verna vas in Bela krajina (after Sraka 2012; 2014) and the ceramic sequences in the area of distribution of the Sava group in Posavje, Ljubljansko barje, Savska ravan, Krška ravan and Haloze (Figs. 16–17; see also Fig. 1). Dates from the entire period of the 5th millennium cal BC time range are included, i.e. the periods of the Late Neolithic and the Early Copper Age (Lasinja Culture). The first model assumes that sites with different va ria- tions of the Sava group pottery style were not con tem- poraneous (see also Kramberger 2020; Fig. 15). Èatež – Sredno polje (Guštin 2005.Fig. 2; Tomaž 2022.135– 141) and Dragomelj (Turk, Svetlièiè 2005; Turk et al. 2022.14–144) are representatives of the Sava group Ia, Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce (pit 1), Resnikov prekop, Do- lenji Leskovec (SU 1099), Stoperce (SU 128) of the Sa- va group Ib (see Tab. 3) and Ponikve near Trebnje of the Sava group II (Ravnik, Tica 2018.76–78). The fi nal phase of the sequence includes radiocarbon measure- ments from sites where finds can be chronologically correlated with the Lasinja Culture. The most impor- tant of these are samples of human bones and charred seeds from SUs 43 and 44 in Ajdovska jama cemetery (Bonsall et al. 2007; Sraka 2020), where they were found together with ty pologically characteristic pot- tery (e.g., Horvat 1989; 2009; Velušèek 2006.29–30; Kramberger 2018.81–96; 2020; 2021) and dates of collagen and a charred seed from the oven at Gradec near Mirna (phase 2), which was found above the oc cu - pation layer of the Sava group (Dular et al. 1991; Du- lar 2001; Sraka 2020). Dates of charcoal samples from the oldest phase at Gradišèe above Dešen, 5km to the northeast of Dolsko (Guštin 2005.Fig. 3; Pavlin, Dular 2007), Col 1 near Podgraèeno (Guštin 2005.Fig. 3; Hor vat 2005; 2020) and a radiocarbon measurement of charred residues from pottery from pit SU 6508 at Obrežje (Kramberger 2022) also belong to this chro- no logical phase (Fig. 16). With this model (Fig. 16), the beginning of Sava group Ia, as we know it from Èatež – Sredno polje and Dra go - melj, is estimated to between 4779-4731 cal BC (68.3% probability) and has a duration between 173-248 years (68.3% probability). This beginning and duration those from Dolsko, we can see that the dates of the charcoal from pit 1 at Dolsko and the dates of the sam - ple of charred seed (hawthorn seed) and charred re - mains from one of the pots at Dolenji Leskovec over - lap, while the charcoal from the same pit at Dolenji Leskovec is older. This date overlaps with the mea su- rement of a charcoal sam ple from pit 2 at Dolsko (Tab. 3), and with charcoal samples from Èatež – Sredno polje, Dragomelj and the earliest phase at Moverna vas. Based on the above, the dates of charcoal differ from the dates of cattle teeth and charred seeds even when they come from the same settlement contexts. They proved to be earlier both, in the case of pit SU 1099 at Dolenji Leskovec and in the case of pit 1 at Dolsko, at least in the case of Dolenji Leskovec most likely due to the old wood effect. A date from the pile from Resnikov prekop, dates from collagen from animal bones from Gra dec near Mirna and a date from the charred seed and charred residues from Dolenji Leskovec seem to be reliable. In addition to these dates, the dates from Verd are reliable because two samples of the pile (Fra­ xinus sp.) were measured, which made it possible to de termine the age of a pile more precisely using the Wiggle matching method: 4674±42 cal BC (Velušèek et al. 2023). Other currently available radiocarbon dates from Sava group sites are from charcoal, which should be regarded as the maximum possible age, with some also from the charred remains of pottery (Moverna vas, Resnikov prekop). If we compare radiocarbon dates from the settlement context related to the Sava group Ib, we can see that they overlap, except for the dates of charcoal, charred residues from the phase 2 of Moverna vas (Sraka 2012; 2016; 2020) and the already mentioned problematic charred residues from Resnikov prekop (Mlekuž et al. 2013), which are partly older. Comparable dates of col - lagen from animal bones are known from the Late Len- gyel settlement of Zalaszentbalázs – Szõlõhegyi me- zõ, and charcoal samples from this site again prov- ed to be earlier (Fig. 15; Bánffy 1995; Regenye et al. 2022). Radiocarbon dates of charred remains from the pottery from the Late Lengyel pits at Andrenci and Bu- kovnica, as well as those from animal bones from the Late Lengyel site Szombathely – metro and Szentgál- Teleki dûlõ fall within a similar period (Fig. 15; Ilon 2004; Regenye 2011; Kramberger 2014; Sra ka 2014). Finally, radiocarbon measurements of collagen from animal bones from Michelstetten (Stad ler, Ruttkay 2007), and from horizons II-III at the Wildoner Schlos- sberg in Styria (Tiefengraber 2018.Figs. 170–172,180– 357 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... group II) is estimated to start 4403-4358 cal BC (68.3% pro bability) and lasted between 16-81 years or a me - dian figure of 53 years (68.3% probability). The tran- sition between Sava group II and the pottery style associated with human burials in Ajdovska jama (SUs 44 and 43), the oven at Gra dec near Mir na (phase 2), Gradišèe near Dešen, Col 1 and Obrežje is es timated to have been between 4353-4315 cal BC (68.3% probabi- would probably be shorter if we had radiocarbon mea - surements on samples of short-lived materials. Set- tlements with the Sava group Ib pottery in Posavje, Ljubljansko barje and Savska ravan are dated to be- tween 4568-4527 and 4403-4358 cal BC (68.3% proba - bility) with the currently available set of radiocarbon mea surements and lasted 133-198 years (68.3% pro- bability). The settlement of Ponikve near Trebnje (Sava Fig. 15. Radiocarbon measurements from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and most similar sites of the Sava group (Ib) and the Late Lengyel Culture in Transdanubia. Charcoal dates are highlighted. Samples were calibrated using OxCal v4.4 (Bronk Ramsey 2009), and calibration curve IntCal 20 (Reimer et al. 2022). 358 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar The radiocarbon dates of charcoal samples from Ponikve near Trebnje and charcoal samples and char - r ed remains on pottery from phases 4 and 5 at Mo- verna vas overlap and the estimated time spans in the Bayesian models are similar (cf. Figs. 16 and 17). In both cases, the occupation associated with the Sava group II pottery lasted for a rather short period, around 4400 cal BC. The calculated periods corres- pond to the later part of the Late Lengyel phase in Transdanubia, the later part of the MOG IIa and earl- ier part of the MOG IIb phases in eastern Austria (cf. Oross et al. 2010; Osztás et al. 2016. 197–233; Re ge - nye et al. 2022; Stadler, Ruttkay 2007). Both varia- tions of pottery style – Sava group Ib with many simi- larities to that of Sava group Ia and Sava group II with more elements in common with the pottery of the sub - sequent Lasinja Culture (see Kramberger 2020; 2021. 53,56–57) – were thus parallel to the Lengyel III phase, and researchers in western Hungary have come to si- milar conclusions. The Late Lengyel horizon there can be divided into two subphases (Lengyel IIIa-b) and the researchers recognized that the settlements of the later subphase produced pottery with more elements of lity), and the end of Lasinja Culture at these sites is estimated to have been between 4212-4118 cal BC (68.3% pro ba bility). Further details of the calculated Ba yesian model are presented in Tables 4 and 5. The median value for the beginning of the Èatež – Sredno polje and Dragomelj in the Bayesian chro no- logical model presented here is 4758 cal BC. This is similar or slightly earlier than the age of the pile (Fra ­ xinus sp.) from Verd, which was dated using the Wig- gle matching method: 4674±42 cal BC (Velušèek et al. 2023). Unfortunately, the excavations in the trial trench yielded only a small number of ceramic frag- ments. In any case, from a broader perspective the date of the pile at Verd and the estimated beginning of the Sava group could correspond to the MOG Ia and Ib phases (Stadler, Rutkay 2007). Similar dates (colla - gen from animal bones) are known from the Lengyel II phase settlement of Nagykanizsa-Palin-Anyagnyerõhely in Transdanubia (Barna et al. 2016.319) and a com pa - rable time range was estimated for five Lengyel fur- nished burials at Veszprém-Jutasi út, which are sup po - sedly later, from the Lengyel IIb phase, according to the typo-chronology (Regenye et al. 2022.288–290; see also Regenye 2007.392). The estimated time range for the beginning of phase 2 of Mo verna vas is comparable, but slightly ear lier than those from Èatež – Sredno polje and Drago melj (cf. Figs. 16 and 17). This would mean that the set tlement phase with finds of Sava group Ib at Mover na vas in Bela krajina was contempo - rary with the sites of Sava group Ia in Posavje, or even earlier (Fig. 1.16, 14, 5). How ever, due to the lack of ra diocarbon measurements on short-lived material and the un cer - tainties associated with some dates on charred residues on pot tery (Mlekuž et al. 2013.Tab. 1), further research is needed to prove or dis - prove this. Dates similar to those from the Sava group Ib si tes in Po- savje are presented from phase 3 at Moverna vas (Fig. 17; Sraka 2020. App.), but so far no pottery finds from this settlement phase have been published. Ceramic style sequence Ranges with 68,3% probablity Ranges with 95,4% probablity Median Start of Sava group Ia 4779-4731 4827-4726 4758 Sava group Ia-Ib transition 4568-4527 4598-4506 4548 Sava group Ib-II transition 4403-4358 4427-4348 4383 Sava group II – Lasinja 4353-4315 4366-4278 4332 End of Lasinja 4212-4118 4219-4004 4147 Ceramic style Samples Duration with 68,3% probablity Duration with 95,4% probablity Median Sava group Ia 24 (all charcoal) 173-248 141-304 212 Sava group Ib 12 (3 collagen, 4 enamel apatite, 1 charred seed, 1 wood, 1 charred residue, 2 charcoal) 133-198 97-232 166 Sava group II 2 (charcoal) 16-81 0-114 53 Lasinja 26 (17 collagen, 6 charred seeds, 1 charred residues, 2 charcoal) 112-229 68-341 183 Tab. 5. List of values (in cal BC) of probability distributions of the durations of the Late Neolithic and Early Copper Age ceramic traditions in the south eastern Alpine region in Slovenia, derived from the chro- nological model in Fig. 16. Tab. 4. List of values of probability distributions (in cal BC) of the ranges of transitions of ceramic sequences in the south-eastern Alpine region in Slo venia, derived from the chronological model in Fig. 16. 359 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... Fig. 16. Probability distributions of dates from the Late Neolithic and Early Copper Age ceramic sequence in southeastern Alpine region of Slovenia. In the model we estimate the dates of transition from one pottery style to another and no gaps. The Bayesian chronological modelling was carried out using OxCal v4.4 (Bronk Ram - sey 2009) and the calibration curve IntCal 20 (Reimer et al. 2022). 360 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar 2020) and western Transdanubia (Oross et al. 2010; Regenye et al. 2022). Archaeobotanical, archaeozoological data and subsistence strategies in the first half and be- ginning of the second half of the 5th millennium cal BC in the SE Alpine region During the 7th and 6th millennia cal BC, agriculture gradually spread from southwestern Asia into near by regions. Farming was first introduced into Me diterra- the Lasinja (or Balaton-Lasinja) culture (Kalicz 1991; Bánffy 1994; Regenye et al. 2022.281). More significant changes in material culture, which can be associated with the Lasinja Culture (in Slovenian ter minology representing the Early Copper Age), be- gan in Posavje around 4350 cal BC according to the calculated chronological model (Fig. 16). This is similar to Moverna vas in Bela krajina (Fig. 17 – phase 7 and partly 6), northeastern Slovenia (e.g., Sraka 2014; Fig. 17. Bayesian model of radiocarbon dates from Late Neolithic and Early Copper Age occupation layers at Moverna vas in Bela krajina (after Sraka 2012.Fig. 2; 2014.Fig. 3). Type of program and calibration curve is the same as in Fig. 16. 361 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... Very modest archaeobotanical investigations from the above listed sites have already been published (see references). This paper presents the first combined analysis of all of them. The oldest plant macro-re- mains recovered and analysed to date from the 5th millennium cal BC sites are listed and compared (seeds/fruits – Tab. 6; charcoal – Tab. 7; both tables see below). In most cases, the macro-remains compared were derived from the randomly and subjectively col - lected sediment samples. In some cases, the wash-over method (Kenward et al. 1980) with a minimum sieve mesh size of 1 to 2mm was used to separate the plant macro-remains from the sediment sample material, and the macro-remains were then air-dried. Recog ni - zable plant remains were then sorted out, but the vo- lume of each sample varied according to the size of the approximate sediment sample value (c. 5–20 litres). In Tables 6 and 7, therefore, only the total num ber of re - cognized plant remains in an unknown volume are given, or only the presence/absence of plant taxa is marked. This methodological problem further limits comparisons between the sites. The context types for the sites compared are also given in Tables 6–7. Except for the pile-dwelling sites, most of the samples come from Neolithic secondary refuse deposits (i.e. pits). No large deposits of in situ preserved plant macro- remains have yet been re covered from the 5th mill. cal BC sites in Slovenia. Tables 6–7 show that seed/fruit remains from Late Neolithic sites in Slovenia are less abundant than char - coal remains. Only four sites have at least one seed/ fruit remain. Two of them (Dragomelj, Verd) may con- tain cereal remains, which could also be the remains of a wild plant of the Poaceae family, therefore the identification is uncertain. At two sites (Verd, Dol. Les - kovec) the remains of wild edible fruits/nuts are pre- served: Fagus sylvatica (beech), Malus sylvestris/Py ­ rus pyraster (wild apple/pear), Crataegus mo nogyna (hawthorn), Rubus sp. (black berry/rasp berry), Tra- pa natans (chestnut) – which point to a possible ga- thering economy. At three sites (Èatež, Dragomelj, Verd) the remains of other, nutritionally less impor- tant plant taxa are present, which provide information on the environmental conditions at the sites. The seed/ fruit remains of Chenopodiaceae (goose foot), Poly- gonum sp. (knotgrass), Veronica sp. (speedwell), Se - taria sp. (foxtail), Solanum nigrum (black night- shade) found at the Èatež site confirm an anthro po- genic, ruderal environment. The same is true for the remains of Stellaria sp. (chickweed) at the Dragomelj site. While the remains of various aquatic and marshy/ nean areas with climatic conditions similar to those in which it originated (de Vareilles et al. 2020), and then progressively further north, starting in the Balkans. Archaeobotanical research on Early Neolithic sites in the Balkans has provided highly relevant data on the crop choices of early farmers. For example, some of the oldest directly dated cereal and pulse re mains in Europe are from northern Greece (e.g., Va lamoti, Kot - sakis 2007), Bulgaria (e.g., Marinova 2007; 2017), Ser - bia (e.g., Filipoviæ 2014) and North Macedonia, i.e. from c. 6400–5700 cal BC, where a wide range of crops has been found, with five cereal spe cies and se - veral varieties, two legumes and possibly two oil crops (Sabanov et al. 2024). Some differences in the diver si - ty and importance of certain crops were noted, pro ba - bly depending on local environmental or cultural fac- tors, i.e. early farmers adapted their crop choices. The 5th millennium cal BC in Slovenia is characterized by the transition from the Neolithic to the Copper Age (e.g., Budja 1995; Velušèek 2011; Sraka 2020). Ar cha- eobotanical studies of Late Neolithic sites in Slovenia, including the site of Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce, are very scarce. There are several reasons for this, such as the limited and poor state of research, ineffective and in - sufficient sampling for archaeobotanical ana lyses, and poorly preserved cultural layers. The poor state of pre- servation of the plant macro-remains is certainly not the case for the pile-dwelling sites at Ljub ljansko barje (e.g., Culiberg 2006; Jeraj 2004; Tolar et al. 2010; 2011; Velušèek et al. 2023), the cave cemetery site in Aj dovska jama (Culiberg, Šercelj 1986; Culiberg et al. 1992; Sraka 2020) or the hilltop settlement at Gradec near Mirna (Dular et al. 1991; Culiberg, Šercelj 1995; Sraka 2020), where many macro-remains of cul tivated plants were found, but all of them are younger (i.e. end of the 5th and 4th millennium cal BC). The published archaeobotanical data on plant re- mains from Late Neolithic sites in Slovenia have been synthesized to expand the comparisons between sites in the area. In the next part of this paper, the archaeo- bo tanical analyses of eight 5th millennium cal BC sites (dated around 4700-4400 cal BC) in Slovenia, from which at least some plant macro-remains (mostly char- coal) have been recovered, are presented to show the state-of-the-art, i.e. Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce, Èa tež – Sredno polje (Culiberg 2022), Stoperce (Kram berger et al. 2023), Dragomelj (Tolar 2022), Verd (Velušèek et al. 2023), Resnikov prekop (Culiberg 2006; Èufar, Korenèiè 2006), Dolenji Leskovec (Sraka 2016) and Zamedvedica near Plešivica (Turk, Vuga 1984). 362 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar vegetation and certainly also on the number of char- coal fragments and samples taken for analysis. The Èatež – Sredno polje site, with the largest number of charcoal identifications, clearly shows a relatively higher diversity (11 taxa) of the wood used, with a pre- ference for beech, oak and maple – which probably grew in the vicinity of the settlement. In Dolsko – Spod nje Škovce, the oak charcoal can be interpreted in two ways: as natural oak wood or as selected oak wood. Today, almost two thirds of Posavsko hribovje is covered by forests, and the dolomite slopes of the Sava gorge are mainly beech (Fagus sylvatica) and hornbeam (Carpinus betulus) forests. Another impor- tant factor to be taken into account is the taphonomy and resistance of different types of wood/charcoal, which could also be the rea son why oak charcoal is more often identified. Archaeozoological knowledge about subsistence stra- tegies in the settlements of the Sava group is li mited (Tab. 8). This is mainly due to the lack of ma terial caused by the poor preservation of bones in the often acidic sediments (e.g., Hincak 2022; Kram berger et al. 2023.71,108–109) and/or the relatively small scale of the fieldwork (e.g., Turk, Vu ga 1984; Toškan, Dirjec 2006.Tab. 1; Velušèek et al. 2023). In Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce, too, the small number of taxonomically iden- tified animal remains probably does not allow a re- liable assessment of local subsistence strategies (Davis 1987.46; Bartosiewicz 2005.58–59), especially since most finds come from a single feature, i.e. pit 1. The lat ter circumstance pre cludes a serious analysis of spatial differentiation within the settlement, so that a comparison of local archaeozoological data with those from other sites is more likely to reflect (dis) similarities in spatial use within the settlement rather than the degree of congruence of general subsistence patterns at different sites. Further difficulties arise from the fact that the archaeozoological material is highly fragmented. This makes the calculation of the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) rather im prac - tical, even when focusing on several dozen taxono mi- cally identified teeth. Since it is practically impossible to identify the tiny enamel fragments belonging to the same tooth, the actual calculated value of MNI = 3 may be close to or significantly different from the actual num ber of animals represented in the pit. Another stumbling block in the interpretation of the archaeozoological assemblage from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce is the limited understanding of the formation process of the deposits in pit 1. The pit may have been lakeshore plant taxa, identified at the Verd pile-dwel- ling site, such as Sparganium sp., Alnus glutinosa, Betula pubescens, Nuphar luteum, Mentha aquatica, Schoenoplectus lacustris, Potamogeton sp., Alisma plantago aquatica, Euphatorium can nabinum, Ranunculus aquatilis, Oenanthe aquatica, Najas marina, Epilobium hirsutum, Trapa natans and Cha - ra sp., all attest to the existence of a water source and a marshy/lakeshore area at the site. The remains of Ur- tica dioica, Acer sp., Abies alba, Cor nus sanguinea, Api aceae and Poaceae at Verd could possibly be the re - mains of plant taxa that do not pre fer moisture, and which could have been brought to the lakeshore set- tlement by the inhabitants. The charcoal remains preserved at all eight considered Late Neolithic sites (Tab. 7) indicate palaeovegetational conditions in the surrounding forest and possible se- lection of wood for different purposes. At Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce a selection of mainly oak (Quercus sp.) and other RPW taxa (Castanea, Fraxinus) is shown, although five other tree taxa were also iden ti - fied. Èatež – Sredno polje is the site with the most nu - merous charcoal fragments analysis among the sites considered (Tab. 7). The result shows that the forest vegetation of that time was quite similar to today’s. In the lowland part of the wider area of the Èatež – Sredno polje, a floodplain oak forest still grows, in which hornbeam (Carpinus betulus) is also common. In addition to oak, elm (Ulmus sp.) and ash (Fraxinus sp.) are common, what is shown also by the analysed Late Neolithic charcoal. The ele vated edges of the Gorjanci plain are now covered with light beech (Fa­ gus sylvatica) forest, in which hornbeam and maple (Acer sp.) also thrive. The pre sence of vine (Vitis vini- fera ssp.) charcoal at the Èa tež – Sredno polje site is interesting, but it is not yet possible to say whether it is from the cultivated ssp. yet (Culiberg 2022). The re- sult of charcoal analysis outline the natural environ- ment from which people extracted natural resources, especially wood. Eighteen wooden piles of alder (Alnus sp.) used for construction at Resnikov prekop and seven of alder and willow (Salix sp.) at Verd pile- dwelling sites are of interest (Tab. 7), while mostly oak and ash wood is used at the younger Eneolithic pile-dwelling sites (Èufar et al. 2010). In general, ash (Fraxinus sp.) charcoal has been found in five of the seven sites considered (Tab. 7); it seems to have been, along with oak (Quercus sp.), one of the tree taxa that was already selected by people in the Late Neolithic, not just in the Eneolithic (Èufar et al. 2010). However, there are differences depending on the nearby forest 363 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... scattered in different parts of the feature/site, and so on (Chapman 2000.69–73,82–83). Interestingly, most of the listed clues were found in Pit 1 in Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce. The list includes large quan tity of deposited ceramics, especially in the basal la yer SU 194 = 196 = 217, the presence of fragments of in di vidual vessels in different parts of the pit, the fill SU 148 with a large amount of charcoal, the presence (deposition?) of the only almost complete, unburnt bone – a cattle mandible – at the bottom of one of the depressions in the bottom of the pit (i.e. SU 217; Fig. 5.2), the presence of burnt clay and possibly two char - coal clusters (hearths?) directly above fill SU 194 = 196 = 217, the prevalence of calcined animal teeth and bones in SU 194 = 196 = 217, and the peculiarity that they were almost absent from fill SU 148, which con- tained by far the largest concentration of charcoal (Kramberger in press). A pragmatic approach to the interpretation of the al- most exclusive occurrence of cattle in the Late Neolithic archaeozoological assemblage from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce would focus on the considerable importance of this animal at (roughly) contemporaneous Lengyel sites in Lower Austria, the Carpathian Basin and the West - ern Balkans (e.g., Bökönyi 1986.Tab. 1, 3, Fig. 2–3; Bartosiewicz 1995.Tab. 2; Schmitzberger 2008.227– 240; Nyerges, Biller 2015.4–6; see also Barto siewicz 2005.57–58), as this suggests that the Late Neo lithic community under study often placed a strong em pha - sis on cattle herding. Of course, to confirm the hypo- the sis the archaeozoological ma terial studied here formed by the extraction of clay material and later filled with waste, as is known from contemporary sites in the wider region, but it is unclear whether the pit was filled very quickly or much slower. Understanding the depositional processes associated with these fea - tures is crucial, as large pits may contain waste from a single building, from several households or possibly from the whole community; the deposits may be as - sociated with ordinary daily activities, a spe cial event (e.g., a feast) or an exceptional situation (e.g., the re mains of a burnt-down house); they may contain pri mary or redeposited secondary waste, and so on (Chap man 2000; Osztás et al. 2012.388–390; Kvì- tina, Øídký 2017; Tóth et al. 2020; Orton in press). According to John Chapman (2000.20,64), in the Bal- kan Neo lithic the “...cultural material pro duc ed within, or domesticated into, the house hold was not subject to 20th century AD rules of refuse dispo- sal but re main ed part of the household even after the end of its use.” In other words, not everything that was depo sited in pits can be considered as ‘normal’ waste, be cause there must have been a deliberate choice to dump certain materials in pits and not simply dispose them in backyards, along paths, between houses, etc. (cf. Orton in press). Such ‘special’ pits may include an above-average amount of dumped material, evidence of in situ firing, backfills with evidence of deliberate burning or inclusion of products of deliberate burning (charcoal, ash, burnt clay, lithics, vessels and organic remains with evidence of burning), a basal layer of spe - cial/rare and/or mixed finds, deliberate placement of animal bones, evidence of ritual breakage (e.g., of ves- sels) and evidence of parts of the same vessel being Site N IS P B. ta ur us Ca pr in ae Su s s p. C. fa m ili ar is C. el ap hu s C. ca pr eo lu s A. al ce s B. pr im ig en iu s O th er ta xa Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce (Fig. 1.1) 511 71 2 10 Resnikov prekop (Fig. 1.6) 108 14 5 19 2 37 4 20 7 Zamedvedica (Fig. 1.7) 15 3 10 1 1 Verd (Fig. 1.9) 5 4 1 Gradec near Mirna (Fig. 1.11) 8 3 1 1 3 Čatež – Sredno polje (Fig. 1.14) 166 22 26 31 37 11 39 Spaha (Fig. 1.20) 38 15 3 10 4 1 5 Tab. 8. Species representation at Dolsko and other sites of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture. Notes on the contexts considered: Dolsko – Neolithic material (Tab. 1); Resnikov prekop – complete assemblage (Toš kan, Dirjec 2006); Zamedvedica near Plešivica – complete assemblage (Turk, Vuga 1984); Verd – complete as sem- blage (Velušèek et al. 2023); Gradec near Mirna – phases 1a, 1b (Toškan, unpublished data); Èatež – Sredno po lje – Neolithic material (Hincak 2022; unpublished data); Spaha – material from the 5th millennium cal BC (Toškan 2011). Explanation of abbreviation: NISP – Number of Identified Specimens (Grayson 1984). 364 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar lithic archaeological record at Dolsko – Spodnje Škov- ce. Nevertheless, several smaller and two large pits (1 and 2), filled with material culture of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture were found. Of particular interest is pit 1, which yielded most of the Late Neo lithic pot- tery from the site. Based on its irregular shape, the distribution of parts of individual ceramic vessels in different fills of the pit and over large area, the large amount of very fragmented animal remains and the location of the pit on the ‘island’ of clayey alluvium, it may have been used for digging clay loam, which was used for construction activities, and in the later phase it was filled with waste. The same can be assumed for many other large pits of irregular shape at Late Neo li- thic sites in Slovenia. Lack of rectangular timber fram- ed houses may be due to time-dependent site losses due to taphonomy. Based on the analysis of the pottery, the definition of the Sava group of the Lengyel Culture needs to be sup- plemented. The sites in Bela Krajina do not differ from those in the Posavje, Ljubljansko barje and SU 128 in Stoperce (northeastern Slovenia) in terms of pottery production methods, decoration and ceramic forms. On the contrary, three variations of one pot tery style (Sava group Ia-b, II) can be recognized. In Posavje and central Slovenia all three variations of one style are present, the only site of the Sava group in north eastern Slovenia (Stoperce, SU 128) has yielded pottery of the Sava group Ib style, and in the Bela krajina region so far only settlements with pottery of Sava group Ib and II were found, at Moverna vas in different occupation layers lying in stratigraphic superposition: settlement phases 2 (Sava group Ib), 4 and 5 (Sava group II). According to the analysis, the material culture from pit 1 at Dolsko is attributed to the Sava group Ib and, based on radiocarbon measurements, it can be dated with caution to the middle and beginning of the se- cond half of the 5th millennium cal BC. This pe riod cor - responds to a range of radiocarbon dates from short- lived material at other Late Neolithic sites with the Sava group Ib pottery in the Posavje region and Ljub- ljansko barje, as well as dates from the Late Lengyel Cul ture in Transdanubia and MOG IIa phase in Austria. It is later than the range of radiocarbon dates from Dragomelj and Èatež – Sredno polje, whose pottery can be attributed to Sava group Ia. The Bayesian model presented in this study included a number of samples of short-lived materials related to Sava group Ib and Lasinja Culture of the Early Copper would have to reflect sub si stence strategies that go be- yond the level of a single household or even a single event. Given the diversity of the material dis carded in pit 1 and the considerable differences in the com po- sition of different fills, this option is not to be ruled out completely (cf. Osz tás et al. 2012.390). The hypothesis that cattle bre eding predominated in Late Neolithic Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce would indeed fit well with the local paleoenvironment, as the site is lo cated on the edge of the agriculturally interesting lowlands of the Ljubljana Basin. On the other hand, for example, the nearby Res nikov prekop and Verd were located on the shores of the lake at Ljubljansko barje, with pro ba - bly a less fertile soils, so the dominance of game at these sites (pile dwellings) is not surprising (Tab. 8). On closer examination of the available data, how ever, the possibility seems realistic that the archaeo zoo lo- gical assemblage from the Late Neolithic contexts at Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce does not reflect ‘average’ sub- sistence practices, as the process of formation of the de posits from pit 1 appears to be peculiar in some re - spects. In this context, it is worth mentioning the ta- phonomic observations already highlighted in relation to the fillings of this pit. Also significant is the large discrepancy in the quantity of pottery, charcoal and animal remains between pit 1 and other pits discovered at this site, which is obvious even taking into account the differences in size between them (Kramberger in press). To mention only the number of animal remains (Tabs. 1, 8), several hundred specimens were collected from pit 1 (size: 11x7m; depth: up to 0.7m), no more than four from pit 2 (size: 10x5m; depth: 0.3m with de epenings in the floor up to a further 0.3m) and none from any of the other, indeed much smaller and shallower pits (N = 12; dimensions of the largest [SU 3029/3030]: 2.35x1.1m; depth: up to 0.35m; Kramberger in press). Finally, the preponderance of cattle in the various fills of Pit 1 is a remarkable circumstance. In fact, the sheer size of these animals implies that they were routinely consumed beyond the level of the individual household or nuclear family group, suggesting communal (and thus not ‘ordinary’?) activity. Also worth mentioning is the possible social value of live animals of this domesticate as objects of prestige or exchange (Orton 2012.27,32; Manning et al. 2013a.250). Conclusions Post-depositional processes related to the Sava River and smaller streams have shaped the found Late Neo- 365 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... The oldest currently known finds of cultivated plants in Slovenia are therefore much younger, dating from the last third of the 5th and 4th mill. cal. BC or Early and Middle Copper Age; e.g., form the sites: Pigl na Ja- vorniku (Tolar unpublished), Ajdovska jama (Cu li - berg, Šercelj 1986; Culiberg et al. 1992; Sraka 2020), Gradec near Mirna (2nd phase, Culiberg, Šercelj 1995; Sraka 2020), Stoperce (other pits than SU 128, Kram- berger et al. 2023), Zgornje Radvanje (Kramberger 2021; Tolar 2021). Strojanova voda and Maharski prekop (Tolar 2018), Stare gmajne (Tolar et al. 2011), and Hoèevarica (Jeraj 2004). The earliest crop taxa in Slovenia to date are represented by three species of ce - reals, barley (Hordeum vulgare), einkorn (Triticum monococcum) and emmer (Triticum di coccum), one pulse, i.e. pea (Pisum sativum), and two or three oil crops: flax (Linum usitatissimum), poppy (Papaver somniferum), and possibly turnip (Brassica rapa; see Tolar et al. 2011). The macro-remains of the listed taxa have all been found at the sites listed above and attest to the presence of the earliest cultivars in Slovenia. In addition to cereals grains and/or oil seeds, the remains of cereal or flax processings (i.e. chaff and capsulas remains) have been found at many of the above listed sites. At waterlogged sites (i.e. pile-dwellings) even the seeds of weeds are well preserved. All of these are evidences not only of the use of cultivated food plants (i.e. diet), but also of the cultivation practices (agriculture) directly at the archaeological site being investigated. As far as the archaeozoological results are concerned, the first impression is that in the Late Neolithic in Dol- sko – Spodnje Škovce cattle breeding played the main role in the supply of meat and fats. This is similar to other sites of the Lengyel Culture from Lower Austria and the Carpathian Basin (Bökönyi 1986.Tabs. 1,3, Figs. 2–3; Bartosiewicz 1995.Tab. 2; Schmitzberger 2008.227–240; Nyerges, Biller 2015.4–6), as well as most contemporaneous sites in the continental cen tral Balkans (Orton 2012; Manning et al. 2013a; 2013b; Orton et al. 2016; 2021). However, it should not be for- gotten that practically all the animal re mains examined here came from a single, peculiar large pit. Moreover, since the general trend of in creas ing importance of large-scale cattle breeding in the Late Neolithic Balkans was neither universal nor synchronous (Orton et al. 2021 and references therein), it should not be taken for granted for the communities of the Lengyel Culture either. Hete ro geneity in subsistence strategies is evi- dent in the continued importance of wild species in the ar chaeofaunas of this period, suggesting that hunting Age from the area of central Slovenia and Posavje. According to the median value, the beginning of the Sava group (Ia) is estimated at 4758 cal BC and its end at 4548 cal BC, which could correspond to Lengyel II phase in Transdanubia and recently published dendro- data for the pile from Verd (Velušèek et al. 2023), but also to the time range estimated for five Lengyel fur- nished burials at Veszprém-Jutasi út, attributed to Lengyel IIb phase (Regenye et al. 2022.288–290). The following part of the Sava group sequence (sites with pottery Sava group Ib and II) in Posavje was parallel to the Late Lengyel sequence in Transdanubia. According to the chronological model presented here, the period of settlement phase 2 at Moverna vas over - laps with those from Èatež – Sredno polje and Dra go- melj, or is even slightly earlier. This would mean that sites with pottery of Sava group Ia in cen tral Slovenia and Posavje, and Sava group Ib in Bela Krajina were contemporary. However, since the ra diocarbon dating at Dragomelj and Èatež – Sredno polje is based solely on charcoal, and at Moverna vas on charcoal and char - red residues on the pottery, further research is ne eded to prove or disprove this. Later chronological sequence at Moverna vas (phases 3, 4, 5 and partly phase 6) is comparable with the later sequence in the here pre- sent ed Bayesian chronological model for the Sava group in Posavje, and the beginning of the Lasinja Cul- ture, which was part of a wider shift in settlement and society, is estimated in models for both regions to be around 4350 cal BC, which is similar to Transdanubia. The synthesis of the scarce archaeobotanical results, especially no crop macro-remains (see Tab. 6), at Slo ve - nian Late Neolithic (5th cal BC) sites to date aims to outline a regional gap in the study of the earliest ag- ricultural communities and crop diversity among the early farmers in present-day Slovenia. The aim is to provoke a discussion about whether and why the po - tential botanical evidence for early agricultural de ci- sion-making at the local level is being dismissed, or indeed does not exist. The record of prehistoric crop cultivation in central Europe dates back to 5500 cal BC (e.g., Baum et al. 2016). However, the synthesis pre- sented in this article clearly shows that there is an ur- gent need for further revision and possible re-probing, which would allow us to expand the com parisons be - tween the sites in the area and thus obtain more in for - mation about the first farmers in Slovenia. The dis cus - sion of cultural similarity and preferences in crop choice could then be developed, together with archa- eo logical and archaeozoological evidences. 366 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar occupied by the Sava group communities, the high prevalence of cattle remains in Dolsko – Spodnje Škov - ce could reflect either a strong emphasis on cattle herding by the local community or the holding of a special event in which cattle/beef played a notable role (e.g., a feast). was not consistently reduced to a sporadic, seasonal or purely opportunistic practice (Gaastra, de Vareilles, Vander Linden 2022.52–57; Orton in press). Indeed, the archaeozoological data for the sites of the Sava group, although sparse, reflect the non-uniform supra-regional picture mentioned above quite well (Tab. 8). The high proportion of wild fauna at Èatež – Sredno polje and the pile-dwellings of Zamedvedica, Verd and Resnikov prekop is probably influenced by the location of these sites on/near a large lake/river with a forested, game-rich background (Turk, Vuga 1984; Toškan, Dirjec 2006; Hincak 2022; Velušèek et al. 2023.27–28), but may not have been independent of a conscious, culturally determined decision to em- phasize hunting (cf. Bökönyi 1986; Gaastra et al. 2022.56–57; Orton in press). The relative abundance of cattle remains in the 5th millennium layers at the hilltop settlement of Spaha (c. 60km southeast of Dol- sko – Spodnje Škovce), on the other hand, seems to re - flect vertical transhumance as part of an already de ve - loped, large-scale cattle herding system. Since both extremes of subsistence strategy are found in the area Anderberg A. L. 1994. 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Budapest. Acknowledgements Financial support for the archaeological excavation and research was the company Energoplan d.d. (De ci sion of the Ministry of Culture no. 62240­16/2008/2 from 06/ 16/2008), while the company Tica Sistem d.o.o. carried out the exca vation. We are grateful to Bar bara Nadbath from ZVKDS, CPA, who provided the archaeo lo gical material from Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and made its processing possible. We would also like to thank to Sa ­ mo Ohman, Marko Reš and Tamara Strmšek for draw ­ ing the finds, Matjaž Mori for providing a GIS data base and general plan of the site, Davorin Ciglar Milosavljeviæ for photographing the finds and Dr Nives Kokeza for proofreading the text. The authors also acknow ledge the financial support of the Slovenian Re search and In - novation Agency under the Research Pro gramme P6- 0064. ∴ References 367 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... Barna J. 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Si te Do ls ko – S po dn je Šk ov ce (F ig . 1 .1 ) Dr ag om el j, SU 97 1 (F ig . 1 .5 ) Re sn ik ov p re ko p (F ig . 1 .6 ) Za m ed ve di ca (F ig . 1 .7 ) Ve rd (F ig . 1 .9 ) Do le nj i Le sk ov ec (F ig . 1. 12 ) Ča te ž – S re dn o po lje (F ig . 1 . 1 4) St op er ce , S U 12 8 (F ig . 1 .2 2) N o. se di m en t s am pl es 34 1 34 w oo d sa m pl es n. d. 2 1 70 2 Co nt ex t N eo lit hi c pi ts 1 a nd 2, S U s 8 7, 8 7, 2 18 N eo lit hi c pi t Pi le -d w el lin g Su rf ac e fin ds Pi le -d w el lin g Pi t N eo lit hi c pi ts N eo lit hi c pi t Ag e ca l B C / Pl an t t ax a (s ee ds /f ru its ) Ch ar co al a nd a pa tit e: 47 88 -4 35 0 Ch ar co al : 4 84 0- 44 56 Al nu s w oo d: 4 67 5- 44 65 / Tr ap a na ta ns : 4 61 1- 46 30 ; d en dr oc hr .: 46 74 ±4 2 Cr at ae gu s: 46 56 -4 37 1 Ch ar co al : 4 95 4- 44 60 Ch ar co al : 4 60 9- 44 50 Ce re al ia 1 Po ac ea e (? Ce re al ia ) x St el la ria sp . 1 Ch en op od ia ce ae x Po ly go nu m sp . 2 Po ly go nu m p er sic ar ia 1 Ve ro ni ca sp . 1 Se ta ria sp . 2 U rti ca d io ic a 2 Sp ar ga ni um sp . 1 So la nu m n ig ru m 1 Be tu la p ub es ce ns 1 Ac er sp . 2 Fa gu s s yl va tic a 2 M al us /P yr us 1 Cr at ae gu s m on og yn a 2 1 Ru bu s s p. 1 Co rn us sa ng ui ne a 1 Ab ie s a lb a- ne ed le s 30 Al nu s s p. 5 N up ha r l ut eu m 2 M en th a aq ua tic a 29 Sc ho en op le ct us la cu st ris 13 Po ta m og et on sp . 2 Ta b. 6 . 5 th m il le n n iu m c al B C La te N eo li th ic s it es in S lo ve n ia w it h m ac ro -r em ai n s of s ee ds /f ru it s, s ta te -o f-t he -a rt ( n .d . – n o da ta ). Q u an ti ta ti ve p ro po rt io n s of sa m pl es a pp ly to a ll an al ys ed s am pl es ( se ed s an d w oo d ch ar co al ). S ou rc e of d at a: C u li be rg ( 20 22 ); K ra m be rg er e t a l. (2 02 3) ; T ol ar ( 20 22 ); V el u šè ek e t a l. (2 02 3) ; Cu li be rg ( 20 06 ); È u fa r, K or en èi è (2 00 6) ; S ra ka ( 20 16 ); H la d (2 01 5) a n d u n pu bl is he d da ta . 376 Bine Kramberger, Borut Toškan, and Tjaša Tolar Ta b. 7 . 5 th m il le n n iu m c al B C La te N eo li th ic s it es in S lo ve n ia w it h ch ar co al ( w oo d) r em ai n s, s ta te -o f-t he -a rt ( n .d . – n o da ta ). Q u an ti ta ti ve p ro po rt io n s of s am pl es ap pl y to a ll an al ys ed s am pl es ( se ed s an d w oo d ch ar co al ). S ou rc e of d at a: T ab . 2 a n d sa m e as in T ab . 6 . Al ism a pl an ta go a qu ati ca 6 Eu pa to riu m c an na bi nu m 7 Ra nu nc ul us a qu ati lis 3 O en an th e aq ua tic a 4 N aj as m ar in a 3 Ep ilo bi um h irs ut um 3 Ap ia ce ae 1 Tr ap a na ta ns 8 Ch ar a sp . 33 Ta b. 6 . C on ti n u ed Si te Do ls ko – S po dn je Šk ov ce (F ig . 1 .1 ) Dr ag om el j, SU 9 71 (F ig . 1. 5) Re sn ik ov pr ek op (F ig . 1. 6) Za m ed ve di ca (F ig . 1 .7 ) Ve rd (F ig . 1 .9 ) Do le nj i Le sk ov ec (F ig . 1 .1 2) Ča te ž – S re dn o po lje (F ig . 1 . 1 4) St op er ce , S U 12 8 (F ig . 1 .2 2) N o. se di m en t sa m pl es 34 1 34 w oo d sa m pl es n. d. 2 1 70 2 N o. ID c ha rc oa ls 35 n. d. n. d. 19 0 4 Co nt ex t N eo lit hi c pi ts 1 a nd 2, S U s 8 6, 7 6, 2 18 N eo lit hi c pi t Pi le -d w el lin g Su rf ac e fin ds Pi le -d w el lin g Pi t N eo lit hi c pi ts N eo lit hi c pi t Ag e ca l B C / Pl an t ta xa (c ha rc oa l) Ch ar co al a nd ap ati te : 4 78 8- 43 50 Ch ar co al : 48 40 -4 45 6 Al nu s w oo d: 46 75 -4 46 5 / Tr ap a na ta ns : 46 11 -4 63 0; de nd ro ch r.: 46 74 ±4 2 Cr at ae gu s: 46 56 -4 37 1 Ch ar co al : 4 95 4- 44 60 Ch ar co al : 4 60 9- 44 50 Q ue rc us 12 6+ 10 +6 +1 1+ 3+ 1+ 5+ 7+ 26 Q ue rc us /C as ta ne a 3 Ti lia 1 Po pu lu s/ Sa lix 3 (p ile s) 1+ 3+ 1 Ac er 1 1 (p ile s) 13 +2 +3 +2 +1 +1 +8 +4 Ca rp in us 5 1+ 5+ 1 Fa gu s 1 (p ile ) 2+ 32 +1 +4 +1 +1 +1 +6 +1 +3 +1 +1 +7 +4 +2 +4 U lm us 4+ 4+ 2+ 3 Vi tis 17 377 Dolsko – Spodnje Škovce and a new insight into the settlement, chronology, ceramic style(s), and subsistence strategies ... Ta b. 7 . C on ti n u ed Fr ax in us 1 8 (p ile s) x (c ha rc oa l); 2 (p ile s) 2+ 1+ 4+ 3 2 Fr ax in us /C as ta ne a 1 Be tu la 1+ 1 So rb us 2 Co rn us 4 So rb us /C or nu s 1 Al nu s s p. 18 (p ile s) 4 (p ile s) Co ry lu s a ve lla na x Co ni fe ro us 3 2 DP W 7 (p ile s) 1 RP W 4 no t d et er m in ed x x (c ha rc oa l) x (c ha rc oa l) x back to content 378 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.2 rates on seed crops and animal products, like bone, if cooking releases more calories relative to the time invested in their acquisition (Bettinger et al. 2006; Sturm et al. 2016). In this paper, we explore the fol- lowing research question: How was ceramic technology used by small-scale mobile societies in the highlands of northwestern Patagonia? Introduction In mobile societies, the use of ceramics may be pro- blematic if the manufacturing process interferes with residential movements and the acquisition of seasonal resources, such as when the vessel drying and firing process requires foragers to stay in places for longer periods. Yet the potential benefits of ceramics to the subsistence system may include improved return KLJUÈNE BESEDE – analiza keramike; raba prostora; severozahodna Patagonija; lovci in nabiralci IZVLEÈEK – V prispevku prouèujemo uporabo lonèenine v manjših skupnostih v poznem holocenu v se verni Patagoniji. Model tehnološke investicije predvideva, da èas uporabe in uporabnost doloèata na- ­ložbo­v­izdelavo­keramiènih­posod.­V­prispevku­raziskujemo,­kako­se­je­lonèenina­uporabljala­v­krat­ko­- trajnih poletnih taborih in zbirališèih na visokih nadmorskih višinah ter v zimskih bivalnih ta borih na nižjih­nadmorskih­višinah.­Za­testiranje­modela­uporabljamo­štiri­tehnološke­spremenljiv­ke:­velikost­pri­- mesi,­povpreèno­debelino,­dodelavo­površine­in­žganje.­Rezultati­kažejo,­da­so­lovci­in­nabiralci­naèrto- vali­kratkotrajno­uporabo­posod­na­poletnih­lokacijah,­zato­je­bila­naložba­v­izdelavo­posod­majhna. Raba prostora in lončenina v Andskem višavju Patagonije v Argentini KEY WORDS – ceramic analysis; use of space; northwestern Patagonia; hunter-gatherers ABSTRACT - The aim of this paper is to study the use of ceramics of small-scale societies during the late Holocene in northern Patagonia. The technological investment model predicts that use-time and utility will determine the investment spent in ceramics. We explore how ceramics were used in short-term camps and aggregation sites during summer at high elevations, and residential camps during winter at­lower­elevations.­To­test­the­investment­in­ceramics­we­use­four­technological­variables:­temper­size,­ average thickness, surface treatment and firing. Our results indicate that hunter-gatherers expected a short-term use in summer locations and therefore made a low investment in ceramics. Fernando Franchetti 1, Loukas Barton 2, Clara Otaola 1, Miguel Giardina 1, and Nuria Sugrañes 1 1 Institute of Evolution, Historical Ecology and Environment (IDEVEA), National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET), National Technological University (UTN), San Rafael, AR; Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Philosophy, and Letters National University of Cuyo, Mendoza, AR; ffranchetti@mendoza-conicet.gob.ar; claraotaola@mendoza-conicet.gob.ar; mgiardina@mendoza-conicet.gob.ar; nsugranes@mendoza-conicet.gob.ar 2 Dudek, San Juan Capistrano, California, US; loukasbarton@gmail.com Land-use and ceramics in the Andean highlands of Patagonia, Argentina 379 Land-use and ceramics in the Andean highlands of Patagonia, Argentina Hunter-gatherers face many constraints when con si- dering the use of ceramic technology: (1) the utility and costs of similar technologies such as basketry and leather bags; (2) the fragility of the pots and whether or not they can be moved between residential and/ or logistical camps; (3) scheduling conflicts between ceramic production and other activities such as seed gathering; (4) the small scale production does not take advantage of the opportunity to fire large amounts of pots in a single event (Eerkens 2003; 2008); and (5) the time needed to stay in a location and form, dry and fire a pot (Arnold 1985). There are different strategies with regard to the use of ceramics among small-scale mobile societies: caching them at specific locations instead of moving them as the seasons change (Eerkens 2008), producing ex- pedient pots for a single use and then discarding them (Gibbs 2012), and trading with nearby neighbours (Beck 2009). In addition to learning why and when this technology was acquired, we can explore how hunter-gatherers managed the costs of producing and transporting this technology in light of their sea- sonal constraints, movements, and needs. Variation in ceramic use across settlement systems permits in- vestigation of patterns of mobility and seasonality. To interpret such variation, we need to consider the differences among the ecological zones and their li- mi tations, the energy spent on manufacturing them, the utility of the vessels, and the duration of their use. Our objective is to investigate how hunter-gatherers from northwestern Patagonia complemented the use of land to mitigate risk with ceramic technology in the context of aridity and high elevation environments. Through the study of settlement patterns and the use of ceramics we determine how different strategies per- mitted the adaptation to different ecological zones, and especially the highlands. Ceramics and land-use in mobile small-scale so- cieties There is a high correlation between ceramic technology and sedentism (Arnold 1985), mainly related to the different steps of the manufacturing sequence, which involves raw material acquisition, modelling, drying and firing. In 85% of the reported ethnographic cases, clays come from a radius within 1–5km (Arnold 1985). While vessel modelling can be a relatively fast activity, drying is often a step that does not take much effort but requires staying in one place until the process is com plete, which can take days or weeks, depending on humidity and temperature. Moreover, firing is a step in which the whole process is at stake – it can go well and finish with a good production rate, or it can go wrong and be a great loss. Therefore potters often keep their firing know-how secret, with many myths surrounding the activity to ensure more security for the manufacturer (Rice­1999). Furthermore, since the firing stage is so important having an economy of scale is an advantage, and it pays off to produce a considerable number of pieces, such as more than 25 (Eerkens et al. 2002). We use the technological investment model (TIM) to explore how ceramics were used in the Diamante Valley (Fig. 1). The core concepts of the model derive from the Marginal Value Theorem (Charnov 1976). Andrew Ugan, Jason Bright, and Alan Rogers (2003) noted that the model considers different technologies along the same utility curve, which makes it difficult to compare variants of different categories, for example a porcelain teapot versus a Stanley thermos to keep water hot. Robert L. Bettinger, Bruce Winterhalder, and Richard McElreath (2006) thus improved the model by segregating each technological variant with its own utility curve, permitting independent comparisons for variants within the same technology (low or high investment ceramics), and variants of different technologies with the same function – e.g., the use of leather bags, basketry, and ceramics. For example, we can consider the use of baskets and ceramics as options for cooking or containers. The TIM application developed by Camilla Sturm, Julia K. Clark, and Loukas Barton (2016) allows us to identify the role of utility as a variable that may affect the adoption of ceramics. Specifically, direct-heat cooking provides greater returns because it requires less fuel and labour, facilitating the detoxification of certain plant products, degreasing bones, and processing small seeds that need long, slow cooking (Sturm et al. 2016). These advantages solve scheduling problems related to subsistence practices, labour scarcity, and wood shortages. In addition, ceramics can be produced at scale more easily than baskets, and among hunter- gatherers this can be during an aggregation scenario. For the context of northwestern Patagonia, this is what we would expect for the high-elevation villages. In these locations wild plants are scarce, and therefore it is possible hunter gatherers brought domesticated plants with them to complement their diet, and ce- ramics may have helped with the storage and cooking of these. Moreover, cooking in pots may have boosted 380 Fernando Franchetti, Loukas Barton, Clara Otaola, Miguel Giardina, and Nuria Sugrañes long-term use. In addition, in summer a low proportion of locations could also have high investment ceramics related to longer use, such as rockshelters. The Diamante Valley: archaeology and envi ron- ment Archaeological research over the past 20 years sug- gests that late Holocene people of northwestern Pa- tagonia did not cultivate domestic crops, in spite of their proximity to farmers, but instead subsisted on wild camelids such as guanacos (Lama guanicoe), large flightless birds, small game, and seeds (Otaola et al. 2019; 2023). Around 2000 years ago, demographic pressures, perhaps the result of human population growth, may have forced more intensive resource pro- curement and processing behaviours, as well as more regular and extensive interactions between individuals and groups over large areas (Otaola et al. 2023). Gus- ta vo Neme (2007) describes an intensification process that provoked a series of social changes, including the incorporation of new technologies, such as ceramics and the bow, and the increase of exchanges and ter- ritoriality. The data available from other areas of northwestern Patagonia (Sugrañes 2017a) indicates that ceramic technology played an important role in the subsistence system, without implying an important role in ritual activities. In fact, the forms studied from museum collections of the area reflect a wide variety of poten- tial functions: pots, jars, bowls, vessels and cups (Su- gra ñes 2017b). This functional variability reflects the greater importance of pots linked to cooking and storage – reinforcing the idea that the technology is organized around subsistence and service. From reported radiocarbon dates associated with ceramics in sites of the Diamante Valley we can establish that ceramics were incorporated into the ways of life there around 2300 years BP (Lagiglia 1997). Furthermore, there is a higher frequency of radiocarbon dates associated with ceramics, indicating a more consistent occurrence between 1500 years BP until 500 years BP. It is plausible that beyond the earlier dates ceramics were more often used 1500 years BP, when the pre- sence of different ceramic styles increased (Sugrañes, Franchetti; 2012 Morgan et al. 2017). In northwestern Patagonia, resource productivity and distribution varies in space owing to the enormous variability in average annual rainfall, topography, ele- vation, and the distribution of different soils across the calorific returns of the guanaco and bird meat available nearby. Despite a higher demand and scale in the highland villages, there is also a severe lack of wood, and therefore is very unlikely that ceramic production and firing occurred at such locations. The use of pots may also have helped to make more efficient use of wood in cooking. Finally, Sturm et al. (2016) explain that in a longer expected use-time scenario it would be more worthwhile to invest in ceramics. According to Sturm et al. (2016), the core concept of the TIM is that the amount of time one would invest in a certain technology will depend on the expected use- time and the utility or benefits that can be obtained from it. Therefore, more expensive technologies that pro vide higher returns will replace cheaper and less beneficial technologies when their use-time outweighs the production cost. One way to use ceramics within a high mobility cul - ture is to produce cheap pots that can be easily dis- carded (Gibbs 2012). This is similar to expedient li- thic technology performed on local raw materials. In contrast, curated pots with multiple functions might be suitable to transport among sites, allowing reliable and frequent use under an uncertain and patchy en- vironment (Sturm et al. 2016). In the context of north western Patagonia, we would expect to find low-investment ceramics used during summer in the highlands. These pots would be made with local clays and temper, mostly unsorted sands, and fired at low temperatures (c. 650°C) with uneven firing, represented by oxidized, incomplete firing. Conversely, we would expect to find high investment ceramics used during the rest of the year in the piedmont and the lowlands. These pots would be made with a preferred clay and prepared temper, designed to reduce thermal and physical stress, fired carefully to increase the pot strength, and with surface treatment designed to boost efficiency. In the Diamante Valley we observe that ceramics were more important for subsistence activities in the intermediate valleys and the high-elevation villages (Neme 2007; 2016; Morgan et al. 2017; Franchetti 2019; 2022). The model applied to foragers who use ceramics in summer predicts low investment related to the immediate and short-term expected use. However, a smaller proportion of the ceramics in the assemblages would have required a higher investment, as related to ceramics prepared for winter and therefore tied to 381 Land-use and ceramics in the Andean highlands of Patagonia, Argentina Holocene, and all of them share certain characteristics: (1) they are located between 2400 and 3400 masl, next to water courses and areas rich in flora and faunal re- sources called ‘vegas’; (2) they are close to mountain passes and contain stone structures; (3) they were oc- cupied within the last 2000 years BP and the people who lived there had a focus on camelid hunting with the complementary use of wild and domesticated plants; and finally (4), they all contain obsidian and ceramics from both sides of the Andes (Lagiglia 1997; Durán et al. 2006; Morgan et al. 2017). On the basis of more than 200 stone structures, El In- dígeno has been described as a summer occupation site linked to a pattern of vertical transhumance. Fur - ther evidence of this includes goods from both sides of the Andes: ceramics, shells, domesticated plants (maize), high proportions of guanacos and birds (Franchetti 2019). The importance of ceramics at El Indígeno is evident from the results of an index showing the amount of ceramics divided by the sum of other archaeological materials, with the highest ratio for the region (Neme 2007). In addition, some pots were found upside down and this was interpreted as a cache strategy for the reoccupation of the site (Lagiglia 1997). Neme (2016) argues that the structures were different ecological zones. Resources are therefore heterogeneously distributed and seasonally available. Average annual rainfall in the deserts of northwestern Patagonia is 250mm. Humans inhabit elevations from 700m above sea level in the lowlands to 3600m in the highlands (Franchetti 2019). Water is abundant in the highlands during the summer but scarce in the low- lands. While plants are more abundant in the lowlands, large animals are more abundant in the piedmont, though they move seasonally to the highlands in sum- mer and to the lowlands in winter (Fig. 1). The rockshelter sites are at an altitude between 2000 and 2300 masl. There are two sites excavated by Gam- bier in the 1970s, Alero Montiel and El Mallín, dated 1500 years BP (Giardina et al. 2017), and one test pit excavated in Cave Manantial. The survey sample consists of ceramics from surface base camps in the highlands (altitude between 2000 and 3000 masl) and one surface base camp in the piedmont (altitude at 1600 masl) (Franchetti 2019). During the last two decades, systematic excavations have been conducted at three high elevation sites with stone structures: El Indígeno, Laguna el Diamante, and Risco de los Indios. These sites date to the Late Fig. 1. Map of Mendoza province, Argentina, with ecological zones. Zoomed in to the study area with the ecologi cal zones and the lo ca tion of the ceramic assemblages from the Diamante Val - ley. Pho to graphy of ce ra- mics from the Diamante Valley. 382 Fernando Franchetti, Loukas Barton, Clara Otaola, Miguel Giardina, and Nuria Sugrañes (N=170), located between 2000–2300 masl; (3) Risco de los Indios (N=284), a highland village located at 2500 masl; and (4) El Indígeno (N=668), the largest highland village known at the time, located at 3400 masl. Ceramic materials were cleaned and then subjected to low-power microscopic analysis with a binocular Nikon SMZ stereomicroscope 800 with an objective magnification of 1x and 10x (Fig. 2). We measured the maximum temper size in mm and the temper size in the categories Fine, Medium, and Large (Orton et al. 1993). In the study area we consider local sands as inclusions, and we have detected several common minerals such as quartz, feldspar, and amphibole, among others. In contrast to other areas, we have not identified shells, fibers or grounded ceramics reused as inclusions. It is highly probable that some of the listed minerals are also mixed in with the clays. However, we interpret the proportions seen in the paste as intentionally added (Fig. 2). Ceramic sherds were also analysed macroscopically and measured in mm with regard to width, length, and thickness. Different categories were recorded for surface treatment (polished, burnished, smoothed), decoration (painted, incised), and firing (oxidized, oxidized incomplete, reduced) (Orton et al. 1993; Simms et al. 1997). To explore the degree of investment in ceramic pro - duction we will focus on four variables based on the following assumptions (Simms et al. 1997; Eerkens 2003;­2008;­Roux­2019): a finer wall thickness de- mands more work as the piece gets more fragile and unstable during manufacture; a finer and more homogenous temper size implies some extra work in the se- lection of temper before it is added to the clay; reduced firing implies special techniques and care to reduce the oxy - gen in the atmosphere during the pro- cess; and smoothing is the most common surface treatment (Simms et al. 1997; Rice­ 2015), as opposed to brushing and po lishing. Vessel thickness, temper size, firing and surface treatment should show low investment for the sites of summer aggregation in the highlands, and high investment for the sites in the piedmont. Table 1 presents the degree of investment expected for different not occupied simultaneously, and some of the newest structures were built with rocks from the older ones. Guanacos were the main food resource consumed, supplemented with processed plants as suggested by the remains of both maize and grinding stones. Some remains that belong to the lowlands – such as Zea­ mays, Lagenaria sp., Empetrum sp., obsidian, silica, steatite, pottery, and mollusc shells – suggest the in- tention to minimize risk at high altitude. The amount and diversity of goods from both sides of the Andes have been interpreted as indicative of exchanges bet- ween communities from Chile and Argentina (Neme 2016). Risco de Los Indios consists of 29 structures that are mainly circular or ovoid. The archaeological record presents local plants, animals, and lithic raw materials, although the obsidian, ceramics and Phaseolus sp. that have been found come from the lowlands or even as far away as Chile (Morgan et al. 2017). The main dif ference between Risco de Los Indios and both El Indígeno and Laguna del Diamante is that it has fewer structures and was occupied later. Morgan et al. (2017) suggest that the use of high elevation villages began about 2100 years ago, peaked between 1500 and 600 years ago, and the population then shifted or moved to slightly lower altitudes thereafter. Methodology To test different degrees of investment across the high- altitude landscape of the Diamante Valley we compare four assemblages: (1) Surface survey (N=152), with locations between 1400–2600 masl; (2) Rockshelters Fig. 2. Photo as an example of inclusions seen with a binocular Ni- kon SMZ stereomicroscope 800 with an objective magnification of 1x and 10x. Fragment from the Risco de los Indios site. 383 Land-use and ceramics in the Andean highlands of Patagonia, Argentina then the rockshelters, the survey assemblage, and finally Risco de los Indios. In Figure 4.A the black line that crosses the bullet graphs from the proportion value indicates that the differences in fine temper size proportions are sig- nificant for rockshelters and El Indígeno at 80% con- fidence level. In Figure 4.B the black line that crosses the bullet graphs from the proportion value shows that the differences in smoothed surface treatment proportions are significant for all the assemblages at 80% confidence level. In Figure 4.C the black line that crosses the bullet graphs from the proportion value indicates that the differences in reduced firing proportions are significant for rockshelters and Risco de los Indios at a 99% confidence level. From these ceramic results, and beyond some va ria- bility among the assemblages, we observe a general pattern which consists of the following: average thickness suggests a low level of investment between 5 and 7mm; temper size percentages are mostly me- dium between 40–70%; firing technique is mostly oxidized, except for a 40% of reduced firing in the rockshelter assemblage; and the surface treatment is mostly smoothed with ranges of 60–90%. Overall, these assemblages for the Diamante Valley ceramics indicate a trend toward low investment. states of the variables thickness, temper size, surface treatment, and firing. Results We grouped the findings of ceramics from a surface survey (N=152) and compared them to three other samples. We grouped the ceramics from the sites El Mallín and Alero Montiel, excavated by Gambier in the 1970s, together with a sample from Manantial cave, in the sample called rockshelters (N=170). Ano- ther sample includes the ceramic materials from an excavation at Risco de los Indios (N=284) (Sugrañes 2016), one of the high elevation villages previously described. The fourth sample are the surface col lec- tions materials from El Indígeno (N=668) (Franchetti, Sugrañes 2012). The survey assemblage has an average thickness of 6.3±0.33mm; the rockshelter assemblage has an average thickness of 5.8±0.17mm; the Risco de los In - dios assemblage has an average thickness of 6.8± 0.19mm; and the El Indígeno assemblage has an average thickness of 5.4±0.13mm; all at a 95% con- fidence level. Figure 3 indicates that these assemblages are significantly different (at a 95% confidence level) with regard to the average thickness, evidencing an in- creasing investment for this variable from El Indígeno, Degree of investment Thickness Temper Size Surface Treatment Firing High Investment 5mm Fine (0-0.2mm) Polishing Reduced Moderate Investment 6mm Medium (0.2-0.5mm) Brushing Oxidized incomplete Low Investment 7mm Large (+0.5mm) Smoothing Oxidized Tab. 1. Degree of investment associated with different states of the variables. Tab. 2. Percentages and error ranges (ER) at a 95% confidence level for temper size, surface treatment and firing among the assemblages from the Diamante Valley. Assemblage Survey Rockshelters Risco de los Indios El Indígeno Temper size Percentage ER Percentage ER Percentage ER Percentage ER Fine 26.3 6.9 17.6 5.5 25.5 4.2 13 2.4 Medium 59.2 7.6 62.9 3.5 47.4 3.4 67.8 1.3 Large 13.2 5.3 14.7 5.6 27.1 4 8.7 2.5 Surface treatment Percentage ER Percentage ER Percentage ER Percentage ER Smoothed 75 6.8 84.1 4.84 70.1 5.2 86.5 1.9 Polished 23.7 6.7 8.2 12.9 28.5 8.2 7.5 6.5 Firing Percentage ER Percentage ER Percentage ER Percentage ER Oxidized 71.1 7.2 24.7 6.3 70.4 5.3 75 3.1 Oxidized incomplete 27 7 31.2 6 12.7 9.1 18.8 5.8 Reduced 2 2.2 40 5.5 16.9 8.8 3.29 6.4 384 Fernando Franchetti, Loukas Barton, Clara Otaola, Miguel Giardina, and Nuria Sugrañes camps they will tend to invest less in this technology because they do not expect to use it forvery long, and there is a conflict with other ac tivities important to subsistence during this season. This contrasts sharply with previous expectations that related the higher investment in ceramics with increasing altitude (Fran chetti, Sugrañes 2012). The application of the TIM model undermines the use of environmental determinism when we try to explain human decisions to adapt to marginal conditions. Even in those contexts, small-scale societies prove to have a myriad of strategies to manage risk and contingency. Hunter-gatherers of the Diamante Valley made de ci- sions on how to incorporate ceramics considering the use-time at certain locations while evaluating the manufacturing time and the utility to be gained. Jelmer W. Eerkens (2003) suggests that a strategy hunter-gatherers use to engage in ceramic technology is through the re-occupation of settlements. By caching pots in the summer settlements in the highlands people reduce the cost of transport and increase the expected use-time. However, the low investment observed in the variables of thickness, temper size, surface treatment and firing suggest that human groups did not expect to use the pots for very long. This is consistent with the availability of the highlands and use of the highland villages only during summer. This could also suggest that there was not a reoccupation of these locations each year. This may imply that different locations were occupied across generations in the Perdido stream, although the re-occupation of these sites may not have been the norm. This secondary tributary of the Discussion Our research question was as follows: How was ceramic technology used by small-scale mobile societies in the highlands of northwestern Patagonia? We can answer that ceramics are more abundant in the highlands, and their use is also present and more important in high-elevation villages and some rockshelters. The investment in ceramic technology, beyond some in- ternal variability, is low. This is consistent with the idea proposed by Sturm et al. (2016) that when hunter-gatherers stay in sum mer Fig. 3. Bullet graph comparing average thicknesses (in mm) at the survey, rockshelters, Risco de los In- dios, and El Indígeno as semblages. Fig. 4. Bullet graphs comparing temper size, surface treatment, and firing percentages in the survey (blue), rockshelters (red), Risco de los Indios (green) and El Indígeno (yellow) assemblages. 385 Land-use and ceramics in the Andean highlands of Patagonia, Argenti na summer camps in mobile societies, for which the expected use-time was low. Hunter-gatherers face many challenges when in cor - porating ceramic technology. Mobility, the main stra- tegy for buffering the heterogeneous distribution of resources both in time and space, implies serious con straints on the accumulation of goods. Ceramic technology competes with previous technologies such as basketry and leather manufacturing, which can be lighter and less fragile in transport (Eerkens 2003; 2008). However, when hunter-gatherers rely more on upland areas within their seasonal mobility range, the importance of new technologies such as ceramics played a key role in boosting the occupation of more risky environments (Barton 2016). Diamante River was probably a pass through which people moved towards higher elevation patches and the high-elevation villages. The discussion of trade or local production would require further exploration, but we can set a basic framework. It is very likely that ceramics were pro- duced locally as is evidenced by the predominance of local styles in the Diamante Valley. The presence of other styles, even in very small frequencies, suggests that they were acquired through exchange or even visits from groups who spent the other months of the year living on the west side of the mountains. The exchange of gifts might have reinforced alliances that allowed the use of complementary regions and access to other territories when the groups from one or the other were under nutritional stress. A similar pattern has been proposed for southern Mendoza, with the high-altitude villages serving as aggregation areas for groups from different ecological regions (Lagiglia 1997; Neme 2007). In summary, ceramics were more prevalent in the highlands although investment in their production was low, as might be expected for Acknowledgements We thank Agencia Nacional de Promoción Científica y Tecnológica (PICT-1345), CONICET. We also want to thank Saul and Mariela Gil and Chano González, local goat herders who allowed us to do fieldwork. Arnold D. 1985. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. New studies in archaeology. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Barton L. 2016. The cultural context of biological adaptation to high elevation Tibet. 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Journal of Archaeological Sci- ence 30(10):­1315–1329. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0305-4403(03)00022-0 back to content 388 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.13 (Sherratt 1982; 1983a; 1983b; Parkinson 2006b; 2006a; Parkinson, Gyucha 2007), the first formal ce - me teries were established alongside the continuity of the tra dition of burials on settlements (Patay 1961; 1974; Bognár-Kutzián 1963; 1972; Raczky, Siklósi Introduction After the Late Neolithic, in the mid-5th millennium BC, many aspects of life were gradually transformed in the Early Copper Age on the Great Hungarian Plain (East- ern Hungary). The tells and large horizontal settle- ments were replaced by a network of small settlements KLJUÈNE BESEDE – operacijska sekvenca izdelave lonèenine; analiza tehnik; oblikovanje lonèenine; Ve­lika­madžarska­ravnica;­zgodnja­bakrena­doba IZVLEÈEK – V èlanku s pomoèjo analize tehnologij oblikovanja posod raziskujemo tehnološko znanje in­delovanje­lonèarjev­v­majhnem­naselju­Polgár-Király-ér-part­v­severovzhodni­Madžarski­v­zgodnji bakreni dobi (4500–4000/3900 pr. n. št.). Prepoznali smo kompleksno znanje tehnik oblikovanja, pri èe- mer ima veèina tipov posod lastno tehniko oblikovanja. Tehnološko znanje najverjetneje izhaja iz lokalne- ga­neolitika.­Manjše­tehnološke­razlike­nakazujejo­razlièna­uèna­omrežja­in­delovanje­veè­lon­èarjev­v­na- selju. Lončene posode, tehnološko znanje in lončarji v zgodnji bakreni dobi v naselbini Polgár-Király-ér-part (severovzhodna Madžarska) KEY WORDS – pottery chaîne opératoire; technological analysis; pottery forming; Great Hungarian Plain; Early Copper Age ABSTRACT - This paper investigates the long-debated issue of technological knowledge and potters in the Early Copper Age (4500–4000/3900 cal BC) through the analysis of the forming technology of a typical, small-scale settlement at Polgár-Király-ér-part (Northeastern Hungary). A complex technological know - ledge of forming was identified, in which most of the vessel types have their own forming method. This technological knowledge presumably originated in the local Neolithic. However, a few smaller technolo- gical differences nuance this picture, raising the possibility of distinct learning networks and multiple potters at the settlement. Eszter Solnay1,2,3, Márton Szilágyi1 1 MTA-ELTE Lendület “Momentum” Innovation Research Group, Institute of Archaeological Sciences, ELTE Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest; HU; eszter.solnay@gmail.com; marton.szilagyi@btk.elte.hu 2 Doctoral School of Archaeology, Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University, Paris; FR 3 UMR 8215 Trajectoires, Paris; FR Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part (Northeastern Hungary) 389 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... 2013; Raczky et al. 2014; Siklósi, Szilágyi 2021), and the first appearance of heavy copper tools (Bognár- Kut zián 1963; Patay 1974; 1984; Siklósi et al. 2022). In previous chronological models, the Tiszapolgár cul - ture was dated to the Early Copper Age, which was fol - lowed by the Middle Copper Age Bodrogkeresztúr cul- ture (Kalicz 1958; Banner, Bognár-Kutzián 1961; Patay 1961; 1974; Bognár- Kutzián 1963; 1972; 1985). This distinction was mainly based on the ana lysis of cemeteries (O.c.) and supported by calibrated radio - carbon dates (Raczky 1995). However, from the very be - ginning it was difficult to separate the pottery of the two cultures despite the strict chronological distinc- tion. Several vessel types – such as bowls, bar rel-shap- ed vessels, or storage vessels – occur even at those Tisza polgár and Bodrogkeresztúr sites, upon which the chronological separation of the two cultures was based (Bognár-Kutzián 1963.236–294; 1972.119–135; Patay 1974.19–29). Therefore, the focus was mainly on a few characteristic forms, for example the so-cal- led ‘milk jugs’ or two-handled cups, both defined as ’culture-specific’ vessel types of the Bodrogkeresztúr cul ture (Bognár-Kutzián 1963.276–285; Patay 1974. 20–21,25–26). This similarity could also be observed in the case of pottery decoration. Knobs and lugs do mi - nated plastic applications in both pottery traditions (Bognár-Kutzián 1963.300–306; 1972.118–135). The typo-chronologically most distinctive fea tures were the impressed and incised motifs that were mainly as - sociated with the Bodrogkeresztúr culture (Patay 1974.42–43), but such motifs could also be ob served in some assemblages considered to be from the Tisza pol - gár culture (Bognár-Kutzián 1972.172–182; Patay 1979.38–41). The high degree of similarity of pottery often made it difficult to link assemblages to one cul- ture or another. It has recently become clear that the previous chro no - logical and cultural models of this period need to be revised. Firstly, the new AMS data and Bayesian mo- delling challenged the absolute chronology of the two cultures by dating them both to the Early Copper Age. The appearance of the Tiszapolgár cul ture on the Great Hungarian Plain can be dated earli er, at least from 4435 (68.2%) 4385 cal BC to 4220 (68.2%) 4165 cal BC (Siklósi, Szilágyi 2021.35). The Bodrogkeresztúr cul ture appeared a little later, first in the Middle Tisza Region around 4400 (68.2%) 4325 cal BC. Then it can be observed throughout the whole Great Hungarian Plain until 4020 (68.2%) 3930 cal BC (Siklósi, Szilágyi 2021.35,40). Secondly, new studies on Early Copper Age settlements (Parkinson 2006a; 2006b; Parkinson, Gyucha 2007; Raczky et al. 2014; Gyucha 2015; Szi lá - gyi 2015; Parkinson et al. 2021) shed light on the dif - ferences between the pottery assemblages of the set - tlements and those of the burials (Siklósi et al. 2022. 354–358). Certain vessel types, such as ’milk jugs’ or two-handled cups, which played an important role in the definition of the Bodrogkeresztúr culture, are pri - marily known from special ritual contexts, mostly gra - ves (Szilágyi 2015.316–319). The stylistic analysis of the settlements proved that the Tiszapolgár and Bo- drogkeresztúr pottery assemblages cannot be clear ly separated (Szilágyi 2015.289–296). These new studies demonstrate that the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures cannot be described as different, well-defined, homogeneous entities, and that there is no sufficient explanation for the variability or homogeneity of the pottery styles (Siklósi et al. 2022. 351–352). One possible way to explain either varia bi - lity or homogeneity is to define the different charac te- ristics at the level of individual vessels using bottom- up analytical approaches rather than broad cultural definitions. Furthermore, recent settlement analyses highlighted the issue of social organization in the Early Copper Age. After the abandonment of the Late Neolithic tells and large horizontal settlements on the Great Hun ga - rian Plain, the settlement structure was trans formed into a network of considerably smaller set tlements (Parkinson et al. 2010; 2021; Gyucha 2015; Szilágyi 2015). William A. Parkinson and Attila Gyucha assum- ed that the small, single-roomed houses discovered in the Körös Region in the southern part of the Great Hungarian Plain were used by nuclear family groups (Parkinson 2006a.151; Parkinson, Gyucha 2007.64). According to the low number of buildings (mostly one to three), small-scale com mu nities – probably ex tend- ed families – inhabited these settlements (Gyucha 2015.137; Parkinson et al. 2021.183). In terms of pot - tery, this raises the question about the number of pot- ters who made the vessels in these communities and the pottery-making tradition they followed. The present paper aims to investigate the issues listed above using the technological approach of pottery form ing. One of the main advantages of this metho do - logy is its capability to define real embedded know- ledge and social patterns by a detailed analysis of the individual vessels. This method is based on the French school of the anthropological approach of techniques 390 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi small Early Cop per Age settlement, which is extremely homogeneous in terms of pottery style (Szilá gyi 2015. 140–141). Thus, the tech nological analysis of pottery forming could clarify the technological variability be - hind the uniform repertoire of pottery forms and de - corations. Moreover, the technological diversity can reflect the number of potters in this small-scale set tle- ment and their learning networks. Material Polgár-Király-ér-part lies on the so-called Polgár island, which is a well-studied region in the Northern Great Hungarian Plain, in Northeastern Hungary (Fig. 1). Many archaeological sites are known in this region, from which 24 can be dated to the Early Copper Age (Raczky et al. 2014.328). The Király-ér-part site is si- tuated on the bank of the Király (or Selypes) Creek, and was revealed in 1995 during the preventive ex ca - vations of the M3 Motorway construction (Hajdú, Nagy 1999.144–146). Altogether 22 archaeological features could be dated to the Early Copper Age: eight graves and 11 settlement pits (Fig. 2; Tab.1 see below). The remaining three features1 cannot be categorized due to the insufficient documentation.2 According to the traditional stylistic classification, the assemblage was dated to the Tiszapolgár culture (Szilágyi 2015. 130–141). As the features were situated in the south- western part of the excavated area, we can assume that the settlement was only partially unearthed. No trace of buildings or ditches could be ob - served, and therefore the settle - ment structure remained unclear. According to the most re cent AMS dating, the Early Cop per Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part can be dat- ed between 4370 (68.2%) 4120 cal BC and 4235 (68.2%) 4015 cal BC and the span of use can be esti mat- ed to 0 (68.2%) 100 years (Siklósi, Szilágyi 2021.600). Overall, 470 pottery sherds were analysed, belonging to at least 338 vessels. The small and non-diag nos - tic sherds were most likely discard- ed undocumented shortly after the excavation (Szilágyi 2015.134). Of (Leroi-Gourhan 1943; 1945; 1964; 1965; Mauss 1947) that describes the strong relation between the steps of a production process (i.e. chaîne opératoire) and the social identity of the producer (Balfet 1975; 1991; Cresswell 1976; Lemonnier 1991; Latour, Lemonnier 1994). In the case of pottery vessels, this link is to be found in the relation between the vessel fabrication steps and the social link(s) of the potter. The reason for this lies in the learning process, because the necessary motoric and cognitive skills of forming are acquired during a long learning period. During that time, the learner observes and copies the ’way of doing’ of the tu tor, i.e. tools or gestures. Once the learning process is com plete, the learned motor and cognitive skills be- come fixed and difficult to change later (Bril 2002). The transmission of knowledge is always personal, where the tutor and the learner are socially related in some way (not necessarily biologically related). Thus, the learning process always takes place in social groups, connected by shared technical knowledge, i.e. com mu - nities of practice (Lave, Wenger 1991; Wenger 1999). The continuous transmission of the ‘ways of doing’ over a long period creates technical traditions of pot- tery forming, that can be stu died in space and time (Gosselain 2002.26; Gel bert 2003.53–59; Gosselain, Livingstone Smith 2005.41–42; Roux 2010.6; Gomart 2014a.154; Giligny 2015.73). The focus of this paper, Polgár-Király-ér-part, is an ideal case study for exploring these issues, as it is a typical, Fig. 1. Location of the analysed site. 1 Presumably two archaeological features were also given the number 139. However, due to lack of documentation, it is not possible to separate them. 2 Zsuzsanna Siklósi and Márton Szilágyi (2021.591) defined nine graves and 13 settlement features on the site, classifying one uncertain feature among the burials and two among the settlement features. 391 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... scribed, and drawn and/or photographed following the method of François Giligny (2010.2) and Louise Go mart (2014.45). The ob servations were then coded and recorded in a database. As a result of a systematic analysis of macrotraces, forming methods can be re- con structed, which can be defined as an ordered se - quence of certain functional operations from the be - ginning of the forming to the creation of the final ves- sel form (Roux 2019.41). Potters used a variety of forming techniques, i.e. phy- sical modalities of clay transformation, for the suc ces- sful realization of a forming method (Roux 2019.41– 42). These techniques can be classified into two large ca te gories: the roughing-out, during which the vessel gets its basic shape, and the pre forming, during which the vessel gets its final shape (Rye 1981.62; Roux 1994; 2019.41; Pierret 1995.16–17; Martineau 2000.116; Gos selain 2002.80; Livingstone Smith 2007.94–95; Gal lay 2012.61). For the identification of the dif fe rent forming tech ni ques, many ethnographic, ar cha eo logi- cal, and expe ri mental collections have provided com- pa rative re ferences (Smith, Crépeau 1983; Gel bert 2003.15; Giligny 2010.21; Van Doosselaere 2010.223; Gomart 2014a.146; Solnay 2021.203). In this Early Copper Age pot tery assemblage, only the rough ing-out techniques could be systematically iden- tified and preforming techniques with cha rac teristic macrotraces ap pear only sporadically on a few vessels. Therefore, the de termination of the forming method is only based on the roughing-out technique of the five the 338 vessels that were preserved in the museum, 69 vessels from 11 settlement pits, three graves, and the two undefined fea tu- res were suitable for technological analysis. That is because these vessels con tained ma- croscopically identifiable traces of forming. The most common vessel category among the 69 examined vessels was the different types of bowls, either pedestalled or flat- based: conical, wide conical, hemispherical, carinated, and gently S-profiled (Fig. 3). Bar rel-shaped vessels, jars, and storage ves sels also occurred frequently, and some tumblers were also found (Fig. 4). Besides, the exact type of some vessels can not be de - fined, and thus these were classified into three ca te- gories: bases,3 fine wares, and coarse wares4. Plastic applied decoration was dominant in the material, and only a few simple geometric patterns of impressed dots were identified (e.g., two impressed dots). The pottery style of the vessels in the settlement features and the burials cannot be clearly separated. Method Although the methodological basis for the techno logi - cal study of the forming of pottery vessels has been laid down in many significant works (among others Rye 1981; Rice 1987; Roux 1994; 2010; 2016; 2019; Pierret 1995; Martineau 2000; Gosselain 2002; Gelbert 2003; Livingstone Smith 2007; Giligny 2010; Gomart 2014b), the methodology is not strictly standardized and unchanging (Pyzel, Gomart 2023.118). The rea son for this lies in the great diversity of pottery as sem bla- ges, and therefore the general rules and ap pli cation of this approach must be adapted to the studied as sem- blage(s), as will be shown in this paper. Macroscopical analyses were carried out on the inner and outer vessel surfaces were assessed visually to study the wall thickness, the lines of fractures, and the internal structure of the vessel walls to iden tify macrotraces – i.e. discernible forming tra ces (Pierret 1995.59; Livingstone Smith 2010.112–129; Van Do- osselaere 2010.180–222; Gomart 2014b.44–45; Roux 2016.179–187; Solnay 2021.201). All identifiable form- ing phases of all diagnostic vessels were recorded, de- Fig. 2. Map of the excavation at Polgár-Király-ér-part highlighting the Early Copper Age archaeological features. 3 In the case of these vessels, only the base was known. Therefore, it is often not possible to classify it clearly into any of the other categories. 4 For fine and coarse vessels, not only the base but also a large part of the vessel was known (e.g., the body), but the exact shape could not be determined. 392 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi Forming method 1 In Forming method 1, the bodies of most of the vessels – 43 in total – were shaped with the same tech nique (Figs. 5–7). Undulations, bulges of clay, as well as ho - rizontal lines of fractures and fissures could be ob- served on the outer and/or inner surface of the bo dies. These indicate a bottom-up coiling technique when the vessels were built from coils from the bottom towards the rim. Besides, in the case of one vessel, the absence of a characteristic fracture in the profile be tween the base and body raises the possibility of coil ing in/on a support (Fig. 6.2). The configuration and size of the coils are very di- verse, they can be varied even on the same vessel. The configuration can be inward oblique (Fig. 6.2), S-Z- shaped (Figs. 5.4, 6.1), mixed inward oblique and S-Z- shaped (Fig. 7.1), as well as O-shaped (Fig. 6.1). The size of coils cannot be clearly grouped, even if we are taking the configuration into account.5 Coils are gene- rally between 2–5cm. The macrotraces of coils indicate two different procedures: the usage of superposed or distinct sections of the ves sels: (1) pedestal, (2) base, (3) body, (4) neck, and (5) rim. Although, due to the frag mentation of the material, it was not pos sible to observe the whole forming method on every vessel. Be sides, it was also important to describe the pre form- ing techniques separately but, at the same time, avoid the creation of further subgroups based on only a few sherds. Preformed vessels are thus al ways presented within the relevant method and are not defined as separate variants. In that way, the data that might be important after the technological ana lysis of further sites in this period and/or region are preserved. Results Forming technology Overall, three forming methods were identified in the assemblage (Forming method 1–3), with Forming me- thod 1 having two variants (Variants 1.1 and 1.2) based on the differences in the making of one section of the vessel. Fig. 3. Different main bowl types from the site. 1 gently S-profiled bowl (with pedestal) (grave 112/119); 2 carinated bowl (grave 327/390); 3 he- mi spherical bowl (grave 327/390); 4 conical bowl (grave 327/390); 5 wide conical bowl (pit 147/157). Fig. 4. Main vessel categories from the site, other than bowls. 1 jar (grave 112/119); 2 tumbler (pit 106/ 113); 3 barrel-shaped vessel (pit 67/73); 4 sto rage vessel (pit 64/71). 5 The only exception is one O-shaped coil (1cm) that is observed on an otherwise S-Z-shaped configuration. However, in the present context, we do not consider it necessary to group the whole assemblage on the basis of this single vessel. 393 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... In Forming method 1, two variants can be separated based on the shaping of the base. In Variant 1.1 (Fig. 5.1–3), oval and rounded depressions were found on the inner and/or outer surfaces of six vessels. The lines of fractures are occasionally laminar. The internal struc ture was homogeneous or linear fissures can be observed. This suggests that the base was built from elon gated coils. In the latter case, the coils have been attached together in several different ways from the inside, the outside or in alternating directions. Due to the high degree of variability of procedures of coiling and ways of attachment, even on a single vessel, (Figs. 6.1, 7.1), it was not possible to make relevant categories of the different ways of coiling in this assemblage. Fig. 5. Macrotraces of Forming method 1. 1 Variant 1.1 (grave 112/119); 2 Variant 1.1 (pit 64/71); 3 Variant 1.1 (pit 64/71); 4 Variant 1.2 (pit 51/57). 394 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi 5.3). This could be an indication of scraping, when a vessel is preformed using a rigid tool to profile the in- ner surface. In the case of Variant 1.2 (Fig. 5.4), undulation can be observed on the inner surface of three ves sels. The one or more (mainly one) superposed clay disks, fol- lowed by a body built with coils. Moreover, in the case of one vessel in Variant 1.1, ho ri - zontal, deep, thin striation can be ob serv ed at the in- ner surface of the joint of the base and the body (Fig. Fig. 6. Macrotraces of Forming method 1. 1 vessel with unknown base (pit 67/73); 2 vessel with unknown base (pit 106/113). 395 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... parameters imply that it would be difficult to build such vessels from coils of this size and shape without a support (Gomart 2014a.157). Given that the inner surface of the vessels is homogeneous and macrotraces can only be found on the outer surface, concave sup- port can be presumed (when the vessel was built on – not in – the support) in the case of these vessels. This hypothesis can be reinforced by the observed oval and circular depressions in the outer surface of the base. These traces can only be created when the paste is still wet, possibly when the joint of the coils is worked together with the fingers. Presumably, the easiest way to do this is to turn the vessel upside down. The re fore, the base and body of the vessels in Forming method 2 are probably shaped with the reverse coiling tech ni- que. Depending on the form of the ves sels, other parts were also shaped and subsequently added to the main body. First, pedestals can be formed where strong un dula- tion occurs on the outer surface. Besides, the internal structure is exclusively S-Z-shaped, suggesting a coiling technique with elongated coils (4–6cm). Rims could also be made se pa rately from the body with bottom-up coiling, based on the thinning of the wall of the rim and the horizontal lines of fissures between the body and the rim. Only one internal structure can be studied that shows an O-shaped configuration. This refers to superposed coils, even though the body was formed with elongated coils. Forming method 3 Nineteen vessels can be categorized into Forming method 3 (Fig. 9). The base of these vessels is never sharply separated from the body, and thus it could have been formed from one clay mass. The inner and outer surfaces of these forming phases are generally homogeneous, only a few shallow depressions were found. The lines of fractures can be central, from the rim towards the base in a relatively straight line. The internal structure was homogeneous. This evidence indicates the use of a moulding technique that consists of a clay mass that was pushed on/in a form to take its shape. The rim of these vessels was shaped separately with a bottom-up coiling technique based on the oval and longitudinal depressions on the inner and outer sur- faces (working together the body and the rim with fin- gers), the thickening of the rim, as well as the in ward oblique or S-Z-shaped internal structure. The size of lines of fractures are circular. The internal structure of the base is C/U-shaped. This refers to a base made of a spiral or rings of coils. Furthermore, the base of 30 ves sels is missing (Fig. 6), only the bottom-up coiled bodies were found. Thus, they cannot be classified into a variant. In the case of one vessel, the wall of the body was thinned towards the base and there is no characteristic fracture in the profile between the base and the body, which might indicate that support may have been used while join- ing the coils (Fig. 6.2). Since there is only a single ves - sel, in case of which the possibility (not cer tainty) of using a support emerged, it was not considered as a se- parate variant at this stage of the study. Furthermore, if the form required it, a neck was added to the body. The macrotrace of the neck is similar to that of the body (Fig. 7.1), and thus it could have been formed with coils. Moreover, preforming techniques were identified in the case of four vessels whose bases were unknown. On the one hand, horizontal, deep, thin striation can be observed at the inner surface and/or outer sur face of the body or neck (Fig. 7.1) of three vessels. Simi lar - ly to the previous pot in Variant 1.1, this sug gests pre- forming with scraping. On the other hand, longitudinal flat stripes were found on the inner surface of a pot- tery neck (Fig. 7.2). This indicates that the inner part of the vessel was profiled with a sharp tool that can be de fined as shaving. Furthermore, ho rizontal, deep, thin striation was found above the longitudinal flat stripes that might refer to scraping after shaving. Forming method 2 In total, seven vessels can be categorized into Forming method 2 (Fig. 8). Characteristic oval and circular de - pressions were found on the outer surface of the base. The internal structure of the base showed con tinui ty with the body and the profile of the vessel is con ti- nuous. It is thus possible that the base and the body were formed together. The inner and outer sur faces of the body were mainly homogeneous with slight undu- lations on the outer surface. The internal struc ture of the body was inward oblique, almost pa rallel to the wall. This suggests strongly elongated coils (6– 9cm) on the whole body. However, the wall of the body was relatively thin (1– 2cm), and the size of the body was comparatively large (the diameter of the rim was approximately 20–25cm and the height of the body was around 15cm). These 396 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi niques and the pottery types (Fig. 10). Certain types can not be made with a given technique or require a large effort. Therefore, the shape of the vessels may have a strong influence on the technique that is ap pli- ed (Arnold 1989.34). Barrel-shaped vessels – one of the most common ves - sel types at the site – were always formed with Form- ing method 1, i.e. bottom-up coiling. However, the base can be built in different ways. Superposing one or more clay discs was the most common base-buil ding technique (Variant 1.1), but it could also be made of the coils is generally between 1–3cm. This suggests that some of these were probably superposed coils but are aligned in alternate directions (Fig. 9.2), and others are elongated coils (Fig. 9.1). However, in many cases the size and gradient of the coils do not allow us to separate these procedures on the vessels. Therefore, in this paper, no classification was made based on the coils, as with Forming method 1. Forming technology and pottery types The variability of forming tech nology cannot be in ves - tigated without the comparison of the forming tech- Fig. 7. Macrotraces of Forming method 1. 1 Variant 1.3 (pit 64/71); 2 Variant 1.3 (pit 64/71). 397 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... The others cannot be classified into any of the vari- ants because the bases were unknown. Besides, the ma crotraces of one latter vessel (with unknown base) raise the possibility of coiling in/on a support, which would be an important technological difference. Jars were also exclusively made by Forming method 1. All the known bases are made with one or more su per - posing clay discs (Variant 1.1). However, in many jars, the fragment of the base was not found, or it was not- enough to determine the forming technique. coil rings or spirals (Variant 1.2). Thus, in the case of barrel-shaped vessels, we can reckon with a certain technological variability within the similar forming technique. Storage vessels were also made by Forming method 1. However, the forming of the base is not known. The two analysed tumblers were also made with Form- ing method 1. Only the shaping of one base can be de - fined, it was made of coil rings or spirals (Variant 1.2). Fig. 8. Macrotraces of Forming method 2. 1 (grave 112/119); 2 (pit 147/157). 398 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi flat-based) were exclusively built using Forming me- thod 3, i.e. a moulded body and rim made from coils. Conical bowls were the only bowl type where some level of forming variability was detected. The majority of these were also made with Forming method 3, yet two of them were formed with Forming method 1 (the base was unknown). All the different bowls had their own way of forming. Deviations from this rule are very rare, indicating a high degree of technological homogeneity. The wide conical bowls (either pedestalled or flat-based) and S-profiled bowls with a pedestal were always shaped with Forming method 2, i.e. reverse coiled body oc ca - sionally with bottom-up coiled pedestal and rim. The hemispherical, S-profiled, and carinated bowls (both Fig. 9. Macrotraces of forming method 3. 1 (grave 327/390); 2 (pit 106/113); 3 (grave 108/115). 399 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... que was one of the most frequent ways of roughing- out the body that has been continuously observed in the region since the Early Neolithic until at least the studied period (Gomart 2014a.156–157; Kreiter et al. 2017.120; Füzesi 2019.91; 2023.171,173; Gomart et al. 2020.53–55). It was also identified on two Early Copper Age sites – one at Tiszagyenda-Vágott-ha lom on the Great Hungarian Plain (Solnay 2021.216; Solnay et al. 2023.6–7, Tab. 1), and ano ther at Zamárdi-Kút völ- gyi dûlõ in Transdanubia (Western Hungary) (Gucsi 2006.9). Regarding the base shaping of these coil-bodied ves- sels, one or multiple superposed clay discs had been common since the Early Neolithic (Gomart 2014a.156– 157; Kreiter et al. 2017.120; Füzesi 2019.91; 2023.176; Gomart et al. 2020.53–55). However, based on the al- ready published data, no separate foot-ring shap ed from coil rings or spirals was known from the Neo li- thic. The earliest examples of the com bination of moulding (the base and body) and coiling (the upper part of the vessel) were observed in the Middle Neo lithic in the Car pathian Ba sin, and interestingly from the other Discussion Contextualization of the forming methods Technological analyses conducted at the site of Pol- gár-Király-ér-part revealed three pottery forming me- thods and three variants. These strongly correlate with different vessel types. First, it is important to explore the presence of these forming methods at other Early Copper Age sites and sites from earlier Neolithic periods in the Carpathian Basin to understand the origin of this technical know- ledge. There have been only a few publications on the form ing technology of the Neolithic (Gomart 2014a; Krei ter et al. 2017; Füzesi 2019; 2023; Gomart et al. 2020) and Early Copper Age (Gucsi 2006; Solnay 2021; Sol nay et al. 2023) pottery vessels in the Carpathian Ba sin so far, and only one of those is located on the Pol gár island (Gomart 2014a; Gomart et al. 2020). How ever, these studies provide crucial information for contextualizing the pottery assemblage of Polgár- Király-ér-part. Most of these ways of forming can be found in the Car - pathian Basin since the Neolithic. The coiling tech ni- Fig. 10. Chaîne opératoire of every forming method and variant, as well as the resulting vessel forms. 400 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi ana lysed site on the Polgár island: Polgár-Ferenci-hát (Gomart 2014a.157; Gomart et al. 2020.55). This me- thod also existed in the Late Neolithic (Füzesi 2023. 173–174) and it was observed at the Early Cop per Age site of Tiszagyenda-Vágott-halom, where this was also one of the most common methods to form a bowl (Sol- nay 2021.216; Solnay et al. 2023.15). The reverse coiling method was first detected in the Early Neolithic on the Great Hungarian Plain (Gomart 2014a.157; Gomart et al. 2020.55). However, its con ti - nuity into the Early Cop per Age is not yet clarified. Previous studies have de mon strated the continuous presence of certain techniques over very long periods of time in other re gions and periods (Vandiver 1987; Roux 2019). The con textualization of the results of Polgár-Király-ér-part possibly suggests a similar pat- tern. Most of the observed forming methods and va- riants at the site existed in other Early Copper Age sites and had their roots in the Neolithic. However, it is also essential to consider the relationship between form ing technology and vessel shapes to understand the trans- for mation of the technological repertoires. So far, there is little published data on this topic. Until now, no correlation has been detected between the form ing techniques and pottery shapes in the Early and Middle Neolithic (Kreiter et al. 2017.122). At that time, the different forming methods presumably in di - cate different technical traditions, that probably sig ni- fy multiple communities of practice (Gomart 2014a. 159–160; Kreiter et al. 2017.128–129; Gomart et al. 2020.60–62). However, similarly to Polgár-Kirá ly-ér- part, the pottery assemblage of the Late Neolithic site of Öcsöd-Kovácshalom shows that certain forming methods are limited to certain vessel shapes (Füzesi 2023.170.Fig. 6). In the Early Copper Age, this pheno- me non was also observed at Tiszagyenda-Vágott-halom (Solnay 2021.216; Solnay et al. 2023.15). Technological knowledge and potters This study has demonstrated that at Polgár-Király-ér- part no clear pattern can be observed regarding the spa tial distribution of forming methods and variants. Furthermore, there is no definitive technological dif fe- rence between the material of the settlement features and that of burials. However, a strong connection between the forming methods and vessel shapes suggests a clear regu lari ty in the pottery-making practice at Polgár-Király-ér-part. At this point of the research, it is highly unlikely that the Early Copper Age potters specialized in only one pottery form in this small-scale site. Therefore, the dif- ferent forming methods at Polgár were probably part of shared technological knowledge, in which most of the vessel shapes had its own forming method: jars, bar rel-shaped vessels, storage vessels, and tumblers were made with a bottom-up coiled body (Forming me - thod 1), wide conical bowls (either pede stal l ed or flat- based) and S-profiled bowls with a pede stal were shap- ed with a reverse coiled body and additio nal, coiled rim (Forming method 2), as well as he mispherical, S-pro- filed, and carinated bowls (both flat-based) were made with a moulded body and coiled rim (Forming me - thod 3). Based on the previously cited studies, this complex technological knowledge probably already existed in the local Late Neolithic (Fü zesi 2019; 2023), and was possibly followed by other Early Copper Age potters on the Great Hungarian Plain, not only in Pol- gár (Solnay 2021; Solnay et al. 2023). However, taking a closer look at this shared techno- logical knowledge reveals some minor technological differences. Although the body of the barrel-shaped bowls were made always made with a bottom-up coil- ing technique (Forming method 1), their bases could be fabricated both with one or multiple superposed clay discs (Variant 1.1), as well as coil rings or spirals (Va riant 1.2). Conical bowls can also be formed with moulding and a coiled rim (Forming method 3), or bot tom-up coiling (Forming method 1). Besides, coil - ing in/on a support is possible in the case of one tumb - ler. These findings suggest that a certain degree of tech nological diversity must be considered. This as- sumption is further sup ported by the fact that traces of preforming (namely scraping and/or shaving) were also found on a few vessels. Based on these data, a hy - pothesis can be established to interpret these small technological diversities. The similar pottery shapes that were made by different forming techniques, as well as preformed and non- preformed vessels, probably would not have been made by the same potter. Some of these techniques, like the fa brication of the base with one or multiple superposed clay discs, had their roots in the Early and Middle Neolithic, where they can be understood as part of separate technical traditions (Gomart 2014a; Kreiter et al. 2017; Gomart et al. 2020). The re fore, it is possible that these minor differences in the shared technological knowledge are the signs of distinct learn- ing networks in Polgár-Király-ér-part. This suggests that 401 Pott ery vessels, technological knowledge, and pott ers at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... the vessels found in this site could have been made by more than one potter. This is a sur prising result given the small size and presumably short life span of the settlement. Further studies of other Early Copper Age sites are necessary to explore this hypothesis. Conclusion The technological approach of pottery assemblages reveals the pottery making practices in the Early Cop- per Age settlement of Polgár-Király-ér-part. As a result, a very complex technological knowledge of pottery forming was identified in which almost all the vessel types have their own forming methods. Although most of the forming techniques originated in the local Neo li - thic, the examples considered above indicate that there might have been some level of change in the process of the transmission of knowledge in the Early Copper Age. However, some minor technological differences im- ply different pottery learning networks, which sug- gest that more than one potters made the vessels at Polgár. This result raises many issues about the so- cial organization of this small-scale settlement with a relatively short life span, such as the spatial and tem- po ral relationship of the potters and the number of households. Besides, the extremely homogeneous pottery style of the site is not entirely in harmony with the forming technology. Although there is evidence of shared tech- nological knowledge at the site, the observed minor differences may suggest the existence of different learn ing networks. This, however, cannot be observed in the pottery style. Therefore, the paper demonstrates the importance of the technological approach to pottery forming and pro ves the usefulness of the combination of the re- sults of both technological and stylistic analyses. This methodology reveals the complexity of pottery produc- tion and sheds light on the network of technological knowledge and the potters following them. Acknowledgements We would like to thank Zsuzsanna Siklósi, Louise Go- mart, and François Giligny for their useful comments that greatly improved the quality of the study. We are also grateful to Zsigmond Hajdú for providing the op- portunity to study the site and its finds. The pottery technological analysis was supported by the ÚNKP- 20-1 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology from the source of the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund. The technological analysis of the Early Copper Age pot- tery forming on the whole Great Hungarian Plain is part of the ongoing PhD research of Eszter Solnay. References Arnold D. E. 1989. Technological diversity and evolutionary viability: A comparison of contemporary pottery-making tech nologies in Guatemala, Peru, and Mexico. In C. C. Kolb (ed.), Ceramic Ecology 1988: Current Research on Ceramic Materials. BAR International Series 513. Archaeopress. Ox- ford: 29–59. Balfet H. 1975. Technologie. 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Sequential Slab Construction; A Con- servative Southwest Asiatic Ceramic Tradition, ca. 7000- 3000 B.C. Paléorient 13: 9–35. https://doi.org/10.3406/paleo.1987.4426 Van Doosselaere B. 2010. Poterie et histoire au temps des grands empires ouest africains: Études technologiques de l’assemblage céramique de Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie 6e–17e siècles). Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Paris 1 and Panthéon-Sorbonne University. Paris. Wenger E. 1999. Communities of Practice: Learning, Mean- ing, and Identity. Cambridge University Press. Cam bridge. 405 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... Ta b. 1 . E ar ly C op pe r Ag e ar ch ae ol og ic al fe at u re s at P ol gá r- K ir ál y- ér -p ar t. 406 Ta b. 1 . C on ti n u ed Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi 407 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... Ta b. 1 . C on ti n u ed 408 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi Ta b. 1 . C on ti n u ed 409 Pottery vessels, technological knowledge, and potters at the Early Copper Age site of Polgár-Király-ér-part ... Ta b. 1 . C on ti n u ed 410 Eszter Solnay, Márton Szilágyi Ta b. 1 . C on ti n u ed back to content 412 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.19 eo logical structures such as pottery kilns in the area that could contribute to the understanding of firing techniques during this period, an alternative approach to the investigation is required. This paper presents the results of an investigation that sought to identify indirect evidence for Late Bronze and Early Iron Age firing practices in western Slovenia. Introduction Archaeological research has yielded compelling evi- dence for pottery firing techniques during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages in western Slovenia. These resulted from Fourier Transform Infrared Reflectance Spectroscopy (FTIR) analysis conducted on ceramic sam ples obtained through archaeological experiments and archaeological excavations. As there are no ar cha- KLJUÈNE BESEDE – keramika; tehnike žganja keramike; eksperimentalna arheologija; petrografska ana liza; FTIR - infrardeèa spektroskopija s Fourierovo transformacijo; Kras; Slovenija IZVLEÈEK – Študija je usmerjena v analizo tehnik žganja keramike v pozni bronasti in starejši železni dobi na Krasu v Sloveniji. Zaradi odsotnosti arheološki struktur smo uporabili alternativni razisko val - ni pristop, in sicer FTIR in keramiène petrografske analize. Arheološki material smo analizirali s po- moè jo modela, ki smo ga razvili pri arheološkem raziskovalnem delu, žganju v jami in žganju v peèi. S pomoèjo raziskave smo uspešno prepoznali razliène tehnike žganja, ki so bile v uporabi v pozni bronas- ti in starejši železni dobi. Raziskovanje tehnik žganja keramike v zahodni Sloveniji v pozni bronasti in starejši železni dobi na podlagi FTIR in petrografskih analiz KEY WORDS – pottery; firing techniques; experimental archaeology; petrographic analysis; FTIR - Fouri- er Transform Infrared Spectroscopy analysis; Karst; Slovenia ABSTRACT - This study focuses on the analysis of pottery firing techniques during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages in the Karst region of Slovenia. Given the absence of archaeological structures, we adopt - ed an alternative research approach, employing FTIR and ceramic thin-section analysis. The archaeolo- gical material underwent study using a model derived from archaeological experiments, which encom- passed firing techniques in both pits and pottery kilns. Our research successfully identified that various firing structures were utilized during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages. Manca Vinazza1, Petros Chatzimpaloglou2 1 Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, SI; manca.vinazza@ff.uni-lj.si 2 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, UK; pc529@cam.ac.uk Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages using FTIR and petrographic analysis 413 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... The existing knowledge of pottery technology and pro- duction during this period in the study area derives from limited research, primarily from a macroscopic point of view and focusing solely on settlement ma te- rial, such as storage, cooking, and serving types of ves - sels. The pottery is locally produced and hand made, fired in bonfires/pit-fires and single-chamber kilns. Typological analysis indicates a clear influence from the west, particularly from the Veneto and Friuli re- gions in northern Italy. The application of the Fourier Transform Infrared Re - flectance Spectroscopy (FTIR) has been proven as an excellent method for identifying the mineralogical com - position of archaeological ceramics and estimating firing temperatures (Shoval, Paz 2015; Shoval 2016). Such information can contribute significantly to the reconstruction of firing structures and to a more nu anc - ed comprehension of firing techniques. This re search comprises an interdisciplinary study of ce ra mics from two hillforts: (a) the Tabor site, span ning the Late Bronze to Early Iron Age, situated near Vrabèe, and (b) the Štanjel site, representative of the Early Iron Age site (Fig. 1). In addition to the aforementioned FTIR analyses, cera - mic petrographic thin-section analyses were conducted on ceramic materials procured from both sites, fo cus- ing on forms presumed to be of local production. The va lidation of local pottery production serves to draw conclusions about the firing structures in the exa min- ed area. Furthermore, an archaeological experiment-based mo - del was built to facilitate the comparison with the ar chaeological material. This involved the recreation of probable firing techniques and conditions from the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, accomplished through the construction of a one-chamber kiln and the replication of vessels using local clays. Archaeological background The prehistoric Karst Plateau The Karst Plateau is a landscape between the Gulf of Trieste and the Vipava Valley. In the northwest, it is connected with the Soèa Plain, in the southwest with the Brkini Hills, the Podgorje Karst Plateau with the Èièarija Plateau, and the Podgraje Lowland (Perko, Klad nik 1998). The Karst Plateau is famous for the so- called hillforts (sl. gradišèa, it. castellieri), which are dated to the Bronze and/or Early Iron Ages (Mar che - setti 1903). Most of these hillforts were poorly ex ca - vated and the stratigraphy was preserved only in a few cases (Canarella 1975–1977; Moretti 1978; Nova- ko viæ, Turk 1991; Bratina 2014; 2021; Zupanèiè, Vi- naz za 2015; Maggi et al. 2017; Borgna et al. 2018; Ber - nardini et al. 2023). The archaeological material under consideration was collected from two hillforts, Tabor near Vrabèe and Štanjel. The chro nological framework for both sites was es tab lished through stratigraphic analysis, and con firmed by both archaeological evidence and abso - lute data (Vinazza 2021.Fig. 5). The Tabor near Vrabèe site with a double dry-wall has two occupational phases. The ini tial phase is dated to the end of the Late Bronze Age (10th century BC), while the second cor- responds to the Early Iron Age (8th and 7th centuries BC). In contrast, the Štanjel site contains the foun da- tions of a cellar dug into the limestone bedrock, dating to the conclusion of the end of the Early Iron Age (6th and 5th centuries BC) (Vinaz za 2021.429,442, Fig. 5). Pottery firing in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages in Slovenia The first archaeometric study about Bronze and Iron Age firing techniques on Slovenian pottery was con- ducted in 2021 (Vinazza, Dolenec 2021). Existing re - search in Slovenia has been limited to individual ar- chaeological sites, as evidenced by studies such as Ja - nez Dular (1982), Matija Èrešnar (2006), Andreja Ži b - rat Gašpariè et al. (2018), with macroscopic ana lysis of ceramic technology still dominating the lite rature. Since we are dealing with both direct and indi rect data pertaining to pottery firing at this time in Slove nia, a com prehensive understanding is possible through an overview of the current state of research. Macroscopic and microscopic examinations of pottery technologies, constituting indirect data, suggest the utilization of both bonfires/pit fires and kilns. Notable examples include the Poštela and Novine sites in north- eastern Slovenia, as well Štanjel, Tabor near Vrabèe, and Tomaj in the Karst region (Žibrat, Dolenec 2015; Žib rat et al. 2018.188; Vinazza, Dolenec 2021.401; Vi - nazza 2022). Meanwhile, only a limited number of archaeologically ex cavated kilns, serving as direct data, have been iden - tified for pottery production. Regardless of the type, these kilns are predominantly of the one-chamber type, as documented by Irena Horvat Šavel (1988–1989. 130–131) and Draško Josipoviæ et al. (2016). Although 414 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou archaeological material can effectively dif ferentiate between pottery fired in a bonfire/pit fire and that fired in a kiln. Geological background of the Karst Plateau The Karst Plateau is a flat plain with conical hills, small elevations, denuded karst areas, sinkholes, caves and the average altitude above sea level is 300 to 600 me - tres above sea level. Despite the absence of sur face streams, the plateau harbours a significant under- ground stream system, one that gathers available wa - ter and directs it towards the spring of Timav (Jur kov- šek et al. 1996.21). Tabor near Vrabèe The archaeological site of Tabor near Vrabèe (Fig. 2) encompasses two main li tho stratigraphic units: the Lipica For ma tion and the Flysch. The Lipica Formation locally contains the Tomaj limestone, a platy and la mi- nated li mestone with chert. The limestone is bedded and massive with rudist biostromes and bio herms (Jur kovšek et al. 1996.25, App.). Cherts occur in the Tomaj limestone as nodules and thin lenses and have a micro cry stalline texture (Jurkovšek et al. 1996.47). The Flysch unit results from the alteration of marl, sandy silt stone and coarse-grained carbonate sand- stone, with inter ca lations of breccia and conglo me rate, which consist mainly of fragments and peb bles of old- er car bo nate platform formation. The brec cia and con- glo merate varieties encompass basalt conglomerate and calcite-ce ment ed breccia, featuring limestone frag- ments of di verse sizes (Jurkovšek et al. 1996.63). Štanjel The archaeological site of Štanjel lies in an even more dynamic area (Fig. 2), between four lithostratigraphic units: the Lipica Formation, the Flysch, the Liburnian Formation, the Lower Trstelj, and the Upper Trstelj beds. The Liburnian Formation comprises marly lime- stone and limestone breccia, while the Upper Trstelj beds, which primarily consist of miliolid limestone, exhibit calcarenite with foraminifers and Coral-algal limestone (Jurkovšek 2010.27,40). Clays Fieldwork in the wider area of interest identified va ri - ous clay sources potentially suitable for pottery pro- duction. The selection of clays focused on proximity to archaeological sites (i.e. Tabor near Vrabèe and Šta- njel) and suitability for pottery production. Therefore, samples were collected from the Renèe source in the the two-chamber kiln, excavated archaeologically, is dated to the Late Iron Age (Tomaniè Jevremov, Guštin 1996), evidence from neighbouring northern Italian sites suggests its use in the Late Bronze Age (Levi 2010. 117), but most examples of such kilns are known from the Early Iron Age (Poggiani Keller 1994.76; Iaia, Moroni Lanfredini 2009.65,68,70; Gasparini, Miari 2017.24; Rapi et al. 2019.107). The absence of archaeologically excavated kilns is notable at the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age sites in the Karst, yet indirect data allude to their probable exi- stence (see Vinazza 2021; Vinazza, Dolenec 2022). Moreover, an analysis of the chaíne opératoire of cer - tain locally produced vessel types, exemplified by the ceramic situlae from the Štanjel site, suggests the use of two-chamber kilns. This specific pottery requires an oxidation-reduction-oxidation (ORO) firing at mo- sphere, achievable only in such kilns. By analysing the provenance based on petrographic thin-section ana ly- sis we can distinguish between local and non-local pro - duction and foresee the use of this kind of firing tech- nique in the area under study. This research aims to compare the firing model derived from ar chaeological experiments using FTIR analyses, which is based on temperature estimation. Additionally, the study seeks to ascertain whether the results of FTIR ana lyses of Fig. 1. A map showing the location of the clay sources (1 Renèe, 2 Ostri vrh, 4 Veliki Dul, 5 Gri že) and the ar cha eo logical sites (3 Štanjel, 6 Ta bor near Vrabèe). Source: https://maps-for-free.com/ 415 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... fired in a replicated one-chamber kiln, in a pit fire and an electric laboratory kiln. Archaeological pottery was sampled from two sites, Tabor near Vrabèe and Štanjel, from which we ob- tained stratified material with absolute 14C dates. We selected material that we were confident was locally produced, including storage and cooking vessels, as well as a locally made ceramic situla fired in ORO con- ditions. We sampled local clay sources in the vicinity of both archaeological sites: Griže near Tabor, and Veliki Dul and Ostri vrh near Štanjel. Furthermore, the experimental pottery served for com parisons with archaeological pottery. To achieve this, samples from both the experimental and ar cha eo- logical pottery were taken and analysed through FTIR spectroscopy (Parish et al. 2013) and petrographic study of ceramic thin sections (Quinn 2022). Additio - nal ly, the findings from these techniques were com ple- Fig. 2. Geological map of the area under our study (modified after Jurkovšek 2013). Vipava Valley, the Ostri vrh, and Veliki Dul near the Šta - njel site, and the Griže source near Tabor (Fig. 1). All sampled localities are classified as rendzina soils on limestone, with an initial cambic horizon (Vidic et al. 2015.48). The Renèe clay, gathered from a clay mine in the Vipava Valley, is identified as the illite-chlo rite type, featuring a grey to brown upper layer compris - ing a medium to well-laminated clay with an ave rage thickness of 5m. The mineral com position encompas- ses chlorite, quartz, albite, montmorillonite, carbonate, and iron minerals (Ro kavec 2014.32,35,54). Clays from Ostri vrh and Griže were collected on the hill- sides, while the samples from Veliki Dul were collected in a valley (Fig. 1). They fall under the terra rossa type (Šušteršiè et al. 2009.Tab. 1). Materials and methods Archaeological experiments, as detailed in Manca Vi- nazza (2021a; 2021b.183–184) and Vinazza and Matej Dolenec (2022.392), were conducted in the courtyard of the De partment of Archaeology at the University of Ljubljana in the years 2020 and 2021. The initial phase involved the construction of a one-chamber kiln, uti- lizing Renèe clay. Subsequently, ceramic vessels were made from the examined clay sources, which were 416 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou process carbon dioxide (CO2) is released from the mi- neral’s structure and free-lime (CaO) is formed (Fabbri et al. 2014). The decarbonation of calcite in ceramics takes place under prolonged firing at temperatures between 600 and 800°C (Mag getti et al. 2011). After long-lasting high firing temperatures (800°C and above), part of the free-lime is re-carbonated and cry - stallized as reformed calcite (Shoval et al. 2011b; Fab- bri et al. 2014). The presence of a calcareous (calcite- rich) component in the raw ma terial is very important since it greatly affects the thermal reactions and the firing process (Fabbri et al. 2014; Shoval 2016). Petro thin-section analysis Petrographic analysis took place at the Laboratory for Material Analysis Laboratory within the Department of Archaeology at the University of Ljubljana. The pre - paration of ceramic thin sections adhered to a stan- dard protocol (see Quinn 2022.23–36), and the exa mi - nation was conducted under the polarizing Zeiss Axio Scope A1 microscope. Three distinct groups of ceramic material were chosen. The first is associated with the Renèe clay source (Samples 1, 2, 5 and 7). The se cond group is linked with the Tabor near Vrabèe site (Sam- ples 11 and 18), while the third pertains to the Štanjel site (Sam ples 9 and 13). Archaeological experiments The experimental kiln was made of Renèe clay that was tempered with straw. After the completion of the ex- periment, samples were collected from the base (Sam- ple 2), the chimney (Sample 3), and the wall (Sample 4), which was taken 10cm above second thermocouple. During the experiment two thermocouples were placed at the base of the kiln, one under the fired ves- sels and the other adjacent to the wall (see Vinazza, Dolenec 2021.Fig. 3). The tem perature measured with the thermocouples in the experimental kiln was 670°C. Several pots were fired in the experimental kiln, including Sample 1, modelled from Renèe clay; Sample 10 modelled from Veliki Dul clay; and Sample 11 modelled from Griže clay. All of these pots were tem pered with calcite. In accordance with recent research by Richard Thèr et al. (2018), which proposed a model for distinguishing firing structures based on soaking time duration, we conducted experiments firing two clay cubes (5x5x 5cm) from Renèe clay in a laboratory kiln. The first cube (Samples 5 and 6) was fired at 600°C, while the se cond cube (Samples 7 and 8) was fired at 800°C. mented by previously acquired X-ray Diffraction (XRD) results (see Tab. 1). FTIR Spectroscopy The FTIR equipment employed for this research was located in the Charles McBurney Laboratory for Geo- archaeology, based in the Department of Ar chaeology at the University of Cambridge. Representative FTIR spectra were obtained from all the clay and ceramic samples (n=21) by grinding a few tens of micrograms of the sample using an agate mortar and pestle (Smith 2011). About 0.1mg or less of the sample was mixed with about 80mg of KBr (IR-grade). A 7mm pellet was then made using a hand press and the spectra were col - lected between 4000 and 400cm–1 at 4cm–1 reso lu - tion, using a Thermo Nicolet 380 spectrometer. The in - terpretation of the spectra was conducted by combin - ing the internal library of infrared spectra of archaeo- lo gical materials (Kimmel Standards) and the appro- pri ate reference (Weiner 2010; Chukanov 2014; Sho- val, Paz 2015; Shoval 2016). Ceramics are produced by firing clay raw materials, which during this process undergo a series of reactions and transform into the final product. Using the FITR technique the main components of this final product can be identified (Weiner 2010; Chukanov 2014). This allows us to determine what was the original com po - sition of the raw material and estimate the firing tem- peratures of this process (Sho val, Paz 2015; Shoval 2016). The most common components reported in ar- chaeological pottery/ceramics are clay minerals (e.g., kaolinite, smectite), quartz and calcite, and they are re- cognized on the FTIR spectra by specific bands (Tab. 1). The raw clay component transforms through firing to fired-clay, also defined as meta-clay (Shoval et al. 2011a; 2011b). The transformation occurs over a pro - cess called dehydroxylation during which the raw clay loses the water (H2O) from its structure. De pend ing on the type of clay, this process takes place at dif fe rent temperatures and subsequently forms different meta- clay components (Shoval et al. 2011a; 2011b; Shoval, Paz 2015). A clay material do minated by kaolinite trans forms into meta-kaolinite and the dehydroxy la - tion occurs at 450–500°C (Frost, Vassallo 1996). A clay material dominated by smectite transforms into meta- smectite and this transformation occurs at c. 600°C (Heller-Kallai, Rozenson 1980). Meanwhile, calcite decomposes through a thermal pro - cess called decarbonation (Shoval 2016). During this 417 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... Sa m - pl e La b ID IT EM De sc rip tio n Fi rin g st ru ct ur e Cl ay Te m - pe r Fi rin g st ru ct ur e M ax i- m um O th er 1 20 22 -2 Ve ss el Ri m o f t he b ow l Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Re nč e Ca lc ite Re pl ic a of th e ki ln 67 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 2 ) 2 20 22 -3 Ki ln Bo tto m o f t he k iln Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Re nč e St ra w Re pl ic a of th e ki ln 67 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 3 ) 3 Ki ln Ch im ne y of th e ki ln Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Re nč e St ra w Re pl ic a of th e ki ln 67 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 5 ) 4 20 21 -4 Ki ln W al l o f t he k iln Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Re nč e St ra w Re pl ic a of th e ki ln 67 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 4 ) 5 20 22 -2 3 Cu be Co re La bo ra to ry fi rin g Re nč e 0 El ec tr ic al ly o pe ra te d ki ln 60 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 6 ) 6 20 22 -2 3 Cu be O ut er su rf ac e La bo ra to ry fi rin g Re nč e 0 El ec tr ic al ly o pe ra te d ki ln 60 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 6 ) 7 20 22 -2 4 Cu be Co re La bo ra to ry fi rin g Re nč e 0 El ec tr ic al ly o pe ra te d ki ln 80 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 7 ) 8 20 22 -2 4 Cu be O ut er su rf ac e La bo ra to ry fi rin g Re nč e 0 El ec tr ic al ly o pe ra te d ki ln 80 0 °C XR D (V in az za , D ol en ec 2 02 2. Sa m pl e 7 ) 9 20 22 -4 Si lo Št an je l s ite , U S 28 Ar ch ae ol og ic al p ott er y 10 20 20 -1 8 Ve ss el Pa rt o f t he v es se l Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Ve lik i Du l Ca lc ite Re pl ic a of th e ki ln 67 0 °C 11 20 20 -2 4 Ve ss el Pa rt o f t he v es se l Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Gr iže Ca lc ite Re pl ic a of th e ki ln 67 0 °C 12 Ve ss el Pa rt o f t he v es se l Ar ch ae ol og ic al e xp er im en t Re nč e Ca lc ite Pi t fi re 70 2 °C 13 20 22 -1 Si tu la Št an je l s ite , U S 28 Ar ch ae ol og ic al p ott er y 14 Cl ay N o m an ip ul ati on Re nč e 15 Cl ay N o m an ip ul ati on Ve lik i Du l 16 Cl ay N o m an ip ul ati on Gr iže 17 Cl ay N o m an ip ul ati on O st ri Vr h 18 20 20 -4 Pi th os Ta bo r n ea r V ra bč e sit e, U S 18 , o ut er su rf ac e Ar ch ae ol og ic al p ott er y 19 20 20 -4 Pi th os Ta bo r n ea r V ra bč e sit e, U S 18 , c or e Ar ch ae ol og ic al p ott er y 20 M 34 9 Po t Št an je l s ite , U S 42 , co re ar ch ae ol og ic al p ott er y 21 M 34 9 Po t Št an je l s ite , U S 42 , ou te r s ur fa ce Ar ch ae ol og ic al p ott er y Ta b. 1 . S am pl es 1 –2 1 w hi ch a re p ar t o f o u r st u dy . 418 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou nance of this mineral is further supported by the shoul - der band at 913cm–1 and the band at 3620cm–1. The Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 469cm–1 can equally re late to smectite and quartz (Weiner 2010; Kimmel Stan- dards), although research on clay and pottery has as- signed this mode based on the overlap between these two minerals reported in such materials (Shoval 2016). The presence of quartz is confirmed by the cha - racteristic band-doublet at 778 and 798cm–1, and the minor peak at 695cm–1. The spectrum also re corded a shoulder band at 1166cm–1, which is re lated to SiO2 mineral polymorphs (e.g., tridymite, cristo balite, quartz) (Chukanov 2014). Clay materials contain small amounts of water in their mineralogical struc ture and/ or between the layers of these minerals (Wenk, Bulakh 2016; Kumari, Mohan 2021). The pre sence of such wa- ter is detected by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3422cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. The band at 528cm–1 is assigned to kaolinite–mont mo - rillonite based on previous work on this type of clay mi nerals (Chukanov 2014). Montmorillonite, in gene- ral, is the most prominent member of the smec titic group of clay minerals (Kumari, Mohan 2021), and very often interstratifies with other clay minerals (e.g., kaolinite, illite), which further supports its existence in this sample. The band at 528cm–1 could also be related to albite (plagioclase – Na-feldspar) and muscovite (mi - ca mineral), which are minerals commonly found with - in clay materials (Chukanov 2014; Kumari, Mohan 2021). However, the spectrum did not record any of the indicative bands of these minerals, so the likelihood of their presence is low. Veliki Dul clay (App. 5: 15) The spectrum from the Veliki Dul clay source recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1032cm–1, which is associated with smectite. The dominance of this mi- neral is supported by the shoulder band at 913cm–1, the bands at 3620cm–1 and 534cm–1, and the minor peak at 3692cm–1. The combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 469cm–1 is again considered the result of the overlap between smectite and quartz (Shoval 2016). The presence of quartz is confirmed by the charac te - ris tic band-doublet at 777 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. Water, related to the clay com po- nents, is recorded by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3438cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. The band at 534cm–1 could again relate to muscovite or albite, but for the same reasons as with the Renèe sample it is attributed to the kaolinite–mont- mo rillonite. The last experimental sample (Sample 12) was pit fired in 2021, as documented by Vinazza (2021.61, Fig. 1). The firing reached temperatures of 702°C in less than one hour, with a subsequent cooling time lasting two hours and 41 minutes. Archaeological material Archaeological material comes from two sites. Be gin- ning from the Tabor near Vrabèe site, archaeological research (Vinazza 2021.Pl.1:1) established that the pithos (Sample 18, 19) belonged to the first occupation phase (Late Bronze Age). Macroscopic technological analysis data indicated the prevalence of a reduction atmosphere (O.c.432), yet it remains un clear whether the firing technique involved a bonfire/pit fire or a kiln. From the Early Iron Age, we sampled material from the Štanjel site. A silo (Sample 9), was chosen first due to its status as the most diverse material within the site’s assemblages and its local origin. It is presumed that the firing was not conducted in a kiln type (or related) structure. Based on its diameter of up to 100cm and a wall thickness of 5cm, it was believed to have been fired at low temperatures (Vinazza 2016.9,11) in a bon fire. The next archaeological find from the Štanjel site is a ceramic situla (Sample 13), which, based on ma cro- sco pic analysis, is believed to have been fired in a double-chamber kiln, as this type of pottery vessel re- quires an ORO firing (cf. Aloupi-Siotis 2020.3,5). The last vessel from the Štanjel site is a pot (Vinazza 2021.Pl.6: 8) from which samples were taken from the core and outer surface (Samples 20, 21). Results FTIR Spectroscopy The analysed material has been categorized into three main groups. Initially, we examined the raw ma te rials, encompassing analysis of four different clay sources. Sub sequently, the experimental material was inves- tigated, comprising materials collected from both the kiln and pottery. Finally, attention was directed to- wards the archaeological material. Raw material Renèe clay (App. 5: 14) The spectrum from the Renèe clay source recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1028cm–1 which is indicative of smectite (Kimmel Standards). The do mi - 419 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... water (i.e. absorbed water) during a slow rehydration process (Muller et al. 2000; Shoval, Paz 2013). Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 779 and 798cm–1, the minor peak at 695cm–1 and the shoul der band at 520cm–1. Last ly, the shoulder band at 1166cm–1 and the weak band at 1870cm–1 are as so ci- ated with SiO2 mineral polymorphs. The presence of the meta-smectite suggests that this ceramic material endured temperatures around 600°C (Heller-Kallai, Rozenson 1980). However, the spec- trum recorded a minor band at 3621cm–1, which is at - tributed to raw smectite (i.e. retains its original struc- ture). This suggests that the firing procedure did not consistently maintain high temperatures (600°C and above) and allowed the preservation of a small raw smectitic component. Meanwhile, the presence of me ta-kaolinite does not support temperatures below 450°C, so the base probably experienced temperatures between 450 and 650°C. Wall (App. 2: 4) The spectrum of the wall sample recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1040cm–1 which is indicative of meta-smectite since it falls within the range of 1030– 1060cm–1. Moreover, it presented a shoulder peak at 1085cm–1 that is assigned to the overlap occurring be- tween quartz and meta-kaolinite. The combined Si-O/ Al-O bending mode at 469cm–1 further confirms that meta-clay is the principal component of this sample. Absorbed water, associated with the meta-clay unit, is detected by the H2O-stretching band at 3421cm–1. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-dou blet at 779 and 798cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. The spectrum also included a minor band at 1618cm–1 that is related to SiO2 mineral polymorphs. In com pa- rison to the base’s sample, this one has a cal careous com ponent. A main CO3 band at 1437cm–1 and a se- con dary band at 879cm–1 have been recorded, which are characteristic of calcite. Moreover, the spectrum re - corded a minor band at 729cm–1, which is indicative of dolomite. The presence of meta-smectite and the absence of raw smectite suggest that this ceramic material endured high firing temperatures (>600°C). The main CO3 band falls within the range of 1430–1450cm–1, which is associated with reformed calcite (Shoval 2016). The presence of this type of calcite suggests firing tem pe - ratures consistently above 700°C. Meanwhile, the spec- trum did not present bands assigned to ‘firing sili ca - Griže clay (App. 6: 16) The spectrum from the Griže clay source is very similar to those collected from the samples of Renèe clay and Ve liki Dul clay sources. It is dominated by smectite ba- sed on the principal Si-O stretching band (1032cm–1) and the bands at 3693cm–1, 3620cm–1, 915cm–1, and 531cm–1. The combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 469cm–1 is regarded as the result of the overlap be- tween smectite and quartz. Clay-related water is re- cord ed by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3422cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. Fur thermore, quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 777 and 797cm–1 and the minor peak at 695cm–1. The spectrum also included a shoulder band at 1165cm–1 that is related to SiO2 mineral po ly - morphs. Ostri vrh clay (App. 6: 17) The spectrum from the Ostri vrh clay source has many similarities with the ones collected from the other three sources. The principal Si-O stretching band at 1031cm–1 the shoulder band at 913cm–1, the bands at 3620cm–1 and 531cm–1, and the minor peak at 3691 cm–1 indicate the dominance of smectite in this sam- ple. Meanwhile, the combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 470cm–1 is again considered the result of the over- lap between smectite and quartz. Clay-related water is again recorded by the H2O-stretching band at 3422 cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. Lastly, the presence of quartz is confirmed by the cha rac- teristic band-doublet at 779 and 798cm–1 and the mi- nor peak at 694cm–1. Experimental material (2020) Base (App. 1: 2) The spectrum of the sample collected from the base of the Kiln recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1036cm–1 which is associated with a meta-clay (i.e. fired-clay). Considering that this band falls within the range of 1030–1060cm–1, the main component of this sam ple is meta-smectite (Shoval 2016). Besides the main band, the spectrum includes a shoulder band at 1090cm–1, suggesting that this sample also includes me ta-kaolinite. The dominance of meta-clay in this sam ple is further supported by the combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 469cm–1, which is also related to the fired-clay material (O.c.). Clay-related water is also detected by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3422cm–1 and the H2O bend- ing mode at 1636cm–1 (Shoval 2016). The meta-clay ce- ramics, being dehydrated after firing, strongly absolve 420 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou racteristic band-doublet at 778 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. The spectrum also recorded a minor band at 1618cm–1 and a shoulder band at 1166cm–1 that are both associated with SiO2 mineral polymorphs (Chukanov 2014). Absorbed water, as so - ciated with the meta-clay is detected with the H2O bending mode at 1638cm–1. In contrast, the spectrum did not detect a calcite component in the exa mined sam ple. Meta-kaolinite is formed at 450 to 500°C (Frost, Vassallo 1996) and retains its structure up to 950°C (Shoval 2016; Stevenson, Gurnick 2016). Since no other recorded component can provide fur ther in- formation on the firing temperatures, it is considered that this experimental pot was fired at temperatures between 450 and 900°C. Pot 2 (App. 4: 12), Renèe clay Another pot was made from Renèe clay that was also tempered with calcite but fired in a pit fire. The col lect - ed spectrum recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1036cm–1, which is indicative of a meta-smec tite. There is also a shoulder peak at 1085cm–1 which is at - tributed to the overlap between the quartz and the meta-kaolinite component. The dominance of the meta-clay in the sample is supported by the combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 473cm–1. Meanwhile, raw smectite is reported by the minor band at 3620cm–1 and a band at 521cm–1. Water as sociated with the clay components (i.e. raw and meta) is detected by the broad H2O-stretching band at 3422cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 779 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 695cm–1. The spectrum also recorded a minor band at 1872cm–1 and a shoulder band at 1164 that are related to SiO2 mineral polymorphs. Furthermore, the spectrum has a main CO3 band at 1420cm–1, a secondary band at 875 cm–1,and minor bands at 1796 and 712cm–1, which are characteristic of primary calcite (Shoval 2016). The reported meta-clays in this sample support firing temperatures between 600°C and 900°C (Shoval 2016; Stevenson, Gurnick 2016; Tarhan, Iºık 2020). How- ever, the occurrence of primary calcite does not jus- tify temperatures that go much higher than 700°C. Moreover, the detected raw clay suggests that the firing procedure did not consistently maintain high temperatures (>600°C). Based on these results, the highest temperatures reached in the pit fire was proba - bly around 700°C, while the average firing tem pera- tures should have been around 600°C. tes’ (i.e. around 912cm–1), which would indicate tem- peratures above 800°C (Shoval 2016). These findings indicate that these walls were exposed to temperatures between 700 and 800°C that led to the complete trans- formation of the main components of the clay material (i.e. clay and calcite). Chimney (App. 1: 3) The spectrum of the chimney sample recorded a prin- cipal Si-O stretching curve that splits into two peaks. The first at 1082cm–1 is generally associated with quartz (Saikia et al. 2008) but in pottery samples it is re garded as the result of the overlap between quartz and meta-kaolinite (Shoval, Paz 2015). Meanwhile, the second peak at 1038cm–1 is indicative of meta-smec- tite. The combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode found at 465cm–1 supports that meta-clay and quartz are the main components of this sample. The considerable presence of quartz, in addition to the Si-O stretching band, is confirmed by the characteristic band-doublet at 778 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. Moreover, the minor band at 1618cm–1 and the shoulder band at 1164cm–1 are both associated with SiO2 mineral polymorphs. Absorbed water, as sociat- ed with the meta-clay unit, is detected with the H2O- stre tching band at 3421cm–1 and the H2O bend ing mode at 1637cm–1. Regarding the firing temperature, the presence of me - ta-smectite and the absence of bands attributed to raw smectite suggest that this sample experienced high firing temperatures (>600°C). Meta-kaolinite retains its structure for temperatures up to 950°C (Shoval 2016; Stevenson, Gurnick 2016), while the meta-smec- tite starts to show signs of distortion at temperatures above 900°C (Ste venson, Gurnick 2016; Tarhan, Iºık 2020). Such signs are not recorded in the spectrum, suggesting that this sample was ex posed to tem pera- tures between 600 and 900°C for a sufficient amount of time. Pot 1 (App. 1: 1) (Renèe clay) A pot was made from Renèe clay that was tempered with calcite and fired within the experimental kiln. The FTIR analyses recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1082cm–1, which is considered the result of the overlap between the quartz and the meta-kaolinite component (Shoval, Paz 2015). The combined Si-O/ Al-O bending mode at 462cm–1 is also attributed to the overlap between these two components. The impor- tant presence of quartz is further identified by the cha - 421 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... the previous cube, samples were collected from the core and outer surface, and analysed by FTIR. The core’s spectrum recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1082cm–1 which is the result of the overlap be - tween the quartz and a meta- kaolinite. The Si-O asym - metrical bending vibration at 457cm–1 is more compa- tible with quartz rather than a meta-clay. The increased presence of this mineral is further confirmed by the characteristic band-doublet at 778 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. The spectrum also re cord- ed minor bands at 1870 and 1618cm–1, and shoulder bands at 1164 and 557cm–1 that are related to SiO2 mineral polymorphs. These findings suggest that SiO2 mineral polymorphs (e.g., quartz) are the dominant component of this cube’s core. Lastly, absorbed water related to the meta-clay component is detected by the H2O-stretching band at 3421cm–1. The outer surface’s spectrum recorded a principal Si-O stretching curve that splits into two peaks. The first is at 1036cm–1 and it is assigned to meta-smectite, while the second peak at 1086cm–1 is the result of the over- lap between the quartz and the meta-kaolinite com- ponent of the sample. The dominance of the meta-clay in this sample is further supported by the combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 470cm–1. Absorbed water is detected by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3421cm–1 and the minor H2O bending mode at 1637 cm–1. Regardless, this sample also holds a strong con- tent of SiO2 mineral polymorphs. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 779 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1, where other SiO2 polymorphs are detected by the two shoulder bands at 1164cm–1 and 561cm–1. Regarding the firing temperature, the presence of only meta-kaolinite in the core of this pottery cube suggests that it was broadly exposed to temperatures between 450°C and 900°C (Frost, Vassallo 1996; Shoval 2016; Stevenson, Gurnick 2016). In contrast, the sample of the outer surface also contains meta-smectite, which along with the absence of raw clay indicates that this part of the cube was exposed at higher firing tem pe ra - tures (>600°C) and more precisely between 600°C and 900°C (Shoval 2016; Stevenson, Gurnick 2016; Tarhan, Iºık 2020). Pot 3 (App. 4: 11), Griže clay This pottery sample was made of Griže clay that was tempered with calcite and fired within the expe ri men - tal kiln. The FTIR analyses recorded a principal Si-O stretching curve that splits into two peaks. The first Ceramic cube (App. 2: 5, 6) A pottery cube was made from Renèe clay, without tem - pering, and fired in the experimental kiln. The core and outer surface of this cube were sampled and ana- lysed by FTIR. The spectra recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1032cm–1, which is assigned to me - ta-smectite. They also present a combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode (at 469cm–1 for the core and 472cm–1 for the outer surface, respectively) that re lates to the meta-clay component and subsequently supports that this cube mostly consisted of meta-smec tite. Mean- while, the neighbouring shoulder peaks (at 1090cm–1 and 1085cm–1 respectively) are attributed to the over - lap between quartz and a meta-kaolinite component. Nevertheless, the pottery cube retains parts of the raw clay that was not affected by the firing. The FTIR ana- lyses recorded a broad band at 3620cm–1, a shoulder band at 913cm–1 and a band at 532cm–1 (core) and 525cm–1 (outer sur face) that are characteristic of raw smectite. These bands, in particular, are associated with kaolinite–montmorillonite (Chukanov 2014), which is a mineral also detected in the original clay ma- terial (i.e. Renèe clay source). Furthermore, Kaolinite- montmorillonite complies with the recognized meta- clays (i.e. meta-smectite and meta-kaolinite) since they are the ex pect ed outcome after firing this type of mi- neral. Water related to clay components is detected by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3421cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1 (outer surface). The presence of quartz is confirmed by the characteristic band-doublet at 779 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. Additionally, the spectra included minor bands at 1870 and 1618cm–1, and a shoulder band at 1166cm–1 (1164cm–1 for the outer surface) that are re - lated to SiO2 mineral polymorphs. The presence of the meta-smectite suggests that this ce- ramic material was exposed to temperatures around 600°C and above (Heller-Kallai, Rozenson 1980). The examined sample, though, retains a raw clay com po - nent (i.e. kaolinite–montmorillonite) suggesting that the firing did not consistently maintain high tem pera- tures (>600°C). Meanwhile, the presence of meta-kao- linite does not support temperatures below 450°C, so this pottery cube was probably fired at temperatures between 450 and 650°C. Ceramic cube 2 (App. 3: 7, 8) Another pottery cube was made from Renèe clay, with- out tempering, but fired in an electric kiln. Similar to 422 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou Regarding the firing conditions, the meta-clay sup ports fire temperatures between 600°C and 900°C. How- ever, the occurrence of primary calcite does not jus ti- fy temperatures much higher than 700°C. The refore, this pottery sample was most probably fired at tem pe- ratures between 600 and 700°C. Pithos (App. 6–7: 18, 19), Tabor near Vrabèe Samples from the core and outer surface of a pithos (from the Tabor near Vrabèe site) were collected and analysed by FTIR. The core’s spectrum recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1032cm–1 which is indicative of a meta-smectite. The combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 473cm–1 is also attributed to the meta-clay. However, the band at 534cm–1 is cha rac- teristic of kaolinite–montmorillonite and shows that the sample retains a small part of the original raw clay. Water, associated with the clay components (i.e. raw and meta), is de tected by the H2O-stretching band at 3448cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. Meanwhile, the main CO3 band at 1429cm–1, the se- condary band at 875cm–1, and the minor bands at 2512, 1797 and 712cm–1, are indicative of calcite. Bas- ed on the value of the main CO3 band, this is further described as primary calcite (Shoval 2016). Moreover, quartz is iden tified by the characteristic band-doublet at 779 and 799cm–1. The outer surface’s spectrum recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1028cm–1 which is associated with raw smectite. Moreover, the band at 534cm–1 is attri- but ed to kaolinite–montmorillonite (Chukanov 2014) and further supports the dominance of raw clay in this sample. The Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 473cm–1, how- ever, is related to a meta-clay component, which in this case is a meta-smectite. Water, related to the clay com- ponents (i.e. raw and meta), is detected by the H2O- stretching band at 3422cm–1 and the H2O bend ing mode at 1637cm–1. Equally with the core, the outer surface also contains an important quantity of calcite. This is recorded with a main CO3 band at 1425cm–1, a secondary band at 875cm–1, and minor bands at 2512, 1794 and 712cm–1. Based on the value of the main CO3 band this is also described as primary calcite (Sho val 2016). Moreover, quartz is identified by the charac te- ris tic band-doublet at 779 and 797cm–1. Regarding the firing conditions, the presence of meta- smectite and primary calcite supports temperatures between 600 to 800°C. However, the detected raw clay (i.e. kaolinite–montmorillonite) indicates that the firing also included temperatures below 600°C. It at 1082cm–1 is assigned to the overlap between the quartz and the meta-kaolinite. Meanwhile, the second at 1046cm–1 falls within the range of 1030–1060cm–1 relating to a meta-smectite composition. The domi- nance of the meta-clay in the sample is supported by the combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 473cm–1. Absorbed water is detected by the very broad H2O- stretching band at 3421cm–1. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 777 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. The spectrum also in - cluded two minor bands at 1872 and 1618cm–1 and a shoulder band at 1164cm–1 that are related to SiO2 m i neral polymorphs. Lastly, the small CO3 band at 1420cm–1 is associated with primary calcite (Shoval 2016). The reported meta-clays in the sample support firing temperatures between 600°C and 900°C (Shoval 2016; Stevenson, Gurnick 2016; Tarhan, Iºık 2020). How- ever, the occurrence of primary calcite does not justify temperatures much higher than 700°C. Therefore, this pottery sample was fired at temperatures between 600 and 700°C. Pot 4 (App. 4: 10), Veliki Dul clay This pottery sample was made of Veliki Dul clay, which was tempered with calcite and fired within the ex pe - rimental kiln. The collected spectrum recorded a principal Si-O stretching curve that splits into two peaks. The first peak at 1039cm–1 is related to meta- smectite, while the second peak at 1086cm–1 is again associated with the overlap between the quartz and the meta-kaolinite. The dominance of the meta-clay component is further supported by the combined Si-O/ Al-O bending mode at 473cm–1. Absorbed water re lat - ed to the meta-clay is detected by the broad H2O- stretching band at 3420cm–1. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 777 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. The spectrum also recorded minor bands at 1870 and 1617cm–1 and a shoulder band at 1166cm–1 that are related to SiO2 mineral polymorphs. Meanwhile, the main CO3 band at 1421cm–1 and the bands at 1793, 878 and 713cm–1 are assigned to calcite, and based on the value of the main CO3 band it is described as pri - mary calcite (Shoval 2016). Lastly, the spectrum in - cluded a band at 3480cm–1 that it has not been pos si- ble to relate to any suitable mineral/component. 423 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... fired at high temperatures (>600°C), which resulted in the complete transformation of the original clay. Meanwhile, the main CO3 band is associated with pri - mary calcite (Shoval 2016), suggesting firing tem pe - ratures below 800°C. The ceramic situla was thus ex- posed to firing temperatures between 600 and 700°C. Pot (App. 7: 20, 21) Samples from the core and outer surface of a pottery fragment were collected and analysed by FTIR. The spectra recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1028cm–1 which is associated with raw smectite. More - over, the band at 534cm–1 (at 535cm–1 for the outer sur - face) is attributed to kaolinite–montmoril lo nite (Chu- kanov 2014) and further supports the do minance of raw clay in this pottery fragment. The Si-O/Al-O bend- ing mode at 474cm–1, however, is related to a meta-clay component which in this case is a meta-smectite. Wa- ter, related to the clay components (i.e. raw and me ta), is detected by the H2O-stretching band at 3422 cm–1 (at 3423cm–1 for the outer surface) and the H2O bend - ing mode at 1637cm–1. Quartz is iden ti fied by the characteristic band-doublet at 778 and 798cm–1 (at 779 and 798cm–1 for the outer surface). Ad ditio nal ly, the spectrum re corded the important presence of cal cite with a main CO3 band at 1425cm–1, a second ary band at 875cm–1, and minor bands at 2512, 1794 and 712cm–1. Having raw smectite as the principal component ge- nerally indicates low firing temperatures (<600°C). However, the presence of a small meta-smectite par- ticle suggests that for a short period the fire reached temperatures of 600°C and above. The main CO3 band falls within the range of 1420–1430cm–1 and is asso ci - ated with primary calcite (Shoval 2016), suggesting firing temperatures below 800°C. The refore, this pot - tery fragment was most likely exposed to firing tem pe - ratures around 600°C. Ceramic petro thin-section The initial focus in the ceramic petro thin-sections in - volved the analysis of Renèe clay, revealing two di- stinct different fabric types. Sample 2 (Fig. 3.1), de riv- ed from a kiln base, exhibits a fabric consistent with firing structures observed in archaeological sour ces (e.g., Quinn 2022.Figs.3.53, 7.12). The presence of nu- merous irregularly oriented planar voids due to the burning out of organic matter – in this case straw – is a characteristic feature. The preparation of the clay was less precise compared to that seen with the vessels, re - sulting in poorly sorted and individually closed in clu - sions. Inclusions, comprising quartz, muscovite mica, seems that the core of the pithos was fired for a long- er period and at high temperatures than the outer surface. We discuss about this in the discussion part and it is not neccesary an error. Silos (App. 3: 9), Štanjel This sample was taken from a large silo that was made from a large clay band. The spectrum recorded a prin cipal Si-O stretching band at 1032cm–1 which is indicative of a meta-smectite. The combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 476cm–1 is also related to the meta- clay and confirms that this is the main component of this sample. Absorbed water is detected by the very broad H2O-stretching band at 3431cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1636cm–1. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 778 and 797cm–1, and the minor peak at 694cm–1. The spectrum also in- cluded a shoulder band at 1165cm–1 that is related to SiO2 mineral polymorphs. Moreover, the spectrum also reported a main CO3 band at 1420cm–1, a secondary band at 874cm–1, and a minor band at 712cm–1, which are characteristic of calcite. The main CO3 band is assigned to primary calcite (Sho - val 2016), suggesting firing temperatures below 800°C. Meanwhile, the presence of meta-smectite and the absence of raw clay indicate that this pottery was consistently fired at 600°C and above. Hence this silo was exposed to firing temperatures between 600 and 700°C. Ceramic situla (App. 5: 13) The spectrum of this sample recorded a principal Si-O stretching band at 1036cm–1 which is indicative of a meta-smectite. Moreover, there is a shoulder peak at 1085cm–1 that is assigned to the overlap between quartz and meta-kaolinite. The combined Si-O/Al-O bending mode at 474cm–1 is also related to the meta-clay and con- firms that it is an important component of this sample. The spectrum reported the significant presence of cal cite, which was identified by a main CO3 band at 1420cm–1, a secondary band at 875cm–1, and minor bands at 2513, 1794 and 712cm–1. Furthermore, ab sorb - ed water is detected by the H2O-stretching band at 3421cm–1 and the H2O bending mode at 1637cm–1. Quartz is identified by the characteristic band-doublet at 779 and 798cm–1. The spectrum also included a band at 1618cm–1 that is related to SiO2 mineral po ly - morphs. The presence of meta-smectite and the absence of a raw clay component suggest that this ceramic find was 424 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou nerals, flint, zircon, and feldspar (indicative of ig ne ous rocks) were also present. Arranged individually, these contribute to a coarse fabric which constitutes 40% of the overall composition. Similarly, the frag ment of the local pot (Sample 20) encompasses 55% inclusions, with calcite dominating at 90%. Apart from a minimal presence of grog grains (0,1%), calcite pre vails as the temper. Other identified inclusions include mono cry - stalline quartz, muscovite mica, and iron-rich clay pel- lets. The homogeneous clay matrix represents 40% of the sample, accompanied by 5% of micro-sized vughs voids irregularly orientated within the clay matrix. The ceramic situla (Sample 13) was tempered with calcite speleothem grains, originating from stalagmite/ stalactite formations, along with grog and clay lumps. The clay lumps exhibit visible cracks, potentially link - ed to the incorporation of fine clay material that un- derwent drying before being mixed with the clay. Other inclusions encompass mono- and polycrystalline quartz, limestone, flint, iron-rich clay pellets, iron- opa que minerals, and muscovite mica. Notably, mu- scovite mica is more prevalent in the grog than in the clay matrix. Planar macroscopic voids are evident, associated with the drying process and the forming of the vessel, particularly those that are parallel in ori- entation. The petrographic results within the Renèe group align with the referencing model for various ceramic forms, including vessels and structures. A comparative ana - lysis between the pottery from Tabor near Vrabèe (Sam- ple 18) and the local clay (Sample 11) validates its local pro ve nance. Moreover, the pottery was tempered with cal cite, grog, and organic matter, consistent with the pre valent practices during the Late Bronze and the be- ginning of the Early Iron Age. The Štanjel group yields even more interesting results. While Pot 5 is identified through a comparison with experimental material sourced from local Veliki Dul clay, the same cannot be asserted for the silo, which incorporates components of igneous rock not native to the Karst. Conversely, the ce ramic situla exhibits a composition entirely derived from local material. Discussion Petrographic analysis has elucidated the utilization of both local and non-local clay sources in archaeological ceramics. Given the geological diversity of Slovenia, which influences the composition of clay sources, we employed a singular clay source, such as Renèe clay, clay pellets, calcite, and ferruginous minerals, occur na turally in the clay and constitute 40% of the com po- sition. Organic matter was used as a temper. Sample 1 (pot 1, tempered with calcite; Fig. 3.2) has the same clay matrix as Sample 2 but lacks organic matter and cal cite temper. Similarly, there are no differences in the clay matrix among the remaining two samples made from the Renèe clay (Samples 5 and 7) (Tab. 1). The subsequent group pertains to the Tabor near Vrab- èe site and consists of two samples: one experimentally made from Griže clay (Sample 11; Fig. 3.3), tempered with calcite, and another from a pithos fragment (Sam - ple 18; Fig. 3.4). The inclusions recorded in these sam- ples, encompassing mono- and polycrystalline quartz, iron opaque minerals, muscovite mica, and iron-rich clay pellets, constitute 30% of the sample. The majority of these inclusions appear as equant rounded or elon- gate rounded particles, with quartz reported as equant subangular. They exhibit a single-spaced and randomly aligned distribution, occasionally forming locally ori - ented planes, resulting in a coarse fabric. Mean while, in the pithos (Samples 18, 19) we identified the pre- sence of calcite and grog temper. The calcite grains ex - hibit intentional cracking, showing equant angular to equant subangular shapes. Additionally, rare grog was detected, a characteristic feature of this period (see Vinazza 2021.433). Other inclusions include mono- and polycrystalline quartz, muscovite mica, iron-rich clay pellets, and iron-opaque minerals. The clay ma- trix reveals evidence of intentional clay mixing, con- tributing to its moderate heterogeneity. Approxi ma tely 10% of the sample is occupied by mac ro and micro- sized voids, characterized as planar and channel-shap- ed. These voids are attributed partly to firing cracks and partly to the remnants of burned or ganic mat ter, uti lized as temper, albeit in minimal quanti-ties. The third group pertains to the Štanjel site and con sti- tutes the most diverse group, involving the analysis of local clay from Veliki Dul (Sample 10; Fig. 3.5), a pre - sumably local pottery type known as a silo (Sam ple 9; Fig. 3.6), a local pot (Sample 20; Fig. 3.7), and a pre su- mably imported ceramic situla (Sample 13; Fig. 3.8). The Veliki Dul clay has 40% inclusions, among which cal cite, mono- and polycrystalline quartz, muscovite mica, iron-rich clay pellets and opaque iron minerals were identified. The silo, pre sumably tempered with calcite, grog, and partially burned organic matter, fea - tures macro- and mega-sized channel-shaped voids (Fig. 3). Quartz is the predominant inclusion, but mu- scovite mica, iron-rich clay lumps, iron-rich opaque mi- 425 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... Fig. 3. Ceramic thin-section. Photos taken under plain polarized light. 426 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou than those at the bottom base. AMS measurements (Vinazza, Dolenec 2022.Fig. 3) agree with the FTIR results, and the lower temperatures at the base pro - bably relate to the fact that the sampled area was un - der the vessels and eventually not in direct contact with the fire. The occurrence of the different temperatures at the different parts of a kiln was con firmed by ther mo - vision camera measurements in another archaeo lo gi - cal experiment conducted in 2018 (Vinazza 2021.Fig. 150). The temperature measured with thermo cou ples in the experimental kiln was 670°C, closely cor res- ponding to the samples taken from the base of the kiln i.e. between 450 and 650°C. Furthermore, the XRD results help refine and narrow down lower tem pera - ture estimates, confirming firing above 550°C (Vi naz - za, Dolenec 2022.396). Combining the FTIR and XRD results yields a final estimated firing temperature rang- ing from 550 to 650°C. This suggests that the FTIR re - sults reflect the firing process very well and help us better understand its complexity. Additionally, the complexity of these results emphasizes the importance of thoughtful consideration before sampling archaeo- logical ma terial. The FTIR results for a pot (Sample 1) initially indicated a broad temperature range between 450 and 900°C, but subsequent XRD results, as reported by Vinazza and Dolenec (2002.396), refined the temperature es- timate to between 550 and 900°C. The FTIR results of the firing pot in pit firing (Sample 12) displayed temperatures around 700°C, aligning closely with the firing temperatures measured by a thermocouple. Despite the short heating time, the FTIR accurately reflected the process. The FTIR results for the pottery samples modelled from local clay Veliki Dul (Sample 10) and Griže (Sample 11) indicated that both pottery vessels were composed of meta-clay, quartz, and calcite, suggesting firing temperatures between 600 and 700°C. These findings fit well with tem pera- tures measured by thermocouples during the firing procedure (i.e. 670°C). In order to distinguish firing structures based on soak - ing time, the FTIR analyses are also very helpful. FTIR results for the first cube indicate exposure to tempe ra - tures ranging from 450 to 650°C. The core retained some raw clay, suggesting lower temperatures (450 and 600°C), consistent with the understanding that the core requires more time to fire. Conversely, the outer surface showed no presence of the raw clay, in - dicating prolonged exposure to higher temperatures throughout the entire operational sequence – from pot shaping to pot firing. Additionally, for processes oc- curring in different firing structures we utilized other clay sources from the vicinity of the aforementioned archaeological sites (Fig 1). The samples from all four clay sources predominantly exhibit a smectitic clay composition. Moreover, those from the Renèe and Veliki Dul clay sources indicated the presence of kaolinite-montmorillonite, a clay mi ne ral polymorph that combines kaolinitic and smec titic com - positions. Quartz is consistently recorded as the se cond most abundant mineral in all the examined sour ces. However, the FTIR results did not detect bands as sign- ed to calcite in any of the clay sources. The FTIR analyses of experimental clay revealed that the kiln dominantly consists of meta-clay and exhibits a higher quartz content. Meta-clay is characterized by a combination of kaolinitic and smectitic origins, re- flecting the clay minerals present in the original clay source. Unexpectedly, findings from the wall (Sample 4) indicate the presence of a small calcite component. Calcite was not reported in the original clay, and pos- sib ly these related to small pebbles that were in the outcrop that was sampled. The FTIR results additionally indicate that the base of the kiln was exposed to lower firing temperatures com - pared to the wall and chimney. The presence of raw clay in the base’s sample suggests temperatures rang- ing between 450 and 650°C, while neither the wall nor chimney retain any traces of raw material. The compo- si tion of the chimney supports a wide range of high temperatures (i.e. 600 and 900°C), while the presence of reformed calcite in the wall’s sample is indicative of temperatures between 700 and 800°C. The suggested temperatures align with those re cord ed by two thermocouples during the conducted expe ri- ment. They indicated that the temperature near the wall exceeded 600°C for at least 30 minutes, while at the base it was maintained for at least two hours. The temperature at the base gradually increased, rea ching around 600°C by the end of the firing pro cedure. Mean while, the temperature rise along the wall did not exhibit a similar pattern, possibly due to the incom plete loading of the kiln and the vessels not being in direct contact with the kiln wall. The sample from the wall of the kiln was taken 10cm above second thermocouple, implying that the selected sample area was in direct contact with the fire, resulting in temperatures higher 427 Investigating the pottery firing techniques in western Slovenia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages ... The next archaeological find from the Štanjel site is a ceramic situla (Sample 13), which was initially pre sum - ed to be an imported ware, but petrological charac te- ris tics revealed that it was tempered with speleothem cal cite, a material commonly found in the Karst caves surrounding the archaeological site. The investigation of the situla also identified the use of grog and clay lumps for tempering. Notably, the grog exhibited a sig- nificantly higher muscovite content compared to the clay matrix, indicating a distinct clay composition. The presence of a planar voids suggests a lack of proper clay preparation. This, coupled with the speleotherm cal cite grains, strongly supports the local production of this situla. Since petrographic analysis revealed no visible de gra- dation of the calcite and the FTIR results support these findings and indicate firing temperatures between 600 and 700°C, this suggest that the situla was indeed fired under controlled environment, such as the one with in a kiln. Moreover, the macroscopic examination reveal- ed ORO firing. All these results strongly support the idea of the existence of a double-chamber kiln in the area under study during the Early Iron Age. Pottery findings from Štanjel contribute also to a hy- pothesis supporting the local production of pottery using at least a one-chamber pottery kiln. To test this hypothesis a pot (Samples 20, 21) from the Štanjel site was examined. The FTIR results indicate temperatures around 600°C, consistent in both the core and outer surface, suggesting that the firing conditions were sta- ble, devoid of temperature fluctuations, a characte ris - tic achievable in a kiln. Furthermore, pe trographic ana - lysis revealed that the vessel was tempered with cal - cite, and no grain decomposition was observed, in di - cative of temperatures below 650°C. The ability to con- trol the firing temperature in a kiln likely facilitated the use of calcite temper, a practice common in this re - gion and elsewhere. Conclusion Archaeological investigations have unveiled the uti li- zation of distinct firing structures by the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age communities in the Karst Plateau. A detailed examination of a variety of firing processes was conducted through the development of an in ter- pretative model based on experimental firings. By synthesizing results from different analyses, it be- comes feasible to understand and accurately interpret (>600°C). For the second cube, the FTIR results clear - ly demonstrated an overall exposure to higher tem pe - ratures (>600°C). The dominance of meta-clay and quartz, coupled with the complete absence of raw clay, suggested temperatures between 600 and 900°C, alig- ning with the temperatures achieved in the electric kiln (i.e. 800°C). Since these results confirmed the laboratory firing tem peratures we can also use this method for the ar- chaeological material. The final step of our investigation involved the appli - cation of FTIR and petrographic analyses to archaeo lo- gical materials, aiming to interpret the firing process that was employed. Starting with the Tabor near Vrabèe site, both the out er surface (Sample 18) and core (Sample 19) of the pi thos were analysed. The FTIR analyses of the outer sur face re vealed a predominance of raw smectite, signifying low firing temperatures. Nevertheless, a small meta- smec tite component was identified, indicating that for a brief period high temperatures were reached (be- tween 600 to 800°C). In contrast, the core exhibited an in creased meta-clay component, indicating consistent exposure to higher temperatures (>600°C). These odd temperature findings between the outer surface and the core may be connected to the vessel’s position during firing, where heat is radiated from the interior to the vessel’s exterior or temperature drop during fi- ring, characteristics more indicative of a bonfire/pit fire rather than of a kiln. Thin-section analysis revealed that this silo (Sample 9) was tempered with calcite, organic matter, and grog. Moreover, the clay matrix included minerals typical of igneous rocks, which are not naturally occurring in the Karst plateau. Notably, it also contains a higher concentration of muscovite mica compared to the lo cal Veliki Dul clay (Sample 10), suggesting a distinct clay origin not indigenous to the area. The FTIR results reindicated that it primarily consists of meta-smectite, quartz and primary calcite. Furthermore, the absence of raw clay suggests firing temperatures between 600 and 700°C. Given the wall thickness, an extended fi- ring duration is required for proper firing due to the slower heat penetration. Thin-section analysis in dicat- ed temperatures not exceeding 670°C, as calcite grains did not exhibit signs of decomposition (Vinazza, Do- lenec 2022.395). 428 Manca Vinazza, Petros Chatzimpaloglou Èrešnar M. 2006. Novi žarni grobovi iz Ruš in pogrebni obi- èaji v ruški žarnogrobišèni skupini (Die neuer Urnengräber aus Ruše und das Bestattungsritual in der Ruše-Gruppe der Urnenfelderkultur). Arheološki vestnik 57: 97–162. https://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/av/article/view/8272 Dular J. 1982. Halštatska keramika v Sloveniji. Dela SAZU. Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti. Ljubljana. Fabbri B., Gualtieri S., and Shoval S. 2014. The presence of cal cite in archeological ceramics. 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Appendix 7 back to content 438 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.10 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – jugovzhodni Arabski polotok; pozni neolitik; kamena tehnologija; orodja s hrbtom; naselje ribièev IZVLEÈEK – Sharbithat 10 (SHA-10) je bil odkrit leta 2017 med prvim obsežnim raziskovanjem severnega dela regije Dhofar. Za SHA-10, ki se nahaja na obsežni planoti, obdani z deltastimi vadiji in bogatimi viri kremena, so znaèilni razpršeni skupki kremenovih odbitkov, bivališèa in megaliti. Prve testne sonde so raz krile enofazne stratifikacije, s plastmi z bogato morsko favno in intenzivno industrijo kremenovih odbitkov. Ribiška oprema, znaèilna za obalna mesta iz tega obdobja, spremlja znaèilno kameno industri- jo, ki jo sestavljajo rezila, orodja s hrbtom in konice s trnom. Prouèevanje tehnoloških procesov izdelave teh artefaktov, analiza morfoloških variabilnosti konic in razširjenost klinic s hrbtom so pripeljali do no vih hipotez o strategijah preživljanja na obalah in novih kronologijah. Vendar pa mogoèe soèasno po javljanje razliènih skupkov otežuje kronološke opredelitve; delno jih lahko pojasnimo z rezultati radio- karbonskih datiranj. V èlanku predstavljamo predhodno študijo tega edinstvenega zbira, razpravljamo o njegovih krono-tipoloških implikacijah in raziskujemo njegov pomen v južnoarabski prazgodovini. Orodja s hrbtom v Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanat Oman): tehnološka vprašanja in kronološka ocena KEY WORDS – Southeastern Arabia; Late Neolithic; lithic technology; backed pieces; fisherfolks campsite ABSTRACT - Sharbithat 10 (SHA-10) was discovered in 2017 during the first extensive survey of the northern part of the Dhofar region. Located on a vast mesa surrounded by wadi deltaic branches and abundant sources of flint, SHA-10 is characterized by flint scatters, dwellings, and cairns. Initial test trenches revealed a single period stratification sequence, highlighting a rich marine faunal composi- tion and intense flintknapping activity. The fishing equipment, typical of coastal sites from this period, accompanies a distinctive lithic industry comprising blades, backed pieces, and tanged points. Through the study of technological processes leading to the manufacture of these artefacts, analysis of the points’ morphological variability, and examination of the prevalence of backed bladelets, new hypotheses re- garding coastal subsistence strategies and chronological issues have emerged. However, the potential co-occurrence of different facies complicates a chronological definition which can be partly clarified by radiocarbon data results. In this communication, we present a preliminary study of this unique as- semblage, discuss its chrono-typological implications, and explore their significance within the frame- work of South Arabian prehistory. Maria Pia Maiorano1, Gregor Marchand2, Jérémie Vosges3, and Vincent Charpentier4 1 Institute for Archaeological Sciences, Goethe University Frankfurt, Frankfurt, DE; mp.maiorano27@gmail.com 2 UMR 6566 CNRS – CREAAH – Laboratoire Archéosciences, University of Rennes 1, Rennes, FR; gregor.marchand@univ-rennes1.fr 3 Archéorient, UMR 5133 – Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon, Lyon, FR; jeremie.vosges@laposte.net 4 UMR 7041 ArScAn - Nanterre, Inrap, Paris, FR; vincent.charpentier@inrap.fr Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment 439 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment Introduction For more than ten years, the project Archaeology of the Arabian Seashores has aimed at studying the evo- lution of the Omani coastline, from the hunter-ga the - rer communities of the end of Pleistocene to the rise of Metal Age societies (Charpentier 2021; Charpentier et al. 2023). The extensive survey focused on the land extending from Ra’s al-Jinz, at the eastern tip of Ara bia, to the villages on the Yemeni border, in cluding Ma si- rah and Hallanyat Islands (Fig. 1). In the framework of this project, between 2017 and 2019, the fieldwork activities focused on the Sharbithat Bay (Figs. 1, 2). Located at the turn between Al Wusta and Dhofar Go ver - norate, this area revealed extraordinary potential for a re-definition and re-evaluation of the Neolithic Pe - riod in southern and southeastern Ara bia. At Shar - bithat, sites dated to the Middle and Late Neo lithic (6500-4500 and 4500–3100 BC) were discovered and radiocarbon dated (Maio rano et al. 2018; 2022; Char- pentier et al. 2023). Sites dated to these two phases of the Neolithic had never been found in co-occurrence at Sharbithat (except for sparse finds), and identify specific technological and chronological horizons. The most ancient is characterized by the production of trihedral and Concorde projectile points, shaped through parallel-covering retouch (Maiorano et al. 2018). The latter is dominated by blade and bladelet production together with the manufacture of tanged points on thick bladelets, or laminar-flakes (also called Sharbithat points), and an incredibly large number of backed pieces (Maiorano et al. 2018; 2023). In the first phase of the Late Neolithic (4500–3800 BC, Charpentier 2008), the temporary campsites spread- ing along mangroves and lagoons that dotted the coastline began to turn into more structured set tle- ments. The exploitation of marine and lagoon re sour- ces became intensive and was often accompanied by the consumption of wild and domestic mammals (Uerp- mann et al. 2009; Zazzo 2014). During this phase, the production of trihedral points declined (Char pen - tier 2008), and elongated-fusiform, or tanged, shoul- dered points with biconvex or plano-convex sections reached their maximum diffusion (Char pentier 2008; Maiorano et al. 2020). However, the discovery of a lo - calized form of tanged points at Sharbithat SHA-10B contrasts the previous theory that sees the disap pear - ing of projectile weaponry after the Late Neolithic Period 1 (Charpentier 2008). Indeed, it suggests that, during the Late Neolithic Period 2 (3700–3100 BC),ar- rowhead production persisted in some regions, with a lower technical investment in manufacturing such tools (Maiorano et al. 2018; 2020). These points con - sist of a rough, thick flake-blank characterized by ab - rupt retouching made via direct percussion on an an- vil, and represent a pos sible shift in the use of wea - ponry (from projectile to perhaps thrusting). These points were found in as sociation with a large quan - tity of backed pieces, large scrapers on flake and shell blanks, and a net sinkers engraved with a continuous line along their longest axis (Fig. 6), retrieved in most of the coastal 4th–3rd millennium BC assemblages (Maiorano et al. 2023). Apart from the peculiar point assemblage, the backed pieces represent the most interesting aspect of this in dustry. First, because armatures – backed inserts – and backed pieces, in general, were considered to be completely absent from southeastern Arabia un til recently (Clarkson et al. 2018). However, six back ed artefacts assemblages have started to be reported from different sites belonging to extremely varied chrono- logical periods (Maiorano et al. 2018; Rose et al. 2019; Buchinger et al. 2020; Hilbert, Li schi 2020; Moore et al. 2020; Danielisova et al. 2023). Second, the backed assemblage from Sharbithat contains an in cre dibly high rate of these inserts, together with the pre sence of a specific type of flaking accident related to backing. The most ancient trace of armatures discovered in Oman come from the site of Matafah, a stratified de po- sit in Wadi Ghadun, southern Oman (Rose et al. 2019). Here, three archaeological horizons were identified and excavated. They include Holocene as semblages that overlie a previously unknown as sem blage cha- rac terized by the production of geometric microliths. Through optically stimulated luminescence, the team dated this assemblage to between 33 and 30 thousand years ago, providing the first evidence for the use of projectile armatures in the Peninsula (Rose et al. 2019). Furthermore, recent use-wear analysis (Hilbert et al. 2021) confirms that backed pieces were also used in cutting and piercing activities in addition to their use as projectiles. Additional Late Palaeolithic backed pie- ces have been reported from TH68 (Hilbert 2020) in Dhofar and the UAE at Jebel Buhais 84 (Bretz ke 2018; 2020). In the latter, preliminary OSL results dated the assemblage to the last part of MIS 2 (c. 30–15 ka). Back- ed points associated with a typical Late Pa laeolithic blade technology (Rose, Hilbert 2014) and several rock shelters in the Jebel Qara (Cremaschi, Ne grino 2002) have also been discovered in southern Oman. 440 Maria Pia Maiorano, Gregor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier for projectile points, but other possible functions were not excluded (Moore et al. 2020). Another interesting discovery which yielded evidence of microlith and backed piece production in Oman comes from the area of Salalah, in Dhofar (Hilbert, Lischi 2020). From the excavation of the settlement at Inqitat (HAS1), archaeologists reported the discovery of a settlement dating from the Iron Age (8th–7th Dated to a much younger site, backed pie - ces, and particularly lunates, were re - ported by Roberto Maggi and Hans Ge - bel (1990.Fig.16/10-12) from Ras al-Ham- ra RH-5 (5th–4th millennium BCE) in Oman. They were interpreted as un used tools or unfinished chisels and their size resembles some of those found in Shar - bithat, even if considerably dif fe rent from the specimens found in the Bronze Age sites in the UAE. The recent excavations at the Early Bronze Age site Hili 8 in al-‘Ain (Abu Dha bi Emirate, UAE) showed persistent pressure reduction for bifacial points per formed together with flake- and bla - delet-based production of backed mi- croliths (Buchinger et al. 2020). This novel technique for exploiting lo cal raw material could thus represent a dif fe- rent response to new demands. Similar artefacts were previously re trieved on the surface in Marawah MR-1 (Shepherd- Popescu 2003; Charpentier 2004), at Abu Dhabi sites ADA1 and ADA7 (Kal- lweit 2004), and Sharjah Tower (Millet 1988). Two other early Bronze Age sites where backed pieces have recently been identified are the two towers of Al-Kha - shbah (KSB), spe cifically Building I and V (Ochs 2020). However, the com pre - hensive study of this assemblage has only recently com menced by the author, and further information is not yet avai- lable. Recent work carried out at Saruq al-Ha- did (Dubai, UAE) has recovered a large assemblage comprising a large amount of backed microliths (Moore et al. 2020). They were identified in a mound rich in animal bones dated to mid-2nd mil len- nium BC. Here, simple core reduction methods were combined with sophisticated backing techniques. Knappers shaped unstandardized flake blanks into microliths with occasional truncation of the blanks into segments, which were subsequently backed. The final stage of backing was probably achieved using the pressure technique. Most microliths are asymmetrical in shape, but several of them display a triangular mor- phology. The microliths were interpreted as armature Fig. 1. A Map of Oman and the UAE showing the location of the main prehistoric sites, divided by age. The lunates show the assemblages including backed pieces (large lunates), and the sites where their presence is reported but not studied or the specimens are not sufficient for a complete technological study (small lunates). B Map of Sharbithat Bay with the location of archaeological sites (red shaded areas), the names of the main sites, and raw material outcrops (dark blue). Maps by M. P. Maiorano and F. Borgi. 441 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment scape and its archaeological composition, pre senting the main sites (Sharbithat SHA-2, SHA-4, SHA-9, and SHA-10) and related features. The Sharbithat plain is characterized by deltaic fans and conglomerates related to the Late Miocene-Pliocene phase, in contrast with the oldest Tertiary calcareous formations that cha racterize the system of marine terraces (also re- ferred as mesas1) scattered all over the coast. It is in this area that the majority of the Neolithic settlements and temporary encampments were located. Indeed, the high plateau in the hinterland appears to be com- posed of a tertiary bioclastic carbonated deposit be - longing to the known Dhofar group, which deve lop- ed a tabular morphology due to the exposition to the coastline. This massive plateau was cut by deep can- yons shaped by wadi branches. However, a detailed geomorphological study is still in progress (Maiorano et al. 2018). The excavation of Sharbithat SHA-10B At Sharbithat SHA-10B, two test trenches (Trench-1 and Trench-2) measuring 1×2 (T1) and 2×2 metres (T2) were excavated. The soil was dry sieved with 5 and 2mm meshes, and all materials collected and sorted. The first sounding (T1) is located north of the Shar bi- that SHA10B cairn, almost at the limit of the preserved archaeological deposit. Here the sediment is only 7cm deep. Beneath the first two centimetres of aeolian sand lies a black level (Stratigraphic Unit SU1), extremely rich in lithics, shells and fish bones (some vertebrae were still in connection). Underneath SU1, there is an archaeologically sterile reef sand superimposing the bedrock (reef limestone). T2 is located south of the site core, in an area of well- preserved deposit, outside the cairn. The lithic pieces collected in this 4m2 trench consist of 4658 specimens, i.e. over 1100 artefacts per m2 in a maximum of 20cm of sediment. Beneath the surface crust, an ashy, dark layer (SU1) very rich in artefacts, shells and fish bones was excavated. In this SU, several fire-spots have been recognized and sieved separately, especially SU5, which contained two long mammal bones (Equus sp. cfr E. africanus, determined by the zooarchaeologist Elena Maini), one net sinker and various lithic ar te- facts. A detailed report of the excavation was published (Maiorano et al. 2023), and all of the fish remains are currently under study at the Natural History Museum of Paris by the specialist Philippe Bearez. In both T1 century BC) to the pre-Islamic period (1st–2nd century AD). They made use of raw materials from local sources (Jebel Qara) and long-distance trade, such as obsidian imported from western Yemen. Core reduction stra te- gies were mainly opportunistic; small flakes make up most of the lithic sample (Hilbert, Lischi 2020.Fig.5) together with drills, scrapers, retouched blanks, and geo metric microliths in rectangular, triangular, and lunate shapes. The latter represented an unexpected characteristic of this assemblage, unique in Oman (Hil bert, Lischi 2020). A similar Iron Age assemblage is reported from Nafun NAF-3, in the area of Duqm (Da nielisová et al. 2024), where the technology is de- fined by simple flake production and a high level of opportunism. However, the discovery of two micro- liths (Danielisová et al. 2024.Fig. 11.3-4) marks a cri - tical aspect of the assemblage, creating a potential con- nection between central and southern Oman. Interestingly, in southern Arabia as well as in other areas of the world (Clarkson et al. 2018; Leplongeon et al. 2020), microlithic technologies appeared and faded out at a geographical and chronological gradient. Here we describe and contextualize the manufacture of backed pieces from Sharbithat SHA-10B, analysing its novel technology, the chronological context, and the comparison with late prehistoric backed microlith production in southeastern Arabia. The discovery of a consistent and homogeneous technology based on spe - cific backing techniques raises interesting issues re- lating to technological evolution, environmental con- straints, and cultural connection and isolation. Site description and sampling methodology Sharbithat Bay is characterized by an imposing lime- stone massif which surrounds the shore, marked by numerous wide marine terraces (Platel et al. 1992; Maiorano et al. 2018). Thirty-six sites were recorded and labelled SHA–1 to SHA–36 (Fig. 2). Post-de po si - tional and erosive phenomena have affected the en- countered surface scatters, and only a few sites on the marine ter races featured a legible stratigraphy. The intense fieldwork activities carried out at Shar bi - that were primarily based on the study and exa mi- na tion of regional geological and geomorphological settings. In previous publications (Maiorano et al. 2018; 2023) the authors described the general land- 1 ‘Mesa’ is a Spanish word that means table. It indicates a flat-topped, wide hill with steep sides. 442 Maria Pia Maiorano, Gregor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier lytic, USA; Fig. 2). All the main levels from SU1 (the upper) to SU7 (the lowest) yielded a radiocarbon date that places the anthropic occupation within the 4th millennium BC. All dates were calibrated using the OxCal v 4.2.3 software and IntCal13 atmospheric calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2013). The older le- vels, including SU6 and SU7, date to the second half of the 4th millennium BC (SU6: 4500±30 BP, 3347-3097 BC and layer SU7 in the direct vicinity of the fire-spot in SU6: 4525±30 BP, 3358-3103 BC). The other two dates are one slightly older (SU2: 5035±30 BP) and the last much younger (975±30 BP) possibly resulting from later charcoal disturbance. and T2, the lithic assemblage is characterized by a con- siderable number of flakes, blades and laminar flakes, and a clear technological and typological con tinuity is recognisable. The main peculiar classes of remnants were the backed bladelets (found in different sizes and shapes), the retouched and unretouched blades, the scrapers made on large flakes, blades, and big shells (Ti vela ponderosa sp.), and the micro-drills. Thanks to the surface collection and trench excavations, the two assemblages were studied and defined as being con- temporaneous. The excavation yielded five 14C charcoal dates, ranging between 3949-3712 BC and 3339-3026 BC (Beta Ana- Fig. 2. Map of SHA-10B and test trench excavation (top left) with a general view of the terrace (top right), the main structure (centre right) and the eastern section of T2. (Graphics L. Quesnel, G. Marchand, M. P. Maiorano, A. Al-Mashani). 443 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment peripheral location respect to the core of the site, (8.4% of the total), the lithic study focused on the as- semblage collected in T2 (Graph 1; Tab. 1). Blanks production systems Starting from flint blocks and plaquettes, the debitage is oriented toward the production of laminar blanks, groupable in two clearly distinct artefacts: first, wide and thick blades with a straight longitudinal, sagittal cross-section and a cortical edge, 7-8cm long (except for a unique 13.4cm long blade); second, thin bladelets without cortex. The morphology of these blanks is directly linked to volumetric and technical choices, which can be assessed by analysing the pla quettes abandoned at the first stage of reduction. It is generally the narrow side of a rectangular vo lume of about 10cm by 8cm that was chosen to set up a knapping surface, which was then exploited following unidirectional sequences. The initial striking platform could be either cortical, created by transverse flaking, or resulting from a naturally broken face. The plaquette’s shaping process could have occurred through exploiting a bi- facial crest (e.g., in square 2N, US 12) removed prior to the detachment of further blades (primary crest). This bifacial ridge covers at least 3/4 of the plaquette. When this initial shaping of the plaquette is chosen, the main production does not develop from the narrow area of the block, and for this reason it may be not successful. Blade production is obtained through a unidirectional se quence of removals, either from one single or two op posite striking platforms. In this case, there is only a par tial overlap between the two blade sequences. The re duction process is extended laterally to the left and right of the core surface. These débordantes3 blades are thick, with a thick cutting edge and a negative scar that shows the edge of the plaquette (cortical or ancient surface). This simple vo lumetric prin ciple results in thick-backed kni - ves with an asymmetrical cross-sec- tion and a straight profile. It also gives the debitage surface a curved lateral pro file which favours a fur- ther reduction process. In ad dition, there is a second type of blade, much Techno-typological study The lithic assemblage: raw material and tech- nology The chert outcrops are scattered all over the bay. At Sharbithat, at least seven different spots were mapped (SHA-1, SHA-4, SHA-7, SHA-8, SHA-12 and SHA-13A/B, SHA-31, SHA-32, Fig. 1). The flint is embedded into te- rtiary formations (Fars Formation or Dhofar Group) exposed to the surface by erosive phenomena. The raw material occurs mainly in the shape of thin pla quettes or small blocks, 5 to 20cm long, with the ex ception of SHA-7 and SHA-10, where the plaquettes are larger (about 40cm). The flint is grey or black with a homo ge- neous texture presenting rare chalcedony in clusions, with a thick limestone cortex (5 to 10mm). The exclusive use of dark grey Oligocene flint pla quet- tes, collected directly from alongside the Sharbithat SHA-10 mesa, gives this assemblage a highly homo ge- neous aspect. Moreover, a white patina covers almost all the artefacts made with this material. The selected blocks and plaquettes measure between 20 and 40mm thick. The lithic assemblage is extremely rich, especially con - sidering the limited excavation area, covering only 6m2 at a depth of less than 20cm (Fig. 2; Tab. 1). The massive quantity of flint flakes in T2 (1369, i.e. 29.4% of the total; Tab. 1) attests to the very good pre ser va- tion of the archaeological deposit, even considering the important effect of the aeolian deflation to which the terrace is subjected. As the deposit in T1 is thinner, probably due to the higher position of the bedrock and Graph 1. Percentages of the main artefact categories from Test Trench 2. 2 Due to the global pandemic, it was not possible to complete the photographical documentation of the assemblage – plan- ned for the winter 2020 – and graphic documentation of crested flakes is still missing. 3 Débordantes is a French term from lithic studies meaning ‘overflowing’ or ‘oveplunge’. Débordant blades are cortical un - idirectional thick blades whose lateral and distal edges overcome the limits of the debitage surface. In some cases, the flak ing starts from the lateral side of the striking platform. 444 Maria Pia Maiorano, Gregor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier Shaping an elongated plaquette (Fig.3.1 - T2-US0, Fig.4.1) On this 35mm thick elongated plaquette, a sharp edge was obtained at the base of the core through two un - idirectional removals, followed by an addi tional de- tachment in the proximal part, either to ob tain better control on the distal ends of the blades or to facilitate the opening of an opposite plat form. An opposite plat - form shows negatives of frontal unidirectional debi- tage, abandoned at this stage for lack of favourable right convexities. Also visible on the plaquette is the beginning of another debitage sequence on the oppo- site platform, with a unidirectional tendency and fron- tal setting, abandoned at the first stage. Cores with two frontal unidirectional platforms (Fig 3.2 - T2-US2; Fig.4.2) This core was shaped through the detachment of a bifacial crest on at least three sides (phase A), which was removed to create a facetted percussion surface (phase B) and set a unidirectional platform exploited finer and without cortex, which comes from the inner part of the core, not extending on the flanks, which we will call an ‘intermediate blade’. The use of a hard hammer on smooth platforms, with - out preliminary abrasion of the edges and de tachment angles extremely close to 90° (about 80° to 85°), leads to several knapping accidents as bulges and abrupt orthogonal breaks. As is ob servable on blanks and final products, there is no effort in adjusting the per - cussion angles, nor are other precautions taken to prevent breakages. This is probably due to the abun- dance of raw material and the non-necessity of regular blanks. The diacritical diagrams shown below (Fig. 3) distinguish the sequences in phases (A, B, C, etc.) that aim to group together the removal sequences follow- ing the same direction, while single removals within each phase are numbered from 1 (the earliest) to n (the latest). As shown in Figure 3 and Figure 4, we can ob serve a certain degree of technical variability as the debitage progresses. Tab. 1. Counts of lithic remains from SHA-10B. Test trenches 1 and 2 (north 2N, south 2S). 445 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment (20mm). Such a percussion surface made it pos sible to obtain semi-cortical and non-cortical blades with pointed or straight distal ends. Core with two orthogonal, successive unidirectional platforms (Fig. 3.4 - T2 - US1; Fig.4.3) On a 19mm thick plaquette, a first surface (phase A) was created to be successively exploited as a striking platform for a second surface (phase B). It might the re- fore be considered a core with two successive ortho go- nal unidirectional platforms. It allows to produce semi- cortical and non-cortical flakes, 10 to 12mm wide, with a hard hammer. A test phase on the back of the core (phase C) is also detected. Ochre tra ces were identified on the plaquette’s cortex. with a succession of frontal detachments (phase C). The aim is to obtain short bladelets with cortical edges. One of the removals from the main surface (removal 1 of phase C) was chosen as a new striking platform to establish another platform parallel to the first one, which was then only slightly exploited (phase D). The debitage was performed with a hard hammer, without any preparation of the edge. Flake from unidirectional debitage (Fig 3.3 - T2-US2) This thick flake is a unidirectional core-trimming ele- ment, resulting from a violent shot. The debitage is clear ly frontal, with two successive series of three re - movals from left to right and, later on, from right to left. The platform is short (65mm) and narrow Fig. 3. 1 Shaping of elongated plaquette; 2 core with two unidirectional frontal percussion planes; 3 flake from unidirectional debitage; 4 core with two orthogonal and successive unidirectional platforms; 5 core with two parallel bipolar platforms; 6 multidirectional core. Photo J. Vosges; diacritic scheme G. Marchand. 446 Maria Pia Maiorano, Gregor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier several striking platforms, leading to the production of short and wide flakes, about 20 to 30mm long. Retouched artefacts Backed pieces (Tab. 2, Graph 2, Fig. 5) The production of backed pie ces is well developed at the site, and 387 specimens have been collected in the trench, both complete and fragmented. During the first stage of our study, the elements were divided into macro categories based on metric characteristics: small back ed pieces or segments with a maximum thickness ranging between 3 and 5mm; medium backed pieces, 5 to 7mm thick; large backed pieces, more than 7mm thick; irregular backed pie ces, made on semi-cortical blanks; and micro-drills, less than 3mm thick. Backed pieces often show a backed side overcoming the central ridge. This gives the artefacts a triangular cross-section, except for the micro-drills, which are pro duced with a double parallel back on both sides. On the well preserved fragments of medium and large backed bladelets, a convex delineation of the back can be observed, sug gesting a ten dency to pro duce ‘seg- men tiform’ objects.4 However, whatever the shape of the back, apical ends are not pointed but often tri he- dral-shaped, showing a roughly broken distal ends (more visible in the distal breakages of the drawn specimens in Figure 5, from n. 7 to n. 11). This ob ser vation sug- gests that they might have been used as lateral inserts, both for their vivid sharpness and the ab- sence of pointed ends. The retouching of the backed pie - ces is generally direct. It beco mes bipolar when needed to make the back overcome the ridge of the blank. In other cases the re touc - hing of the back is abruptly invert - ed to adapt the blanks to different morphological constraints. They present a slightly denticulated edge,frequently turned and regu - larized through overshot re touc - hes. The chosen retouching me- thod is direct percussion with a stone hammer (pebbles) and bi - polar percussion on a stone an - vil, resulting in very abrupt an- Core with two parallel bidirectional surfaces (Fig 3.5; Fig.4.4) On a 28mm thick plaquette, a crest, or neo-crest, was created (phase A), probably off-centred towards one of the edges that was then removed to open a knap- ping surface. This surface is exploited in one direction (phase B) and, later, from the opposite side (phase C). The removals of these two successive sequences partially overlap in the distal parts of the blanks. As far as it can be evaluated with a diachronic scheme, during phase B the knapper chose a frontal detach- ment sequence. The plaquette was turned around and another bidirectional working platform was opened with a neo-crest (phase C’). Another new striking plat - form was developed (phase D’), with a first detachment sequence (phase D), followed by a second sequence extracted from the other side (phase E). The obtained blanks are poorly calibrated bladelettes. The platforms are smooth and without prior abrasion of the edges. only hard hammers were used, but the absence of pro - per longitudinal convexities led to the end of the pro- duction. Multidirectional flake core with frontal setting (Fig. 3.6 – T2 – US1; Fig.4.5) This core is the only one showing negatives detach ed on the largest face of the block, without the ex plo ita- tion of the plaquette’s edge. Detachments come from Fig. 4. Schematic representation of core volume management at SHA-10. Darker blue areas show the negatives of older removals, and lighter blue areas the more recent ones. In 5 the grey area (cortex) with reduced opacity and dotted arrows aims at showing the removals on the back side of the object. 4 Double-pointed flake/bladelet resulting from bipolar flaking. 447 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment ly, there was no adaptation of the process to reduce the incidence of this accident, though we cannot com- pletely exclude the non-accidentality of the process. As demonstrated by Jacob Vardi, ‘Krukowski’ fractures might also occur as intentional elements in association with specific modalities of blade-bladelet breakage (Vardi, Gilead 2009; 2011). Lastly, micro-drills constitute a separate category. They are shaped on thin bladelets or micro-flakes by abrupt, direct, or alternating backed retouching on both sides. Three of them have symmetric shoulders on along the edge (Fig. 5.14,15,16). The tips are heavily blunt. Sharbithat points (Fig. 6: 1-5) The tanged points collected at SHA-10 were produced using thick flakes and blade blanks. The tang was shaped by direct hard hammer percussion on an anvil, generating a highly variable points assemblage. Their size ranges between 70 and 43mm in length, but the width is more homogeneous (15 to 25mm). The apical part, in a few cases, is generated by the na- tural convergence of the bla de’s distal end (Maiorano et al. 2023; Fig. 8.9). However, the dis tal part is most commonly shaped by par - tial removals or conti nuous re- touc hing along the edge. The tan - ged points and the backed bla de- lets were manufactured through the same technical process, ex - ploiting the same local raw ma- terial. When first ob served at gles. It also may explain the high rate of fractures, as demonstrated by several experiments carried out by Jérémie Vosges. These technical parameters explain one of the most remarkable characteristics of this industry, namely the very large number of fractures known as ‘Krukowski- type’ micro-burin or pseudo-micro-burin (Douches et al. 2018). This is a frequent fracture generated during the production of backed pieces: an exceeding deep retouch or powerful shot resulting in an oblique tri an - gular-twisted fracture (De Bie, Caspar 2000). Different from the tra di tional micro-burin process, which is in- tentionally aimed at breaking the blank obliquely, the ‘Krukowski’ fracture is ac ci dental. The number of this kind of fracture is incredibly high, as 149 Krukowski and 157 orthogonal fractures have been counted in the assemblage. During the experiments carried out in Ja - nuary 2018, the high frequency of this facture was ex - plained by bipolar percussion on an anvil. In te res ting- Tab. 2. Counts of backed pieces divided by class and stratigraphic unit (TT2). Graph 2. Backed piece categories in TT 2 (left); frequency of entire (E), fragmented (F) backed pieces and ‘Krukowski’ chips (K) across the main stratigraphic units in T2 (right). 448 Maria Pia Maiorano, Gregor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier Fig. 5. Samples from the backed piece assemblage and distribution of the backed pieces based on the length- width-thickness ratio from TT2. The main identifiable groups are micro-drills, segments (SBP), Medium Backed Pieces (MBP), and Large Backed Pieces (LBP). A certain degree of standardization within the different groups emerges, likely reflecting functional constraints and diversification. 2020) – and easily attributable to the ancient Fasad points (Charpentier 2008; Charpentier, Cras sard 2013), but also to other artefacts discovered in Ḥa- ḍramawt (Type 3A, Crassard 2008) and Nedj Plateau (site 14–15, 19, 36 in Zarins 2001). However, most of these mentioned points were discovered during sur - the site, the points’ technological and morpho logical specificities were difficult to associate, typo lo gi cally, with a specific chronological framework. The technical investment is low – when compared to Neo lithic points (Charpentier 2008; Maiorano et al. 449 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment lected Fasad points, especially in interior Dhofar (Za- rins 2001), might be attributed to the Late Neolithic (4th millennium BC). However, to safely define a chro- no-typologically and technologically separated entity, further investigation at the site is crucial. Other tools (Fig. 6) The other part of the assemblage is limited compared to the number of backed pieces (in TT2, 74 retouched pieces, against 388 backed pieces and four Sharbithat points). It is diversified, with a dominant component of thick denticulated flakes and retouched cortical blades, followed by scraping tools on flakes or blades (Fig. 6), notches on flakes, and scaled pieces (pièces es quillées). Scrapers on flakes are rare, as well as the so-called lames mâchurées5 (Fig. 6). The latter are marked by prominent invasive scars on their ventral face surveys, and their chronological de finition is not supported by secure radiocarbon dating. In Yemen, Rémy Crassard (2008) dated them to earlier peri ods but, given the recent results of 14C dating at Shar bithat (Tab. 2), the chronological framework for their pro- duction and diffusion, at least for Oman, seems slightly later, falling into the 4th mil lennium BCE. Moreover, pre vious morphometrical analysis (Maiorano et al. 2020; 2023) that compared all the points made on blade blanks from southeastern Arabia show a clear pattern that separates these points into three main ca - tegories, all of which match with the techno-typo lo gi - cal groups of the Fasad, al-Haddah, and Sharbithat (Char pentier, Crassard 2013; Maiorano et al. 2023). The chronological spectrum in which SHA-10B is plac - ed might indicate that several of the previously col- Fig. 6. Sharbithat points from the surface collection (1–5); Sharbithat points from the test excavations (6–9); lames mâchurées (11–12); notch (13); net sinker (14). Photo J. Vosges; drawings G. Devilder. 5 French term used in lithic studies indicating ‘bruised’ blades. 450 Maria Pia Maiorano, Gregor Marchand, Jérémie Vosges, and Vincent Charpentier The proposed interpretation is based on the asso cia - tion of the backed piece production with these mor - phologically variable points, produced using the same techniques and raw material, together with the pre- sence of other artefacts widely diffused in the as sem- blages and toolkits spread in the 4th millennium BC (thick laminar products, net sinkers with horizontal continuous incision, specialized bead production, etc., Maiorano et al. 2018; 2023; Charpentier et al. 2023). Considering the latest results, we can suppose the li - thic complex diffused at Sharbithat to be cha rac te ristic of the Late Neolithic Period 2 (4th millennium BCE), when the pressure technique was abandoned and point manufacture was not as sophisticated as in pre- vious periods (Maiorano et al. 2020; Charpentier et al. 2023). The survey and test excavations in Sharbithat SHA- 10B and SHA-4 provided new empirical evidence of different Middle and Late Neolithic facies which have been useful in increasing our knowledge about the lithic technological and typological variability in the region (Maiorano et al. 2018; 2023). The in troduction of pressure techniques in the 7th millennium BCE marks the most explicit passage from a simple way of producing points – shaping the tang through direct per cussion – to a new process of modelling the en tire shape following precise rules of symmetry and ba- lance. Once pressure retouching was ubiquitously adopt ed (Charpentier 2008; Maiorano et al. 2020), variability was fuelled by the introduction of other sophisticated techniques such as parallel covering re - touch and fluting (Maiorano et al. 2018; Crassard et al. 2020). Their adoption affects the shape of the cross- section (apical, medial, basal), and the sym metry and morphology of retouching. In the last phase of the Neolithic, as suggested by the points dis covered at Sharbithat, we can observe a return to the basic shap- ing with direct retouching and scarce preparation of the thick laminar blanks. However, the processes lead- ing to this technical impoverishment that characterizes the transition from the Middle Neo lithic to the Late Pe- riod – throughout the entire Oman Peninsula – remain largely unexplained and require further analysis. The presence of vast flint outcrops and the good qua - lity of the raw material, plus the abundance of ma rine resources, may have led to the formation of self-suf fi - cient communities during the climatic re gression that followed the Holocene Humid Phase. From the end of the 5th through the 4th millennium BC, the Inter tro pi - cal Convergence Zone (ITCZ) moved southwards, de- surface, evidence of utilization, functionally related to the crushing or bruising of spondylus shells, as is also demonstrated by the large amount of worked shell fragments retrieved in TT2. The presence of ochre traces is reported on the scra- pers’ edges, marking a possible functional link between this colouring material and the activities carried out with these tools. Ochre stains were observed on the surface of plaquettes and flakes’ cortex. Discussion: homogeneity and specialization The rich lithic industry collected in T2 looks homo- geneous overall. The raw material is always the same, as well as the technical methods involved in the ma- nufacture. The high rate of debitage and production waste (chips, including debris and shatters, chunks, ‘Krukowski’ debris) clearly indicate the on-site pro- cessing of lithic artefacts. The sites appear as multi- functional spaces used for both the production and implementation of such artefacts. The Oligocene flint plaquettes collected within the Sharbithat area are selected for blade and bladelet debitage using the natural edge, with peripheral bi- facial shaping often limited to a single edge, or direct flaking from the unprepared edge. The knappers used direct percussion with a stone hammer to obtain straight blades with asymmetrical cross-sections and natural (often cortical) backs. The debitage is also oriented to the production of straight non-cortical blanks, preferentially selected to shape convex backed pieces. The longitudinal convexities of the blocks and plaquettes were not regularized, and unidirectional sequences successively follow one to another until abandonment. The high rate of accidents and errors that occurred in the production without any attempt at developing alternative solutions that wasted less material could be linked to the abundance of good raw material, and, conversely, to the possible absence of highly specialized knappers. Moreover, the four Sharbithat points are clearly as so - ciated with the backed pieces. We might consider a complementarity usage between the latter, which could be hafted as lateral insets, and the points, hafted on the same spears or used as projectile/thrusting points. This hypothesis will be tested in future studies, through ballistic experiments and impact traces ana- lysis (Yaroshevich et al. 2010). 451 Backed pieces at Sharbithat SHA-10 (Sultanate of Oman): technological issues and chronological assessment logy. Moreover, the development of such technology in different geographical spaces and chronological frames stimulates further investigation into several aspects of Late Neolithic – Bronze Age so cieties in south ern Arabia, comprising population mobility patterns for subsistence, environmental trans for ma- tion and consequent human adaptation techniques and the emergence of different group identities and inter-site connections, but also the functional differen- tiation of sites. A clearer understanding of these issues will need fur- ther excavation at SHA-10 as well as comprehensive re search, including technological, morphological, and functional comparisons with preceding and sub se- quent lithic traditions in southeastern Arabia and neigh bouring regions. This is a large and diverse geo- graphic unit. The backed lithic tools from this region offer great potential for comparison with those from East Africa (Tryon 2019), but our data are still limited. Recent work in Oman and the UAE (at SHA-10, HAS- 1, NAF-3, Hili 8, Saruq al Hadid) further demonstrate that the backing obtained by applying steep retouch along one edge is a highly variable trait that occurred in different places and periods around the world for certain advantages it bestowed in specific contexts. It contradicts an older hypothesis that sees the micro- lithic technology as a ‘package’ that emerged in Af- rica with modern humans, and then diffused to Asia, Europe and Australia (e.g., Mellars 2006). As argued by Chris Clarkson et al. (2018) and Alice Leplongeon et al. (2020), backing is advantageous, flexible, and highly discoverable, and this might explain its de ve- lopment in several different parts of the world, re- emerg ing in various time fra mes, even thousands of years later. However, the forthcoming results of the ar - chaeological, geomorphological and technological investigations at Sharbithat and the other mentioned sites in the region will help clarify these chronological and cultural questions. creasing its effect on southeastern Arabia (Preston et al. 2015; Lézine et al. 2017), driv ing human groups to the coast or more suitable areas characterized by per- manent water sources (Crassard, Drechsler 2013). Con sequently, sites dated to the 4th millennium BC, such as SHA-10B, show an increased development of local traditions, generated by the growing isolation and intensive exploitation of confined environments, such as wadi deltas, lagoons, and mangroves, as sug- gested by the coeval expansion of shell middens (Cleu- ziou, Tosi 2018). Conclusion The beginning of the production of backed pieces is usually associated with significant changes in technical behaviours, such as developing different hunting or fishing techniques. However, their function or be long- ing to the same technological phenomenon at regional and supraregional scale is still under dis cussion (e.g., Clarkson et al. 2018; Groman-Ya ro slavski et al. 2020; Leplongeon et al. 2020). The techno-typological ana- lysis of SHA-10B backed pieces suggest that this class of artefacts had a high level of variability across the whole of Late Prehistory in southeastern Arabia. The influence of raw material is limited, as all backed pie- ces are in good quality chert, and the sites are close to chert sources. Whether the variability observed in our set of backed pieces reflects functional flexibility still needs to be tested by studying a larger sample through extensive excavation and use-wear analyses of the preserved tools. Indeed, these artefacts were used as replaceable armatures and discarded after use without being rejuvenated. However, we do have not enough information to de fine a possible function, nor whether their variable morphology reflected specific usage con- straints (Iovita 2009; 2010; Leplongeon et al. 2020). Test excavations at SHA-10B have produced an as sem- blage of 5000 artefacts dated to the 4th millennium BC. The site presents a new facet of the indigenous de- velopment of stone tool technology in Late-Neolithic and Bronze Age southeastern Arabia. The technological study has highlighted the in-situ production of backed pieces, points, and a composite assemblage, in cluding stone and shell tools. The systematic pro duction of backed pieces has few close parallels in the region. 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Hellyer (eds.), Archaeology of the United back to content 456 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.6 time – as a tool, decoration or building material. As such, the human commitment to stone as a raw ma- terial has a very deep history, and remained un chang - ed even after the appearance of metal. Due to the hard - ness, longevity, and durability of this raw mate rial, stone tools had a long, dynamic, and complex life Introduction Stone has always been a highly valued raw material due to its natural properties. Because of its low so lu - bility and incombustibility, it is essentially in de- structible. The only imperfection could be its fra gi - lity, although it does not disappear even after break- ing, and the remaining pieces can be used for a long KLJUÈNE BESEDE – glajena orodja in orodja za brušenje; vzdrževanje; ponovna uporaba; recikliranje; Balkan IZVLEÈEK – Kamnita glajena orodja in orodja za brušenje so imela dolgo, dinamièno in kompleksno življenjsko dobo, v kateri so lahko veèkrat prešla razliène korake operacijske sekvence od obnavljanja do opustitve uporabe. Ta orodja se obrabljajo poèasi, zato jih lahko s stalnim obnavljanjem uporabljamo dolgo èasa. Èeprav poškodovana, so zaradi razliènih postopkov recikliranja, tudi v sekundarnih kontek- stih, zaèela nov življenjski cikel. V prispevku predstavljamo transformativne procese pri zbirih kamnitih glajenih orodij in orodij za brušenje v neolitiku Srbije in pojasnjujemo njihovo uporabo v povezavi z vzdr ževanjem, ponovno uporabo in recikliranjem ter predstavljamo najbolj pogoste primere tovrstnih tehnoloških praks. Izpostavljamo predvsem orodja za vsakodnevno uporabo in naèine njihovega vraèa­ nja v razliène stopnje operativne sekvence. Ponovno rojena: večkratne biografije kamnitih glajenih orodij in orodij za brušenje v neolitiku Srbije KEY WORDS – ground and abrasive stone tools; maintenance; secondary use; recycling; Balkans ABSTRACT - Ground and abrasive stone tools had a long, dynamic and complex life during which they could repeatedly pass through different segments of the operational chain until their final disposal. Those tools would wear out slowly and could be used for a long time with constant renewal. Even after being damaged, they would start a new life cycle through various recycling processes or in a secondary context. The aim of this paper is to consider the transformative processes within the ground and abra- sive stone industry in the Neolithic of Serbia and clarify their use in terms of maintenance, secondary use, and recycling, as well as to show the most frequent examples of such technological practices. The focus is primarily on tools for everyday use and the ways in which they were rerouted through various segments of the operational chain. Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade, RS; d.antonovic@ai.ac.rs; v.dimic@ai.ac.rs Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia 457 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia cycle, during which they could repeatedly circu late through various segments of the operatio nal chain, until their final disposal. Techno-functional analyses of Neolithic ground and abrasive stone tools from several sites in Serbia (Fig. 1) contributed to the identification of all stages of the process through which one ground or abrasive stone tool could pass until it would end up as a dis carded product in an archaeological context. Such an ap- proach allowed the reconstruction of the life histories for most types of those tools. This paper aims to consider the transformative pro- ces ses within the ground and abrasive stone industry in the Neolithic of Serbia and clarify their use in terms of maintenance, secondary use, and recycling, as well as to show the most frequent examples of such tech- nological practices. The focus is primarily on tools for everyday use and the ways in which they were re rout- ed through various segments of the operational chain. Neolithic in Serbia: geographical and chro no lo- gical framework The Neolithic in the territory of to - day’s Serbia was determined by two very significant cultures – the Starèevo and Vinèa cultures (Fig. 1)(Garašanin 1979.145–149; Bo­ riæ 2009.192; Tasiæ et al. 2015a; Whittle et al. 2016.2). The Starèevo culture (c. 6200– 5000 BC, Whittle et al. 2002; Mi­ nichreiter, Krajcar Broniæ 2006) belonged to the Early Neo lithic Star èevo–Körös–Criº cultural com - plex, spread across the large ter ri- tory of South-Eastern Europe and the Pannonian Plain (Fig. 1). The Starèevo culture itself was present in the territory of today’s North- Eastern Croatia and all of Serbia. This was the first Neolithic culture of the middle Danubian Basin. During that time, an economic and technological basis was formed within it, which enabled the ap- pearance of the advanced and high ly developed Late Neolithic Vin èa and Sopot cultures in this area. The latest palaeodemographic research activities suggest that the end of the Starèevo culture was mark- ed by a significant decrease of the population, which suddenly increased again at the beginning of the Vinèa culture, when changes began to occur in the material culture (Porèiæ et al. 2016.7–8). The Vinèa culture (5400–4500/4450 cal BC, Boriæ 2009; Orton 2012; Tasiæ et al. 2015a) was a Late Neo- lithic culture which continued on into the Starèevo culture, partially overlapping with it in the initial phase. Important changes occurred during the Vin èa cul- ture period: the organization of settlements was dif- ferent, with intense construction of above-the-ground buildings (Tripkoviæ 2009; 2013), the tech no logy of making and the style of decorating pottery were new (Vukoviæ 2020), and the production of stone and bone tools increased, giving a special di stinction to this culture (Antonoviæ 2003; Vitezoviæ 2013). In this period, the exchange network also be gan to spread, which probably also caused changes in the system of social organization (Dimitrijeviæ, Tripkoviæ 2006; Tripkoviæ 2004). Fig. 1. Map of the Neolithic sites mentioned in the paper: 1 Vinèa; 2 Mali Borak; 3 Selevac; 4 Trsine; 5 Lađarište; 6 Divostin; 7 Ajmana; 8 Zbradila; 9 Ploènik; 10 Belovode. 458 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić be included in the statistical analysis in this discussion due to the selective approach in the gathering of stone tools, which was a common practice in the ar chaeo- lo gical research activities in Serbia up to the end of the 20th century. Ploènik thus remained outside of the statistical analysis even though it yielded a unique example of the secondary use of abrasive tools, as mentioned in the discussion (Dimiæ, Antonoviæ 2021b; Dimiæ, in preparation). The sites selected have collections which comprise all the stone finds disco- vered during research conducted in the entire or the largest part of a given Neolithic settlement. Vinèa The Neolithic settlement in Vinèa is located on the right bank of the Danube, about 15km downstream from Belgrade. The site has been researched, with interruptions, for more than a century: 1908, 1911– 1913, 1924, 1929–1934, 1978–1986 and from 1998 to the present. The most extensive research activities were carried out from 1929 to 1934, when an area of about 2000m2 and a layer with a thickness of up to 11m were investigated. The most recent research, which has been ongoing since 1998, has been carried out on an area of 300m2 and provided the most re- presentative sample for the study of abrasive stone objects (Tasiæ et al. 2015a.95). All the phases of the Vinèa culture are represented at the site (5770/5565– 4570/4460 cal BC; Tasiæ et al. 2015a.128). Remains of the Starèevo group have also been found in the deepest layers of the settlement, linked to the layer with pit- houses (Tasiæ et al. 2015a.125). The analysis of the material from precisely this site laid the foundations for the study of the ground stone industry (Antonoviæ 1992). A sample of a total of 3000 examples of ground and abrasive stone tools from all research campaigns was analysed, but only those collected during research after 1998 were statistically analysed. Ploènik This site is located in the south-west of Serbia, 21km west of Prokuplje. It was discovered in 1927, during the construction of the Prokuplje–Kuršumlija railway section. The first archaeological excavations of the site began in 1928 (Grbiæ 1929), and an area of about 500m2 was explored at that time. The site was then researched on several occasions from 1960 to 1978, on an area of 765.5m2 (Stalio 1960; 1962; 1964; 1967; 1973a; 1973b). The most extensive research activities in Ploènik were carried out from 1996 to 2013 (Kuz - manoviæ Cvetkoviæ 2017; Radivojeviæ et al. 2021a), when it was confirmed that it was a large Vinèa me- The economy of the Starèevo and Vinèa cultures was based on agriculture. Several types of cereals (emmer wheat, einkorn wheat, barley, etc.) were cultivated, domestic animals (goats, sheep, bovine and pigs) were bred, and hunting and fishing also had an important role as additional food sources. In such a stable eco- nomy, the production of specialized stone tools rose to a very high technological level, most visible at the end of the Vinèa culture (Vitezoviæ, Antonoviæ 2019). The sudden development of stone tools began at the end of the Starèevo and the beginning of the Vinèa culture. Ground and abrasive stone tools became more numerous, more typologically diverse and more uni- form in terms of the choice of raw materials. Use-wear traces indicate a prominent specialization of tools, and technological traces – a standardization in their pro- duction (Antonoviæ 2003; Vitezoviæ, Antonoviæ 2019; Dimiæ 2020; Dimiæ, Antonoviæ 2021a; 2021b; 2021c). Methods and materials The manner in which a stone artefact was made, from the choice of raw materials to its final form, as well as the ways in which it was used, repaired, damaged, discarded or reused, represent technological sequen- ces that, as part of a wider technological sys tem, di - rectly reflect traditions and cultural practices of a community (Lemonnier 1986.154; 1992.5–9; 2012. 298­299; Dobres 2000.96–97; Miller 2007.4). Hence, the research of all these sequences within the ground and abrasive stone tools technology provides a lot of information linked to the structure of a given com- munity, that is to say, the organization, choices and skills of the people who made these tools and the ways in which they would use them. The transformative processes through which the tools would pass, starting from the selection and processing of raw materials, through use, damage, repairs and other types of reuse, until the final discarding, depict the life history of an artefact (Skibo, Schiffer 2008; Schiffer 2010), and iso - lated activities within it represent sequences of the be- havioural, i.e. operational chain (Le monnier 1986; Dobres 2000; Skibo, Schiffer 2008). By studying and defining the life histories of ground and abrasive stone artefacts within a settlement, it is possible to interpret the cultural practices and technological patterns of the people who lived in it. The assemblages from several Neolithic sites in Serbia were analysed from the typological and technological perspectives. Collections from certain sites could not 459 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia during the Middle and Late Eneolithic (Baden cul- ture, Boleráz–Cernavodã III and Balaton–Lasinja; Blagojeviæ, Arsiæ 2009.74). It is interesting to note that the stone industry from the site of Crkvine shows no similarities with those from Masinske Njive and Jarièište, even though late Vinèa ceramics have been recorded at all three sites. Judging by the stone industry, most prominently the ground stone tools production, the site of Crkvine seems like a completely separate world with no close ties with the inhabitants of the other two settlements. More than 20 000 stone objects, mostly tools (only 0.1% of this number are decorative and cult objects; Antonoviæ 2013) originate from the three sites mentioned. At Crkvine, 5175 stone finds were collected from the researched area of about 3000m2, out of which 1320 examples (25.5%) were from chipped stone. Only 680 examples can be fully identified typologically as groundstone tools. The most numerous are tools with a cutting edge, followed by abrasive tools. The largest number of stone finds (61.35%) are flakes made during the production of ground stone tools with a cutting edge made from tuff. A large number of semi- finished products and flakes that occurred during their production indicate production within the settlement (Antonoviæ 2013). A total of 6619 stone objects were collected at the site of Masinske Njive, with 4957 examples belonging to the chipped stone industry. Out of the 1662 finds of the ground and abrasive stone industry, 1045 exam- ples were typologically defined, and several types and variants of tools were recorded among them. It was not possible to determine the shape of 617 exam ples, and the most numerous among them were pieces of raw material or atypical fragments, flakes from ground tools, as well as products of the making of axes, adzes and chisels shaped by knapping. This large sample, however, did not provide solid evidence of an organized production of ground stone tools at Masinske Njive, which was otherwise preliminarily observed in chipped stone tools. Production within the settlement certainly existed, but on a small scale, as evidenced by a small number of pieces of raw material, a slightly larger number of flakes from the production of ground stone objects, as well as numerous ground stones (Antonoviæ 2013). Jarièište is the largest settlement in Mali Borak, with an explored area of 8ha (Blagojeviæ, Arsiæ 2008; Mariæ 2013.18). At first glance, the stone industry from this tallurgical centre. The settlement spread across c. 70ha (Rassmann et al. 2021). Five cultural horizons were singled out, in which all phases of the Vinèa culture are represented (5389/5003 cal BC to 4446/4231 cal BC, Mariæ et al. 2021b.451–453). Ground and ab rasive stone tools form a sample of 305 whole and frag ment - ed tools. The tools were ana lysed in two stages, 2012– 2013 (72 examples found in Dimiæ, Antonoviæ 2021b) and 1996–2011 (233 examples found in Dimiæ in pre­ paration). Divostin Divostin is located in Central Serbia, 7km west of Kra - gujevac. The site has been known since 1952, and systematic research was carried out in the period from 1968 to 1970, within an American-Yugoslav project (McPherron, Srejoviæ 1988). An area of about 2400m2 was researched in a 0.4–1.8m thick layer. The settle- ment itself covered the area of c. 15ha, while the sur- face finds were discovered on an area of about 50ha (Bogdanoviæ 1988.35). Research activities confirmed the existence of two basic settlement phases – Divostin I from the Starèevo period (started at c. 6300, McPher­ ron et al. 1988; Porèiæ et al. 2020) and Divostin II from the Late Vinèa period (4740/4635–4675/4535 cal BC, Whittle et al. 2016.21). After the Vinèa period, the site was no longer inhabited in prehistoric times. Ground and abrasive stone tools make up a sample of 658 whole and fragmented objects of this type (Prinz 1988; Galdikas 1988). Mali Borak During protective archaeological excavations at the Ko- lubara coal mine in 2006–2010, three large prehistoric sites – Crkvine, Masinske Njive and Jarièište – were located in a row, at a distance of only a few hundred metres from each other – Masinske Njive at a distance of 900 metres from Crkvine, and at half that distance from Jarièište (Blagojeviæ, Arsiæ 2008a; 2008b; 2008c; 2009). The settlement at Crkvine was inhabited during the later phase of the Vinèa culture (Živanoviæ, Spasiæ 2008.205). The neighbouring site of Masinske Njive lasted from the Late Neolithic / Early Eneolithic to the Early Bronze Age and it was inhabited by members of the Vinèa culture (Vinèa B1/B2; 5355/5215–5275/ 5070 cal BC, Whittle et al. 2016.18), as well as some cultures that did not originate from the Central Bal - kans, such as the Tiszapolgár, Lasinja, Baden, Lengyel and Cernavodã III cultures (Blagojeviæ, Arsiæ 2009. 73).The next site towards the west, Jarièište (6200– 5500 BC, Radivojeviæ et al. 2021b.14), was inhabited during the Starèevo and Vinèa cultures, and then 460 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić The division into ground and abrasive stone tools was made on the basis of the raw material from which they were produced, the manner in which they were made and their function. The term ground stone tools refers to those tools whosefinal shape was obtained by grinding and po- lishing of their surfaces (Fig. 2). Their semi-finished products were made by knapping, and traces of this would often not be completely removed by the final processing. In the Neolithic of Serbia, ground stone tools were made from fine-grained rocks of various origins (hornfels, epidote schist, metamorphic sand - stone, magnesite, etc., Antonoviæ 2003.16–23; An to­ noviæ, Resimiæ-Šariæ, Cvetkoviæ 2005; Dimiæ 2013.36; 2020; in preparation). These rocks are characterized by a conchoidal fracture, and hence semi-finished axes, adzes and chisels were mostly made from macro- flakes, which gave them their recognizable and unique appearance (Antonoviæ 2014). The primary function of these tools was for use in woodworking. Axes are tools with a symmetrical profile (Fig. 2.a), whose cutting edge is in the plane of symmetry (Se­ me nov 1976.125). Several types of axes with minimal differences in their shapes have been recorded at Neolithic sites in Serbia. Adzes are asymmetrical tools (Fig. 2.b), whose cutting edge is not in the plane of symmetry (Semenov 1976.125). At Starèevo and Vinèa sites, especially in Central Serbia, adzes were the dominant type among tools with a cutting edge, and sometimes even in the complete ground stone material (Antonoviæ 2003.55). Chisels are tools with a cutting edge that were sorted into a special group due to their small dimensions (Fig. 2.c). By their shape, they equally resemble axes and site shows great similarities with that from Masinske Njive. These are macroscopically very similar raw materials, as well as a large number of chipped stone tools. In the stone material examined so far, 60.96% of the finds belong to the chipped stone industry, and 39.04% of them have been identified as ground and abrasive stone tools, dominated by grindstones. A high percentage of pieces of raw material, semi- fi nished products and flakes from the process of making stone tools, as well as numerous grindstones, indicate production within the settlement. More than half of the ground stone finds have been typologically defined, which sets Jarièište apart from the previous two sites, where a significantly lower percentage of defined tools was recorded (Antonoviæ 2013). Neolithic ground and abrasive stone tools The ground and abrasive stone tools industry had already been fully developed when it appeared in the Neolithic of Serbia, with already clearly defined and formed types of tools. From the oldest to the youngest Neolithic settlement in Serbia, there is no essential difference in the ground and abrasive stone industry, the types of tools remained the same, just like most of the raw materials, but there are noticeable changes in the numerical representation of certain types of tools and raw materials (Antonoviæ 2003.131). The only more prominent novelty was the appearance of white rocks among the raw material for the making of tools with a cutting edge, although this brought only a visual change, but not a typological or a technological one. On the other hand, abrasive tools remained con- stant throughout the entire Neolithic. At the end of this pe riod, new types began to mul tiply, which had to respond to new demands of the society which was being developed technologically. Fig. 2. Ground stone tools: a axe (Ploènik); b adze (Ploènik); c chisel (Ploènik). 461 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia traces along the length, or otherwise along the width, of the working surface of the tool. Querns are massive stone objects with a flat or slightly concave working surface, used to crush grains or other grainy fruits (Fig. 4.a,e). They were most com monly made from fine- to medium-fine-grained magmatic rocks or from fine-grained com pact sandstones. When made from sandstones, it is difficult to distinguish querns from static grindstones, especially when they are in the form of smaller fragments. Mortars are massive stone ob jects, similar to querns, differing from them by a larger recess on the working surface (Fig. 4.d). They were most probably used for crushing hard materials ra ther than crushing grains, as querns were used for the latter task. Long life of ground and ab rasive tools Ground and abrasive stone tools represented the peak in the pro duction of prehistoric stone tools. They had the most complex and very dynamic life cycle. Due to the hardness and durability of stone, as well as its ability to be reused even after breaking, these tools could repeatedly circulate through different seg- ments of the operational chain until they were finally discarded. The life cycle of a ground or ab rasive stone tool would be gin with the procurement of the raw material, con- adzes. These tools have been discovered on a large number of sites of the classic Starèevo and Vinèa cul- tures, in a considerable variety of shapes, but they are, therefore, mostly found in small numbers. Abrasive tools were made from rocks with abrasive properties (Figs. 3–4), such as sandstones and various types of magmatic rocks with a high contents of quartz (Antonoviæ 2003.23–29; Antonoviæ, Dimiæ 2022). Toolsmade of such rocks were produced by pecking, and polished surfaces were obtained during use, and thus such tools are separated into a special group dif- ferent from ground stone tools. Abrasive tools include grindstones, whetstones, handstones, querns and mortars. Grindstones, being tools for processing objects made of hard materials, were made exclusively from rocks with abrasive properties, such as sandstones, and morerarely from magmatic rocks containing quartz (Fig. 3.a–c). Several types of grindstones have been found at Neolithic sites in Serbia, differing by the shape and size, which depended on the types of objects that were being processed on them. The basic types were large stationary grindstones and small hand ones. Whetstones (Fig. 3.d) differ from grindstones mostly by the raw material used for making them, namely fine-grained, softer rocks such as sandstones with no quartz or phyllites. Handstones (Fig. 4.c) did not gain their form by in tentional processing, but through use instead. They were pebbles of a suitable shape, of hard and solid rocks, most com- mon ly magmatic, used to crush grainy fruits, grains, pigments, etc. Another type of hand- stones, namely, loaf-shaped handstones (Fig. 4.b) represented the mobile (upper) parts of saddle-formed querns, which were, due to their mor phological properties, held with both hands and rolled over a quern slab while mincing or grinding wheat (Florin et al. 1958; Lindström Holmberg 1993; 1998.129; Dimiæ 2015.391–394; Anto no ­ viæ, Dimiæ 2022). The only typological dif- fe rence between querns and loaf-shaped handstones which may (but need not) be indicative are the smaller dimensions of handstones compared to querns. On the other hand, the traceological differences are clear in terms of the orientation of linear Fig. 3. Abrasive stone tools: a–c grindstones (Vinèa); d whetstone (Be lo vode). 462 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić made (Fig. 6.a–d). Knapping was performed on both sides, the ventral and dorsal, as indicated by semi- finished products found. Finer flaking would usually be performed on the dorsal side, so that the platform would be on the ventral side (Fig. 6e). Pecking is a technique similar to knapping, and it was used in the processing of rocks which do not have a conchoidal fracture. It was usually used for raw mate- rials de rived from secondary de po sits, which had gain - ed the suitable shape and smooth, round surface, si- milar to that of ground stone tools, through actions of na tural processes, most commonly water (Fig. 4.c). Grinding represented the final technique used in the processing of stone, with which the ground stone tools would be given their final form (Fig. 2). It was used to remove surfaces that were still not smooth after the previous processing, to correct the shape and form the cutting edge, which would thus become more resistant to damage. tinue with the production of a semi- finished artefact by knapping, followed by the grinding of the final product. After that the tool would be primarily used, often repaired after any smaller da mage, and sometimes recycled or se- condarily used before being discarded. Before reaching its final destination – an archaeological context – a stone tool couldchange its form and purpose several times during its life cycle (Fig. 5). The first step of the operational chain – procurement of the raw material – would take place outside of a settlement. For the time being, it is not known whether the raw material was extracted in an or- ganized quarry or collected on the sur- face of the terrain. No quarry with clear traces of Neolithic exploitation has been discovered in Serbia so far, but there are places where surface stone collection and even primary processing of amorphous blocks separated from the parent rock could have been carried out (e.g., the site of Trsine nearÈaèak, Bogosavljeviæ­Petroviæ 1998.3–5). These are secondary deposits of stone raw materials where the rock material was deposited by successive erosion and fluvial processes (torrents and denudation). Sometimes, pieces of raw material would be brought to the settlement, where the rock would be turned into a finished product in workshops, as was recorded in Vinèa, Crkvine in Mali Borak, Selevac, Ajmana, and Zbradila (Voytek 1990.451; Antonoviæ 2003.51; 2011. 209–211; 2013.35–36, Fig. 4). Completed semi-finish- ed products would then be taken into the settlement, for further processing by grinding. Semi-finished tools with a cutting edge were made by knapping. After separating a stone block for making tools, rough knapping would be performed in order to make a rough pre-form of the artefact that was to be Fig. 4. Abrasive stone tools: a quern (Jarièište); b loaf-shaped handstone; c handstone (Vinèa); d mortar (Ploènik); e quern (Mali Borak, Jarièište). Fig. 5. Life cycle of ground and abrasive stone tools (scheme modified after Schiffer 1972). 463 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia Stone adzes are tools that are very similar to axes according to their morphology, however, the adzes have an asymmetric shape, and were wedged in the handle so that the cutting edge would extend perpendicularly in relation to the longitudinal axis of symmetry of the handle (Semenov 1976.126; An­ tonoviæ 2003.54; Dimiæ 2015.56–58; 2020.364–394). The asym metric shape of adzes corresponded to their function, namely, hollowing and hewing wood, and they were used in the production of various types of wooden objects. Use-wear traces are dominant on the dorsal side, although they can also be found on the ventral side in longer-used examples. Depending on the length and intensity of use, the traces are in the form of fine parallel furrows, perpendicular to the cutting edge, followed by surface polishing, dullness of the cutting edge, as well as micro- and macro-flake negatives (Fig. 8.b). Chisels were, almost as a rule, less com- mon than axes at the Neolithic sites found in Serbia, and much rarer than adzes. Chisels were used almost exclusively in woodworking, and only exceptionally for splitting bones, too. Their abundance at a given site certainly indicates the more developed specialized production of wo- oden objects. They differ from axes and adzes by the manner in which they were The final processing of tools could have been per formed with in a settlement, but also at the actual sour ces where the raw material had been obtained, thus leaving this point in the field of speculations. Organized workshops in settlements or places at raw material deposits where tools could have been ground have not been clearly defined as yet in Serbia. Some tools could have been bro ken im- mediately after flaking and before final grinding, with out any traces of use (Fig. 7). Such tools could have been used, in an unchanged form, in their basic func- tion, but they could also have been used secondarily or be rerouted to the re cy- cling process. Primary use Primary use is the action for which the tool was ori ginally designed. Ground stone tools with a cutting edge (axes, ad- zes, chisels) were commonly used in woodworking. In the Neolithic, these tools consisted of two elements, a stone head and a wooden shaft to which those stone parts would be attached. Axes are tools whose primary purpose was to cut down trees and split wood. Since the cutting edge was in the plane of symmetry, the use-wear marks were created evenly on both sides of the cutting edge. Those are short parallel furrows, slanting in relation to the cut- ting edge, accompanied by a polishing of the surface (Fig. 8.a). The orientation of the furrows can also be followed by longer, arched, isolated scra t ches. The cut - ting edge itself would get damaged during work (blunt ness, flake negatives) and this damage usually looks like untidy knapping (Semenov 1976.125–129; Antonoviæ 2003.53; Dimiæ 2015.54–57; 2020.364–394). Fig. 6. Production of ground stone tools: a–b blocks of pre-formed raw material (Vinèa and Mali Borak, Jarièište); c–d macroflakes – the first phase in production of roughouts (Mali Borak, Jarièište and Crkvine; e semi-finished adze prepared for final grinding (Vinèa). Fig. 7. Semi-finished adze from Mali Borak, Crkvine. 464 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić dium to hard materials (antlers, bone, certain types of rocks and mi nerals, such as marble and cal cite). The experimental use of whetstones for sharpening the cutting edges of axes, adzes and chisels showed that even such a use would leave no traces in the form of grooves, only concave surfaces (Dimiæ 2020.338). Other use-wear traces, first and foremost grooves, cannot usually be identified on grindstones and whet stones, probably because of the use of water in grinding and polishing, which would erase all grooves (Miller 2007.59). Also, depending on the type of tools which were processed by these tools, wide (stone and antler tools) or shallow channels (small bone tools) with a regular or flared U cross-section can be seen on the working surface of grindstones (Figs. 3.c, 12). The use of handstones is usually linked to wheat grinding, since they were often found alongside querns.However, judging by the use-wear traces on them they were multifunctional tools, also used as retouching tools, hammers and anvils. Out of all ab- rasive tools, it is difficult the most to fit spherical handstones into the category of ground stone tools, because they had not gained their shape through in tentional processing; their ground, levelled and slightly flatten surfaces were created during use. Use-wear traces on querns are rough surfaces which, almost as a rule, follow fine grooves parallel with the longitudinal axis of the tool (Fig. 4.a). The same use-wear traces can be spotted on elon gat - ed two-handed hand stones (‘loaf- shaped’), however, in this case, theuse-wear traces always spread transversally (Fig. 4.b). They wereused for grinding cereals andgrainy fruits, water chest- nuts,and so on. Massive stone mortars with a work ing surface in the form of a recipient were most probably used for crushing hard materials such as pigments, pottery, mol- lusc shells, etc. Findings from late Vinèa layers at Selevac were linked to early metallurgy and thecrushing of malachite, which was further used in copper smelt- used. Chisels were not used for direct percussion, and instead force was applied by indirect hits of a stick against the ends of the tool or shaft, while the cutting edge was placed at a certain angle on the wood so as to penetrate it under pressure (Dimiæ 2020.364–394). Use-wear traces are very similar to those on the adzes blade, with the chisels showing a slightly more intense gloss on both sides of the blade (Fig. 8.c). Abrasive stone tools (grindstones, whetstones, que rns, handstones, mortars) were used both for food pro ces- sing and also in the manufacturing of bone and stone tools. As such, their original use was for crushing, grind ing, and abrasion. Grindstones refer to tools used for grinding objects made of hard materials (stone, bone, antlers, ceramic, wood). This is why the working surface of such tools was smooth and recessed, while traces of previous processing by pecking would often remain visible in the outer parts of a given item. In whetstones, the working surface is also slightly concave, and al- ways very smooth, almost polished (Fig. 3.d). This characteristic of the working surface is the result of using whet stones for working on objects made of me- Fig. 8. Traces of primary use: a axe (Ploènik); b adze (Vinèa); c chisel (Vin- èa). 465 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia Ground stone tools with a cutting edge could have remained in use in their primary function for a very long time by means of constant maintenance and careful use. Typical examples of tools that had been used for a very long time are those with a stubby ap - pearance, in which the ratio of length to width is sig - nificantly reduced, and the angle of the cutting edge significantly increased (Fig. 9.c–e), making it ques- tionable if they could still be used for their primary use (Dimiæ 2020.315–318). The shape of these tools could reach the lower limit of functionality or lose it completely by going through the process of main te- nance and use multiple times (Fig. 9.f). Such tools could then be redirected to the recycling process (Fig. 14) or used without any changes in form in a secon- dary function (Fig. 11) or transferred to a secondary context, thus starting a second life cycle. Maintenance of abrasive tools is much less common, primarily due to their massiveness and the size of the working surface, which, even after minor damage or partial fragmentation, still had the potential to per form the same function for which the tool was intended. Traces of maintenance are most noticeable in querns and loaf-shaped handstones, on which the ing (Spears 1990.503). It is believed that mortars from Potporanj were used for crushing mollusc shells, which would then be added, in this ground form, as admixtures in making pottery (Joanoviè 1982.9). Several typical examples of mortars from Ploènik should also be added to this group (Antonoviæ, Dimiæ 2022.275), and it represents a transi- tional form between a grindstone and a mortar. The object was made from a thick slab of sandstone, which had be- come so concave from use in the central part that it gained the form of a mortar (Fig. 4.d). Maintenance and prolonged life of artefacts Maintenance represents the rerouting of an artefact back to the manufacturing process in order to keep its primary function. The properties and efficiency of an object in terms of the task it was originally designed for would thus be maintained (Schiffer 2010.32–34). Main tenance is the common set of tech - nological procedures applied to a par- tially damaged tool, applied so as to restore the cha- racteristics needed for fulfilling the intended task (Fig. 9). Through this practice, a tool would not be discarded, recycled, or secondarily used yet (i.e. it would not start a new life cycle), but rather its primary life was preserved and thus extended. When it comes to ground stone tools, maintenance through sharpening and repair was usually performed on the cutting edge, or on the proximal end, used to affix the tool to the shaft. The repairing of the proximal end is considerably rarer than the sharpening of the cutting edge. If the cutting edge was dull, it was re - paired by resharpening, and if it was partially da- maged, by retouching and then sharpening. The sharpening of stone tools involved grinding and pos- sibly a final polishing of the cutting edge. This type of repair is recognizable by pronounced processing traces, and often by a complete absence of use-wear traces on the cutting edge. The difference between new, unused tools and repaired tools with a cutting edge is that there are visible use-wear traces on the proximal end of the repaired ones, and the shape of the entire tool would often be changed depending on the length of use. Fig. 9. Traces of maintenance: a adze with renewed cutting edge (Belovode); b adze with renewed proximal end (Belovode); c–e long used adzes (Ploènik); f adze at the end of life cycle (Belovode). 466 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić could be secondarily used for a function other than the primary one, without any modification. In addition, whole or fragmented ground and abrasive stone tools could be used in different secondary contexts as well. Therefore, after damage which prevented rerouting a tool to the repairing process, ground stone axes and adzes were secondarily used as hammers, pounders, or retouchers (Fig. 11). Secondary use is most commonly recorded on abrasive tools. Frag ments of bigger grindstones, querns, and mortars would be come smaller grindstones, hand- stones or grindstones for awls and needles, bone and wood handles, and so on (Fig. 12). Finally, abrasive tools were used as building stones in house and furnace substructures. Usually, they were mixed with pottery sherds, like in Vinèa. At Ploènik, there is a unique situation in the Neolithic of Serbia, where numerous abrasive tools with minor damage, practically still functional, were used as building sto nes (Fig. 13, Mariæ et al. 2021a.291). It can be as sumed that this settlement was the cen tre for the manufacture of abrasive tools and their in habitants thus had the privilege of rejecting tools with minor da- mage and repurposing them as building stones. This is a reflection of a specific tech no logical choice, derived most li kely from the fact that the site was surrounded by easily accessible deposits of quality sandstone. Recycling Recycling refers to changes in the form of an artefact in order to adapt it to a new function (Ja cquier, Nau­ dinot 2015.270–271; Schiffer 2010.33), or to use it as a raw material. A prerequisite for recycling is an optimal amount of raw material that would remain after a tool was damaged. Ground stone axes, adzes and chisels were usually recycled by knapping into hammers, poun ders, or even cores for chip ped stone tools (Fig. 14). After knapping, the polishing process would sometimes com pletely erase the initial traces of manufacture, so it is not al ways easy to re cognize a recycled tool and dis tinguish it fromone that was in secondary use. Proximal andmedial parts of ground stone axes, adzes and chisels were mostly usedfor recycling. Abrasive tools have rarely gone through the re - cycling process and were more often used in working surface was roughened by pecking. Traces typical of this practice are represented by a concave polished work surface with regularly spaced small recesses. The use of that percussive technique in re- pairs was a frequent reason for the fragmentation of mas sive abrasive tools (Fig. 4.e). On fragmented tools that have been discarded, and not rerouted to recycling or secondary use, it is sometimes possible to see the place of the last stroke that caused the fracture. For tools with multiple simultaneous functions, such as those that simultaneously served as grindstones, work plates, and anvils, fragmentation would occur most often after striking at the thinnest, most worn-out part. The same as in the case of ground stone tools, abrasive stone tools show traces of very long exploitation. Long use, with or without regular maintenance, is charac te- ristic of abrasive tools that were used until the working surface would become so recessed and concave that it would no longer be usable for the basic function of the tool. In those cases, it would often happen that the opposite side of the tool was used until it would be- come worn out in the same way, eventually leading to the breaking of the tool at its thinnest part (Fig. 10). The extensive usage lasted as long as the form of the tool reached the lower limit of the functionality or lost it. Such an item was either discarded, or, if there was enough usable raw material left, it was redirected to a secondary use or recycling, depending on the tradition and cultural practice of the community (Fig. 3.b). Secondary use When it comes to secondary use, no modifications of tool forms would occur before performing the new task (Jacquier, Nau di not 2015.270–271; Schiffer 2010.33). If a worn-out tool or the remaining fragment of a tool had a satisfactory shape and technical properties, it Fig. 10. Worn out mortar from Ploènik. 467 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia in workshops specially organized for the production of tools. The scenario set out above is reflected in some Neolithic settlements. Ploènik, Vin- èa, and Divostin were large production centres for ground and abrasive stone tools in the Vinèa culture. They imply the use of available sources of raw material and the existence of skilful craftsmen, but also of a social organization, in which some settlements were specialized for raw material procurement, some for the pro- duction of semi-finished tools, and others for the manufacturing of final products (Vitezoviæ, Antonoviæ 2019). In Divostin, 72% of all ground stone tools with a cutting edge made of porcelanite 1 were semi-fi nish- ed items (Prinz 1988.264). Some tools were made from large thick flakes with clearly visible bulbs for percussion and striking platforms. More than half of the porcelanite tools were only partially polished or have no traces of polishing whatsoever (Prinz 1988.258). Numerous porcelanite tools, al though without a clearly defined platform and bulbs for percussion, or else traces of cleavage, had shapes sug gesting that they were made of flakes. The con- centration of debris in some parts of the excavated area indicate the zone, or several zones, where ground secondary functions, or in a se con dary context, without any change of the final shape which they ac- quired through primary usage. Some of the frequent examples of recycled abrasive tools are frag ments of querns whose shape was adjusted through knapping or pecking so they could be used as handstones (Fig. 4.b). Discussion Techniques for processing stone raw materials were largely standardized, and hence the manner in which secondary use, maintenance, repairing and recycling of stone tools would be performed was also largely uniform. The availability of raw materials, the degree of the de - velopment of the related crafts, as well as technological traditions and practices, greatly influenced the ge- neral appearance of the ground stone industry in every settlement. The degree and variety of artefact re use modes could indicate how different Neolithic communities solved certain problems, as well as the technological choices made in solving them. The degree of recycling shows how close a settlement was to the raw material source, how accessible a given raw material was and whether craftsmen who were making stone tools were present in the settlement. It has to be kept in mind that maintenance could be performed as a regular domestic activity in every household, which differs from the professional production of stone tools Fig. 11. Secondary use: a,d medium part of a tool with a cutting edge, secondarily used as hammer (Jarièište); b proximal part of a tool with a cutting edge, secondarily used as hammer (Belovode); c distal part of a tool with a cutting edge, secondarily used as hammer (Jarièište). Fig. 12. Ploènik: grindstone for bone awls and needles. 1 Beth Prinz (1988) identifies the raw material as porcelanite, while Alan McPherron (1988) believed it to be magnesite. The raw material belongs to the group of so-called light white rock, which were typical for the Late Vinèa ground stone industry in Central Serbia. 468 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić materials, 11.2% for food preparation), and only 7.05% are defined as tools with a cutting edge, with only a third of them finally processed. No workshop for the production of ground and abrasive stone tools was recorded in this entire area. A possible answer for such a situation was provided by dug-out U 830 north of house 01/02, which abuts its northern wall. Aside from a huge amount of fragmented pottery, animal bones that were not exposed to atmospheric influences for a long time, indicating their rapid deposition, were also found along with waste stone material. In addition to used cores from the production of chipped stone tools and a small number of flakes from the production of ground stone tools, 186 examples of abrasive tools werefound, with 71.5% of them being fragmented grind stones. It could be assumed that the final pro- cessing of stone tools by polishing was carried out in the area around the houses, which was regularly cleaned and the waste material was deposited in a pit that only served as a landfill. The few flakes found in U 830 may indicate occasional repairs made to damaged ground stone tools before final processing by grinding. Ploènik, with its remarkable col lection of large ab ra - sive stone tools discarded after short-term use, sug - gests a closeness of raw material deposits and pro- bably numerous very skilful craftsmen who made the stone tools. Out of 305 tools, there are only 2% semi-finished products, and the rest are finished pro- ducts or tools used without any processing traces (e.g., ham mers, some abrasive tools, etc.). The tech nology for making ground stone tools indicates standardiza- tion, both in terms of forms and raw ma terial choice throughout the entire life of the settlement (Dimiæ, An tonoviæ 2021b). Adzes made of ‘light white stone’ are especially prominent among ground stone tools with a cutting edge, and they also represent the only non-metal objects found together with massive metal items in several hoards (Šljivar 1996; Šljivar et al. 2006.261–265). The most recent hoard of adzes was found during the last examination of the site in 2013. It was located in front of the wattle and daub building (feature 1), right next to its outer wall, and it is as so- ciated with massive grinding stones. For now, this is the only place that can be interpreted as a workshop at this settlement (Mariæ et al. 2021a.286–288). Use- wear traces can be noted on 86% of the final proces sed tools, and the rest are unused tools or fragments. Tra ces of repairs were identified on 11% of the tools. About 11.5% of the tools have traces of recycling pro - cesses, while a smaller number, only 2.6%, were suc- ces sfully recycled. Secondary use was recorded on 4% stone tools were manufactured. A large pit (Feature 40) was completely filled with c. 1m3 of debris derived from the production of ground stone tools, and 120 ground stone tools were found in Sector D, which is almost twice the expected distribution. Macroflakes of adequate size for the production of axes and adzes were not discovered in the entire excavated area at Di- vostin (Prinz 1988.258; McPherron 1988.225). On the basis of all this, it can be assumed that the final pro - cessing of semi-finished products and ground tools, mostprominently those made of porcelanite, was con- ducted in the actual settlement, on already prepared large flakes, which have not been discovered within the settlement. It can be assumed that they were brought to the settlement for final processing, thus implying that several settlements or at least working camps participated in the production chain. In Vinèa, during the research which has been ongoing since 1998, examining layers of the final phase of the Vinèa culture on an area of 450m2 (Tasiæ et al. 2015b.1069), all stone finds were collected with special care taken in registering their horizontal stratigraphy. In that area, where 10 houses were discovered, 1800 mostly fragmented artefacts made of ground and abrasive stone were collected. Only a small number originated from houses, mainly those linked to food preparation (Borojeviæ et al. 2020). Most of the finds were deposited in areas around the houses. Out of the total number of finds collected, 72.85% are abrasive tools (61.95% for processing objects made of hard Fig. 13. Ploènik: foundation of Feature 11 com pri- s ing damaged abrasive stone tools (Mariæ et al. 2021a.291). 469 Born again: multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools in the Neolithic of Serbia have traces of use. The rest of the as - semblage consists of damag ed arte facts with some traces of unsuc cessful re- pairing and recycling, and pieces of raw material. At Masinske Nji ve, out of al - most 1700 ground and ab rasive stone items, 46% are final pro ducts, but only 2.1% have traces of use, 55% are also damaged items with tra ces of un suc - cessful repairing and re cycling, and pie - ces of raw material. At Crkvine, out of 635 artefacts of ground and abra sive stone tools, 65% are final pro ducts with tra ces of maintenance and tra - ces of recycling are visible on 12.3%. The only place which can be defin - edas a work shop was found at Crkvine, which was probab ly the centre for the production of chipped and ground tools made of white tuff. Conclusion On the basis of a large number of secondarily used and recycled artefacts, as well as tools that were in use over a long period of time, it can be concluded that the utilization of raw materials was maximized on the entire territory of Serbia during the Neolithic. Studying multiple biographies of ground and abrasive stone tools can show the place in the technological chain of every Neolithic settlement individually. The maximal usage of raw materials through processes of reuse is not a modern attainment, but instead is a practice which existed from the earliest times, which survived up to today, with a smaller or larger amount of technological changes. Techniques for processing stone raw materials in Serbia during the Neolithic were mostly standardized, and hence this was also the case with the manner of their secondary use, re cycling, maintenance and repairs. Consequently, the knowledge of the operational chain of ground and abrasive stone tools enables an analytical focus on defining the ways in which these artefacts may have been primarily used or reused, and ultimately discarded. It is obvious that not all of the settlements were engaged in every step of managing the raw ma- terials, tool production and recycling, suggesting some sort of craft specialization among them (Vi te zoviæ, Antonoviæ 2019). Technological and functional studies of assemblages of stone artefacts are thus extremely important for a more comprehensive understanding of the social practices and ways of life in the Neolithic, both in this region and elsewhere. of the tools received for analysis, although this number is significantly higher in rea lity. We would like to point out that there is a large number of abrasive tools with an uncertain context, and that a large amount of these tools were discarded during excavations before any specialized processing, which unfortunately was a de - cades-long practice that is slowly changing in Serbian archaeology. In photographs from the field, abrasive tools can be clearly seen in the substructures of buil - dings (Fig. 13), although they have not been sub se- quently found in the material. Abrasive tools that ar - rived for analysis make up 40% of the collection, in- cluding a significant amount of static grindstones and whetstones used for processing stone items. A small number of tools from the collection (16%) had been exploited for a very long time, both in a primary and se condary use. Three settlements in Mali Borak were probably pro- duction and recycling centres for the whole area. Judging by the stone finds, especially those made of ground and abrasive stone, one gets the impression that all three sites were collection centres of a kind. A considerable amount of large pieces of raw material, flakes from the production process and semi-finished products confirm the manufacturing character of these settlements. However, a significant number of damag - ed and broken tools, as well as unsuccessful semi-fi- nished products that were discarded because they could not be shaped into a final tool, show that these places were also used for waste deposits. The material was deposited in pits, which were numerous in all three sites (Blagojeviæ, Arsiæ 2008a; 2008b; 2008c; 2009; Živanoviæ, Spasiæ 2008). At Jarièište, out of a total of 5000 pie ces of ground and abrasive stone tools, al most 30% were final products and only 1.32% Fig. 14. Recycled tools: a–c proximal ends of tools used as cores for chipped stone tools (Crkvine Vinèa); d–e distal end of tools with a cutting edge, retouched and used as scrapers (Lađarište). 470 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić References Antonoviæ D. 1992. Predmeti od glaèanog kamena iz Vin èe. Centar za arheološka istraživanja 10. Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet. Beograd 2003. Neolitska industrija glaèanog kamena u Srbiji. Posebna izdanja 37. Arheološki institut. 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The almost ex- clusive reliance of Dalmatian Neolithic sites on the exo- genous chert from the Gargano promontory during the Early Neolithic also testifies to the socio-economic relationship of the two Adriatic coasts (Kaèar 2019b), and to the seafaring abilities of the Early Neolithic peo - Introduction The part lithic industries played in the everyday life of the Neolithic people has only recently come into the focus of archaeologists. The Early Neolithic in the East - ern Adriatic is associated with the Impressed Ware cul- ture that dates to c. 6000–5400 cal BC, and it seems there is ample evidence of cultural uniformity of Dal - KLJUÈNE BESEDE – zgodnji neolitik, srednji neolitik; litièna analiza; Istra; Hrvaška IZVLEÈEK – V èlanku predstavljamo rezultate analize litiènih zbirov z neolitskih najdišè Kargadur in Vižula v južni Istri na Hrvaškem. Analize zbirov so bile usmerjene v strategije redukcij in tipologije, s po sebnim poudarkom na analizi surovin in petrografski analizi. Prisotnost obsidiana in drugih nelo- kalnih (eksogenih) rožencev na veè najdišèih dokazuje kroženje surovin po istrskem polotoku v zgod - njem in zlasti srednjem neolitiku. Obsidian je v tej regiji zagotovo eksotièen material in predmeti, najde- ni v Kargadurju, prihajajo z Eolskih otokov. S pomoèjo teh rezultatov skušamo bolje razumeti neolitsko proizvodnjo, dostop do surovin in obseg distribucijske mreže visokokakovostnega roženca. Litična produkcija in uporaba silikatne surovine v neolitiku Istre na Hrvaškem – študija primera iz Kargadurja in Vižule KEY WORDS – Early Neolithic; Middle Neolithic; lithic analysis; Istria; Croatia ABSTRACT - This article contains the results of the lithic analysis of assemblages from the Neolithic sites of Kargadur and Vižula in southern Istria, Croatia. The assemblages have been analysed in terms of re- duction strategies and typology, with a special focus on raw material analysis and petrographic analysis. During the Early Neolithic, and especially the Middle Neolithic, raw materials circulated the Istrian pen- insula, as evidenced by the presence of obsidian and other non-local (exogenous) chert at several sites. Obsidian is certainly an exotic material in this region, and items found at Kargadur come from the Aeo- lian islands. With these results we have tried to gain a better understanding of lithic production of the period, the approach of the Neolithic people to raw materials and the scope of the distribution network of high-quality chert. Katarina Šprem Independent Researcher, Pula, HR; katarina.sprem7@gmail.com Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula 475 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula ple which contributed greatly to the spread of im press- ed pottery (Forenbaher, Miracle 2006.514). The au- thors Forenbaher and Miracle proposed a model of Neo lithisation of the Eastern Adriatic coast that took place in two phases. The first phase constituted a ra - pid ‘pioneer exploration’ associated with the ty pical impressed ware and limited to the southern Adriatic. The second phase was a slower one and it was com pos - ed of ‘slow agropastoral expansion’. This is when the whole ‘Neolithic package’, including farming, herding and impressed pottery, was assembled and introduced to the Istrian peninsula c. 5750 BC. La ter, there was a con tinuation of the ‘ag ro pastoral ex pansion’ into the Northern Adriatic as so ciated with Danilo-Vlaška pot- tery of the Middle Neolithic, c. 5600 BC (O.c.516). John Chapman et al. (1996) and Paolo Biagi and Elisabetta Starnini (1999) also support the migrationist view and emphasize the rarity of Late Mesolithic occupation in the region, and an abrupt shift from wild to domestic animals at the Mesolithic-Neolithic tran si ti- on (Forenbaher, Miracle 2006). Another theory suggests dif fe rent Neoli thi - zation scenarios for Dalmatia and Istria on ac count of differences in lithic production, settlement patterns and sub sistence stra te - gies (Ka èar 2021.807). The transition to farming in Dalmatia and Apu lia was re la ti - vely rapid as a result of the colonization of the open landscape linked to the 8.2 ka event. The settlers based their subsistence almost exclusively on agriculture and li- vestock and their lithic blade production was based on exogenous Gargano chert. On the other hand, in the north of the Adriatic basin (Istria, Karst, Po Plain and Marches) the Neolithic emerged later, possibly as a result of acculturation. Mesolithic groups of hunter-fisher-gatherers may have played an active role in the Neolithisation process in these areas, which can be seen in some Cas - telnovian traditions identified in the lithic production of Neolithic sites dated to the Impressed Ware period: the use of local cherts, lamellar pro duction by indirect per - cussion, and simpler forms of pressure flak - ing. Fishing as a subsistence strategy also remained an important food source (O.c. 810). A theory of Neolithisation by Ruth Tring ham (1971) also suggested a continuity of eco nomic practices and lithic use from the Mesolithic to Early Neolithic. Mi hael Bu- dja (1993; 1996; 1999) presented a theory that reject- ed migration as a driving force of Neolithisation and suggested the acceptance of a limited number of inno- va tions by the autochthonous population. In this paper, we will present the results of the lithic analysis of assemblages from two Neolithic sites in southern Istria, Croatia – Kargadur and Vižula (Fig. 1) – which was done as a part of the author’s doc to ral the- sis (Šprem 2022). Kargadur is an Early and Middle Neolithic site situated around two kilometres south- east from the town of Ližnjan in Kuje Bay. The first ex - cavations started in 2002 (Komšo 2005; 2006a; 2006b). The remains of terrestrial and ma rine ani mals, pottery and stone tools have been re corded at the site in the Early Neolithic horizon, while analyses of pa la- eobotanic remains have shown that the inhabitants of the settlement grew barley, wheat, legumes and spelt (Komšo 2006a.235). Four bone hooks and several Fig. 1. Map of the Croatian part of the Istrian peninsula and the sites mentioned in the text. 1 chert deposits on Æiæarija Mt, 2 chert deposits on Uèka Mt, 3 Poljaki, 4 Trget, 5 Budava Bay, 6 Kala Bay, 7 Marlera, 8 Vižula, 9 Polje Bay (after Šprem 2023). Geological map after Plenièar et al. 1969; Šikiæ et al. 1969; 1972; Polšak, Šikiæ 1973; Polšak 1967; Magaš 1968. 476 Katarina Šprem with cortex show that the activities related to the ex - traction and initial processing of chert may have hap- pened on site (Spataro 2002.43–44), since the small peninsula contains layers of coarse-grained chert in primary deposition, as well as beach pebbles, on its southeastern side. Animal bones and a large number of shells were also found at the site, most of ten Cardium edule, Lamarcki and oysters. Little is known about the species of animals represented, except that most of them are ovicaprids. It seems that the survival strategy of the inhabitants of Vižula consisted of hunting, fishing, and agriculture (O.c.44). Materials and methods This study is based on the lithic analysis of as sem bla - ges from the Neolithic sites of Kargadur and Vi žu la. The lithic artefacts were analysed according to tech no - logical and typological aspects, with a special focus on the raw material analysis, as a part of which micro pet- rographic analysis on finds from Kargadur was done. The Kargadur assemblage consists of 1482 artefacts found in trench 3 investigated in 2005 and 2006. Lithic material from the site is divided into horizons of the Early and Middle Neolithic, and into mixed horizon (horizon A) (Komšo 2005.213). Horizon A is formed by recent layers with a smaller number of cultural finds in secondary deposition, in which 691 lithic ar te- facts were found. The Early Neolithic assemblage we analysed consists of 216 artefacts, while 1266 analys- ed artefacts come from the Middle Neolithic horizons. Unattributed artefacts, a total of 199 of them, were exempt from this analysis. We will also not be dis cus sing the results of the analysis of the mix - ed (A) ho ri zon, which makes the total num ber of analys ed arte- facts 1482. The Early Neolithic assemblage from Vižula consists of 2834 lithic artefacts. Part of the material comes from the excavations of the site, while several pieces were collected “from the soil layer on the southern coast of Vižula”. Several pieces were ex tracted “from the layer of red soilfrom the southeast coast”, and several pieces were collected “from the shore on the isthmus where Ro - bone semi-finished products testify to the fishing tra- dition of the settlement, and represent a unique find from the Early Neolithic period in the eastern Adriatic coast. The first phase of the set tlement is radiocarbon dated to 6760±60 BP; 5710–5630 cal BC (Beta – 188924, Komšo 2006b.113). After the Early Neolithic phase and a hiatus, a settlement was re-formed on Kargadur in the Middle Neolithic period. One of the main differences in settlements is the presence of cat - tle. Twenty-five (25) obsidian frag ments testify to a branched economic network during the Middle Neo- lithic. The prismatic blades made of high-quality chert of exogenous origin also stand out (Komšo 2006a. 235). The Early Neolithic site of Vižula is located about 3.5 kilometres west of Kargadur (Fig. 1). It is a small cir- cular peninsula near today’s settlement of Medulin. The Neo lithic site was discovered in 1969, when the first test trench was opened (Baæiæ 1969). The site was later ex cavated between 1972 and 1974 (Codacci 2002.151). The Early Neolithic layer 20cm thick lay on the bedrock at a depth of 40cm from the present sur- face (Baæiæ 1969.23). Several hearths and pits were found, along with pottery fragments with impresso decoration, daub fragments and se veral thousand chipped stone artefacts. Boris Baæiæ (1969.24) pointed out that the Early Neolithic layer was found undisturb- ed, i.e. in situ. A radiocarbon date for the Neolithic la - yer is available: 6850±180; 6100–5450 cal BC (HD- 12093) (Chapman, Müller 1990.130; Andreasen 2009. 56). The daub fragments indicate the existence of hou- ses, while a large amount of chipped stone artefacts Fig. 2. Lithic finds from Kargadur attributed to Vižula chert. Fig. 3. Lithic finds from Kargadur attributed to Marlera chert. 477 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula atia. These are: pebble or nodule, preform, cortical flake, cortical blade, bladelike flake, flake, blade, flake from retouching, core, crested blade, plat form rene - wal flake, core tablet, overshot blade, debris, mis cel la - neous. Typological analysis For the purposes of typological analysis, another adapted list based on the work of Klindžiæ (O.c.74–76) was used. Thes documented tools are: the retouched piece, end-scraper, side-scraper, bu rin, perforator, truncated piece, double truncated piece, geometric piece, notched piece, denticulate, point. Raw material analysis For the purposes of raw material analysis, the lithic assemblages from Kargadur and Vižula were examined according to visual characteristics using a hand lens (10x magnification). The following variables of the ar- tefacts were taken into account: colour, particles in the texture, structure, gloss, translucency. Based on these characteristics and based on the samples collected from our reference collection of chert de posits in Is- tria, the artefacts were divided into several categories of raw materials depending on their deposit of origin. man tombs are”.1 Several pieces were found in an uncertain context along with Roman pottery or black and white tesserae. Some of the material did not have information on the context of the findings. More- over, due to the unfavourable situation with the COVID-19 pandemic and the relocation of the Archaeo- logical Museum of Istria in Pula, we were not able to com plete the analysis of the entire material. Moreover, we cannot say what proportion of the lithic material found at Vižula our sample represents. Given all the above, as well as the lack of detailed documentation kept during the excavation, this lithic material repre- sents a randomly selected sample of artefacts from the site. The lithic analysis of 416 pieces from Vižula, with an emphasis on typological analysis, was conducted by Giulia Codacci (2002). She also con ducted a raw material analysis which showed that 91.75% of the products were made from local raw materials from Vižula marked as ‘st 1’, while 4.37% of the products were made from the subtype of local raw materials marked as ‘st 2’. The third type of raw material, mark - ed as ‘st 3’, is a dark grey-brown chert of better quali - ty represented in 2.91% of the products. About 0.73% of the analysed products were made of white chert, probably of exogenous ori- gin and marked as ‘st 4’. Products made of limestone pebbles are represented by 0.96% of the sample (O.c.159–161). We conducted our analysis independently of Codacci’s results. Technological analysis Technological analysis is a discipline that enables the reconstruction of the methods and techniques of making ar- tefacts. The originator of technological ana lysis was André Leroi-Gourhan, who devised the concept of a chaîne opéra- toire (Inizan et al. 1999.14–16). There- fore, the chain of operations re pre sents a kind of chronological scale of pro duc- tion of artefacts composed of different phases and categories (Blaser et al. 1999–2000.367). For our analysis, we adapted the list of the technological categories used by Rajna Šošiæ Klindžiæ (2010.67–73) in her work on the Early Neolithic com munities in Northern Cro- 1 Information from the field documentation of the Archaeological Museum in Pula, Croatia. Fig. 4. Lithic finds from Kargadur attributed to Marlera chert, fourth and fifth sample. Fig. 5. Lithic finds from Kargadur attributed to local raw material of unknown deposit. 478 Katarina Šprem identified as Marlera chert (Figs. 3 and 4) and two sam - ples of local raw material whose de posit of origin is un - known (Fig. 5). The micropetrographic samples are made by grinding them to a thickness of 30 µm. The analysis was performed on a binocular polarising mi- croscope Radical, model RPL-3B. Results Technological analysis Among the flint artefacts from the Early and Middle Neolithic horizon at Kargadur, flakes predominate (Figs. 6 and 7). Blades and cortical blades are less com - mon. Cores are more fre quent in the Early Neolithic as - semblage. There is a high pro por ti- on of cortical flakes in both hori- zons. We recorded one crested blade and five overshot blades, which sug - gests some blade cores were reduc- ed at the site. Since flakes are the most dominant category, this sug- gests they were the main goal of the reduction process. The presence of cores with cortex, along with cor ti - cal flakes, indicates that the raw ma - terial was brought to the site and the production process started there. Cortical flakes are dominant on Vi - žula (Figs. 6 and 7). They are follow - ed by debris, which is represented by almost one third of all analysed pieces. This should not be surpris- ing considering the cracking of Vi - Since this analysis deals with provenance and distribution net - works of raw material, we mostly focused on whether the raw ma - terial is local (a day’s walk from the site, or 30 kilometres) or exo - genous (from deposits located outside the peninsula, located more than a day’s walk away, or more than 30 kilometres). Ar te - facts showing ‘craters’ and fis su- res as a result of being exposed to heat were also recorded and plac - ed in the ‘burned’ category. The ca tegory ‘indeterminate’ was used in situations where, for ex- am ple, the patina covered the en - tire surface of the piece so the raw material could not be determined. Each site has its own list of raw ma- terials, which was formed on the spot as the ana lysis of materials took place. The lists were then com pared for the final result. Petrographic analysis A micropetrographic analysis was done on lithic finds from Kargadur made from local raw materials since the focus of our doctoral research was the usage of lo- cal chert during prehistory and this paper relies mostly on said research (Šprem 2022). We decided on three samples of raw material macroscopically identified as Vižula chert (Fig. 2), five samples of raw material Fig. 6. Chart showing the percentage of technological categories in the analysed assemblages from Kargadur and Vižula. Technological category Kargadur Early Neolithic Kargadur Middle Neolithic Vižula Early Neolithic n % n % n % pebble 0 0 6 0,5 84 3,0 preform 0 0 0 0 0 0 cortical flake 57 26,4 287 22,7 975 34,4 cortical blade 8 3,7 25 2,0 10 0,4 bladelike flake 3 1,4 9 0,7 21 0,7 flake 77 35,6 486 38,4 354 12,5 blade 15 6,9 92 7,3 9 0,3 flakes from retouch 0 0 0 0 0 0 core 16 7,4 61 4,8 481 17,0 crested blade 0 0 1 0,1 9 0,3 core trimming flake 2 0,9 1 0,1 23 0,8 overshot blade 2 0,9 3 0,2 2 0,1 chunk 35 16,2 285 22,5 848 29,9 core tablet 0 0 5 0,4 16 0,6 miscellaneous 1 0,5 5 0,4 2 0,1 Total 216 100,0 1266 100,0 2834 100,0 Fig. 7. Table showing frequencies and percentages of technological ca- tegories in the analysed lithic assemblages from Kargadur and Vižula. 479 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula from Vižula, except two retouched pieces from Marlera chert and one from chert of indeterminate origin, were made from Vižula chert (Fig. 11). We assume that the reason for this lies in the closeness of the Vižula de po- sit and the users’ affinity for ad hoc tools in general. The three artefacts made from exogenous chert were not retouched. Raw material analysis The material from the Kargadur site was divided into 11 categories of raw materials, described in more de - tail in Katarina Šprem (2022). For the purposes of the provenance analysis, we further grouped the raw ma- terials into seven groups which we use here: Vižu la de- posit; Marlera deposit; exogenous raw material; local raw material, but the exact location is currently unde - termined; burned; undetermined; and miscellaneous. We assume that some exogenous raw materials from Kargadur came from various for mations in the area of the Monti Lessini mountains in northern Italy, such as the Maiolica formation, Scaglia Rossa formation, žula chert, the material which was used to the greatest extent at the site. Next in terms of representation are cores and core fragments, followed by flakes, which appear to have been the main goal of reduction strategies at the site. On the other hand, blades are represent- ed by only nine pieces, all from local chert. The presence of nine crested and two overshot blades, also from local chert, suggests that some of the blades were made on site. Pebbles or chunks of unused raw material are also present. We recorded cortex on 81.4% of finds. This can be explained by the fact that the source of raw material used to the greatest extent is located on the nearby southeast coast of the peninsula, about 500 meters away. Typological analysis In the Early Neolithic horizon of Kargadur tools are re- presented by 8.3% of the artefacts, the most common being retouched pieces (Figs. 8 and 9). Most of the tools from the Early Neo lithic horizon at Kargadur were made on flakes (66.7%), with an equal number made cortical flakes and blades (Fig. 10). In the Middle Neolithic horizon tools represent 10.2% of the assemblage, with retouched pieces being the most frequent. Points were also recorded, as well as burins and perforators. Most of them were made on flakes, but also cortical flakes and blades (Fig. 10). When it comes to raw material preference, Vižula chert was more popular for the production of tools during the Early Neolithic, while Marlera chert prevailed during the Middle Neo lithic. There is a clear increase in the pre sence of exogenous chert during the Middle Neo li- thic, and therefore there are more tools made from it, too (Fig. 11). Of the 2834 artefacts analysed from Vižula, only 94 pieces (3.3%) were re touched. The most common type of tool is a retouched piece follow- ed by a notched piece (fig. 8 and 9). Scrapers and points are also pre- sent. Other tools are represented by less than 10% of the artefacts. Most of the tools from Vižula were made on cortical flakes, which makes a clear difference to the tools from Kar gadur (Fig. 10). When it comes to raw materials, all of the tools Fig. 8. Chart showing percentage of tool types. Tool type Kargadur Early Neolithic Kargadur Middle Neolithic Vižula Early Neolithic retouched piece 5 35 33 end-scraper 0 1 4 side-scraper 2 6 12 burin 4 17 4 perforator 0 7 2 truncated piece 1 16 0 double truncated piece 0 1 0 geometric piece 0 2 0 notched piece 2 11 20 denticulate 1 14 5 point 3 18 14 Total 18 128 94 Fig. 9. Table showing frequency of tool types. 480 Katarina Šprem were re corded in the Middle Neolithic horizon, which suggests that the exogenous raw material was brought to site where the core preparations started and the production of blades was done. It is also important to mention the obsidian fragments found in the Middle Neolithic layers, which come from the Aeolian Is lands, by far the most popular source of obsidian for Neolithic settlements on the eastern Ad- riatic coast (Tykot 2014.176–179). Only two obsidian frag ments found in Istria come from Carpathian sour- ces (O.c.178). The presence of obsidian also testifies to a branched network of trade and exchange with one advantage: the source of obsidian can be determined geochemically very precisely, even between several deposits in one area (O.c.174), which makes research on the provenance and contacts between populations in prehistoric times easier. It is believed that Aeolian obsidian came to the Adriatic region by sea, bypassing southern Italy, but there is also a possibility of a land route from the Tyrrhenian Sea to the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea (O.c.178). Aeolian obsidian is also present at the Neolithic sites of Danilo, Pokrovnik and Sušac, while several fragments of Carpathian obsidian were found at Danilo and Pokrovnik, and two obsidian fragments from Palmarola were found at Sušac (O.c. 178–179). The raw materials represented in the analysed set of artefacts from Vižula are mostly local, meaning the material comes from the peninsula itself (Fig. 16). There are 40 artefacts made from Marlera chert, three Scaglia Variegata formation and formation with Terti - ary calcarenites (Fig. 26; see Peresani et al. 2016.41). The analysis of the assemblage from Kargadur showed that during the Early Neolithic Vižula chert was dominant (Fig. 12), while during the Middle Neolithic raw materials from Marlera predominated (Fig. 14). During the Early Neolithic, local raw material from Vižula was mostly used to make blades, with a fifth of all blades being made from Marlera chert (Fig. 13). This situation changes during the Middle Neolithic when the percentage of exogenous raw material in- creases and Vižula chert decreases (by almost a half), with most of the blades now made from Marlera and exogenous chert (Fig. 15). Most of the local raw ma te- rial was used to make flakes, however. This data takes into ac count only flakes and blades without cortex; cortical flakes and blades were not included since it is considered they do not represent the ultimate goal of reduction strategies (Inizan et al. 1999). Despite this, as many as 43 tools out of a total of 147 such items were made on cortical flakes (Fig. 10), which makes up almost a third of all tools. This was done to ensure the most economical use of raw materials (Karavaniæ et al. 2008.38). The difference lies in their approach to cortical blades. While cortical flakes were regularly retouched, only three cortical blades were retouched into tools. Our data also shows that the local raw ma- terial, like that from Vižula and Marlera, was brought to the site and decortified there during the Early and Middle Neolithic. There is a small number of cortical, crested and overshot blades present in both horizons which leads us to conclude that some of the blades were made at the site. Cortical flakes, cortical and over - shot blades, as well as cores from exogenous chert, Fig. 10. Percentage of tools according to the blank types. Fig. 11. Percentage of tools according to raw ma- terials. 481 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula were determined as Vižula raw material by macro- sco pic analysis and comparison with the sam ples col- lected at the deposit. Micropetrographic analysis of the first sam ple showed cryptocrystalline chert with rare microfossil relics, interspersed with crypto crystal line calcite (Fig. 18). Sample 2 had a very cha racte ristic colour also seen in some of the samples collected at the deposit. Similarity was also shown by mi cropetrographic analysis, as both samples contain round ‘ghosts’ of microfossils and a cryptocrystalline base (Fig. 19). The third sample was a coarse white chert, and a com- parison with the collected samples confirmed it too originated from Vižula. It is a diagenetic chert whose primary structure has been preserved, and we can ob- serve probable calcispheres which are very common in sedimentary rocks of this formation (Fig. 20; Miko et al. 2013.36). Marlera chert Marlera chert is mostly very light grey to medium dark grey (N8 to N4) with impurities of light blue, 5B 7/6 after Munsell (Šprem 2022.59). The five samples at- tributed to the Marlera deposit are laminated early diagenetic chert of greyish-blue colour. The first sam- ple consists of cryptocrystalline to microcrystalline quartz and chalcedony, while the second sample is a laminated cryptocrystalline to macrocrystalline chert (Figs. 21 and 22). The third sample is a dark blue chert with cha rac te ris - tic white inclusions. It is also characterized by the zo- nation of microcrystalline calcite (Fig. 23). The fourth and fifth samples first stand out from the others by their macroscopic appearance. Ne ver- theless, we can link them to the Marlera deposit since we have also collected similar samples during our field surveys. It is a dark grey diagenetic chert with yellow carbonate inclusions of a fibrous texture. The cortex is also yel low in colour. The fourth sample can be described as a chert with a cryptocrystalline base, rich in ‘ghosts’ of micro fos- sils, usually round and elongated, which we assume are sponge spi- artefacts from exogenous chert and 80 artefacts could not be assigned a raw material category. Ten artefacts were made from limestone. The limestone can be ex- plained by the nature of the Vižula raw material. This chert is silicified limestone, or diagenetic chert, with nodules silicified to a greater or lesser extent, and the- refore the limestone must have come from the same deposit. The three artefacts made from exogenous raw materials are a core (radiolarite), a chunk and a flake (Fig. 17). Micropetrographic analysis Vižula chert Raw material from Vižula is usually described as gre - yish, sometimes yellowish chert (N8 to N5, very light grey to medium grey, sometimes 10R 8/2 mo de rate reddish brown or 10YR 2/2 dusky yellowish brown af- ter Munsell, Šprem 2022.59). Our chosen samples Fig. 12. Raw material present in the analysed as- semblage from the Early Neolithic horizons of Kar- gadur. Fig. 13. Chart showing the percentage of technological categories in the Early Neolithic horizon of Kargadur according to raw material. 482 Katarina Šprem stalline quartz (Fig. 25.C and 25.D). These sam ples are very similar to the fourth and fifth Marlera sam ples, and therefore it is possible that this raw ma terial is also originally from the Marlera deposit. Comparison with other Neolithic sites in Istria and Dalmatia The results of the lithic analysis of the knapped stone artefacts from the Kargadur and Vižula sites showed some similarities and differences between them. The main goal of the reduction strategy at both sites was flakes. Flakes were also the most frequent find at the Early Neolithic site of Vrèevan, located to the north of Kargadur and Vižula. However, due to the small number of lithic finds (12) in general (Komšo 2004.17), we must take this data with caution. Pu pi æi- na Cave in Vela Draga is represented by its ad hoc flake industry during the early phase of the Middle Neolithic, while prismatic blades became more com- mon only dur ing the later phase of the Middle Neolithic (Forenbaher 2006.250). Flakes and blades were equal- ly represented at the Istrian site Vela Gromaèa near Kavran, where an Early Neolithic layer with 36 li thic artefacts2, along with pottery and bone finds, was excavated beneath a Bronze Age burial (Baæiæ 1973; Kaèar 2019a.508). This is a clear difference to the other Neolithic sites in Dal matia, which were oriented to the production of blades from the earliest Neolithic (see Kaèar 2019b.360 and the bibliography listed there). The presence of exogenous chert is also different between the two analysed sites. While at Kargadur exogenous chert is represented by between 1.4% of the artefacts in the Early Neolithic and 14.2% during Middle Neolithic (this does not take into account the ob sidian fragments mentioned earlier), exogenous chert makes up 0.1% of all artefacts at Vižula (three pieces, with the total num- ber of artefacts being 2834). It is interesting to note that the amount of raw material from Vi - žula decreases in the Middle Neo - lithic horizons at Kargadur, com - pared to the presence of this raw material during the Early Neo li - cules (Fig. 24.A and 24.B). The fifth sample is also a chert of cryptocrystalline base, with round ‘ghosts’ of microfossils from the primary structure and possibly sponge spicules (Fig. 24.C and 24.D). Local chert of unknown origin This raw material is a grey coarse-grained chert of po - orer quality with white inclusions. Sample 1 is a cryp- tocrystalline chert rich in ‘ghosts’ of micro fossils, na - mely ostracods, for aminifera, spicules of sponges (Fig. 25.A and 25.B). Sample 2 is very similar to the pre vi - ous one, and is rich in ‘ghosts’ of microfossils. The base is cryp tocrystalline, with parts that contain ma crocry- Fig. 14. Raw material present in the analysed as- semblage from the Middle Neolithic horizons of Kar - gadur. Fig. 15. Chart showing the percentage of technological categories in the Middle Neolithic horizon of Kargadur according to raw material. 2 Baæiæ (1973) initially reported 40 pieces. 483 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula Gromaèa also relied heavily on local chert (Baæiæ 1973; Komšo 2004; Kaèar 2019a). There is only a small number of cores from exogenous raw material recorded at the analysed sites: two cores in the Middle Neolithic horizon of Kargadur, one at Vižula. Cortical flakes and blades of exogenous chert are only recorded in the Middle Neolithic phase of Kargadur. Almost a quarter of all the blades from Kar - gadur are from exogenous chert and a slightly higher percentage of blades were made from Vižula and Mar - lera chert. Judging by this data, with the absence of crested blades and only one overshot blade of exo- genous raw material recorded in the Middle Neolithic phase of Kargadur, exogenous blades were probably made off-site and brought to Kargadur in this form, but we cannot exclude the possibility that they produced blades on site as well. This was also probably the case with exogenous chert from the Middle Neolithic layers of Pupiæina Cave (Forenbaher 2006.248), but not on Neolithic sites in Dalmatia where Gargano chert was brought in the form of prepared or semi-prepared co res (Kaèar 2019b.361). There are a total of nine blades recorded in the Vižula sample; eight of them were made from Vižula chert, and one from Marlera chert; no exogenous raw ma terial. Another indicator of trade in the north ern Adriatic, more precisely be tween Kvarner and distant places during the Middle Neolithic period is represented by two finds of chert from the Vorganjska Cave on Krk (Sirovica et al. 2021). Recent research has found two flint artefacts; one flake from the layer with Danilo pottery and one blade from a secondary context, both of which visually correspond to flint deposits recorded in northern Italy and on the Gargano peninsula (O.c. 14–15). All the mentioned Neolithic sites in Istria – Kargadur, Vižula, Vr èe - van, Pu piæina Cave, Vela Cave – had lo cal ly available chert with in an aerial distance of four ki lo me- tres or less, except Vela Gromaèa. For Pupiæina and Vela Cave, these are the deposits established by P. Pellegatti through field surveys: Gabrova gorica, Gradec and Ku- pice on the southern slopes of Æiæarija. There are also primary chert deposits on the southern slopes of Uèka mountain (Pelle- thic. At the same time, the percentage of exogenous raw materials, as well as raw materials from Marlera, increases. A similar strategy for obtaining raw mate- rials was also used by the inhabitants of Pupiæina Cave in the Vela Draga canyon. During the older phase of the Middle Neolithic, the representation of local raw materials is do mi nant, and the situation chan ges during the younger phase of the Middle Neolithic, when ‘light’ (exogenous) cherts are re presented up to 58%. Obsidian also appears in the Late Neolithic phase of Pupiæina Cave (Forenbaher 2006.238). The oppo- site is true for Vela Cave, which is located across from Pu piæina. In the Late Neolithic phase, the repre sen ta - tion of ‘light’ cherts decreases compared to the Middle Neolithic phase, and the representation of local ‘dark’ and ‘reddish’ cherts increases (Forenbaher, Niki to viæ 2007–2008.14). This can be explained by different ac- tivities being carried out at the two contemporaneous sites (O.c.22). The communities at Vrèevan and Vela Fig. 16. Raw material present in the analysed as sem- blage from Vižula. Fig. 17. Chart showing the percentage of technological categories according to raw material. 484 Katarina Šprem the other hand, Pupiæina Cave yielded almost 30% of tools in the assemblage, with scrapers being the most frequent one. Almost half of all the tools were made on blades or bladelets and a third were made on flakes (Forenbaher 2006.237), while on Kargadur and Vižu- la tools were mostly made on flakes and cortical flakes. It is assumed that the Early Neolithic farmers who migrated to Dalmatia from Apulia and spread agriculture did not have knowledge of local chert deposits, so they brought chert with them from well-known deposits. The re fore, the tran sition to agriculture also marked an almost complete transition to exogenous high-quality chert from the Gargano de - posit (Forenbaher 2021.128–129). Sta - šo Forenbaher cites the example of Na- kovana cave, where chert from Gargano was used to a greater extent than local chert, starting from the ear liest Neolithic until the end of the Bronze Age, when it disappeared from use (Forenbaher, Perhoè 2015.65–66). One of the earliest Neolithic sites in Dal- matia – Rašinovac – which dates back to the first century of the 6th millennium gatti 2009; Šprem 2022.36–42; 2023.11–18). For Kargadur, Vižula and Vrèevan, the closest locally avai- lable deposits are Marlera, Vižula, Runke Cape, Polje Bay and Kala Bay (Šprem 2022.46–57; 2023.21–30). Nevertheless, all 36 pieces from Vela Gromaèa are of local chert grey in colour (Kaèar 2019a.508). Pri mary decortication of the local raw material was carried out both at Kargadur and Vižula, since cortical flakes are among the most represented technological categories. At Vrèevan, on the other hand, the decortication was done away from the site (Komšo 2004.18).3 The difference between Kargadur and Vižula can also be found in the number of retouched artefacts. While at Kargadur the percentage of tools in the Early Neo li - thic horizon is 8.3% and in the Middle Neolithic 10.2%, at Vižula the percentage of tools is very low – only 3.3%. Very little investment into retouching the blanks at Vižula has also been observed by other au thors (Andreasen 2009.57). The most common tool at both sites is a retouched piece. These are so-called ad hoc tools that were made according to the current need. On 3 This is just a hypothesis since the number of lithic artefacts is too small to make any conclusions. Fig. 18. Photography of Vižula sample 1. XPL, mag- nification 40x. Fig. 20. Photography of Vižula sample 3. Primary structure can be seen. PPL, magnification 40x. Fig. 19. Photography of Vižula sample 2 (A) and sample collected at Vižula deposit (B). PPL, magnification 40x. 485 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula Conclusion The lithic analysis of knapped stone ar - tefacts from the sites of Kargadur and Vižula made it possible to draw some hy potheses about the circulation of raw materials during the Neolithic in the south of the Istrian pen insula. Kargadur is a site from the Early and Middle Neo - lithic not far from Liž njan, Istria, Cro a- tia. The analysed set of stone artefacts from trench 3 numbers 1482 pieces. The main goal of the reduction strategy by the communities during both the Early and Middle Neolithic was flakes. Judging by the presence of a large number of cortical flakes, the raw material was brought to the site where the core preparation was done. It seems that some of the blades were also made at the site, judging by the presence of crested and overshot blades. Exogenous raw material was also brought to site during the Middle Neolithic, the cores prepared there, and flakes and blades knapped. BC, yielded 70 lithic artefacts, along with impresso pottery (Podrug et al. 2018). Most of the raw material could not be determined petrographically, but the cherts that could were identified as local diagenetic cherts from Lower Eocene or Middle Eocene, as well as cherts from the Gargano deposit on the western Ad- riatic coast (Podrug et al. 2018.70–73). The ana ly sis of raw materials from other Neolithic sites in Dal matia, in cluding Danilo, Smilèiæ, Pokrovnik, Crno Vrilo and Velištak, is currently underway. Nevertheless, pre - liminary data already indicates that chert from Gargano was a frequently used and favourite raw ma terial of the Neo li thic period in Dalmatia (Foren ba her 2021. 128–129). When it comes to the reduction process, a characteristic of the Neolithic on the Eastern Ad riatic coast is the focus of the reduction strategy on the production of blades (Kaèar 2019b.360). Such blades in Dalmatia were probably made using a pressure technique that is different and more complex than that used during the late Mesolithic and in Castelnovien industry (Kaèar 2021.806). Although the pressure technique had been known since the Upper Palaeolithic (Inizan et al. 1999.32), it became widespread only in the late Mesolithic (Kaèar 2019b.358 and the bibliography cited there). How- ever, the pressure technique using a lever, recorded at sites in southern Ita ly and Greece, is cer tainly a Neolithic in no- vation that came from the East (Kaèar 2021.806–807). There is no sign of any pressure technique in the reduction stra- tegy of the analysed assemblages from Kargadur or Vižula. Fig. 21. Photography of Marlera sample 1. A Zoning in the sam ple, PPL, 40x. B Chalcedony in the sample, XPL, magnification 100x. Fig. 22. Photography of Marlera sample 2. Cryptocrystalline and microcrystalline quartz in the sample. A PPL, magnification 40x, B XPL, magnification 40x. Fig. 23. Photography of Marlera sample 3. A PPL, B XPL. Magni fi ca- tion 40x. 486 Katarina Šprem Gargano distribution network, and more oriented towards Northern Italy, which our data seems to confirm. This would suggest that the Neolithisation of the Adriatic was indeed not a single, but a multilinear process (Kaèar 2021.809–810). The site of Kargadur shows us that Middle Neolithic brought a clearer shift towards exo genous chert. This is also testified in Pu- piæina Cave where ‘light’, exogenous chert is prevalent (Forenbaher 2006). The Istrian peninsula gravitated towards Northern Italy with its deposits of high-quality chert. It was also outside of the Gargano distribution net- work, a raw material present and very popu - lar from the earliest Neolithic on Dalma tian sites. The presence of obsidian in the Middle Neolithic layers of Kargadur coming from the Aeolian islands also give evidence to a branch ed network of raw material ex change. This analysis also shows the com plexities of using micropetrographic analysis for pro ve - nance studies of Istrian chert. All local chert in Istria is diagenetic, meaning it is silici fied limestone, therefore the pri mary structure can be seen in the samples more or less clear ly. However, none of them stand out at Flakes were also the main goal of the re- duc tion strategy during the Early Neolithic at Vižula. Debris is represented by almost a third of all the analysed pieces, which is not surprising considering the low quality of the local raw material used extensively at the site. Blades are represented by nine pieces, all made from local chert. As was established earlier, communities at Kargadur and Vižula, as well as at Vrèevan and Vela Gromaèa (Baæiæ 1973; Komšo 2004; Kaèar 2019a), relied heavily on local chert, with exogenous chert only gaining in popularity during the Middle Neolithic phase of Kargadur. Reliance on local chert seems to be a characteristic of the Early Neolithic in Istria (Baæiæ 1973; Codacci 2002; Kom šo 2004; Šprem 2022). Nevertheless, exo ge- nous chert was present at the Early Neolithic horizons both at Kargadur and Vižula, al beit in small numbers, which can be interpreted as these communities either being familiar with deposits of exogenous high-quality chert or a part of the already established distribution networks, and not as “evidence of limited familiarity with the surrounding environment” (Andreasen 2009.57). Istrian peninsula was located outside the Fig. 24. Photography of Marlera samples 4 (A and B) and 5 (C and D). Relics of microfossils can be seen in the samples. A, C PPL, C, D XPL. Magnification 40x. Fig. 25. Photomicrographs of samples of local chert of unknown origin. Relics of microfossils are frequently seen. A, B sample 1, C, D sample 2. A, C PPL, B, D XPL. Magnification 100x. 487 Lithic producti on and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croati a – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula since it deals with of ten overlooked set of finds which can enrich our know ledge of the period in question. After more analyses are done, we can have a better understanding of the lithic production in the Istrian Neolithic. a micro scopic level; the differences we see ma croscopically (the co- lour, the zonations, the la mi na- tions) are usual ly also there to be seen through a micro scope. We sug gest we might get bet ter results with geochemical ana lyses, which already showed some promise in our case (Šprem 2022; 2023). We would also suggest taking all these hypo theses with caution, since our analy sis was conducted on a limited number of artefacts from the sites, and not whole as semblages, which was impossible to do at the time due to the pan de mic. Nevertheless, this ana lysis is an important step for re- searching the Neolithic pe riod in the Istrian peninsula, Fig. 26. Lithic finds from Kargadur made from exogenous raw material assumed to be from Monti Lessini, Italy. Acknowledgements The data presented in this paper is the result of the author’s doctoral research, whose assistant position at the Facul- ty of Humanities was financed by the Croatian Science Foundation through the project Young Re searchers’ Ca reer Development (ESF-DOK-01-2018). Postgraduate tuition was financed from the project ArchaeoCulTour – Archaeolo - gical landscape in a sustainable to the development of cultural tourism in the Municipality of Vrsar (HRZZ-PAR-2017- 02-1), financed by the Croatian Science Foundation, Municipality of Vrsar, Tourist Board of Municipality of Vrsar and Maistra d.d., for which I sincerely thank my mentor and project manager prof. Robert Matijašiæ, Ph.D. The doc toral re - search was also partly financed by the ArchaeoCulTour project, and partly by the author herself. I would also like to thank my other mentor, Rajna Šošiæ Klindžiæ, for her help during my work on the dissertation, and Sonja Kaèar for helpful comments on this paper. For access to the archaeological material from Kargadur and Vižula, I would like to thank Darko Komšo, Maja Èuka and Dunja Martiæ Štefan. ∴ References Andreasen N. H. 2009. Early farmers on the coast: lithic procurement strategies of colonists in the eastern Adriatic. In S. McCartan, R. 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Izraðevine od lomljenog kamena iz Nakovane (Pelješac): kontinuitet i promjene od ra- nog neolitika do kraja prapovijesti. Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagreb: 32: 5–74. https://hrcak.srce.hr/en/148843 Inizan M.-L., Reduron-Ballinger M., Roche H., and Tixier J. 1999. Technology and Terminology of Knapped Stone. CREP. Nanterre. Kaèar S. 2019a. Les sociétés mésolithiques de l’arc ad- riatique oriental: des origines à la néolithisation, de l’Is- trie aux côtes épirotes. Unpublished PhD thesis. Uni versity of Toulouse. Toulouse. 2019b. Impressed Ware blade production of Northern Dalmatia (Eastern Adriatic, Croatia) in the context of Neolithisation. Documenta Praehistorica 46: 352–374. https://doi.org/10.4312/dp.46.22 2021. The Neolithisation of the Adriatic: Contrasting Regional Patterns and Interactions Along and Across the Shores. Open Archaeology 7: 798–814. https://doi.org/10.1515/opar-2020-0166 Karavaniæ I., Golubiæ V., Kurtanjek D., Šošiæ Klindžiæ R., and Zupaniæ J. 2008. Lithic analysis of materials from Mujina peæina. Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 101(1): 29–58. https://hrcak.srce.hr/en/clanak/49291 Komšo D. 2004. Vrèevan – nalazište na otvorenom iz raz- doblja ranog neolitika. Histria archaeologica 35: 5–30. https://hrcak.srce.hr/en/41086 489 Lithic production and the use of siliceous raw material in the Neolithic of Istria, Croatia – a case study from Kargadur and Vižula Sirovica F., Koriæ M., Kaèar S., Philibert S., Perhoè Z., and Mi heliæ S. 2021. Vorganjska peæ u kontekstu sjeverno ja- dranskoga neolitika. Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju 38: 5–32. https://hrcak.srce.hr/en/260708 Spataro M. 2002. The First Farming Communities of the Adriatic: Pottery Production and Circulation in the Early and Middle Neolithic. Societa per la Preistoria e Protoistoria della Regione Friuli-Venezia-Giulia. Quaderno 9. Edizioni Svevo. Trieste. Šikiæ D., Plenièar M., and Šparica M. 1972. 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Hunters, Fishers and Farmers of Eastern Europe 6000–3000 BC. Hutchinson. London. Tykot R. H. 2014. Obsidian use and trade in the Adriatic. In P. Visentini, E. Podrug (eds.), The Adriatic, a sea without bor ders: communication routes of populations in 6000 BC. Civici Musei di Udine. Museo Friulano di Storia Naturale. Udine: 171–181. back to content 4 9 0 D ocumenta Praehistorica L I ( 2 0 2 4 ) D O I: 10 . 4 3 12 / dp. 51. 2 5 and even early state formation (e.g., Fer nández-Götz 2015; 2018; Fernández-Götz, Krausse 2017a; Bintliff 2018). For more than a hundred years, hillforts in Slo- Introduction European Iron Age hillforts provide information on the emergence and characteristics of Europe’s earliest cities and processes of centralization, urbanization, KLJUÈNE BESEDE – jugovzhodnoalpski prostor; železna doba; rimsko obdobje; gradišèe; zgodnji urbani­ zem IZVLEÈEK – Obsežna arheološka izkopavanja železnodobnega in rimskodobnega gradišèa Pungrt (8. st. pr. n. št. do 2. st. n. št.) so v njegovi najbolj ohranjeni fazi, ki jo uvršèamo v mlajše halštatsko ob dob je (6.–4. st. pr. n. št.), razkrila izrazit urbani znaèaj naselbine. Predstavljena raziskava pomembno pri speva ne le k poznavanju notranje organizacije naselbine, temveè tudi k razumevanju njenega družbeno­gospo­ darskega razvoja. Z naslavljanjem pojavov kot sta centralizacija in urbanizacija, ki sta med drugim privedla tudi do oblikovanja zgodnjih držav, ponovno odpiramo razpravo o družbenem in po litiènem razvoju jugovzhodnoalpskega prostora v starejši železni dobi in hkrati poskušamo prispevati k razume- vanju širše slike pojava zgodnjega urbanizma. Urbanizem jugovzhodnega alpskega prostora v starejši železni dobi: študijski primer gradišča Pungrt nad Igom KEY WORDS – south­eastern Alpine region; Iron Age; Roman period; hillfort; early urbanism ABSTRACT – Large­scale excavation at the Iron Age and Roman period Pungrt hillfort (8th century BC to 2nd century AD) has revealed a distinctly urban character of the settlement in its best­preserved Late Hallstatt phase from the 6th to 4th centuries BC. This study provides an important contribution to the understanding of the settlement’s internal organization and its socio­economic development. By exam- ining the previously unaddressed phenomena of settlement nucleation, population aggregation and urbanism along with the possibility of early­state formation, the paper broadens the narrative on the fundamental social and political development in the south­eastern Alpine region during the Early Iron Age and contributes to the wider field of early urbanism research. Petra Vojaković1,2, Luka Gruškovnjak1, Agni Prijatelj3, Branko Mušič1,4, Barbara Horn4, and Matija Črešnar1 1 Centre for Interdisciplinary Research in Archaeology (CIRA), Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, SI; petra.vojakovic@ff.uni-lj.si; luka.gruskovnjak@ff.uni-lj.si; branko.music@ff.uni-lj.si; matija.cresnar@ff.uni-lj.si 2 Arhej d.o.o., SI 3 Department of Soil and Environmental Science, Biotechnical Faculty, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, SI; agni.prijatelj@bf.uni-lj.si 4 Gearh d.o.o., SI; brankomusic1@yahoo.com; barbarahorn01@gmail.com Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort 4 9 1 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort venia have been the subject of landscape and set tle- ment studies that revealed their central role within the prehistoric landscapes. However, the lack of sufficient data on their internal organization hindered the study of early urbanism associated with this settlement type. The recent excavations at the Pungrt hillfort – the larg- est excavations of any hillfort in Slovenia – have not only filled this gap but also revealed a distinctly urban character of the settlement. This groundbreaking dis - covery opens up the possibility of studying Iron Age ur- banism in the south-eastern Alpine region of present- day Slovenia and marks a significant milestone in our understanding of its early settlement history. To contextualize the discovery, we begin this paper with a brief historical outline of hillfort research in Slovenia, and provide an overview of the site’s en vi- ron mental and archaeological setting. We then present the results of excavations conducted at the site in 2020 and 2021. These are given in a chronological order, from burial activities in the 10th century BC to the buil- ding of the first rampart in the 8th century BC, through its main flourishing phase from the 6th to 4th century BC, up until its gradual decline in the mid-2nd century AD. In addition, the excavation data are complemented by the geophysical survey results of select unexcavated sections of the site. The main aim of this paper is to examine the results of excavation and geophysical survey from the per spec - tive of early urbanism by discussing urban at tributes identified at Pungrt, which range from the site’s size and estimated population density through the set tle- ment’s defence system, layout and distinct social and economic features. In doing so, we provide important insights into the Early Iron Age urbanism in the south- eastern Alpine region, and suggest that the area would have undergone the processes of cen tralization, ur ba - nization and perhaps even early state formation con- currently with other regions south of the Alps, such as Etruria and Latium Vetus (Fulminante 2014; Stoddart 2020), on which the discussions of early urbanism in Europe have mainly been focused. A brief history of hillfort and early urbanism re- search in Slovenia Hillforts are, due to their monumental remains, one of the most recognizable elements of prehistoric land - scapes in Slovenia. The oldest date back to the Late Neo lithic and Copper Age, but most were raised in the (Late) Bronze and/or Early Iron Ages (e.g., Teržan 1990; Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007; Dular 2021). Al- though known to intellectuals and antiquarians in the preceding centuries, the first scientific research of hillforts took place in the second half of the 19th century. The researchers of the time (e.g., Carlo Mar- chesetti) and the first professional archaeologists (e.g., Josef Szombathy) studied them mainly by to po gra- phic surveys, mapping their defensive systems and occasionally digging test trenches (Marchesetti 1903; Szombathy, Tagebuch. Büchel Krain I [Fund aktenar ­ chiv NHMW]). At that time, major ar chaeological exca- vations centred on prehistoric (barrow) cemeteries, which yielded rich finds for then-developing museum collections. The first large-scale excavations of hillforts took place in the first half of the 20th century under the leadership of Walter Schmid (Schmid 1915; 1937; 1939). However, the majority of them have not yet un- dergone a comprehensive study or publication (e.g., Teržan 1990; Dular 2013). In the years 1967–1974, Sta ne Gabrovec and co-workers executed a prominent and, for its time, extensive and methodologically ad- vanced excavation at the Iron Age hillfort of Stièna. Even though 22 test trenches almost exclusively target- ed the remains of defence structures, the results of their campaigns and subsequent studies of the finds marked an important shift in the study of the Iron Age settlements (Gabrovec 1994; Grahek 2016). Trial trenching of defence systems was also the approach taken in the subsequent excavations at Libna (Guštin 1976), Kuèar (Dular et al. 1995) and Cvinger near Do - lenjske Toplice (Dular, Križ 2004). Among these, Ku- èar near Podzemelj stands out with three excavated Iron Age buildings. Another fundamental study on Iron Age settlements was the result of the extensive survey project conducted across SE Slovenia by Janez Dular and co-workers. Their survey began in 1989 and was focused on examining and dating nu merous hillforts and their fortifications. Although crucial for the un- derstanding of the broader role of hillforts in the re - gion (Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007; Du lar 2021), the re- search provided scarce data on the hillfort interiors. Hillforts have also played an important role in the theoretical and methodological development of land- scape and settlement archaeology in Slovenia. While pioneering works can be traced back to the be ginning of the 20th century (e.g., Marchesetti 1903), the site catch ment and settlement hierarchy studies of Karst hillforts stand out as particularly important (Slapšak 1995; Novakoviæ 2003). The rapid technological and methodological developments in recent decades have led to further shifts in the study of hillforts and their 4 9 2 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar cognized during a large-scale, development-led ex- cavation covering 4200m2, which unearthed a section of the Late Bronze and Iron Age settlement displaying an exceptionally well-organized orthogonal layout of contiguous buildings with intermediate stre ets, roads and squares (Vojakoviæ 2014a; 2014b; 2023; Novšak et al. 2017; for more on contiguous housing see Smith 2014). In ad dition, large-scale excavations have re- vealed several urban ele ments at the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age settlement in Ormož and at the Iron Age set tlement at Most na Soèi. However, researchers have so far been re luctant to interpret these sites an urban (Dular, Tomaniè Jev remov 2010; Dular, Tec co Hvala 2018.90–92; Tecco Hvala 2020; for a con trast - ing opinion see Teržan 1999.106–107; Zam boni et al. 2020.17). Pungrt hillfort and its ar cha eo- logical setting The hill of Pungrt (366m asl) ri ses above the small town of Ig some 10km south of the capital Ljub- ljana. Located on the southern edge of the Ljubljana Marsh, it be- longs to the larger Krim-Mokrec hill range (Fig. 1.A). The wider area of Ig is of sig nifi- cant archaeological and historical importance due to the numerous ar chaeological discoveries made here. The peatland north of Ig was inhabited during the Neolithic and Eneolithic periods, as attested by a number of pile dwelling set tle- ments (Velušèek 2006; Leghissa 2021; Achino, Velušèek 2022; Ve ­ lušèek et al. 2023). In the area of Iška Loka and Ig Bronze Age low- land settlements have been found (Velušèek 2005.73–89; Draksler 2015.417–423; Gra hek 2017.101– 122). Prior to the excavations, the existence of an Early Iron Age for- tified settlement on the Pungrt hill was only assumed based on topo - pographical observations (Fig. 1.B). On the other hand, Roman li - terary sources suggest that in the Late Iron Age, a port for the trans- fer of goods existed in the marshy wider landscape settings. Recent advances have focus - ed on interdisciplinary research and the use of non- as well as low-invasive methods, particularly airborne laser scanning (ALS), multi-me thod geophysical pros- pections, and geochemical mapping in combination with coring and trial trenching (e.g., Èrešnar et al. 2015; 2020; Èrešnar, Vi nazza 2019; Mušiè et al. 2022). Despite its long history, hillfort research in Slovenia has never been concerned with prehistoric urbanism. In fact, until recently an urban character has been ascribed only to Tribuna in Ljub ljana. The site was lo - cated in a strategic lowland position along the Ljub lja - nica River and represents the lower town, which was associated with a hillfort on the Ljubljana Castle hill. Sig nificantly, the urban character of Tribuna was re - Fig. 1. Pungrt hillfort: A location, and B wider archaeological context (fi- gure by the authors; open source base maps by the Environmental Agency of the Republic of Slovenia). 4 9 3 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort rior were uncovered (Figs. 2, 3). The fieldwork re- vealed several settlement phases spanning from the be ginning of the Early Iron Age (8th–7th century BC) to the Roman period (mid-2nd century AD) (Fig. 7), while individual finds indicate habitation up until the 4th century AD. Parallel to the fieldwork, rigorous and extensive geoarchaeological sampling was carried out for the purpose of integrated geoarchaeological (i.e. micromorphological, micro-refuse and physio-che mi - cal sediment analyses), archaeobotanical and archa eo - zoological research. Notably, this is the first time that this methodology has been applied to settlement re- search in Slovenia. Some 200 micromorphological blocks and 1850 bulk samples were collected from the best-preserved settlement contexts, which makes this exercise com parable to some of the largest sampling pro grammes at prehistoric settlement sites across Eu- rope (e.g., Mateu et al. 2019; Brönniman et al. 2020; Golanova 2023; Tomé et al. 2024). As such, it allows for de tailed high-resolution analysis of the Pungrt hil- lfort’s long-term biography (e.g., Milek, Roberts 2013; Wouters 2020; Prijatelj et al. 2024). Excavation results and set tle ment history The earliest remains at the site consisted of a burial of a 30 to 40-year-old man documented at the easternmost edge of the excavation area (Fig. 3.A and B). The de- ceased was laid down in a prone position within the large burial pit (4.5m×2.5 m×0.85m), with his head facing west. The grave was covered with limestone boulders (up to 50cm in size), forming a small mound area at the north-eastern foot of the hill (Šašel 1959). As with the nearby Nauportus (Vrhnika) (Horvat 1990; 2020), the area is thought to have retained this function well into the Roman period. Information on the Roman settlement of Ig is, likewise, scarce. Unlike the tombstones from the Roman colony of Iulia Emo­ na (Ljubljana), which belonged mostly to the Italian colonizers, the Roman tombstones at Ig reveal the pre - sence of the local population without Ro man citizen- ship (Šašel 1959; 1975; Vuga 1980a; 1980b). The per - sonal names on the Ig gravestones suggest a popu la - tion of ‘pre-Celtic’ character, which managed to pre- serve its distinct linguistic identity well into the Roman period (Repanšek 2016). The origin of these personal names can be traced back to at least the Early Iron Age – a time when the Pungrt hillfort might have played a significant role in the wider cultural landscape due to its location at the junction of three different cultural groups: the Dolenjska, Gorenjska-Ljubljana and No- tranjska-Kras Hallstatt groups. Archaeological research at the Pungrt hillfort The topography and ALS data for the Pungrt hill reveal a fortified settlement enclosed by two ramparts (Fig. 2). The first or inner rampart can be clearly traced around he entire hilltop except for the narrow pro mon- tory where the Ženek (also Sonnegk or Sonnegg) cas­ tle was built in the 15th century (Stopar 2003.170). In places where the rampart is best pre served, it still rea - ches 3m high. The settlement seems to have had two entrances, one in the west and the other in the north- east. The inner rampart bounds an area of approximately 10ha, which is divided into se ve ral terra ces. The second or outer rampart is more damaged and can not be de- lineated in its entirety. It stands only up to 1m high and can be iden - tified only in the area to the south, where it encloses an ad ditio nal area of approximately 6ha, al- though the entire area would ori - ginally have been larger. In 2020 and 2021, development-led rescue excavations were carried out on the south-western slope of the Pungrt hill, in the area of the first five terraces along the inner ram- part. Over the course of 10 months, 8800m2 of the 16-ha hillfort in te- Fig. 2. Pungrt hillfort. ALS data interpretation (figure by the authors; open source base maps by the Environmental Agency of the Republic of Slovenia). 4 9 4 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar of the wall were constructed of large unworked lime- stone boulders (up to 80cm in size), and its in terior filled with a mixture of stone rubble and earthen ma - terial. Behind the wall, the preservation of the set tle- ment remains varies considerably. This is due to the different construction techniques chosen to suit the natural conditions of the site. The first terrace was the area with the deepest natural soil sequence at the site. Over time, the settlement stratigraphy rapidly built up atop of it, due to the extensive use of levelling deposits in the course of every building renovation and regular spreading of gravel material across the accumulated dirt on the road and alleys. This, in effect, led to the de - (Fig. 4.A). Radiocarbon analysis dates the burial to the 10th century BC (Fig. 7), i.e. the end of the Late Bronze Age period. Some individual pottery fragments found in colluvial layers and pits, mainly in the third and fourth terraces, represent other ephemeral traces of hu man presence from this period. Despite the grave’s earlier date, the first substantial settlement remains date to the Early Hallstatt period (8th/7th century BC), when the site was fortified for the first time. A massive stone wall, just over 2m wide, with a corresponding outer earthen embankment en - closed the settlement (Figs. 3.A and B, 5.B). The fa ces Fig. 3. Pungrt hillfort. Composite plan of the excavated area: A all phases; B Early and Late Hallstatt period; C Late Irona Age and Early Roman period (figures P. Vojakoviæ). 4 9 5 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort im posing stone rampart was built atop the old one. It was almost 3m wide and offset 1m outwards (Fig. 5.A and B) with corresponding outer embankments. In contrast to the old rampart, the faces of the wall were made of small carved limestone blocks (up to 40cm in size), while the interior was again filled with stone rubble and earthen material. Post holes for vertical beams discovered under the wall suggest a timbered rampart (Ralston 2006; Krausz 2019), similar to the one dicovered in Stièna (Gabrovec 1994.144–165, Fig. 135a) as well as a few other sites in south-eastern Slo- ve nia (Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007.91–97). The road along the wall was also moved one metre out- wards so that enough space would have been provided for the newly erected buildings on the first terrace, 14 of which were uncovered during the excavation. The rectangular (approx. 6m×10m) timber-framed buil- dings with stone foundations were regularly spaced (Figs. 3.B, 5.A and D) along the road with their shorter ends facing it. Between them ran narrow (c. 1m wide) alleys perpendicular to the road (Figs. 3.B, 5.A, C and D). Each house was renovated and rebuilt several ti mes, indicating a continuous use of the building plots and the longevity of their layout. Fragmentary preserved tra ces of such a regularly structured layout were also uncovered on the higher three terraces. If not inherit - ed from the Early Hallstatt period, the road infrastruc- ture represented by Roads 1, 2, 4 and 7 was established during the Late Hallstatt settlement restructuring. The rebuilding of the fortification and the dense buil - ding development on the first terrace would have re- velopment of deep and well-preserved stratigraphy on the first terrace. In contrast, the limestone bedrock lay close to the sur- face or was exposed on the eastern side of the first ter - race and the area of the second, third and fourth ter- races. Here, the buildings and roads were built di rect - ly on the bedrock, which was partly chiselled and le - velled out for this purpose. The practice of po sition ing of all constructions directly on the bedrock was main- tained throughout the centuries, which effectively led to the preservation of almost exclusively the youngest structural remains associated with the Roman period. Despite the well-preserved stratigraphy on the first ter- race, the remains of the first building phase were scarce and poorly preserved due to reworking by la ter building activities (Fig. 3.A and B). As a result, the lay- out of the oldest settlement phase is hard to discern. Nevertheless, the ephemeral traces suggest that the buildings were concentrated on the first, second and third terraces, where they were erected with earth fast post-construction and timber-framed construction techniques. In addition, along the road running pa- rallel to the wall, there was a series of hearths and fur - naces with slag remains (Fig. 11.7), suggesting that the area of the lowermost terrace was used for metallur- gical activity. The settlement underwent several major changes at the beginning of the Late Hallstatt period (early 6th cen- tury BC). These were mainly reflected in the layout of the first terrace (Figs. 3.B), where a new, even more Fig. 4. Pungrt hillfort. Late Bronze Age burial: A skeleton grave and B exposed section next to the grave (photos N. Ciglar, Arhej d.o.o., and L. Gruškovnjak). 4 9 6 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar Even at this stage, it is apparent that some changes in the settlement layout and building typology did occur during the Late Iron Age. These changes are reflected in a new architectural feature, identified as large rec- tangular cuts (around 3m×3m or smaller and 0.15– 0.5m deep) into the limestone bedrock. These are presumed to be cellars, which represent a new type of distinct storage facility below the larger ground floor of buildings to which they belonged (also known as Casa dei dolii, see Zupanèiè, Vinazza 2015.696, Fig. 5). Still, understanding these and related changes is difficult because only the parts cut into the bedrock were preserved, while any structures above or any con- temporary buildings without cellars were absent from the archaeological record. The cellars appear to be ran- domly scattered across the third and fourth terraces (Figs. 3.C, 6.C), which might indicate that the regular building layout was no longer maintained at the time. The changes reflected in this new type of architecture began in the transition between the Early and Late Iron Age, as demonstrated by the cellar in Building 31 dated to the end of the Late Hallstatt period. Material typical of the 2nd and 1st centuries BC was found in most of the cellar fills, suggesting that this architectural feature flected settlement-wide changes. These would have pro - bably been related to the population growth and the accompanying political and social changes signifying the flourishing of the settlement. A combination of macro- and micro-finds indicates that the inhabitants of buildings on the first terrace were involved in craft ac tivities, such as weaving, spinning, bronze casting and blacksmithing (Vojakoviæ et al. 2023; Gruškov­ njak et al. 2024a). The organization of the settlement during the Late Iron Age remains unclear due to a combination of highly frag mentary preservation and currently unresolved problems in local typo chronology. While the regular road network was undoubtedly retained, the layout of contemporary buildings remains challenging to as - certain. According to the current typo-chronology, none of the buildings on the first terrace seem to con - tinue into the Late Iron Age. However, given that a se - ries of radiocarbon dates suggest the settlement con- tinuity (Fig. 7), it is more likely that we are cur rently unable to differentiate between the Late Hal lstatt and Late Iron Age pottery production at least up until the 2nd century BC. Fig. 5. Pungrt hillfort. First terrace and its arrangement: A position of Late Hallstatt rampart, parallel road, rectangular buildings and alleys between them; B cross-section through the Early and Late Hallstatt ramparts; C Late Hallstatt buildings perpendicular to the road; D floor plan of Late Hallstatt building 24 (photos B. Plohl and N. Ciglar, Arhej d.o.o.). 4 9 7 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort the 10th century BC grave, above which a building was erected. Geophysical surveys results In order to understand the internal organization and the defensive structure of the entire hillfort, we em - ploy ed an integrated suite of prospection and detec- tion methods. In view of the expected variety of pre hi- storic settlement remains with a wide range of mag- netic susceptibility values, magnetometry was the pre - ferred geophysical method. The magnetic survey was carried out in the unexcavated eastern part of the hil - lfort over an area of 10 200m2 with parallel transects spaced 0.5m apart, using a Geometrics G-858 mag ne - tometer in gradient mode. The apparent magnetic sus- ceptibility was measured at the present-day surface and, as expected, there was a strong con trast in the magnetic susceptibility of limestone (0.1–0.2x10–3 SI) and topsoil (0.6–1.2x10–3SI). The difference in magne - tic susceptibility predicted a good contrast in mag ne - continued to be used until the Roman occupation of the area in the mid-1st century BC (Horvat 1999.219). Further changes in the settlement layout were re cord- ed for the Early Roman period (Figs. 3.C, 6). At this time, all the terraces were reworked to a degree, evi- denced by the newly constructed retaining stone walls and associated levelling deposits. The buildings were constructed in the same way as those in the Late Hal- lstatt period, while their layout, dimensions, internal partitioning somewhat changed. Larger buildings had several rooms. In the vicinity of the buildings were large pits, some of which were in terpreted as water re - servoirs carved into the bedrock. It is also quite pos - sible that the Late Hallstatt rampart was still in use. During the Roman period, the Iron Age road infra struc- ture was preserved to a large degree with the addition of the newly constructed Roads 3, 5, and 8. The most significant change in the road layout is evident in the positioning of Road 3, which was laid over an area where no other remains were documented except for Fig. 6. Pungrt hillfort. Upper terraces and their arrangement: A crossroads of the road, the upper fortified stone terrace and the remains of buildings cut into the rock; B the new Roman road; C building and in- frastructure layout on the third terrace (photos B. Plohl and N. Ciglar, Arhej d.o.o.). 4 9 8 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar range in which the dry stone remains of the Late Hal- lstatt buildings are located. Similar to the magnetic mea surements, the georadar measurements also re- vealed stronger anomalies due to consolidation at the edges or folding terraces (Figs. 8, 9). Compared to other geophysical techniques (e.g., mag - netometry, GPR), electrical resistivity tomography (ERT) offers slightly more flexibility in performing measurements and is the best choice for mapping de- fence structures such as ramparts with walls and ditch- es (e.g., Horn et al. 2018; 2019; Èreš nar et al. 2020; Horn 2024). For this reason, we measured the 2D pro- file ERT-1 over the rampart on the west side of Pungrt (Fig. 10.A and B) using a dipole-dipole electrode array with a spacing of 0.8m, which gave us a vertical and horizontal resolution of about 0.4m in the shallower part of the ERT model (Fig. 10.C). The remains of the de - fensive wall appear to be present in depression D3, where we can observe a high resistivity anomaly with a thickness of up to ~1m and a width of ~2m above the low resistivity sediments (which may as well con- tain archaeological material). Further ruins of the de- fensive circuit may also be present to the west of the wall in the form of a high resistivity anomaly (dimen- sions ~0.7m×1m) covering the possible small ditch as an extension of D3 to the west. Another low resistivity anomaly, which could represent the ditch, is marked D2 and located about 7m to the west of the rampart. It is ~1.5m deep and probably ~1.5m wide, perhaps even wider, as it may be partially covered by gravitatio- nally redeposited weathered limestone on its eastern side. Towards the east of the rampart (between 24m and 30m of the profile distance) we can recognize anomalies with high resistivity that lie directly on (partially weathered) limestone bedrock. It is not clear tic anomalies between the drystone walls and sur- rounding soil, which was confirmed by the results of the magnetic measurements. Based on the results of the magnetic survey, we can re- latively clearly identify the otherwise poorly preserved dry-stone wall remains of Late Hallstatt buildings in a row, which have similar ground plan shapes and di - mensions to those found during archaeological ex ca- vations (Figs. 3, 8). The results also clearly show linear magnetic anomalies along the folds of the terraces, which is probably due to the reinforcement of the ter - race edges with retaining walls. In addition, areas of relatively strong magnetic anomalies due to larger de- pressions in the limestone filled with soil variations and/or burned clay with high magnetic susceptibility (and therefore very different from the immediate sur- roundings) are clearly re cog nizable from the magnetic survey results in se veral places. There are also rela tive- ly many strong, ‘punctual’ magnetic anomalies that can be attributed to iron objects. These cannot be clearly defined as the magnetic effect of archaeological ob- jects, as they may also be smaller pieces of modern iron than are usually found on cultivated surfaces. On a smaller scale of the same eastern part of the hil - lfort (an area of approximately 4300m2), ground-pe- netrating radar (GPR) measurements were carried out with the GSSI SIR3000, 400MHz antenna. The re sults, together with the previously positive archaeological results of the magnetic method, in di cate building re - mains in a row, similar to those found during the ar- cha eological excavations (Figs. 3, 8, 9). With the help of georadar measurements, we independently verified the findings based on magnetic measurements and sup plemented them with precise data on the depth Fig. 7. Pungrt hillfort. Cumulative diagram of selected Late Bronze Age and Iron Age radiocarbon dates (figure T. Leskovar). 4 9 9 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort that the preservation and depth of the remains di- minish towards the top and that a possible defensive ditch lies at the foot of the embankment. The nature of urbanism at the Pungrt hillfort Hillforts in Slovenia have long been examined in the wider context of landscape and settlement studies, which have revealed their central role in prehistoric landscapes. Until recently, however, there was lit tle or no data on their internal organization. The de velop - ment-led excavation and ongoing research at the Pun- whether they are related to archaeological stone re- mains or to the shape of the bedrock, which could also be anthropogenically reshaped. Depression D4 is up to 1.7m deep and may contain a higher amount of ar- chaeological remains (including stone). Geophysical surveys revealed the regular pattern of si- milarly sized rectangular buildings arranged side by side on further consolidated terraces in the eastern part of the unexcavated hillfort (10 200m2). The re gu - lar grid provides evidence of a carefully planned and densely populated hillfort. The surveys also confirmed Fig. 8. Pungrt hillfort. Position of the area surveyed by magnetometry on the eastern slope of Pungrt set tle- ment with terraces (A). Results on magnetic prospection applying a Geometrics G-858 total field magnetometer in gradient mode. Gradient data after applying Gaussian filter and grey scale and colour scale display using a linear distribution (B, D, E, G and I) and Histogram equalization (C, F and H). On the most south-eastern part of surveyed area are several nearly parallel lines indicating the remains of prehistoric houses. The clearly discernible area also shows terrace walls, areas with relatively stronger anomalies of supposed ther- moremanent magnetization of burnt clay and several small, almost circular, very strong anomalies because of small iron objects (figures B. Mušiè). 50 0 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar mation (Fernández-Götz 2015; 2017; 2018; Bintliff 2017; Fernández-Götz, Krausse 2017a). Second, the urban character of Pungrt is important given that much of the discussion on the early prehistoric urba- nism in Europe has centred on the area south of the central Alps (Italy) (e.g., Fulminante 2014; Stoddart 2017; Pearce 2020; Zamboni 2021) and on the area north of the Alps (France, Germany and Czech Re pub - lic) (e.g., Fernández-Götz, Krausse 2013; 2017a; Fer - nández-Götz 2015; 2018). Meanwhile, the south-east- ern alpine region of present-day Slovenia has so far been absent from the ongoing discourse. Past urbanism is notoriously hard to define. At the same time, it is also challenging to analyse because of grt hillfort have been the first to reveal a settlement layout that, on the one hand, appears distinctly ur- ban for its temporal and geographic context and, on the other, is comparable to other contemporary urban settlements in temperate central Europe. The discovery is highly significant for two reasons. First, because of the importance of the phenomenon of early urbanism itself, the process of urbanization acts as one of the great turning points of human societies across history, leading to social and material complexity, which are at the core of today’s civilizations (Raja, Sindbæk 2020). In the context of temperate Europe, the emergence of urban settlements in the Early Iron Age signifies the rise of the first cities related to the pro cesses of centralization and even early state for- Fig. 9. Pungrt hillfort. Position of the area surveyed by the georadar method on the most southern part of east - ern slope with terraces (A). Diagram of time slices, with equal amplitudes of the reflections in the same time range of the return waves (B-I). Similar to the results of the magnetic method, the results of the georadar me - thod also show relatively clear parallel lines of stronger anomalies, which represent relatively stronger re - flections at the locations of the dry stone remains of prehistoric houses. They are best visible at a depth interval of 20–45cm (C-G), which represents the prehistoric archaeological layer with dry-stone remains (figures B. Mušiè). 50 1 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort of the hillfort’s best-preserved Late Hallstatt phase. Our discussion is based on two different sets of ur ban attributes that lend themselves to exploring the Early Iron Age cities. The first is the list of twelve attributes (Tab. 1) proposed by Carolyn Heighway (1972.8–9) for studying medieval settlements and determining their town status. Like pre-Roman set tle ments in tem - perate Europe, medieval towns do not fit the clas sical criteria for urbanism and, in fact, show more simi lari- ties with their prehistoric predecessors (Danielsova, Maøík 2012; Pearce 2020.20–21). Notably, settlements with three or four of the listed attributes are usually con sidered towns within the medieval contexts (Pearce 2020.21). The second is a provisional list of attributes proposed by Michael E. Smith (2016) de- signed specifically for exploring the nature of early urbanism and worldwide comparative urbanism stu- dies (Tab. 2). The list has already been applied to the Early Iron Age hillfort at Heuneburg, Germany (Smith 2016.Tab. 10.3), whose urban characteristics have al- ready been explored in great detail (e.g., Fernández- Götz, Krausse 2013; Nakoinz 2017). Considering its great wealth of data, Heuneburg provides an im por- its complexity. No single best definition of urbanism exists, and its expressions vary considerably within and between past urban traditions (Stoddart 1999; Smith 2017; 2020; Fletcher 2020). Traditionally, the debate on early urbanism in temperate Europe was li- mited by definitions based on classical urban tradi- tions. Such approaches, however, hindered the ex plo - ration of significant societal developments across Europe at the turn of the 2nd and 1st millennia BC, which did not fit the classical criteria (see Collis 2017; Pearce 2020; 2023; Zomboni 2021). In the last de - cade, the work of various researchers has, ne ver the - less, significantly changed this perspective (e.g., Fer- nán dez­Götz, Krausse 2017b; Gyucha 2019; Zamboni et al. 2020), demonstrating that exploring early urba- nism demands a flexible and context-de pendent ap- proach that enables us to view and un derstand the com plexity of the studied societies in a new light. Adopting such a flexible approach, we address here the nature of early urbanism at the Pungrt hillfort and its implications for understanding the local Early Iron Age societies by examining the characteristics Fig. 10. Pungrt hillfort. A, B the position of the ERT-1 profile on a Lidar map; C interpreted inverse resistivity model of the profile ERT-1 (figures B. Horn). 50 2 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar in settlement size and spatial variations in building density and function (e.g., Bintliff 2019.191; Schu- mann 2019.196), as these remain unknown at present. In fact, be cause only the preserved building re mains are included in the calculation, it unrealistically as su- mes the second and third terraces were mainly empty, probably underestimating the population size at the time and overestimating the empty space within the settlement. Nevertheless, the two numbers can still serve as useful reference points for wider comparisons (see Smith 2023.60–64). For example, the estimated po pulation density at Pungrt is well within the range of Greek city-states (Hansen 2000a.155–156,172; Morris 2003.33–34; Bintliff 2019.191), an cient cities in ge ne - ral (Hanson, Ortman 2017.304) and European me- dieval towns (Pearce 2023.101). In addition, this is within the range where most set tlements can stably exist for a long period of time (Fletcher 2020.41). Compared to Heuneburg, the settlement size at Pungrt is drastically smaller, while its population density is notably higher (Tab. 1). This is primarily related to the state of research at both sites. For a long time the ex- tent of the Heuneburg settlement was, similarly to Pun - grt and hillforts in general, judged on the extent of its fortification enclosing a small area of 3ha. It was only after the discovery of the lower city and the extra mu - ral settlement covering around 100ha that its ac tual ex- tent was realized (e.g., Krausse et al. 2019; Schumann 2019). This clearly dictates caution in estimating and comparing hillfort settlement sizes, and demonstrates the need for research beyond their fortified boun da - ries. Nevertheless, the dimensions of the Pungrt hil- tant point of reference in the present discussion on the urban attributes of the Pungrt hillfort, including its settlement size, population density and structuring of set tlement space, as well as a number of its social and po litical aspects (Tabs. 1 and 2). Settlement and population size The size of the Pungrt settlement can currently only be estimated based on the area enclosed by its fortifi ca - tion system, which consists of the inner rampart built in the 8th/7th century BC and the outer one of un- known date. The former encloses an area of about 10ha, while the latter encloses an additional area of at least about 6ha, with the overall hillfort size totalling at least 16ha. The estimation is considered provisional, as the full extent of the outer rampart, its dating and the presence of an extramural settlement remain un- known. Based on the available data, the estimated size of 10ha places the Pungrt hillfort among the largest hil lfort settlements in Slovenia (e.g., Dular, Tecco Hva­ la 2007.Fig. 88). There are many approaches to estimating population size and density in archaeology, all of them with dis- tinct strengths and weaknesses (Hanson, Ortman 2017.302; Schumann 2019.173). To calculate the po pu - lation size and density at the Pungrt hillfort, we em- ployed the data on the number of buildings in the best preserved Late Hallstatt phase (24 buildings) within the excavated area (8800m2) with the as sum ption that a household consists of five people on average, which is a well-established estimate based on studying anci - ent demographics (Hanson, Ortman 2017.306,308; Bintliff 2019.190; Schumann 2019.176). However, to make the calculations comparable with those at Heu- neburg, we also included an estimate of se ven persons per household, which was employed in calculating its population size. These figures have been extrapolated to the 10ha surrounded by the contemporary inner rampart, within which the area so far covered by the geo physical survey displays the same form of built environment. The area between the inner and the outer walls has been excluded from these calculations because its characteristics and the date of the outer wall are currently unknown. In this way, we can estimate the population density to have been within the range of c. 136–191 persons per hectare, with the total population reaching c. 1364– 1909 people. These estimates are only approximations, however, without consideration of temporal varia tions Pungrt 1 Urban defences X 2 A deliberately planned street lay-out X 3 Presence of a market ? 4 Presence of a mint ? 5 Legal recognition ? 6 Central position in a network of commu-nications X 7 High density and size of population com-pared with surrounding places X 8 Concentration of crafts and evidence oflong-distance trade X 9 Houses of urban rather than rural in form X 10 Wide range of social classes ? 11 Complex religious organisation ? 12 Judicial centre ? Tab. 1. Pungrt hillfort. Table of archaeological ur ban attributes after Heighway (1972). Note: ? absence of data. 50 3 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort as, for example, Greek city-states start to emerge (Carneiro 1987; Bintlliff 2000; 2019; Morris 2003.42–43; Nakoinz 2017; Rassmann 2019). However, an important difference be tween the two sites can be observed in the du ra - tion of their distinctly urban phase. At Heuneburg, the latter is limited mainly to the period of the mudbrick wall (c. 600/ 590–540/ 530 BC) that lasted for some 50 years and met a violent end followed by a significant population drop (Kurz 2006; Arnold 2010; Fernández-Götz, Krausse 2013; Nakoinz 2017; Krausse et al. 2019). At Pungrt, the clearly urban settlement flourished between the 6th and 4th cen tu - ries BC, after which its trajectory becomes unclear due to uncertainties in regional chro no-typology and fragmentary sur vi val of subsequent settlement remains. Never- theless, the distinctly urban period seems to have lasted at least three centuries with - out any evidence of social upheaval, which has important implications for the de ve- lopment of social and political structures at the site. More specifically, a growing po - pulation in an urbanizing town would have required changes in organizational struc- tures that would have allowed for the sta - bility of such an agglomeration (Bintliff 2000; 2017; 2019; Nakoinz 2017). A quick and sudden end of the urbanizing phase at Heuneburg indicates that the social system was not able to keep up with rapid po pu - lation growth (Nakoinz 2017). At Pungrt, on the other hand, adaptations seem to have been more successful, allowing for a much longer period of urban develop- ment. However, the way the social system adapt ed re- mains unknown even though a type of clan politics seems the most likely (Terrenato 2011; Bintliff 2017; 2019; Stoddart 2020.114) and would fit well with some in terpretations of contemporary funerary evidence (e.g., Teržan 2008; 2010). Fortification In addition to the settlement and population size, the presence of a fortification is often considered an es- sential attribute of a city, which distinguishes it from its rural surroundings. Even though the validity of such traditional assumptions has rightfully been questioned (Reymann 2020), the functional, symbolic and ritual lfort enclosure alone clearly highlight the highly sig ni- ficant role the settlement had in its local setting. The comparison of population densities at Pungrt and Heuneburg needs to take into account two factors. The much lower density at Heuneburg is due to the re lati- vely low density of c. 35 people per hectare with in the extramural settlement, while the density within the fortified enclosure could be estimated at 3333 (Kraus- se et al. 2019) or 1666–3333 people per hectare (Schu - mann 2019). Both sites thus display a similarly com - pact settlement with similarly high population den sity within the fortified enclosure, which clearly sets them apart from contemporary rural villages and is, there- fore, a very clear qualitative indication of urbanization (cf. Nakoinz 2017.90). Crucially, because there is a re- lationship between population size and social com ple - xity, the estimates provided represent a proxy for so - cial organization. Namely, they demonstrate an aglo - meration of people which fundamentally influences so cial and economic structures and goes far beyond the threshold at which corporate communities such Attributes Type of variable Pungrt Heuneburg ( Smith 2016) Settlement Size population M 1364-1909 50 0 0 area ( ha) M 10 10 0 density (person/ha) M 136-191 50 Built Environment fortifications P/A X X gates P/A ? X connective infrastructure P/A X X intermediate-order temples P/A ? ? residences, lower elite P/A ? X formal public space P/A X ? planning of epicenter P/A ? X Social Impact (urban functions) royal palace P/A ? ? royal or high aristocratic burials P/A ? X large (high-order) temples P/A ? ? civ ic architecture S ? 1 craft production S 2 2 mark et or shops S ? ? Social & Economic Features burials, lower elite P/A ? X social diversity (nonclass) P/A X X neighborhoods P/A X X agriculture within settlement P/A ? X imports S 1 2 Tab. 2. Pungrt hillfort. Table of archaeological urban attributes compared with those at Heuneburg (after Smith 2016). Notes: type of variable: M quantitative mea su rment; P/A presence/absence; S measurment scale (1 low; 2 moderate; 3 high); ? absence of data. 50 4 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar that would be gin to take on mini­state attributes of communal organization (Bintliff 2000.27; 2019.191). Settlement layout One of the most archaeologically apparent elements signalling the process of urbanization at the Pungrt hil lfort is its combination of well-defined connective infrastructure and regularly sized building plots, which were maintained over a long period of time. They were coordinated with the layout of the city wall, roads, and terraces, which followed the terrain. The building plots shared orientation and arrangement in reference to the road network and city walls, providing strong evidence for urban planning (Smith 2007.4,8). The site yielded neither evidence of an integrated orthogonal plan in which buildings were aligned orthogonally with respect to one or more large-scale features, which sug gests a high level of planning (O.c.15), nor of semi- orthogonal urban blocks, created from the prac ticality of building in relation to existing rec tangular buildings (O.c.14–15). Instead, the set tle ment at Pungrt had a distorted or tho gonal layout, which was distorted/mo- dified due to local topography (Grant 2001.219–220; Smith 2007.16, Fig. 12). The layout of the settlement is indicative of central urban planning (Smith 2007.21), which seems to be supported by the fact that the buildings were equal in size and that their size and position were maintained over a long period of time, as evidenced by the regular rebuilding within the same plot boundaries. We could interpret this in terms of formal planning and divi sion of the space within the settlement, which was suc- cessfully maintained and reinforced over time. This, in turn, has implications for the social organization and structure of the settlement. The formality and longevity of the layout suggest efficient governing bodies, while the regular size of the building plots in - dicates that the community living in the excavated part of the settlement was not strongly differentiated. On the other hand, the presence of inner and outer walls would imply the intentional limitation of access to the inner parts of the city, which could be related to social differences (O.c.23–25,35–37). In fact, so cial practices designed to artificially flatten social diffe rences, which were common in Iron Age Europe, could be responsible for the undifferentiated residential structures (Thur­ ston 2010). Furthermore, an ortho gonal layout is most often found in societies where po wer and wealth are concentrated by a cen tralizing authority, and town plan ning itself is even more indicative of centralization importance of an Iron Age hillfort’s fortification can- not be denied. Archaeologically, this is often expressed by various structured ritual deposits related to the phy - sical boundaries of the settlement, with ritual of ferings providing a means of taking possession of a certain space and strengthening the identity of the lo cal com - munity (Smith 2007.36; von Nicolai 2020). For exam - ple, in the Roman tradition the city boundary was de - lineated with great ceremony, and fortifying it was an essential process in the city’s foundation. Its in te rior represented not only a residential but also a religious space, which would have played a vital role in the pro- cess of early city-state formation (Terrenato 2011.241– 242; Fulminante 2021.22; Rüpke 2021). Similarly, a walled city was also an essential part of the concept of the Greek polis and demarcated the polis (in the sense of town) from its chora (in the sense of hinterland) (Hansen 2000a.160,162). In this light, interpreting monumental fortifications as manifestations of social and cultural transformations becomes even more tangible (e.g., Arnold 2010). The act of construction itself is highly significant as it re- flects an important aspect of political dynamics within ancient societies and requires an extensive amount of labour along with labour organization (Smith 2007.36; Reymann 2020.11). At Heuneburg, for example, the construction of the mudbrick wall on a stone foun da - tion enclosing an area of 3ha is estimated to have re- quired two work seasons and a formidable workforce of over 400 people at peak moments (Kraus se et al. 2019.180; cf. Arnold, Fernández­Götz 2018.149). How- ever, building a mudbrick wall is much cheaper and quicker compared to a stone wall (Arnold 2010.105). From this perspective, the construction of the inner stone wall at Pungrt in c. 8th/7th century BC, enclosing an area of 10ha, can be viewed as an extraordinary and symbolically charged community investment and achie vement suggestive of a high degree of planning (cf. Smith 2007.23–24). Its renovation in the 6th cen - tury BC, resulting in an even more massive wall, would have been another highly significant event in the city’s development. The same could be said for the addi tion of the outer wall, whose dating and construction tech- niques still need to be established. The delimitation of the inner and outer spheres by constructing a wall would have been especially significant in such an urba - nizing city with a growing population in which the lifeworld would be becoming increasingly more in- ternalized into itself as it reached a size (>500 people) at which it could have gained possession of almost all its resources and became an endogamous community 50 5 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort houses, the interior was divided into a room in the front and another in the back, while in three-room houses, these would be joined by a third room on the side. Such an internal division indicates a desire to differentiate between internal activities and spaces. However, this probably should not be interpreted as strict functional division between the individual rooms. Due to their small number and the dynamism of the social use of space, all of them would have been multi-functional (see Lang 2005.20,24,26,30; Izzet 2007.158–159). In Building 24, for example, which is one of the most thoroughly analysed buildings so far, it was established that the first room was used for both craft (a blacksmith’s workshop) and domestic ac- tivities, while the room in the back is presumed to be mainly domestic in nature (Gruškovnjak et al. 2024a). A similar division into a more working, public multi- functional space in the front and a more private and do mestic space in the back can probably be anticipated in other buildings as well. It is also interesting to note that even though the buil- dings were renovated and rebuilt several times during the Early Iron Age, their size and layout remained lar- gely unchanged. Therefore, the sociobiological cycles of marriage, reproduction, death, and the changing of generations, along with developments and changes in household activities over two to three centuries, had almost no impact on housing, which indicates its regu - lation by the government of the city. It is only during the Late Iron Age and the Roman period that some changes to the housing types occurred, probably in di - cating significant changes in social and economic struc- tures within the settlement (see Lang 2005.18,20,24) Open empty space In urban areas, deliberately empty spaces may be en - countered at many different scales, such as the house- hold, neighbourhood and city. They can be charged with particular meanings and provide insights into corresponding levels of urban interactions (Smith 2008). Within the excavated area at Pungrt, the open empty space at the household level was conspicuously absent, suggesting that most activities and uses on that level, such as domestic and productive activities, sto - rage, hosting, and keeping animals (e.g., O.c. 220), were confined to the buildings’ interiors. The main type of open empty space currently evident with in the densely built environment at Pungrt are streets and alleys, which were primarily used for transport, waste disposal, and possibly for some craft activities such as than urbanism per se (Grant 2001.220–221,237; Mor- ris 2003.49). All these aspects of plan ning are highly significant for the interpretation of an early city and indicative of centralized, not necessarily autocratic, authority and perhaps of an emerging city-state. In this regard, it is important to note that even some Greek classical cities, such as Athens, were not strong- ly planned except for the public spaces (Bintliff 2014. 269). Buildings In past societies, the household was typically the basic and most important social and economic unit, which is therefore fundamental for studying the relationship between housing and society (Smith 2014.208). Fol- lowing the housing typology presented by Smith (O.c.209–216), the Late Hallstatt buildings at Pungrt do not readily fall into any of the proposed categories, including individual houses, house groups, contiguous houses, walled compounds and apartment buildings. They stood detached in densely and formally arranged rows along the roads, with buildings separated only by the narrow alleys, therefore displaying strong spa tial association with the road network and among them - selves. As such, they cannot be regarded simply as in- dividual houses, which are not spatially associated with other dwellings; instead, they are often accom- panied by external features for domestic tasks, craft pro duction and leisure, and are typical of rural set- tlements and low-density cities. At the same time, they also escape the definition of contiguous houses, which are formally arranged along a street, share at least two walls with adjoining buildings and are typical of densely built urban environments. However, the for- mal and dense configuration of the houses at Pungrt is a characteristic they share with the contiguous type. The layout of individual buildings that seem to be stan - dardized, therefore, indicates a very dense urban en- vironment created through de li berate planning of in - dividual settlement zones (see Hansen 2000a.162; Izzet 2007.151,161,171; Gailledrat 2021.358). Such urban planning could be used as a proxy to infer the po litical organization of a city, as it is more common in collective regimes characterized by greater citizen par- ticipation, as opposed to autocratic regimes (Smith 2014.218; 2023.117–121). The Early Iron Age buildings at Pungrt were mostly two- or three-room houses. The entrance into the buil - dings was presumably located on the short side facing the road (Gruškovnjak et al. 2024b). In two-room 50 6 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar The social memory tied to the area of the grave could perhaps have been related to some kind of a foun da - tion myth, which would have been kept alive by re- cur ring rituals and ceremonies. Such myths played an important role in the placement of early urban sites within the landscape and in the cohesion and legitimation of their communities. Founding hero or heroine myths, in particular, played a central role in the ideologies of 1st millennium BC communities in Europe. Furthermore, the supposed burial places of founding heroes were often located in the public spa - ces within the settlement and acted as foci for reli gious and political gatherings. This is clearly attested through written sources in the Mediterranean and there are archaeological indications of this phenomenon in tem - perate Europe where Iron Age sanctuaries and assemb- ly spaces within cities are often linked to older burial monuments (Almagro­Gorbea 2017; Fernández-Götz 2021; see Guidi 2014.644; 2016). The open empty space containing the Late Bronze Age burial within the Pungrt hillfort can be understood as yet another such indication. The presence of an older burial at the site may have played an important role in the cultural memory of people living in the area, in - fluenced the later placing of the hillfort at this lo ca - tion, and taken on a role in the construction of me- mories of a common past, perhaps tied to a mythical found ing hero, and thus served as a powerful cohesive mechanism of the community (Fernández-Götz 2021. 8–9). However, it is important to note that the grave cannot be interpreted simply in terms of ancestral me - mories tied to an older Late Bronze Age burial ground, as it is highly atypical for the time, i.e. the Urnfield Pe - riod, which was characterized by cremation burials (e.g., Teržan 1999), with very few exceptions (Obrežje and Dobova sites in Slovenia, Stare 1975.25, gr. 97, 202,305a,354a; Mason, Kramberger 2022.gr. 81,317, 253). Only in the Early Iron Age did inhumation bu- rials become common in south-eastern Slovenia (Do - lenjska Hallstatt group) or appear alongside cremation burials in some cemeteries in central and west Slove- nia (Gorenjska-Ljubljana and Notranjska-Kras Hallstatt groups) (see Urleb 1974; Gabrovec 1999; Dular 2003; Teržan 2021; Škvor Jernejèiè et al. 2023; Škvor Jer­ nejèiè, Vojakoviæ 2023). Pungrt hillfort is located on the border between all three regions or Early Iron Age cultural groups, and the 10th-century BC inhumation within the hillfort may represent an early expressions of changes occurring during the tran sition between the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. It may even be linked to the beginnings of settlement at the site, in- weaving. Without the waste infrastructure established at the site, streets and alleys would also have been pla- ces where human and animal faecal matter would have accumulated (see O.c.219–220,224–225; Gruškovnjak et al. 2024a; 2024b). A portion of a much larger empty space in the set tle- ment, which would have been significant on a civic scale, has probably been uncovered at the easternmost edge of the excavation area, located in the central part of the hillfort. The most significant feature of this area is the Late Bronze Age burial. The excavation uncovered no remains dating to the Iron Age but only a Roman period building and road covering the grave and the surrounding area, which lies on a pocket of deep soil. All other such places within the excavated area were characterized by very deep and well-pre serv- ed settlement stratigraphy. Therefore, the absence of Iron Age remains in the area surrounding the grave is conspicuous. The possibility of eroded Iron Age strati - graphy can be excluded as the area is not at all steep, and the deep soil indicates a depositional or stable mi - crotopographic location (see Johnson 1985; Gruš­ kovnjak 2024). The possibility of (Late) Iron Age or Roman Period interventions in the form of removal of earlier building remains also seems unlikely, con- sidering that at the time, the use of levelling de po sits was the preferred method, and no evidence of such behaviour has been detected anywhere else within the excavated area. The most likely explanation thus seems to be that this place would have been intentionally preserved and maintained as a distinct open space in which no buildings or roads were constructed through- out the Iron Age. Compared to the empty spaces of roads and alleys, the absence of accumulated refuse suggests a very diffe - rent kind of public behaviour in this part of the set tle- ment. We could, therefore, interpret it as a communal space which was highly significant at the civic scale. As such, it would have probably been created and main - tained by the city’s authorities (see Smith 2008.223, 225,228). Especially striking is the fact that the area remained empty for a whole millennium, from the 10th century BC to the end of the 1st century BC or the be - gin ning of the 1st century AD, when a building and a road were constructed over it. This suggests a con ti nui- ty in the way this area was used, perceived and main- tained, pointing to a long-lasting social memory of its community (see Van Dyke 2019), and signals signifi- cant changes in the political and social setting in the Roman period. 50 7 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort Social hierarchy The association of the sceptre with elite female bu rials also indirectly alludes to the presence of social hie rar - chy within the city, which otherwise remains mainly in visible within the excavated area. However, Early Iron Age funerary practices clearly indicate the pre- sence of social differentiation within contemporary communities, even though they are expressed some- what dif ferently in each cultural group. It is most pronounced in the Dolenjska and Štajerska Hallstatt groups, expressed, for example, through the quantity and luxury of grave goods in Dolenjska (Dular 2003; Ga bro vec, Teržan 2008/2010; Tec co Hvala 2012; Križ 2019) and through the funerary ar chi tecture of burial mounds in Štajerska (Teržan 1990; Teržan, Èrešnar 2021). In the Gorenjska-Ljubljana, Notranjska-Kras and St Lucia Hallstatt groups, where significant ele me- nts of Late Bronze Age funerary traditions were pre- served, social differentiation is less pronounced but nonetheless present (Urleb 1974; Guštin 1979; Teržan et al. 1984–1985; Škvor Jernejèiè 2017; 2018; Škvor Jernejèiè, Vojakoviæ 2021; 2023; Škvor Jernejèiè et al. 2023). Although there are reasons for caution in interpreting the presence of elites from funerary assemblages (Na - koinz 2017; Schumann 2019) and the burial grounds of Pungrt hillfort’s inhabitants still need to be dis co- vered, the chronological and regional con text suggest that distinct social stratification can be expected with - in its community. After all, social stratification often plays an important role as an agent of urbanism (Ful - minante 2021.10) and is probably indicated in the set- tlement’s significant re organization in the 6th century BC. Similar re or ga nizations have, for example, been do cumented at Heuneburg and various Etruscan towns. There, they were interpreted as the result of a planned political decision or as adaptations to new social needs and requirements for effective use of in- ternal space within the emerging urban environment (Fernández-Götz 2015.13; Stoddart 2017.309). A go - verning urban elite would have sponsored the invest - ment of resources into community features and con - structions (Smith 2007.5,30), such as the planning, building and up keep of the settlement’s defensive sys - tem, road infrastructure and individual neigh bour- hoods like the potential craftsmen’s quarters in the ex - cavated area. Buildings belonging to the upper social class (e.g., Fernández­Götz 2015.18–19) may therefore be expected within the settlement and/or in the sur- rounding countryside (e.g., Thurston 2010.225), but dicated also by some sporadic Late Broze Age finds. This would push the beginning of the set tlement back to an earlier date than the building of the first wall in the 8th/7th century BC and the oldest settlement re- mains in the excavated area suggest. Religious functions The burial within the settlement and related empty space, which were probably the focus of ritual and ce - remonial activities, allude to the importance of re li- gion within the emerging city. In fact, foundational myths and religion may represent important factors in the development of early cities. Religion itself plays a vital role in urbanization, which in turn leads to re li- gious change (Rüpke 2021.7–8; 2023). As part of the urbanization process during the Early Iron Age, we could, for example, expect the emergence of buildings that served a cultic role for the whole community and a growing complexity of ritual activities that ultimately lead to the state-organized religious practices (see Gui- di 2014.643; Fulminante 2021.15). The religious sphere, however, remains largely absent from the archaeological record at Pungrt. None of the buildings have been identified as having a cultic role, and no deposits related to ceremonial activity have been identified beyond the household level. None the - less, the presence of cultic activities within the settle- ment is indirectly but clearly indicated by a single find – namely, a bronze half-round ornamented disc be- long ing to a stick or sceptre (Fig. 12.5). In Slovenia, such sceptres are known from rich female burials of the 6th and 5th centuries BC in the Dolenjska region (Stare 1973; Tecco Hvala 2012.334–338). Their form and method of manufacture were similar to those from the burial sites in Este (Chieco Bianchi, Capuis 1985. Tab. 69:29, 85:6, 119:17, 137:51, 214:23, 249:13, 262:5, 6, 263:7, 274:11, 295:205; Capuis, Chieco Bian chi 2006.Tab. 51:47, 54:29,30, 65:38,39, 97:22, 148:21, 180:26,27) and Padua (Gambacurta 2005.354, Fig. 13:54) in Italy. Female burials with sceptres are ty- pically interpreted as those of priestesses. The scep tre as a sign of the priest was already mentioned by Ho - mer and is also indicated in several finds and re pre sen - tations on Pontic and Etruscan vessels (Stare 1973. 731). The discovery of an artefact related to a priestly function thus indicates the presence of such religious offices at the Pungrt hillfort, even though buildings or areas intended for religious ceremonies within the settlement still need to be identified. 50 8 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar were produced in workshops in the Mediterranean or Black Sea region between the end of the 5th century and the beginning of the 3rd century BC. The beads are usually made of translucent glass paste, but the exam- ples from Pungrt (Fig. 12.6), which are made of cobalt blue or turquoise glass paste, belong to a rare variety occasionally found both in the areas close to the Med- iterranean workshops (e.g., Slovenia) and in more distant places (e.g., Slovakia or Moravia). They are usually discovered in women’s and children’s graves and interpreted as cultural goods (based on diplomatic agreements between the leaders of different commu- nities, gift or/and hostage exchanges, matrimonial alliances) (Rustoiu 2015.365,370). The discovery of graphite schist, which would have been imported from the area of Tisa-Dacia or the East - ernAlps, is yet another indication of Pungrt’s in volve- ment in long-distance trade networks (Gruškov njak et al. 2024a). Trade is also indirectly indicated by the discovery of ingots, several of them belonging to shaft- hole axes (Fig. 11.5). Their manufacture and use can be dated between the 10th and 8th centuries BC (Teržan 2008(2010).297–298), but their circulation as pre-mo- netary currency and their storage in hoards continued as late as the 5th century BC (Pav lin, Turk 2014.48–49; Svoljšak, Dular 2016.Tab. 40:9; Lahar nar 2022.261). According to some views, objects that serve as money first emerged to facilitate exchange, while according to others, their origin is related to state formation and their use as units of account (see Smith 2004.90–91). Pungrt hillfort from regional and supraregional perspectives The broader Iron Age landscape in which the Pungrt hillfort was situated is under-researched, so we cur- rently do not know how the site fits into the settlement dynamics of the Ljubljana basin in central Slovenia. However, the site is located on the border of the exten- are yet to be discovered. After all, it is the elite who would have been the main driver in the process of centralization, urbanization and early state formation during the Iron Age (Terrenato 2011; Bintliff 2017; Fernández-Götz, Krausse 2017a). Craft and trade Although not directly visible, the elites would have made use of craftsmen and traders, and thus been the driving force in craft specialization and long-distance trade, which are often considered as some of the main attributes in defining urban centres (e.g., Fernández- Götz 2015.15; Fulminante 2021.11–12; Gailedrat 2021. 361–363; Zamboni 2021). Indeed, in the current state of research it is the craftsmen who are the most visible social class at Pungrt hillfort. In fact, the first terrace with in the excavated area appears to be a craft quarter, as suggested by numerous discoveries of craft-related artefacts, such as moulds (Fig. 11.6), melting pots (Fig. 11.4), bronze semi-finished products (Fig. 11.8), tu ye - res (Fig. 11.1), spindle whorls, loom weights (Fig. 11.2), and bobbins (Fig. 11.3). The integrated micro-archaeo - logical research has revealed a blacksmith’s work shop in Building 24, which further confirms our hypothesis (Gruškovnjak et al. 2024a). The presence of a craft- workers’ quarter would simultaneously in dicate the presence of different neighbourhoods in the settle- ment, which is another distinctly urban characteristic (Smith 2010). Finds evidencing long-distance trade or the exchange of goods indicate the presence of traders operating within the city. Contacts with the Baltic region are suggested by the presence of amber beads (Fig. 12.4; e.g., Tecco Hvala 2012.280–287), while links with the Aegean or south Adriatic region are in di cated by an Eastern amphora (Fig. 12.3; Whitbread 1995). Matt-paint ed pottery with ornaments typical of the Subgeometric Ofanto IIa or Daunia II period (550/ 525–475/450 BC) points to con- tacts with Southern Italy (Fig. 12.1; De Ju liis 1977), while black and red coated ware (i.e. Este type situlae or pi thoi) suggests trade with North ern Italy (Venetian area of Padua and Este) (Fig. 12.2; Tec ­ co Hvala 2014.329–336). Amphora-shaped glass beads are related to networks which may go as far as the Black Sea region. They Fig. 11. Pungrt hillfort. Craft-related finds from Pungrt hillfort (photos J. Skorupan). 50 9 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort over 6ha in size, was established. The hillfort acted as a major regional centre, accompanied by newly estab- lished smaller rural settlements (Teržan, Èrešnar 2021.572–579). The data for western Slovenia (Notranjska-Karst Hall- statt groups) suggests that the building and develop- ment of hillfort settlements reached its peak in the Late Bronze Age and especially in the Early Iron Age, to which the majority of their monumental dry-stone walls can be dated (Laharnar 2022.251–261,351– 355). However, the settlement pattern may be more complicated than the model of a central hillfort sur- rounded by lower-ranking settlements would suggest (O.c.355; cf. Slapšak 1995). The overall picture suggests that hillforts that took on the role of micro-regional centres, emerged during the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Early Iron Age. Where data is sufficient, it implies a simultaneous abandonment of previous settlements, which points to the demographic process of urbanization and the po- liti cal process of centralization. The construction of the first wall at Pungrt hillfort in the 8th/7th century BC could be seen as part of a similar development, namely the establishment of an Early Hallstatt centre to which the population from the surrounding territory aggre- gated. However, the burial discovered at the site could perhaps point to still earlier beginnings, in the 10th cen tury BC. In fact, the nearby centre in Ljubljana ori - ginated as early as the 13th century BC, while its extra- mural settlement, characterized by an orthogonal lay- out of contiguous houses, developed in the 11th –10th sively and thoroughly researched Iron Age landscape of south-eastern Slovenia (Dolenjska Hallstatt group), where significant changes in settlement patterns at the beginning of the Iron Age point to settlement nuclea- tion and population aggregation. Most of the smaller fortified and unfortified Bronze Age settlements were abandoned, and new, larger Early Hallstatt hillforts were established during the 8th century BC. This re- sulted in the reduction of the number of fortified set- tle ments by half while, at the same time, the total area of hillforts doubled as their average size increased dra- matically (from 1.1 to 5.9ha). The newly established hil lforts were constructed to their complete extent in sin gle campaigns, although the development of their ex tramural settlements, which are known to exist, is still not well understood. They would go on to repre- sent centres which played a key role in the region’s de - velopment throughout the Early Iron Age. It was only in the Late Hallstatt period that a new wave of coloni- zation was reflected in the appearance of new, smaller hillforts, which were not strongly fortified or unforti- fied (Dular, Tecco Hvala 2007). The data for other regions is more fragmentary. Re- search in northeastern Slovenia indicates that most of the sites which developed into Early Iron Age centres have their beginnings in the Late Bronze Age (Teržan 1990; Dular 2013.122). However, in one of the most thoroughly explored microregions there, the Pohorsko Podravje, the investigations revealed a picture similar to south-eastern Slovenia. The rural Late Bronze Age lowland settlements were abandoned in the late 9th to the early 8th centuries BC, when the Poštela hillfort, Fig. 12. Pungrt hillfort. Long-distance trade and cultic finds from Pungrt hillfort. 1–3 pottery; 4 amber; 5 bronze; 6 glass. M = pottery 1:3; bronze 1:2; glass and amber 1:1. (photos J. Skorupan, drawings J. Breèiæ). 510 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar Early Iron Age cultures in Slovenia underwent similar demographic and socio-political developments to those in northern and central Italy. In fact, these trajec- tories, as detected archaeologically, are fairly similar to those of the Greek polis, which are eponymous with the concept of the city-state (Hansen 2000a; 2000b). The polis, in the sense of a city-state, was formed either by colonization or settlement nucleation. It first ap- peared in the 8th century BC colonies in Sicily and only later in the homeland (Hansen 2000a.147–150,162). Ex cept for some colonies where the urban centre could be carefully planned from the onset, with the earliest examples from Sicily dating to the 8th century BC, or - ganization in accordance with a rectangular street plan followed only later (O.c.162; Morris 2003.40,49) and dis cernible urbanism in mainland Greece prior to the late 4th century BC was rare (Rönnlund 2023.754). The Early Iron Age polities of Etruria, Latium Vetus, and Greek poleis (Cornell 2000; Hansen 2000a; Torel- li 2000) are especially significant as they provide the only contemporaneous and geographically relatively close ethnohistoric parallels available that can aid us in interpreting the exclusively archaeological data on set- tlement nucleation, urbanization, and the emergence of early urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine re gion during the same period. In all of them, these changes are seen as closely related to the process of early state formation, which led to the development of city-states and city-state cultures. In this context, the city-state is understood as a micro-state represented by a town and the immediate hinterland it controls. These types of states typically do not form in isolation but in stead form regional city-state cultures, which in turn often appear in neighbouring regions, thus forming clusters of city-state cultures (Hansen 2000b). Further more, studies show that although early urbanism and early state formation are two separate processes, they are often tightly linked as one follows the other in all ci- vilizations where written sources supplement the ar - chaeological remains (see Stoddart 1999; Hansen 2000b.15; Daems 2021.23–26; Feinman 2023.355; Smith 2023.100–138). In fact, some researchers have suggested that during the first half of the 1st millenni- um BC there was a general trend of early state forma- tion among the Iron Age societies in Europe (Bintliff 2018), which appear to have shared overarching sim- ilarities in political ideologies that favoured various forms of corporate states with heterarchical structures (Thurston 2010). century BC (Vojakoviæ 2023). Both sites in the Ljublja- na basin suggest that urbanism was an integral part of demographic and political changes reflected in the emerging central settlements. The overall picture is reminiscent of developments in northern and central Italy. In south Etruria, the major- ity of small villages were abandoned from the mid-9th to the mid-8th centuries BC, and the population co- alesced into centres, which had their beginnings in the 12th –10th centuries BC (Stoddart 2017.308). A simi lar and more or less contemporaneous pattern is evidenc- ed in Latium (Fulminante 2014.46,217) as well as in the Po valley (Guidi 2006; Rondelli 2008; Zamboni 2021.398). At first, the Etruscan central settlements retained the characteristics of the previous Bronze Age villages composed of irregularly laid out ovoid huts built in wattle and daub technique. In the 7th century, rectangular buildings with stone foundations began to replace them, and more regular layouts began to ap - pear until orthogonal layouts with individual or con- tiguous houses became common in the 5th century BC (Izzet 2007.148–151,171,174; Stoddart 2017.309). An almost identical transition to an urbanized form of the built environment is also evidenced in 6th–5th centu- ry BC Rome (Sauer 2021.123–125). Interestingly, a comparable change in settlement pattern, seen in the abandonment of smaller scattered settlements and po- pulation nucleation at central hillfort sites, is apparent in the south-eastern Alpine region (south-eastern Slo- venia and Pohorsko Podravje). Furthermore, a similar major restructuring of the settlement’s interior into a planned layout during the 6th century is evidenced at Pungrt hillfort. These developments in Etruria and Latium represent trajectories in the formation of early city-states be- tween 1000 and 500 BC (Guidi 2006). Archaeologi- cally, these political changes are most reliably traced through settlement change, first taking the form of a shift from dispersed to nucleated settlement, and fol - lowed somewhat later by evidence of internal reor- ganization and the emergence of urbanism (Stoddart 2010.31,36–37; see also Campagno 2019). In the south- eastern Alpine region, the first type of change is evi- denced in the best-researched regions in Slovenia at the beginning of the Early Iron Age, while the second type is evidenced at Pungrt hillfort, the first settlement of this type that has been researched to the degree that allows such a change to be traced. This, currently still fragmentary evidence, leads us to speculate that the 511 Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region: a case study of the Pungrt hillfort elites. The settlement also had an important economic role as a centre of craft production and long-distance trade. The Pungrt hillfort can be seen as part of wider set tle - ment nucleation and population aggregation pro ces- ses evidenced by the development of central hillfort settlements at the beginning of the Early Iron Age with - in the south-eastern Alpine region. A similar urban character can be expected at other such sites in the region. The changes in settlement logic, along with the emergence of early urbanism and estimated population size within the walled area of the hillfort, represent pro xies for significant socio-political changes which may be comparable with contemporaneous changes in central and northern Italy and Greece, where they are interpreted in terms of early state formation. Our re search at the Pungrt hillfort demonstrates the need for further detailed research of Early Iron Age hillforts in Slovenia, in order to improve our understanding of early urbanism and the related socio-political changes during this period in the south-eastern Alpine region. These parallels suggest that communities in the south- eastern Alpine region may have also undergone pro- cesses of early state formation or developed some oth- er form of similarly complex society (see e.g., Grinin 2003). Such a view is prompted by the correlation be - tween the increasing group size and socio-political com plexity (see e.g., Carneiro 1987; Bintliff 2000; Feinman 2011; 2023; Shin et al. 2020; Daems 2021. 94–97; Smith 2023.59–98). The process of population aggregation at hillfort sites in the south-eastern Alpine region indicates some type of new socio-political logic (see Campagnolo 2019.219; Gyucha 2019), and the po - pulation size estimated for Pungrt hillfort entails the development of some type of corporate society (Bint- liff 2000). Its urban character also represents a proxy for high social complexity and indicates that numerous hillfort sites in the region might also represent simi lar early urban centres. What type of socio-political chang- es these sites represent is an important question that will need to be more fully addressed in future research. Conclusions This study demonstrates that the Early Iron Age hill- fort at Pungrt displays a set of distinct urban features. Observed in a comparative framework of similar sites in temperate Europe, the settlement can be identified as an early urban town or city (the terms are used as synonyms in this text, see e.g., Hansen 2000b; Pearce 2023.96–97). The site shows three or four of the attri- butes needed to determine the town status of medieval settlements, and shares many characteristics with the Heuneburg hillfort, which represents one of the flag- ships of Early Iron Age urbanism in temperate Europe (Tabs. 1, 2). Through these attributes and characteristics, we can begin to define the nature of Early Iron Age urbanism in the south-eastern Alpine region as it is emerging through research at the Pungrt hillfort. The hillfort’s ur ban area was clearly defined by a monumental stone wall. The enclosed area was characterized by a well-de- fined connective infrastructure and regularly spaced and evenly sized building plots articulated with respect to the road system. The layout points to planning and formal division of the enclosed settlement area, which was successfully maintained or enforced for at least three centuries (6th to 4th century BC). Furthermore, the walled area was very densely built-up and proba- bly divided into different neighbourhoods. There are indications of the presence of religious functions with- in the city, which were probably held by the resident Acknowledgements We thank the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agen- cy for funding this research (grant number J6-3126 to MÈ). 512 Petra Vojaković, Luka Gruškovnjak, Agni Prijatelj, Branko Mušič, Barbara Horn, and Matija Črešnar Achino K. F., Velušèek A. 2022. The lake­dwelling pheno­ menon. 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A Biographical Approach to Urban Com- munities from a Geoarchaeological Perspective. High-de- finition Applications and Case Studies. Journal of Urban Archaeology 2: 85–101. https://doi.org/10.1484/J.JUA.5.121530 back to content 520 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.15 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – pozno predšpansko obdobje; hišne znaèilnosti; zemljanka; fleksibilna mešana gos- podarstva; sedentizem; bivalna mobilnost IZVLEÈEK – V èlanku analiziramo podatke o arhitekturi v poznem predšpanskem obdobju v Sierras de Córdoba (~1220–330 kalibrirano pr. n. št.), Argentina. Ukvarjamo se z odnosi med hišnimi gospodarst- vi in stopnjo bivalne mobilnosti, pri èemer trdimo, da je fleksibilen naèin preživljanja in mobilnosti sle - dil prevzemu gojenja rastlin in ne povsem sedentarnega kmetovanja. Arhitekturne dokaze predstav ljajo strukture, narejene s pomoèjo nizkoenergijskih gradbenih tehnik, ki sicer niso povezljive s predpostav- ljeno dolgotrajno poselitvijo. Arhitektura je skladna s prièakovanim poselitvenim vzorcem skupin, ki so obèasno pridelovale hrano in so izbrane prostore uporabljale kot sezonske tabore. To kaže na fleksibil- no organizirano izrabo krajine. Bivanjska arhitektura in prilagoditvene strategije rabe zemljišč v predšpanskih Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina KEY WORDS – Late Prehispanic Period; house features; pithouses; flexible mixed economy; sedentism; residential mobility ABSTRACT - The article examines the evidence of architecture recovered from the Late Prehispanic Pe- riod of the Sierras de Córdoba (~1220–330 cal BP), Argentina. We explore the relationship between household architecture and the level of residential mobility, arguing that a flexible subsistence and mobility pattern followed the adoption of plant cultivation and not entirely sedentary farming. The ar- chitectural evidence presented structures made using low-energy construction techniques that were not intended for an anticipated long-term occupation. This architecture meets the expectation of a settlement pattern left by groups that were occasional food producers and used specific locations as seasonal campsites, indicating a flexible landscape-use organization. Matías E. Medina1, Gisela Sario2, Andrea Recalde3, Sebastián Pastor4, and Eduardo E. Berberián †5 1 National Scientific and Technical Research Council, Archaeology Division of Faculty of Natural Sciences and Museum, National University of La Plata, La Plata, AR; paleomedina@gmail.com (corresponding author) 2 National Scientific and Technical Research Council, Institute of Anthropology of Córdoba an Museum of Anthropologies, Faculty of Philosophy and Humanities, National University of Córdoba, Córdoba, AR; giselasario@hotmail.com 3 National Council for Scientific and Technical Research, Archaeology Area of the Institute of Historical Studies/Center for Historical Studies “Prof. Carlos SA Segreti”, Córdoba, AR; recaldema@yahoo.com.ar 4 National Council for Scientific and Technical Research, Regional Institute of Socio-Cultural Studies, Catamarca, AR; pastorvcp@yahoo.com.ar 5 Archeology Area of the Institute of Historical Studies/Center for Historical Studies “Prof. Carlos SA Segreti”, Córdoba, AR Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina 521 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina Introduction A significant issue in the archaeological study of the spread of food-producing economies is delineating the different forms and levels in which prehistoric foragers adjusted their mobility strategies to the la- bour demands of plant cultivation, mainly when mo- bility serves to position them for the acquisition of the resources needed to survive (Rafferty 1985; Hard, Mer rill 1992; Kelly 1992; Silva, Frank 2013; Gibbs, Jordan 2016; Roth 2016; Ricci et al. 2018; Schmader 2023). Considering the relationships among the types of houses (everyday domestic residences) identified in deposits and mobility is essential in developing these archaeological interpretations, given that the durabi- lity and form of house construction are regular cross- cultural indicators of the frequency of residential moves (Binford 1990; Diehl 1992). All ethnographic and archaeological groups build some housing, with a wide range of mo bility possibilities ranging from a full-fledged seden ta- ry lifestyle to a high degree of group mobility. Thus, the style of a dwelling house, and especially the amount of ener gy spent on its construction, is a po werful tool for understanding a group’s residential mobility stra - te gies (Binford 1990; Diehl 1992; Smith 2003). Therefore, the ana ly sis of this relationship offers a di s tinct perspective on studying the food- production transition that was little explored in Argentina, where the few archaeological in ves tigations of house design have generally fo cus - ed on groups that were whol ly seden - tary or assumed to be se den ta ry (Raf - fino 1988; Nastri 2001; cf. Albeck et al. 2010; García 2010; Callegari et al. 2015; Ratto et al. 2019). Less atten - tion has been given to the more mo- bile mixed foraging and cultivation groups that invested less energy in dwelling construction. The excavation of habitation struc- tures over the past 40 years in the Sier ras de Córdoba (Fig. 1), a low-al- titude mountain range (500–2800m) bounded by areas of early plant do - mestication in South America, pro- vides an excellent opportunity to study the houses of groups that had a flexible mixed- economy adaptive strategy combining small-scale farming and broad-scale foraging (see Re calde 2008; Pastor, López 2010; Pastor et al. 2012; Me dina et al. 2014; 2016; 2020; Recalde, López 2017). The house remains of the ex cavated sites allow examination of the relationship between the design and form of do- mestic architecture have with mobility, increasing the understanding of the role of houses in societies with a mobile form of socioeconomic organization that in- corporates plant cultivation within the economy. Most of these sites were recently defined as semi-sedentary campsites or villages occupied during the growing sea- son (Oc to ber–April) by peo ple following a spectrum of farming and foraging strategies that challenge any unidirectional scheme of cultural evolution (see Me- dina et al. 2016; 2020). Ac cording to the model, the groups used pottery, maize, and other crops within a broad-spectrum for aging base that included high re- Fig. 1. Geographic locations of the archaeological sites referred to in the text. 522 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián did not restrict group mobility, likely prevented the op - portunity for extensive long-term storage. The re fore, we anticipate that short-term storage was used for food surpluses. Architecture, storage, and mobility from a dy- namic perspective Archaeologists have long recognized that sedentary groups or people who anticipate a lengthy occupation of sites usually construct structures that require the in- vestment of considerable time and energy (McGuire, Schiffer 1983; Rafferty 1985; Gilman 1987; Kent, Vied rich 1989; Binford 1990; Kelly 1992; 1998; Ro- cek 1995; Diehl 1997; Panja 2003; Kelly et al. 2005; Schmader, Graham 2015; Roth 2016; Schmader 2023). In contrast, mobile people minimize the time and effort spent on domestic architecture due to its ge - nerally short use, resulting in ephemeral structures built using easily transportable or locally available ma - terials requiring little preparation time (Binford 1990; Diehl 1992). Cross-cultural ethnographic studies strongly support this assertion. For example, different case studies show ed that more residentially mobile groups ty pical- ly create low-cost habitation structures with a cir cu lar or semicircular plan that usually requires a li mit ed amount of transportable or readily available perish- able materials (McGuire, Schiffer 1983; Kent, Vied- rich 1989; Binford 1990; Diehl 1992; Kelly et al. 2005). Conversely, more sedentary groups generally build houses with rectangular plans, more durable ma terials (wood, mud brick, or stone), and higher ini - tial construction costs. These houses can be easily main tained and subdivided for the differentiation of activities. However, cases in the middle would re pre- sent residential mobile people constructing sub stantial structures at specific locations for anticipated revisits over the years (Kelly 1992), a typical behaviour among Andean pastoralists (Kuznar 1995; Yacobaccio et al. 1998). In these examples, the expectation of reuse over several years justifies the cost of the construction (Smith 2003; Morgan et al. 2017). Storage can extend the use of a seasonally abundant resource beyond its availability period. Thus, the pre- sence or absence of storage facilities plays a vital role in the length of time groups occupy a location (Kent, Viedrich 1989; Schmader 2023). According to Carol Goland (1991), storage among food collectors and pro - ducers may range from the intensive large-scale accu- mulation of surpluses to a short delay in the use of sidential mobility, co-residential group fission-fusion mechanisms, and the temporary abandonment of cul- tivated fields to re duce their dependence on a single or few resources. In this context, the groups weighed the local resource abundance regarding the regional foraging potential (Recalde 2008; Pastor et al. 2012; Medina et al. 2016; 2020). We think this seasonally sedentary model requires ela- borating on details about the dynamic of base-camp oc- cupations that have not yet been specified. This paper examines the evidence of the architecture remains re - covered from the Late Prehispanic Period of the Sier - ras de Córdoba (~1220–330 cal BP, Argen ti na) to im - prove our understanding of local and regional mobi li - ty. Our objective is to explore what the presence of house remains in the archaeological record implies for the model of occupation persistency and landscape- use organization, assuming that group mobility stra te- gies and the anticipated use-life are of significant im - por tance to dwelling design and form (Gilman 1987; Kent, Viedrich 1989; Diehl 1992; 1997; Smith 2003). Thus, we explore the relationship be tween the archi- tec tural design of structures and the level of residential mobility. We focus on the as sumption that a flexible sub sistence and mobility pattern accompanied the adoption of domesticated plant cultivation and not entirely sedentary farming. We also analysed the kind of storage technology utilized at sites due to its in flu - ence on mobility strategies and the duration of oc- cupations (Kent, Viedrich 1989; Diehl 1992; Smith 2003). We expect the results to help im prove the cur - rent archaeological knowledge of the landscape-use organization in groups worldwide where the adop tion of crop plants did not necessarily lead to a se dentary lifestyle. This pattern, commonly observed ethno gra - phically, is challenging to identify from the archaeo lo - gical record. A series of innovative hypotheses drive our article. We propose that Late Prehispanic construction techniques vary according to the socio-environmental conditions dictated, and the identification of temporary struc tu- res has been biased towards more recognizable pit- houses (semi-subterranean, single-room structures), with pithouse construction being episodic rather than continuous. We also suggest that the prevalence of less visible temporary structures in the record aligns more with the dwellings of people who did not reside at a single location for an entire year, reflecting a flexible settlement pattern. Furthermore, we argue that im ple- menting low-investment extensive cultivation, which 523 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina pied, even when the resource does not furnish the surplus necessary for long-term storage and occu pa- tion. Materials and methods The database reviewed here consists of house features and presumed storage facilities excavated at ten sites within the region (Fig. 1). It contains entirely or almost wholly excavated remains interpreted as house fea- tures or presumed storage facilities for which de s crip - tive reports are available in publications (Ber be rián et al. 1983; Berberián 1984; Laguens 1999; Pastor 2007; Laguens, Bonnin 2009; Medina 2015; Recalde, López 2017; Medina et al. 2020). The study also considers the unpublished excavation notes of Po trero de Garay ob- tained by Eduardo Berberián. The investment in dwelling construction was measur- ed at the coarse-grain resolution following the logical framework for evaluating the effort invested in con - struction proposed by Michael W. Diehl (1997), which applies to any region when archeologically known architecture remains are available for study. As such, this study considered the size of a structure, the num - ber of post-molds, the kind of material used in con- struction, the formality of hearth construction, the depth of floors, the evidence of reoccupations, and so on to make inferences about the amount of time a structure was occupied based on the assumption that mobile people minimize the time and effort spent on construction (McGuire, Schiffer 1983; Rafferty 1985; Gilman 1987; Kent, Viedrich 1989; Binford 1990; Kelly 1992; 1998; Rocek 1995; Diehl 1997; Panja 2003; Kelly et al. 2005; Schmader, Graham 2015; Roth 2016; Schmader 2023). The term ‘post-mold’ refers to the archaeological trace of a wooden post, regardless of whether it had decayed in situ or been intentionally extracted. It was crucial for our research because more extended interannual occupation in creased the num- ber of posts used to support the roof, and vice versa. Something similar occurred with the other indicator analysed here, where ephemeral features or raw ma - terials were assumed to be used only for a few weeks and constitute evidence of high re sidential mobility. We also conducted a morpho-functional analysis of pot- tery vessels based on Philip J. Arnold (1999), Margaret E. Beck (2009), and Katherine M. Grillo (2014), taking the data about vessel mor pho logies from publications (Dantas, Figueroa 2008; Medina 2010; Heredia 2015).Radiocarbon age estimates also came from the literature and were used to assess evidence of site re- re sources. Specifically, the first strategy involves storing large quantities of a resource, usually in im- movable, per manent facilities such as storage pits or granaries, to feed the group through food scarcity or until the next harvest (O.c.). Robust evidence for long- term storage has generally been linked to permanent, sedentary occupations (Kelly 1992). Mo bile people also rely on immovable facilities for storage when they anticipate returning to locations (Kent, Viedrich 1989; Graham 1994; Rocek 1995; Binford 2001). However, the cost and risk of failure in crease because stored food would be exposed to theft or destruction during site aban donment (Howey, Frederick 2016; Roth 2016). In contrast, short-term storage involves saving limited resources for more immediate needs and planting in subsequent years, often in portable containers such as pottery vessels or basketry. Short-term storage fre- quent ly occurs when resources are insufficient and pre dictable enough to sustain a group over a season of scarcity. During this time, the group needs to rely on other subsistence ac tivities. To allow farming to persist as a viable eco nomic strategy, small-scale farmers had to store a minimal supply of crop seeds. Therefore, we need to consider the substantial amount of energy spent on the construction of habitation struc tures and the characteristics of storage facilities to provide archaeological clues concerning the du- ration of Late Prehispanic Period site occupation and the level of group mobility. According to the land scape- use model, it is expected that most of the Late Pre his- panic house structures would indicate that lit tle time was invested in their preparation. They would exhibit irregular or overlapping outlines, only identified by discretely packed floors and a few post-molds. More- over, any information about the layout of house fea - tures would suggest using ephemeral organic con struc - tion materials, providing indications of the short-term duration of site occupation consistent with seasonal use. Something similar should occur with storage. Farming plots and wild fruit patches occasionally pro - vide a minimal surplus that can be stored in portable containers such as pottery vessels or basketry. How- ever, they do not produce enough sto res consistently to feed the group from year to year. Thus, even with horticulture and storage technology, Late Prehispanic people were still tied to seasonal mo ve ments to forage wild resources and reinforce inter-group obligations, carrying stored seeds in portable containers for food and future planting. Long-term storage facilities would not be expected. Moreover, patches with seasonally pre dictable resources may remain repeatedly oc cu - 524 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián to support the upper portion of the walls and the roof. However, the number of post-molds was not high, despite the relatively large size of the structures. Moreover, sometimes the post-molds were nearly 2m from each other (Fig. 2). There was no evidence of se- condary posts reinforcing the corners, showing little effort invested in the construction and maintenance of the houses as observed in long-term occupied sites (see Diehl 1997; Ellis et al. 2015; Schmader 2023). Cen tral support posts were rare and only recorded in Unit 4. Such a layout suggested that the superstructure of dwellings was not particularly heavy or elaborated, a position consistent with the lack of collapsed roof de- posits. The habitation floors were plain, consolidated, and a few centimetres thick, formed by daily domestic trampling (Fig. 3.a-b). Floors presented some de facto refuse and site furniture (for example, immovable or heavy ground stones and large vessels) for future re - use. The relative absence of small or expensive items might result from the depletion of abandoned as sem- blages. There were no storage pits indoors or outdoors and no evidence of formal interior hearth features. However, there were shallow charcoal-stained and oval-shaped (30–40cm) pits with fire-scorched earth and scattered-wood charcoal consistent with on-floor hearths (Fig. 3.a) (Berberián 1984). Berberián (O.c.) detected bu rials under the living floors, sometimes covered with a small structure made of stones and grinding ar tefacts or evidenced by the different colo - ration of the sediments, indicative of earth removal (Fig. 3.b-c). Aside from pithouses, Berberian also iden- tified four small oval and basin-shaped habitation structures (~2.50m diameter), flimsy in roof con struc - tion and without indication of post-molds (Berbe rián et al. 1983.77). However, information about the lo ca- tion of these informal constructions is not available in reports. The descriptions of the structures were con sistent with ephemeral, easily constructed domed brush huts, showing multiple forms of residential struc tures and flexibility of house construction tech - niques utilized during the site occupation, with va rious levels of energy investment and probable length of stay. Pit structures appeared to represent a more sub- stantial labour investment than smaller structures, which indicates greater mobility for the residents. Wood charcoals obtained from the living floor of Unit 2 were dated by Berberián (1984) at ~330 cal BP (500–…AD, 95%) (Tab. 1). However, ra diocarbon dates recently obtained from human ske letal remains by Al- dana Tavarone et al. (2020) shed light on the fact that the site represents several centuries of reoccupation. In line with other evidence described here, we think use (Berberián 1984; Laguens 1999; Pastor 2007; Laguens, Bonnin 2009; Medina 2015; Recalde, López 2017; Medina et al. 2020; Tavarone et al. 2020). We im plemented ra diocarbon models in OxCal 4.3 (Bronk Ramsey 2009a), using the calibration curve SHCal20 (Hogg et al. 2020). Modelled dates and boundaries are pre sented in italics. We present only the medians and 95% probability ranges of the dates, rounded by ten years (Marsh et al. 2019). Sites and structures Sites containing structures were found sparsely through out the Sierras de Córdoba (Fig. 1). Unam bi- guous examples of house structures are uncommon at Late Prehispanic Period sites, and well-delineated house patterns are rarely found in excavations. More- over, there was some debate or doubt concerning re - cognizing certain features as actual houses. Seve ral sites, for example, have been reported with evi dence of post-molds suggesting the presence of dwelling structures, but these do not often occur in an easily in- terpretable pattern (Medina et al. 2016). Surprisingly, stones were not used for dwelling con struction in the re gion, even when abundant in the landscape. Instead, they were used in historic times to build puestos, ran- chos, and estancias (Aparicio 1931; López 2021). Thus, the relative invisibility of Prehispanic house ar- chi tecture may relate to the high degree of mobility of the small-scale groups that resided in the region, a pos- sibility that is explored further. Potrero de Garay, an open-air site near Lake Los Moli- nos, stands out as one of the most archaeologically and extensively investigated sites in the Late Prehis- pa nic Period (Fig. 1). It is particularly notable for its well-documented houses (Berberián et al. 1983; Ber - berián 1984). During the large-scale open-area exca - vations, Eduardo E. Berberián identified four semi- subterranean pithouses (Fig. 2). The houses were con - structed on soft, easily deformed soil. Of the four hou - ses completely exposed, three were rec tangular pit- houses. They had a mean length of 6.1m and a mean width of 4.7m, with straight or slightly rounded cor- ners. The morphology of Unit 4 was fuz zy and failed to yield rectangular pristine outlines (Fig. 2). The pit walls formed the lower portion of the structures with - out any evidence of a stone wall foundation or co- lumns that would suggest long-term use life. The 1.5m wide sloping entrance and walls were 0–40cm be low the prehistoric ground surface. Post-molds averaging 15cm in diameter were placed around their perimeter 525 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina association with more than 20 post-molds and unde- fined basin-shaped depressions, which contained evidence of multiple functions in connection with the abandonment process, including storage, caching tools, and trash disposal (Fig. 4; Medina et al. 2016; 2020). A few centimetres below the upper floor, the change in the consistency of se diments led to the lower archaeological floor (Fig. 5), which presented a feature of unknown use made of 14 cobble-sized stones, basin- shaped depressions, and two post-molds. One of the post-molds had a fire-altered (burned) post inside (Fig. 3.e; Medina et al. 2020). Medina et al. (O.c.) also noticed a pit feature of unknown function filled with uncompacted, fine-grey sediments in the northwestern corner of the ex cavation. The upper and lower floors were rich in scattered ash, ash by-products, charcoals, and some reddened earth rather than well-defined hearths, in dicating multiple occupational and re oc cu- pation events across decades (O.c.). Living floors also had abundant domestic refuse, including a high diver - sity of pottery, metal, stone, and bone tools, biological debris, and residues of time-consuming ac tivities such as pottery making. The excavator also found functional artefacts on the living floors, suggesting that people planned to return to this lo cation (Medina et al. 2016; 2020). By detecting post-molds, we inferred the pre- sence of habitation structures like pithouses, brush huts, or windbreaks over the living floor (Figs. 2 and 3). Post-molds were closely spaced on the upper floor (Fig. 4). They range from 22–27cm in diameter and 17–31cm deep. Two overlap, representing a time se- quence or minimally multiple occupation events. It is unclear what this pattern represents, especially when well-defined out lines are not evident enough to iden- tify the shape or size of the structures. The random di - stribution of artefacts and features on living floors had more in common with overlapping brush hou- ses (see Wheaton 2014) than the pit structures over- emphasized by the study of ethnohistoric sixteenth- century documents (see González 1943; Serrano 1945; Berberián 1984). The absence of well-defined hearth features made identifying houses even more complicated, reinforcing the hypothesis that there were multiple superimposed houses and no durable habitation residences for long-term occupation (Me- dina et al. 2020). The fact that Medina et al. (O.c.) re - ported pottery sherds from the fill of at least one post - hole also supports this as sertion (Fig. 3.d) because they showed that debris accumulated during late oc- cupations slid down on the posthole of the earliest oc - cupation. A context with this characteristic challeng- ed any interpretation of the finely reticulated stra ti- the site probably represented sequential episodes of seasonal occupation rather than contemporary and year-round occupied neighbouring households (Tab. 1). For example, radiocarbon dates from Unit 4 indi- cate that using the pithouse differed by several hund- red years. Boyo Paso 2 is an open-air site in Eastern Salsacate Val- ley excavated by Matías E. Medina (Fig. 1). Although soil strata were fairly uniform, the horizontal exca va - tion revealed two overlying archaeological floors formed by unprepared-packed sediments that ap pear - ed fire-altered by multiple on-floor hearths (Figs. 3. d-e, 4 and 5). The upper floor was a thin le vel of com- pact ed sediments less than 2cm thick spread over the 55m2 excavated (Medina et al. 2020). Me di na did not detect storage pits during excavations. However, he documented a roughly semi-subterranean structure in the southern portion of the excavated area, in close Fig. 2. Plan view of the pithouses and key features of Potrero de Garay. Key: U1 Unit 1; U2 Unit 2; U3 Unit 3; U4 Unit 4. 526 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián Site Material dated Context Lab code 14C age ± Median 95% probability Boyo Paso 2 Wood charcoal Upper floor (37-40cm) LP-2932 750 70 650 730–550 AD Boyo Paso 2 Phaseolus vulgaris (seed) Upper floor (37-40cm) AA-110929 866 39 730 800–670 AD Boyo Paso 2 Zea mays (seed) Upper floor (37-40cm) AA-110928 878 18 740 790–680 AD Boyo Paso 2 Wood charcoal Upper floor (37-40cm) LP-3122 1060 50 920 1060–790 AD Boyo Paso 2 Wood charcoal Upper floor (37-40cm) LP-3107 1500 80 1360 1540–1170 AD Boyo Paso 2 Wood charcoal Lower floor (49-56cm) LP-3577 870 50 740 910–660 AD Boyo Paso 2 Wood charcoal Lower floor (49-56cm) LP-3567 970 40 840 930–740 AD Potrero de Garay Wood charcoal Archaeological floor,Unit 2 I-11697 310 75 330 500–... AD Potrero de Garay Human bone Burial E1 MTC-14025 383 58 400 500–300 AD Potrero de Garay Human bone Burial E3 MTC-13251 981 41 850 930–740 AD Potrero de Garay Human bone Burial E4 MTC-14028 889 59 760 910–670 AD Potrero de Garay Human bone Burial E6 MTC-13215 881 150 780 1060–540 AD Potrero de Garay Human bone Burial E8 MTC-13246 995 161 870 1260–560 AD Potrero de Garay Human bone Burial E9 MTC-13254 420 41 440 510–320 AD C.Pun.39 Wood charcoal C3 level 4 (30-40cm) AA-62338 854 39 720 800–670 AD C.Pun.39 Phaseolus sp.(seed) D1 level 6 (50-60cm) AA-64819 525 36 520 550–490 AD C.Pun.39 Wood charcoal C2 level 9 (80-90cm) AA-62339 716 39 620 680–550 AD Puesto La Esquina Wood charcoal H1 level 2 (10-20cm) AA-64816 365 38 390 490–300 AD Puesto La Esquina Wood charcoal H1 level 4 (30-40cm) AA-64815 362 43 390 490–300 AD Arroyo Tala Cañada 1 Wood charcoal archaeological floor LP-1511 900 70 770 920–670 AD Arroyo Tala Cañada 1 Phaseolus vulgaris aff. var. vulgaris (seed) plough zone feature AA-64820 1028 40 870 960–790 AD Arroyo Las Chacras 3 Wood charcoal B1 level 5 (20-25cm) AA-100670 917 37 780 910–680 AD Cementerio Wood charcoal hearth feature LP-422 310 90 320 500–... AD El Ranchito Wood charcoal pit feature Hv-17047 370 40 390 490–310 AD Quebrada Norte 7 Wood charcoal 45cm LP-3212 1280 80 1120 1280–960 AD Quebrada Norte 7 Zea mays (seed) 35-4cm AA107245 405 21 450 500–320 AD Tab. 1. Radiocarbon dates from the archaeological sites. The three points of the 95% probability column im- ply that the date may extend out of the range of the calibration curve. graphy of the archaeological record and forced us to accept the coarse chronological re solution of the floors. They (Medina et al. 2020) pub lished seven radiocarbon dates for the site (Tab. 1). However, two dates from the up per floor (~920 cal BP, 1060–790 AD, 95% and ~1360 cal BP, 1540–1170 AD, 95%) were out - liers or dates made on old wood. Therefore, we ex- cluded them from the ana lysis until more ra dio car- bon dates were ob tained (Tab. 1). As suming that the lower floor was older than the upper floor, a simple Bayesian mo del showed that the epi sodes of site occupations began around 800 cal years BP (1010– 720, 95%, starting boundary) and ended around 700 cal years BP (770– 560 AD, 95%, ending boundary). The lower floor had medians of 760, 780 cal years BP, and the upper floor’s three dates had me dians of 720, 730, 740 cal years BP (Tab. 1). The ran dom di - stribution of post-molds combined with the ra dio - carbon dates suggested a palimpsest of free-stand ing dwellings without direct continuity from one con - struction episode to the next, consistent with a re peat- ed seasonal occupation over at least a century. Un for tu - nately, knowing how many occupation epi so des were represented on an ethno gra phical obser vation scale is challenging. Based on the evi dence, we inter pret ed Boyo Paso 2 as a seasonal en camp ment where small groups sporadically coalesced during the growing season to do various activities. The presence of fau- 527 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina do, El Ranchito and Arroyo Las Chacras 3 (Fig. 1) was noticed by the detection of packed surfaces with hori- zontally dispersed archaeological remains, ambiguous hearth features or firepits, soil stains, and post-molds. However, the reported features did not conform to ex- pectations for substantial housing. C.Pun.39 is located at Northen Punilla Valley (Fig. 1) and was excavated by Medina. House architecture was difficult to recognize on the modern ground surface. nal and botanical remains that in dicated the site was occupied with a strong sig nal during the warm sea - son (October–April), in com bi nation with tem po- rary organic structures and residues of activities that imply staying in a place for several weeks, sup port ed this argument (see O.c.). The presence of habitation structures in other open-air sites such as C.Pun.39, Puesto La Esquina 1, Que brada Norte 7, Arroyo Tala Cañada 1, Cementerio, Huay con - Fig. 3. Examples of house architecture and features from the sites Potrero de Garay, Boyo Paso 2, and C.Pun.39. a extensive charcoal staining on the floor of Unit 2 of Potrero de Garay; b Unit 1 from Potrero de Garay; c burial from the Unit 2 of Potrero de Garay; d pottery sherds filling a posthole at the upper floor of Boyo Paso 2 (the dashed line indicates the outline of the posthole); e post-molds with a fire-altered (burned) post inside recorded at the lower floor of Boyo Paso 2 (the dashed line indicates the outline of the posthole); f possible archaeological floor from Sector 3 of C.Pun.39. 528 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián geneous, with undistinguished stratigraphic layers. A high tool richness was documented along the stra ti- graphical sequence, including clay nodules with fin ger - prints interpreted as pottery-making by-products (Me- dina 2010; Medina et al. 2016). Medina (2015) dated three charcoal samples from overlapping layers at ~520 cal BP (550–490 AD, 95%), ~620 cal BP (680– 550 AD, 95%), and ~720 cal BP (800–670 AD, 95%), show ing different occupation events across the Late Prehispanic Period (Tab. 1). Puesto La Esquina 1 is located in a well-protected gorge of the Pampa of Olaen (Fig. 1). Five test pits over 5m2 (Sectors 1 to 5) were created by Medina (O.c.), which re vealed that not all the site was intensively occupied. He concentrated excavations on the deposit of Sector 5, which showed high archaeological potential, un co- As such, the excavations were developed in three sec- tors where the surface lithic scatter and ceramics ex- ceeded five items per m2 (see Medina 2015). In Sec tor 1, a packed surface was recorded at 27–40cm over the 4m2 excavated (O.c.). The floor de posit contained a few small, highly fragmented archaeological remains. It is suspected that a slightly built house structure existed, but there was no direct archaeological evi- dence for this despite the packed surface (O.c.). Some - thing similar occurred with the 4m2 excavation of Sector 3, where Medina detected a slightly packed sur - face containing a few significant horizontally dis- persed artefacts 20cm from the surface (Fig. 3.f; O.c.). No house features were discovered on the hypothetical floor, making any habitational structure hard to detect. Medina excavated 8m2 in Sector 2 until reaching ste - rile sediments at 90cm (O.c.). The deposit was homo - Fig. 4. Plan view of the upper archaeological floor of Boyo Paso 2 with the excavation units, post-molds, and critical features (from Medina et al. 2020). 529 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina bitation structure de stroyed by post-depositional pro ces ses (Me- dina et al. 2016). Medina (2010) also found pottery sherds and amorphous nodules of clay that evidenced on-site pot tery ma nu - facturing along the se quen ce. Medina (2015; 2016) dated two charcoal sam ples from over lapp- ing layers at ~390 cal BP (490– 300 AD, 95%) and ~390 cal BP (400–300 AD, 95%), indicating that most of the elements accu- mu lated over a short period, pro - bably as a sea so nal-type oc cu pa- tion (Tab. 1). Sebastián Pastor (2007) led the exca va tion of Arroyo Tala Ca -ña- da 1 in Eastern Salsacate Valley and de tected a slightly packed surface with primary refuse in situ and two post-molds around 30cm wide (Fig. 7). Based on these findings, he inferred the pre sence of a temporary habita - tion structure dated by wood char- coal with a median of 770 cal BP (920–670, 95%) (Tab. 1). He al - so recorded a plough soil fea ture with cultivated plant remains at 12m of the presum able house structure, including phy toliths of Zea mays leaves (Fig. 7). This type of feature had never been detected in the Sier ras de Córdoba until Arroyo Ta la Cañada 1, even when the planting of domesticated species was con sidered a significant land mark in recent pre - history. He dated a charred seed of Phaseolus vulga - ris aff. var. vulgaris from the agri cultural feature at ~870 cal BP (960–790 AD, 95%) (Tab. 1). The archa - eological record of Ar royo Tala Cañada 1 supports the develop ment of low-in vest ment cultivation during the La te Prehispanic Period, with residential units dispersed across farming plots. Test-pit works by Medina (2015) in the site Arroyo Las Chacras 3 iden tified spatially restricted archaeological strata, which of fered an excellent opportunity to discover possible house fea tures through open-area ex cavations. When fieldwork was ac com plished, the archaeologist re co vered a dense concentration of pot - tery fragments and scattered wood in a layer of about vering 10m2 (O.c.). The excavation discovered a few ho ri zontally dispersed cobble-sized rocks at 20 cm (Fig. 6.a). The constructors obtained and transported the stones from the stream adjacent to the site area. The feature was interpreted by Medina (O.c.) as an in - door hearth because it was associated with a high den - sity of sherds, li thic tools, and bones assumed to be in situ floor trash (Fig. 6.b-c). However, the feature is diffuse and requires further exploration. At 35cm deep, Medina (O.c.) iden tified a circular-shaped (28cm diameter) and relatively shallow depression (5cm deep) in the soft soil (Fig. 6.d). The fill of the feature contained wood charcoal fragments, burned bones and reddened earth, and it was interpreted as an on- floor hearth feature contained wood charcoal frag- ments, burn ed bones, and reddened earth, and it was in terpreted as an on-floor hearth. Here again, the small size of the feature did not support the notion of long-lasting, repetitively re-lit fires, and it was difficult to assess if such occurrence reflects an ep he meral ha - Fig. 5. Plan view of the lower archaeological floor of Boyo Paso 2 with the excavation units, post-molds, and critical features (from Medina et al. 2020). 530 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián morphologies (12–14cm wide at the mouth), which are optimal for transport, storage, and cooking a broad spectrum of resources (Heredia 2015). This pattern is reiterative in the other Late Prehispanic sites (Fig. 9; Dan tas, Figueroa 2008; Medina 2010). The stratigraphic excavations by Andres Laguens in the site Cementerio (Fig. 1) detected two hearths, a hearth-like feature made of rocks, two post-molds, and a bu rial (Appendix, Figure 1; Laguens 1999). Based on this evidence, the archaeologist hypothesized the pre- sence of a not well-defined domestic residence (see La- 9m2 and 10cm thick (Figs. 6, 8). He did not de tect hearths, house remains, or clear living floors at the site. This absence does not necessarily imply that those features did not exist. The lack of associated features may result from intensive post-occupational di stur- bance caused by roots (Fig. 8) or other de struc tive pro- cesses. He interpreted the layout of pottery frag ments and their refitting associations as aban donment refuse inside or nearby a house floor ac cumulated by a single component occurrence dated at ~780 cal BP (910– 680 AD, 95%), pro bably as a sea so nal-type occu pa- tion (Tab. 1). The pottery showed medium rounded Fig. 6. Examples of features from Puesto La Esquina 1 and Arroyo Las Chacras 3. a horizontally dispersed cobble-sized rocks from Puesto La Esquina 1 interpreted as a possible hearth; b-c Pampas deer (Ozotoceros bezo articus) metapodials found in situ at Puesto La Esquina 1; d feature from Puesto La Esquina 1 in ter- preted as an on-floor hearth; e-f excavations in Arroyo Las Chacras 3. 531 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina guens, Bonnin 2009). Wood charcoals recovered in this stratum were dated at ~320 cal BP (500–… AD, 95%). El Ranchito is an unusual site in size and composition (see Laguens 1999; Marcellino 2001; Laguens, Bon- nin 2009; Sario et al. 2017). It was surveyed and ex ca- vated by A. Laguens, who characterized the im mense surface artefact assemblage of El Ranchito as a large open-air sedentary village. However, the ex cavation allowed the recovery of few archaeological residues and no house features, making it impossible to con- clude year-round sedentism behaviour (see Laguens 1999). Most importantly, in the southwestern portion of the site Laguens discovered 112 clumped un der- ground pit structures (Appendix, Figure 2), one of them dated at ~390 cal BP (490–310 AD, 95%) (Tab. 1). They were bell-shaped underground facilities approximately 90cm deep, 30–40cm in diameter at the top, and 80cm in diameter at the bottom (Laguens 1999). Such facilities are universally seen as storage pits (Rocek 1995), suggesting the collection of a wild or domesticated resource in sufficient quantities and stored for delayed consumption by sedentary groups (see Laguens, Bonnin 2009.288). Nevertheless, the pits were described as storage facilities without many supporting arguments despite the finding of charcoals, indeterminate charred seeds, rodent bones, or stained sediment (see Laguens 1999). There was no evidence to support the storage function. The in ter pretations as storage facilities are thus open to discussion, with roasting pits (which imply food processing, not an anticipated lengthy oc cupation) or cisterns for water col lection, conservation, and de contamination seem to be better alternative explanations (see Heider 2020). According to the published evidence (see Marcellino 2001; Sario et al. 2017), we interpreted El Ranchito as the result of multiple small short-term visits over 3000 years or more, which produced an extensive archaeo- logical site deposit that resembles a multi-household nu cleated settlement of entirely sedentary farmers (see Medina 2015). However, the hypothesis requires detailed open-area excavations of buried deposits to move forward and evaluate previous research mo dels empirically. Huaycondo is an open-air site in southern Punilla Val - ley (Fig. 1). During the open-area excavation (>30m2) by Gisela Sario, the ho mogenous and organic-rich soil stratigraphy of the upper levels led at 30–40cm to packed reddened sediments that form ed an ar cha eo - logical floor (Figs. 10 and 11.a). The living floor re veal- Fig. 7. Plan view of Arroyo Tala Cañada 1 with post- molds and key features. 532 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián tri angular arrow points and nu merous pottery frag- ments col lected on the packed surface support logical association with the Late Prehispanic Period (Fig. 11.b-c). Finally, Quebrada Norte 7 is an open-air site at Sier ras del Norte (Fig. 1). Excavations by Andrea Recalde co- vered 15m2 with a maximum depth of 70cm (Recalde, López 2017). She recorded a dense concentration of pottery fragments, cultivated plants, wood charcoals, faunal remains, and bone, lithic, and grinding tools across the strata. The high tool richness and plant ma - cro-remains suggested that domestic activities oc - curred on-site, including the short-term storage of wild fruits for delayed consumption (O.c.). Most im- portantly, the archaeologist noticed an archaeological floor at 45cm, but only restricted to a small area near the northwestern edge of the excavation (Fig. 12). Dark ly compacted sediments formed the floor. No well-defined house features were noted. The only pos - sible evidence to support the exis tence of a house struc ture was am bi guous and consisted mainly of on- floor hearth by-products (charcoals, ash, and oxidized sediments) and pot tery sherds horizontally dispersed on the floor. Unfortunately, the floor was not discerned in the rest of the excavated surface, which was heavily affected by the root system of the trees that had grown over or near the excavated area (Fig. 12). Moreover, no direct ra dio carbon date was obtained from the floor. However, wood charcoals re co vered at the same floor depth were dated at ~1120 cal BP (1280–960 AD, 95%) (Tab. 2). In addition, a charred seed tentatively as signed to cf. Zea mays recovered at 35–45cm was ed fourteen post-molds and irregular shallow pit fea tures. The diameter of the post-mold va ried between 11 to 20cm. Se ven post-molds aligned fair- ly regularly and formed a slightly rounded corner. This layout seemed to reveal the remains of a surface-dwel- ling structure with straight-walled and right-angled alignments (Fig. 10). Whether the other post-molds are as - sociated with the structure or re pre - sented other struc tures (not neces sa- rily contemporary) requires further re search. Moreover, these post-molds were sometimes in pairs or filled with tiny pieces of pot tery, as in Boyo Paso 2, supporting the claim that multiple occupational events and site for ma - tion processes formed the site. Strip- ping large areas around the post-molds did not reveal any associated hearths, a typical pattern of open-air sites. Nevertheless, the packed surface was rich in scat - tered char coals, amorphous ash stains, and reddened sediments, suggesting that multiple burn ing events af- fected the deposit. The floor also contained abundant archaeological remains in situ. Most findings, includ- ing bones and pottery sherds, lie hori zon tally or sub- horizontally. No radiocarbon dates have yet been ob- tained from the floor. However, the small-stemmed Fig. 8. Plan view of the excavation of Arroyo Las Chacras 3. Fig. 9. Examples of globular-shaped pottery vessels re covered at C.Pun.39. 533 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina lity. We observe that houses were not substantial, and their con- struction involved rela latively lit - tle investment. In this regard, the house features at Sierras de Cór - doba generally con sist of com- pacted archaeological floors, am - biguous hearth len ses, and post- molds. Evidence of pithouses was li mit ed to Potrero de Garay, and the other sites show only one or a few post-molds. The scarcity of post-molds suggests that the superstructure con struct ed lack - ed an elaborate and for mal de- sign. The labour invested in such constructions and their flimsy characteristics indicate they were for short-use periods. They may have been simple huts, ramadas (sun shades), or wind breaks made from stack ed bru shes, gras- ses, and furs, such as those ob- serv ed in ethno graphic studies of mobile people from the early 20th century in central Argentina or even in mo dern ti mes (Fig. 11. d; see Apa ricio 1931; 1932; 1937; Za morano 1956; Katzer et al. 2017). Such low-cost do mestic ar- chitecture implies seaso nal oc cu - pation and high resi den tial mo bi- lity. Sedentism has thus been- some what over stated in the ar - chaeological nar ratives, and sites were not con ti nuously used as was assumed for decades. Domestic structures have rarely been directly dated via in situ post-mold radiocarbon dating as occurred on Boyo Paso 2. The available stratigraphic details and se quences of radiocarbon age estimates do not allow for the isolation of individual, periodic revisits at an ethnographic scale. Still, they do provide evi dence of re - use over broader periods. For example, the excava- tions at Boyo Paso 2 delineated two ar cha eo logical floors or periods of use that suggest a punctuated pat- tern of reuse at a broad temporal scale. The ra diocar- bon dates of floors lacked the precision to isolate the age of the different periods of occupation. More over, over lapping post-molds on the upper floor and the record of a post-mold filled with sherds indicate the dat ed at ~450 cal BP (500–320 AD, 95%), showing that Quebrada Norte 7 presented different occupation events across the Late Prehispanic Period (Tab. 2). Table 2 synthesizes the archaeological record in open- air sites interpreted as seasonal base camps described above. Discussion The preceding review de mon strates that despite the small inventory of habitation structures, clear patterns emerge regarding the relationship be tween everyday domestic re si dences and the level of re si den tial mo bi - Fig. 10. Plan view of the archaeological floor of Huaycondo with the ex ca- vation units, post-molds, and key features. 534 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián had similar medians in the 410–440 cal years BP range. Assuming the estimates roughly represent when the site was occupied, the dates suggest a hiatus of near ly four centuries, indicating that the site was pro- bably abandoned. We thus consider that Potrero de Ga - ray also represents a palimpsest of a semi-iso lat ed farm stead reoccupied over several centuries and not a year-round village of many clustered and integrated contemporary households, as was initially proposed by Berberián (1984) and claimed by Andres Laguens and Mirta Bonnin (2009). The lack of interior features, such as hearths may indicate warm-weather use of pit - houses, an interpretation supported by the shal low- ness of pithouses and the faunal remains of prey with warm seasonal behaviour (see Berberián 1984). In sum, the archaeological information suggests that sites encompassed a sequence of reoccupations (al beit during the same season) and post-depositional pro ces - reuse of the site, and that the assemblage was ac cu- mulated over different events of use. This implies that the site layout is not expressed at a scale of days or sea - sons suitable for being directly mapped. The re fore, treating all materials as a product of the same occupa- tion would produce a mismatch in the scale between the behavioural dynamic of interest and the empirical evidence, since the site is a real pa limpsest that avera - ges multiple human behaviours and post-depositional processes. The span of seven radiocarbon dates from Potrero de Garay also attests to repeated reoccupations, forming two probabilistic groups of dates suggesting that the site was intensively occupied for at least two episodes. The first group of estimates, defined by four dates with overlapping probability distributions and similar me- dians, dated 780–810 cal years BP. The second group, represented by three dates, occurred centuries later and Fig. 11. The site Huaycondo and a photograph of a modern ramada (sun shade). a excavation at Huaycondo viewed from the East; b pottery sherds lying horizontally on the archaeological floor of Huaycondo; c Late Prehispanic Period chipped-stone arrow point lying horizontally on the archaeological floor of Huaycondo; d Ramada temporally used by modern farmers from the Departamento Juan Facundo Quiroga (La Rioja, Argentina, photo by S. Pastor in May 2021). 535 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina artefacts, and other trash deposited during use. The su - perstructures appear to have been of lo cal peri sh able materials, contrasting with the more elaborated and for mal contemporary habitation structures of the An- dean region, where groups were en tirely sedentary farmers, and the use of rocks or other durable ma teri- als for house construction predominated (e.g., Raf fino 1988). The lack of clear evidence for storage pits or other sto - rage facilities suggests that the occupants did not prac- tice long-term food storage. Because long-term storage would have been required for a year-round occupation, the sites were probably used for a few months before the residentially mobile groups had to move to a new patch. Perhaps more plausible is the idea that storage was largely aboveground and transportable, car ry ing a minimal surplus in pot tery and basketry containers during the frequent changes in the location of the co- residential groups. The presence of large-sized vessels on-site challenges this suggestion, but they were al- ways few in number compared to the me dium-sized rounded morphologies that dominated the pottery assemblages (Me dina 2010). Large-sized vessels may thus reflect caching in preparation for an anticipated re turn to sites ra ther than a year-round occupation stra tegy (see Graham 1994; Rocek 1995; Schmader, Gra ham 2015; Roth 2016). Al though crop plant cul ti- vation played an ancillary role, some storage would have been necessary to allow farming conti nui ty. Sto- rage was not at the extensive level that permitted a re - duction of residential mobility or an in crease in the duration of site occupation. Conversely, the Late Pre- hispanic people stored only for the short term, using such portable containers as globular-shaped pottery vessels, one of the most numerous arte fact types repre- sented in the ar cha eolo gical record after lithic tools. Baskets and net bags were also used, even in com bi nation with pot- tery vessels, though evi dence of these pe - ri sh able tech nologies is often elusive and was only identified by pottery sherds bea - r ing im pressions of basket containers (Dantas, Figueroa 2010; Medina 2010; Cos sani 2015; Abalos Luna 2020). The identification of Rhea spp. eggshells, small-vertebrate bones from prey that sug gest warm seasonal behaviour, crops, and wild plant remains support that Late Pre- hispanic villages were occupied with a ses that made their conservation difficult be cause fea- tures and artefacts degraded fast due to the biological ac tivity of the Sierra Chaco forest. Dif ficulties also arise when discussing the level of permanence at the sites. We have already proposed a period of occupation of two to six months, but this is purely speculative and presented solely to provide a frame of reference for en - suing discussions (Medina et al. 2020). However, it is drawn from observations of durations of stay lasting ~121 days that typify people with similar dwellings who have been the subject of ethnographic study (Diehl 1992.10). More over, the identification of resi- dues of pottery tool manufacturing on-site, an activity that implies staying in a place for several days or weeks to complete the pottery cycle, supports this argument. The exact pe rio dicity of the reoccupation of sites is un- known and requires further research, but it may be re - lated to the regeneration of the farming plots and wild food patches. Nevertheless, the seasonal duration of the occupations probably required only a short in ter- val for the location to become suitable for reuse. In our opinion, the architectural evidence reinforces the hypothesis that Late Prehispanic campsites were lo cations of seasonal occupations of residentially mo - bile people who practiced a flexible settlement pat- tern, especially concerning domestic architecture. The habitational structures represent informal and low-energy constructions typically expected for sea so- nal mobile people. Most structures, except the pit hou- ses of Potrero de Garay, are not well-defined and are irregular in plan view. The lack of prepared or for mal floors suggests they were created by mixing charcoal, Fig. 12. Photograph of the excavation of Quebrada Norte 7 show- ing the archaeological floor and the root system of trees that had grown over the site. 536 Matías E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebastián Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián more robust signature in middle spring through early autumn (October–April), where planting, harvesting, and wild food were available around the sites (Ber be- rián 1984; Pastor 2007; Medina, Pastor 2012; Medina et al. 2016; 2020; Recalde, Ló pez 2017). Occupations during other seasons were also possible, and sites were probably used intermittently or occasio- nally visited for raw material provisioning on a broad temporal scale. Still, clear evi - dence of this is lacking (Me dina et al. 2020). If the houses had not been used in the winter, the evidence sup ports that late Prehispanic people were not following a wintering-over stra tegy where the entire winter was spent at a single location, which would have only been possible if long-term sto res had been available. Con verse ly, over all data and settlement pat tern sur - vey data suggest that when har vest ac ti- vities finished in early autumn, most core- sidential groups dispersed for four or five months to forage resources elsewhere, col - lect information about their socio-en vi ron - ment, and main tain the sociopolitical flu- idity up on which they depended to cope with environmental fluc tuations. During the cold months food con sumption relied on foraging wild re sources, mainly the large game that inha bited the upper mo- un tain grassland range, and on stored food partially transported from summer hamlets in portable containers (Me dina et al. 2016). Conclusion The recognition of habitation and pit fea - tures in Late Prehispanic sites has sparked diverse opinions concerning the duration of site occupation and whe ther long-term storage was practised. However, some hy - potheses, such as those proposed by La- gu ens and Bonnin (2009), lack empirical discussion or de tailed data analyses. In a recent regional synthesis, they argue that base camp occupation was sedentary, with groups living on food from storage pits and pottery. Argu ments for longer-term occupations were generally supported, with a brief discussion, by the presence of Ta b. 2 . A tt ri bu te li st o f t he m ai n c ha ra ct er is ti cs o f t he o pe n -a ir s it es d es cr ib ed in th e te xt ( an X in di ca te s th ei r pr es en ce o n -s it e) . Si te Po tr er o de G ar ay Bo yo Pa so 2 C. Pu n. 39 Pu es to L a Es qu in a 1 Ar ro yo T al a Ca ña da 1 Ar ro yo L as Ch ac ra s 3 Ce m en te rio El R an ch ito Hu ay co nd o Q ue br ad a N or te 7 Ex ca va te d su rf ac e ~3 25 m 2 55 m 2 16 m 2 15 m 2 10 m 2 9m 2 ~ 9m 2 ~ 12 m 2 ~3 1m 2 1 5m 2 Pi th ou se s X ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ O va l-s ha pe d st ru ct ur es X . . . . . . . . . Li vi ng fl oo rs X X X ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ X X Po st -m ol ds X X ‒ ‒ X ‒ X ‒ X ‒ Po st -m ol d al ig nm en ts X ‒ ‒ ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ X ‒ Ba sin -s ha pe d de pr es sio ns X X ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ X ‒ Re fu se h or izo nt al ly d isp er se d X X X X X X X X X X St on e fe at ur es (n ot w al ls) X X ‒ X ‒ ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ Bu ria ls X ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ Fo rm al h ea rt hs ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ O n- flo or h ea rt hs X ‒ ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ X ‒ O n- flo or h ea rt h by -p ro du ct s X X X X X X X X X X Pi t s tr uc tu re s ( un kn ow n fu nc tio n) ‒ X ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ Po tte ry m ak in g ev id en ce ‒ X X X ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ 537 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina annual behavioural changes (Jochim 1991). Indeed, ethnographic examples indicate that such a rigid view is oversimplified across the world, showing that oc cu- pation strategies can change significantly over time and that temporary shifts from farming to foraging, and vice versa, were common (Jochim 1991; Layton et al. 1991; Kelly 1992; Graham 1994; Chil ton 1999; Smith 2001; Panja 2003; Hill et al. 2008; Wheaton 2014; Ellis et al. 2015; Schmader, Graham 2015; Roth 2016; Scancarello et al. 2021). However, the preference for normative rigid views blinded archaeologists in their understanding of the past flexibility of human groups to adjust set tlement location and group size to local changing circumstances. In contrast, we interpret a mosaic of foraging and farming patterns among the broad temporal scale of the Late Prehispanic Period that did not involve all the region’s people in the same ways. This view does not necessarily match paradigms that equate foraging with non-sedentary people and farming with sedentary people. The ethnographic re- cord shows that occupational strategies were highly variable and occurred in different combinations, main - ly at an evolutionary scale resolution. So, while most Late Prehispanic people occupied farmsteads during the growing and planting season, other small groups may sometimes have continued to be mobile to forage or occasionally settled in semi-permanent villages up to an entire year (six to 12 months) when conditions were suitable for farming, as probably occurred in Po- trero de Garay. Farming activities were limited to field preparation using stone axes, planting, harvesting, and processing, so they did not interfere with foraging (Medina et al. 2016; 2020). If a crop failed or high-re- turn wild resources became available, the settlement tech nology could fall back on higher mobility or dis - persion as a description of Late Prehispanic adap ta bi- lity to changing conditions. These settlement patterns led to arguments for great er residential mobility for the Late Prehispanic groups residing in the Sierras de Córdoba. Seasonal settlement rather than year-round sedentism might thus account for the archaeological re cord of the open-air residential sites, with clear signs of a flexible settlement strategy, especially as regards the domestic architecture, which was temporary, re- quir ed a low investment of time and effort, and was not intended for long-term occupation. We concluded that the material culture, particularly architecture, follows the expectation of a settlement pattern left by groups organized as seasonal or occa- sional food producers that used specific locations as campsites for a few months. Pottery vessels reflect not presumable storage pits restricted to El Ranchito. The function of these pit fea tures was at tributed to sto rage by Laguens and Bonnin (O.c.), although without ex- plaining why. In addition, the presence of any evidence of housing, even a post-mold or a packed floor that in- dicated a dwelling or other ephemeral architecture, was taken by many re searchers as evidence of year- round sedentism, lead ing to an erroneous recon struc- tion of Late Prehispanic residential mobility (González 1943; Berberián 1984; Laguens, Bonnin 2009). The problem with these in terpretations is that the data do not prove the exis tence of sedentarization, since such claims are based exclusively on negative evidence. This paper takes a second, more empirically based in - terpretation, suggesting that open-air sites were camp - sites wherein small-scale groups with a mixed foraging and cultivation economy sporadically coa lesced to car - ry out a wide range of activities. Ne ver theless, we ex- pect some fluctuation or variability in the length of stay at sites among the same social groups over time. For example, Potrero de Garay may have served as an episodic location for long-term occupations (for at least six to 12 months) be cause it appears to contain the remains of more sub stantial and formal structures than most in the Sierras de Córdoba sample. While ex - tended periods without pithouse construction could result from many factors, the construction of diffe rent low-cost types of dwellings during the Late Prehispanic Period indicates a flexible landscape-use organization based on intermittent sedentism and a greater te ther- ing or redundancy in the structure of mobility (see also Kelly 1992; Rocek 1995; Schmader, Graham 2015). Moreover, the fact that the construction techniques use for the habitations varied, including at the same site, questions any identification of a ‘pithouse’ bas ed on a few architectural remains and highlights the possibility that ‘pithouses’ may have been an epi sodic house type that has been overemphasized by ethnohistoric and normative approaches rather than a common Pre his - panic category. In addition, implementing low-in- vest ment extensive cultivation that did not constrain group mobility probably pre cluded the opportunity for extensive long-term sto rage. Short-term storage in medium-sized pottery ves sels and basketry was thus es sential to withstand the stress of a semi-sedentary lifestyle. Archaeologists often assume that settlement and sub- sistence patterns followed an immutable patterned sea sonal round. Less attention has been given to the tendency of many small-scale societies to show inter- 538 Matí as E. Medina, Gisela Sario, Andrea Recalde, Sebasti án Pastor, and Eduardo E. Berberián only storage, but instead were multipurpose containers whose design constitutes a compromise in response to several performance requirements, something that would come under intense pressure within a re sidentially mobile setting (Medina 2010; Heredia 2015; Carosio et al. 2021). Based on such evidence, the Late Prehispanic villages were formed by a few extended family reoccupations during the growing and planting season. The repeated overlapping outlines of ephemeral houses occasionally create the illusion of large, deep, and extensive archaeological site de- po sits that resemble the multi-household nucleated settlements of entirely sedentary agriculturalists. How ever, these represent semi-isolated habitational structures discontinuously reoccupied over several centuries by a small-to-medium-sized group that prac - ticed flexible land use and a mixed subsistence stra te - gy. As such, the settlements were small, dis persed, and provisioned, contrasting with the classic view sup port - ed even by Laguens and Bonnin (2009) of permanently settled agricultural villages. According to this view, the Late Prehispanic Period record reveals a messy settlement and subsistence pattern in time and space, where flexibility was one of its defining straits. It is now time to dispense with rigid cultural classifications that ignore the fact that evolutionary change is not uni- directional, and to replace them with the recognition that the ability to move between subsistence and mo - bility strategies was an expected behaviour in the past. Archaeologists must rely on a flexible approach that seeks to balance suites of evidence and ethno gra phi - cally derived models, addressing how to increase our understanding of where a mixed foraging and cul ti va- tion economy should be expected and what the archa - eological con sequences of such flexibility might be. 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Boletín de Estudios Geográficos 12(3): 125–142. https://bdigital.uncu.edu.ar/11661 543 Dwelling architecture and flexible land-use strategies in the Prehispanic Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina Appendix Appendix Fig. 1. Plan view of Cementerio with the excavation units, post-molds, and critical features (taken from Laguens, Bonnin 2009). Appendix Fig. 2. Plan view of the pit structures from El Ranchito (taken from Laguens 1999.99). back to content 544 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.8 KLJUÈNE BESEDE – daljinsko zaznavanje; arheološka metodologija; bakrenodobne ograde; portugalska Estremadura; LiDAR analiza; dron IZVLEÈEK – Ota, kljuèni del fenomena bakrenodobnih ograd v Estremaduri, predstavlja edinstveno stra - tegijo poselitve na ozemlju Portugalske. Arhitektura in družbena dinamika tega najdišèa sta ostali sko­ raj neraziskani do leta 2019. V študiji predstavljamo pomemben premik v raziskavah, ki temeljijo na sinergiji arheologije in geotehnologije in uporabi drona, opremljenega z LiDARjem. Inovativna kombi- nacija je omogoèila prodreti skozi gosto vegetacijo in odkriti 21 doslej neznanih arheoloških struktur. Te predstavljajo nov tip ograjenega prostora z nizom štirih nasipov. Odkritje omogoèa novo oceno delo- vanja in praks skupnosti iz 3. tisoèletja pr. n. št. v portugalski Estremaduri. Dokazujemo uèinkovitost te metodologije in utiramo pot njeni uporabi v podobnih arheoloških kontekstih. V prispevku celovito pred stavljamo nedavno terensko delo, ki vkljuèuje interpretacijo lidarskih podatkov, analizo material- ne kulture in 14C datiranja. Bakrenodobno obzidje z več nasipi: nova spoznanja o uporabi daljinskega zaznavanja pri arheoloških raziskavah (Ota, zahodna Portugalska) KEY WORDS – remote sensing; archaeological methodology; Chalcolithic walled enclosures; Portuguese Estremadura; LiDAR analysis; Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) ABSTRACT - Ota, a key part of the Chalcolithic walled enclosure phenomenon in Portuguese Estrema- dura, represents a unique settlement strategy within the actual territory of Portugal. The architecture and social dynamics of this site remained largely unexplored until 2019. This study marks a significant shift in its study, utilizing a synergistic approach of archaeology and geotechnologies, embodied in the using an Unmanned Aerial Vehicle equipped with LiDAR. This innovative combination succes sfully pe- ne trated the dense vegetation, revealing 21 previously unknown archaeological features. The re sults from the fieldwork unveiled a novel type of walled enclosure at Ota, characterized by a series of four embankments. This discovery prompts a re-evaluation of the roles and practices of 3rd millennium BC com munities in Portuguese Estremadura. Furthermore, the proven efficacy of this methodology paves the way for its application in similar archaeological contexts. The paper presents a comprehensive ana- ly sis of the recent fieldwork, integrating interpretations from LiDAR data, material studies and 14C dating. André Texugo1,2,3, Ana Catarina Basílio3,4, Pedro Pina5, Gabriel Goyanes1,6, and Gonçalo Vieira1 1 Centre for Geographical Studies (CEG), IGOT, Lisbon, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, PT; andrelopes@campus.ul.pt 2 Centre for Archaeology (UNIARQ), FLUL, Lisbon, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, PT 3 Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT), Lisbon, PT 4 Interdisciplinary Center for Archaeology and Evolution of Human Behaviour (ICArEHB), FCHS, Faro, University of Algarve, Algrave, PT 5 Department of Earth Sciences, Institute of Astrophysics and Space Sciences, University of Coimbra, Coimbra, PT 6 Centre of Natural Resources and Environment (CERENA), IST, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, PT A multi-embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing in archaeological surveys (Ota, Western Portugal) 545 A multi-embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing ... The 3rd millennium BC walled enclosure phe- nomenon in Portuguese Estremadura, focusing on the Ota archaeological site Archaeology is continually propelled forward by the development of new theoretical frameworks, techno lo - gies, and methodologies. However, some areas of study prove more resistant to change, pri ma rily due to the absence or invisibility of data. This is particularly true for the study of the 3rd millennium BC walled en clo- sure phenomenon in Portuguese Es tremadura. During the Chalcolithic period, profound anthropogenic chan- ges occurred in this region’s landscape, manifested in new sites characterized by stra te gic hilltop locations of- fering extensive visual control over their surroundings (Soares 2013). These sites, known as walled enclosures, were typically connected to watercourses that served not only as food and raw materials sources, but also as means of communication and connection with other areas and social networks (Kunst 2010). The architectures and construction techniques of these sites are distinctive, giving rise to a phenomenon that encloses sites up to five hectares in area with walls, towers and gates, made with the use of the dry-stone technique, putting stone on stone without binding elements (Cardoso 2010). To date, twenty-two such enclosures have been identi - fied in Portuguese Estremadura. However, the phe- no menon is not limited to this region, with sporadic examples in northern and southern Portugal, such as Castanheiro do Vento (Ramos-Pereira et al. 2020), São Pedro (Mataloto 2010), and Santa Justa (Gon çal - ves 1989). A similar pattern emerges in Spanish Ex tre - madura, particularly in Tierra de Barros (Badajoz Co- marca, Spain), which hosts approximately five do zen walled enclosures. Due to their size or complexity, sites like Cortijo Zacarías, Las Mesas, San Blas, and Pala cio Quemado have gained some fame (Hurtado, Odrio- zola 2009). Fig. 1. Distribution of walled enclosures in Portugal (a) zooming in on the western cluster (b), where the Ota archaeological site is located. The sea level reconstruction is based on Lord et al. (2011). 1 Moinho do Custódio; 2 Castelo; 3 Pedra d’Ouro; 4 Penedo; 5 Fórnea; 6 Zambujal; 7 Pitagudo; 8 Pragança; 9 Columbei- ra; 10 Paço; 11 Outeiro de S. Mamede; 12 Outeiro da Assenta. 546 André Texugo, Ana Catarina Basílio, Pedro Pina, Gabriel Goyanes, and Gonçalo Vieira localized behavioural patterns can be noted, possibly influenced by the Montejunto Hill. This 666-metre-high hill forms a significant NE-SW geological feature that not only shapes the landscape but also plays a central role in the cultural milieu of the surrounding areas (Ba sílio, Texugo 2017). Montejunto’s prominence is also crucial, as it sources many of the rivers in the western area, such as the Judeu stream and the Ota, Real and Alcabrichel ri vers. These watercourses played a decisive role in shaping the human landscape of the 3rd millennium BC, with several wall enclosures built along their courses. Mon - tejunto was also recognized as a symbolic land mark of rituality, ancestry, and death during the 3rd millen- nium BC, with its natural caves playing an active fu ne- rary role since at least the 5th millennium BC, as noted at Algar do Bom Santo (Carvalho et al. 2019). The archaeological site of Ota Located in the Portuguese Estremadura, the archa eo- logical site of Ota is, along with 22 other sites, part of the 3rd millennium BC walled enclosure phenomenon. Dominated by Mesozoic sedimentary rocks inter spers- ed with Cenozoic sediments, the hilltop in which Ota is located provided the raw materials – limestones, sands, and clays – that shaped the area’s architectural and ar - tefactual history (Ramos-Pereira et al. 2020). The land scape itself, characterised by a mix of moun tains, hills, plateaux, plains, and coastal platforms, especially pronounced around Montejunto Hill in the west, plays a significant cultural and physical role (O.c.). Paleoenvironmental studies from the early Holocene indicate initial meaningful anthropogenic impacts on regional vegetation around 5400 BC, marked by the onset of cereal growing. This period also saw stable sea levels and coastlines from 9300 BC to 2900 BC, with no table periodic floods that evolved with ongoing marine transgression (Lord et al. 2011). The Chalco- li thic climate was similar to the modern climate of Es - tremadura: a hot-summer Mediterranean climate, with average temperatures around 17°C and annual pre ci - pitation ranging from 700mm to 900mm (Mora, Vie i - ra 2020). Vegetation over the hilltops, including at Ota, consists predominantly thin soils specimens, namely dense thickets of Quercus coccifera, Olea europaea var syl- vestris, Rubus ulmifolius, and Pinus pinaster, with occasional Eucalyptus globulus. Besides these regions, Andalusia (Spain) is also nota - table, housing the second-largest aggregation of such sites, including prominent enclosures like Cabezo de los Vientos de la Zarcita and Los Millares (Molina, Ca - ma ra 2005). In other Spanish regions, namely Mur cia, Valencia, and Castilla y León, few er than five en closu- res have been detected. The common characteristics that these sites exhibit across Estremadura were identified in the early pha- ses of Portuguese archaeology. Consequently, the do- cumentation and excavation of many of these sites date back to the transition between the 19th and 20th centuries, which complicates new interpretations of the archaeological contexts. The age of the data also influences interpretative approaches to these sites, predominantly suggesting that walled enclosures represented settlements marking the commencement of a sedentary path in prehistoric communities, with in creased social complexification (Gonçalves et al. 2013). Adding to this idea, most scholars who have studied this phenomenon suggest it is related to the emergence of ideas of ownership and borders, used to justify possible intergroup tensions. This is thought to create a hostile environment, hence the need for ‘de - fensive walls’ (Kunst 2006). Recent data, mainly retrieved from the Walled en clo - sure of Ota (Alenquer, Portugal), illustrates that there seems to have been an overvaluation of specific con- texts and data from already excavated sites (such as Zambujal, in Torres Vedras). By using new excavation and recording methodologies, the archaeological site of Ota has shown that new narratives might apply to this social phenomenon, with a lot of data sources still hidden under the dense vegetation. Refocusing on the Portuguese Estremadura, although this could be understood as a cohesive cultural whole during the 3rd millennium BC, it can also be subdivid- ed in to sub-regions to allow a more focused assessment of regional and social dynamics. Even though these di vision are mainly defined by contemporary and ar- tificial criteria, they also materialize past socio-cultural behaviours. One such area is the western region, the focus of the cur rent study. Here a minimum of ten sites with wal - led enclosure features were identified, thereby con sti - tuting the largest cluster of the entire Portuguese Es tre - madura. However, while mimicking the broader Es tre- madura walled enclosure phenomenon, some more 547 A multi-embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing ... of 5000 to 9000 metres, have been digitized in TIFF format with a resolution of 21 microns. This dataset, along with open-access historical and current aerial images and topographic maps, allowed for the collec- tion of detailed historical, landscape, and cultural data about the site. This proven methodology (Ortega et al. 2013; Pérez et al. 2014) was applied on an intra-site scale to identify preserved architectures at Ota. Field surveys Field surveys were conducted following the iden ti fica- tion of potential archaeological anomalies. A 50x50m grid was established over areas of highest potential, with selective and systematic surveys con ducted only in areas where anomalies were identified (Foard 1980). Surveyors maintained a parallel spacing of 5m, moving in a south-north orientation. Despite potential occurrences of ano ma lies, visibility was significantly hindered by dense vegetation. Aerial surveys The use of Unmanned Aircraft System (UAS) platforms facilitated the development of a Digital Surface Model (DSM) for the site. A DJI Phantom 4 Pro captured ima - ges, which were processed in DroneDeploy to stan dar - dize photograph settings. The 3D model generated via photogrammetry provided centimetric resolution, allowing detailed analysis of the site’s surface features. LiDAR (Light Detection And Ranging) technology was also employed using a DJI Matrice 600 Pro equipped with a Phoenix LiDAR Scout-8. This system scanned the site, producing a detailed digital terrain model (DTM) from which 201 495 048 data points were generated across three returns, with a point density of 367 points per square metre. Post-processing involved classifying points using SpatialExplorer 5.0.2, with additional steps to refine the data (Zhang et al. 2016). Historically speaking, Ota archaeological site was dis- covered and excavated in 1932 by a local archaeology enthusiast, Hipólito Cabaço. At the time, the vegetation that covered the archaeological site was less dense due to the community grazing practices. While Cabaço’s ex - cavation efforts remain largely undocumented, later references by archaeologist Ernâni Barbosa (1956) pro vided some insights into the site’s material culture, structures and possible context, yet without specific geographical details. Post-1956, Ota has been intermittently referenced in academic discussions concerning specific artefacts, with comprehensive studies focusing exclusively on the site architectures and social dynamics. The recent re-engagement with Ota, initiated through Alenquer Municipality’s Participatory Budget, aimed to fill the gaps in this knowledge by focusing on its Chalcolithic context, thought to be linked to the broader walled en - closure phenomenon (Texugo, Basílio 2018). The results confirmed the existence of several oc cupa - tion phases, with the most visible period cor res pond - ing to the 3rd millennium BC, alongside Ro man Im- perial materials. Sporadic occupations can be traced to Bronze and Iron Age, with some Medieval artefacts (Texugo 2016). New field surveys have ma naged to re - locate eight structures and georeference 150 clas si- fi able materials, with the findings still falling short when compared to the descriptions reported by Bar- bosa (1956). Methodology Aerial photography Given the limited visibility due to dense vegetation at Ota, historical aerial photographs from the 1956-1958 USA Army Map Services Flight B were analysed. These photographs, taken at a 1:10500 scale from an al ti tude Fig. 2. Ota’s vegetation cover and implantation. Left, view from the west towards Ota; right, aerial view. 548 André Texugo, Ana Catarina Basílio, Pedro Pina, Gabriel Goyanes, and Gonçalo Vieira nal construction methods. This setup suggested mul- tiple construction phases, akin to the findings at Zam - bujal. More than just walls, the findings at Ota include embankments that, while linking it to other walled en - closures, also set it apart due to their unique implemen- tation and functionality. Survey 2 aimed to clarify the relationship between the wall (Structure 1) and a potential tower (Structure 2). The complex dynamics where these structures met also highlighted the different construction techniques: Structure 1 was made almost exclusively out of stones, while Structure 2 was made from a combination of limestone and clay levels. The excavation area also showed unstructured stone clusters, suggesting that there might be an extended façade beyond the survey limits. Like Survey 1, the second survey confirmed an- thropic modifications to the bedrock. Structure 3 (Anomaly 20) Structure 3, identified as a negative structure via field surveys and LiDAR, corresponds to a feature already examined by Hipólito Cabaço, though records of its original discovery remain elusive. This circular struc - ture incorporates both natural limestone and con- structed elements, using techniques already seen in Field confirmation Field confirmation of LiDAR in ter pre- tations involved tar geted ar cha eolo gi- cal sur veys and excavations at de tect ed anomalies, following me tho dologies established by Barker and Har ris (Har - ris 1989; Barker 1993). These exca va - tions aimed to understand the architec- tural and chronological context of the anomalies, with each area being meti- cu lously recorded and described. Results Integrating various remote detection products provided a solution to the dense vegetation at the Ota archaeo lo- gical site, essential for selecting ex cava - tion areas in 2019 and 2020. By lever - aging traditional and innovative tech - nological approaches and metho do lo- gies, this approach made it possible to overcome the challenges posed by Ota’s dense vegetation and complex ter rain, simultaneously bringing to light new data concerning the pre sence and pre - servation rate of hidden prehistoric featu res. With this method, 21 anomalies with high archa eolo gi cal potential were identified. Three of them corre late with earlier 20th century excavations, one might cor re - spond to a wall-like structure, and the remaining 18 cor respond to so far unknown archaeological features with different typologies. Initial field campaigns at- tested the archaeological significance of five of these anomalies: Structures 1 and 2 (Anomalies 1 and 2) The first field campaigns began with the site’s most prominent and visible feature: the large encircling wall, crucial for understanding the site’s role during the 3rd millennium BC. With two distinct survey areas, spaced 150 metres apart and covering a total area of 38m2, the wall’s external face was revealed, alongside construction solutions with regard to bedrock manip- ulations to achieve greater structural stability. Other modifications included possible efforts to redesign the structure, or even abandonment phases. The wall’s architecture, as detected at Survey 1, in volv - ed a gently sloping limestone layer topped by a five- metre wide wall of large limestone blocks on its ex te - rior face, filled with smaller stones, replicating re gio - Fig. 3. LiDAR data acquisition system: a, b in-site base station; c Data acquisition with a DJI Matrice 600 Pro. Tab. 1. File statistics from the UAV LiDAR mission. Mission Total points (x106) Ground points (x106) Ground Points % Area (km2) Ground Points/m2 Ota 201 35 17.4 0.1 64 549 A multi-embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing ... The analysis of surrounding detritus confirmed the selective past excavation practices: un de corated sherds and unidentified faunal remains. This artefactual set deeply contrasts with Ca ba ço’s collection, composed Structure 1. Its excavation aimed to clarify the earlier dig processes and gather any remaining data, revealing a still well-preserved clay level that had shielded the base and parts of the structure’s walls. Fig. 4. LiDAR anomalies at Ota, mentioned in the text, with three close-up examples. a Cabaço’s interven- tion; b possible negative structures; c anomalies detected in the site’s access area. Fig. 5. Possible wall alignments and final records of Structure 1 (Survey 1) (photo/section). 550 André Texugo, Ana Catarina Basílio, Pedro Pina, Gabriel Goyanes, and Gonçalo Vieira ther serving as a historical access route. These fea- tures, along with de tected negative reliefs, sug gest more complex site dynamics than previously un der- stood, potentially linked with un recognized structural elements or past interventions. These structures are cur rently being studied on an ongoing re search pro- ject. Discussion Cabaço’s archaeological campaigns at Ota made it possible to build an exten- sive material collection, which lacks con- textual information (Barbosa 1956; Álvarez, Pérez 2013; Basílio, Texugo 2017). Still, and only based on the ma te - rialities of the site, it is possible to com- prehend that Ota has: •A wide material diachrony, from the Chalcolithic to the Medieval period; •A Chalcolithic human occupation that develops at the top and west side of the hill with; •The exclusive presence of decorated materials; •Specialized production of flint tools; •Habitat materials and possible fune ra- ry elements; •Presence of metallic tools; by exceptional artefacts, high lighting a disconnection between field findings and archived pieces. Structure 8 On the hilltop, Structure 8 was part of a cluster identified in the lower part of the ele va tion, no table for its stone agglo- mera ti ons forming circular patterns. The excavation faced challenges, due to alter - ed con texts and soil compositions caus ed by a recent fire. This hampered analy sis of the struc ture’s function and dating, but the lack of prehistoric ma te rials sug - gests a more recent origin. Structure 9 (Anomaly 16) LiDAR data prompted the Struc ture 9 survey, to attest the exi stence of pre serv - ed stratified de posits and confirm the rela ti onship between natural and con- structed features. Situated between two terraced le vels, the excavation did not reveal significant deposits but high lighted the adap- tive reuse of natural limestone for mations for struc- tural purposes, indicative of sophi sti cat ed prehistoric architectural strategies. Remaining LiDAR anomalies Further LiDAR analysis revealed roads cutting through the site, one possibly dating back a century and ano - Fig. 6. 3D model of Ota’s Structure 1, from Survey 2, with the begin- ning of Structure 2 in the bottom section of the image. Fig. 7. 3D model of Ota’s Structure 3. 551 A multi-embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing ... ons exacerbated by demographic shifts (Kunst 2010; Gonçalves et al. 2013). However, recent findings sug- gest these structures could have served various func- tions, reflecting significant periods of construction and adaptation rather than a single period of forti fi- ca tion in response to warfare. At Ota, Structure 1 was previously considered a straight forward defensive wall. Current evi dence, how ever, indicates it un der went mul tiple trans for - mations that re flect broad er regional trends of archi- tectural and social com ple xity (Jorge 2003; Kunst, Arnold 2011). This struc ture not only de li neat ed space but also served as a communal focal point through - out various oc cu pational phases, including a Ro man period that repurpos ed materials from earlier struc- tures. •A Late Bronze Age presence (five axes and two spear- heads); •A Roman occupation, as the second most significant presence on the site, with Republican and Imperial ma- terials and imported ceramics and metallic elements. This interpretive framework has undergone profound changes, with new fieldwork and LiDAR results, which complexify the image of the Chalcolithic communities of Ota’s archaeological site. Adding to it, it was possible to access and confirm the suitability of the methods ap - plied here. By combining traditional archaeological techniques and geotechnologies, different ar chi tec- tures were unveiled under the vegetation, enlarging the number of possible archaeological anomalies and the existing knowledge of past communities. As such, and since this methodology has proven its value in the Ota case study, it is currently being applied in other re- gional walled enclosures. Walls, terraces, and en tran - ces The narratives built for si tes with similar architectures to Ota have historically fo cused on the role of walled en closu- res as defensive mecha nisms, reflecting the tumultuous so - cial dynamics of the Portu gue - se Estre ma dura during the 3rd millennium BC. This pers pec- tive po sits the structures as for - tifications against social ten si- Fig. 8. Structures 8 and 9. a initial plan of Structure 8; b Structure 8 detail of the carbonized layers; c Structure 9 final record; d Structure’s 9 section with the up per and lower bedrock platforms separated by the structure. Tab. 2. Radiocarbon dates from Ota. Lab. Sample Context BP date Cal BC (2 σ) Beta-561854 Ovis/caprarib Structure 1 [1006] 3960±30 2571-2516 (32,8%) 2502-2400 (52,7%) Beta-568786 Capra hircus horn Structure 3 [1103] 3970±30 2383-2347 (10%) 2574-2444 (87,6%) 2424-2404 (3,3%) Beta-612398 Sus sp. phalanx Structure 3 (exterior) [1120] 3860±30 2379-2350 (4,6%) 2460-2276 (80.3%) 2256-2206 (15.1%) Beta-612399 Bos sp. phalanx Structure 3 [1115] 3990±30 2577-2459 (95.4%) Beta-612400 Sus sp. cranium Structure 3 (exterior)[1120] 3980±30 2576-2454 (93%) 2372-2356 (1.4%) 2418-2408 (1%) Beta-612401 Sus sp. tooth Structure 3 (exterior) [1120] 4000 30 2579-2463 (95.4%) 552 André Texugo, Ana Catarina Basílio, Pedro Pina, Gabriel Goyanes, and Gonçalo Vieira also highlights the importance of integrating tech- no logical advances like LiDAR with archaeological methodologies to uncover deeper understandings of past societies. Reevaluating Ota’s funerary context: the case of Structure 3 If there seems to be a monothematic research in ter- pretation for walled enclosures as defensive sites, it is also accepted that there is a clear spatial segregation between the world and structures of the living and those ascribed to the dead, like funerary sites (Kunst 2010; Cardoso 2010; Sousa 2010; Gonçalves et al. 2013; Texugo 2022). This perspective reflects, once again, modern biases more than ancient realities. The recent findings in Ota challenge this dichotomy, re veal- ing a more nuanced interplay between life and death within these ancient communities. Structure 3, initially undistinguished in its role, has prompted a significant rethinking of the site’s use. Unlike other structures within the enclosure, it uni- quely combines architectural features and artefacts typically associated with funerary contexts – such as Palmela arrowheads, zoomorphic figures, and human remains – suggesting it served as a burial site (Álvarez, Pérez 2013). Its circular design, crafted through ca re- ful manipulation of the bedrock and enhanced with a clay covering, points to intentional construction for ri tualistic purposes. This is further supported by ra- diocarbon dating, aligning it chronologically with other late Chalcolithic contexts within Ota, and with other funerary contexts. The discovery of Structure 3 offers a compelling case for reconsidering other ambiguous structures through- out Estremadura. Sites like Olelas, Penha Ver de, and Pedra de Ouro, previously reinterpreted as non-fu ne- rary despite early evidence of burial practices, may need revaluation considering the findings at Ota. This shift could signify a broader pattern of funerary prac- tices within these enclosures, suggesting a com plex relationship between the living and the dead that has been overlooked in previous research. Ota’s case illustrates the potential misinterpretations caused by modern assumptions and highlights the need for a more flexible agenda when studying Chal- colithic social structures. The ongoing in ves ti gations into Structure 3 and similar sites will continue to chal- lenge and refine our understanding of these ancient The dynamic reuse and modification of Ota’s structures suggest a continuous, layered history of occupation and functionality, challenging the notion that these were exclusive throughout its whole architectonical life. The complex construction patterns that have been observed – marked by different use, abandonment and repurposing phases – align Ota with other regional sites, indicating a shared architectural and cultural heritage across Estremadura. That needs to be seen through new, less warlike, lenses. The layout of Ota, particularly Structure 1, points to a sophisticated history of use, possibly aligned with both defensive and social needs. The structure’s strategic placement and construction techniques reflect a nu- anced understanding of landscape and community sa - fety. The presence of this structure at a key vantage point suggests it could have been integral not just for defensive purposes, but possibly to control local re- sources, routes and social practices. Moreover, the architectural similarities between Ota and other regional sites underscore a possible shared cultural identity and unity that contradicts the hypo- thesis of widespread social unrest due to external threats. These enclosures likely facilitated complex so - cial interactions, including trade and cultural exchan- ges, rather than merely serving as barricades against invaders. The interpretation of Ota’s embankments and terraces through LiDAR surveys reveals an adaptive approach to environmental and social challenges. These featu- res, possibly unique to Ota, highlight an advanced ca - pability with regard to modifying landscapes to suit agricultural and habitation needs, suggesting a so cially organised community capable of significant en gi neer- ing projects. This perspective is reinforced by the discovery of mul - tiple terraces and interconnected structures that high- light the integration of natural and anthropogenic fea- tures at Ota, with a balance between environmental adaptation and cultural development. The reconsideration of Ota’s structures, particularly the multi-functional use of what were once thought to be purely defensive walls, offers new insights into the social and architectural sophistication of Chalcolithic Estremadura. This case study not only challenges tra- ditional interpretations of prehistoric settlements but 553 A multi -embankment Chalcolithic walled enclosure: new insights from the usage of remote sensing ... me non of the Portuguese Estremadura (Gonçalves et al. 2013). On the contrary, it serves as an example of an alternative interpretation of the structures and the cultural environment when these sites appeared, were used, and collapsed (Jorge 2003). Ota’s excavated area is still small. However, as with other archaeological phenomena, the inscription and belonging to the same sociocultural reality can be ex- pressed in multiple ways, Ota being an example of this multiplicity and plurality, as well as how different sciences and methods can work together and be ap- plied to the development of the existing knowledge about past communities. Geolocation information Ota is located at 39.114983, –9.000754 (datum WGS 84) at Alenquer municipality on Lisbon district – 50km to the north. communities, potentially redefining the function and significance of walled enclosures in the Chalcolithic landscape of Portuguese Estremadura. Conclusions The symbiosis between archaeology and geo tech no lo- gies has dramatically altered the perception of the Ota archaeological site. Even with limitations, the effec ti - veness of remote sensing using LiDAR tech nology was once again attested with this study, meaning that these methods and techniques can be used for the iden tifica- tion of intra-site architectures in other archaeological sites in densely vegetated Mediterranean landscapes (Cerrillo-Cuenca, Bueno-Ramirez 2019). As for the Ota archaeological site, we show that it has distinct characteristics and rhythms: • Instead of the typical walls, Ota has at least two con- firmed embankments, which increase and stabilise the usable area within the site; • The terraces show different biographies and have un dergone distinct taphonomic processes. The em- bankment delimited by Structure 1 seems to be dated from somewhere before the 3rd quarter of the 3rd mil- lennium B.C. • In Ota, human resilience over time is materialized in a symbiosis between natural realities and anthropic structures; • Within the enclosure defined by Structure 1, a pos - sible funerary architecture has been identified (Struc- ture 3), reflecting a so far unknown social prac tice in enclosures of the same period. The interpretation presented for Ota does not set it apart from the Chalcolithic walled enclosure phe no- Acknowledgements We would like to thank Professor Ana Catarina Sousa, for all the guidance and help during the development of this paper and to the researchers that integrated the LiDAR survey team: Vasco Miranda and Bruno Mi guez. Besides them, a special thanks goes to all the volunteers that made the excavation campaigns at Ota possible (Américo Araújo, Pablo de Oro, Céltia Alvarez, Cátia Simões, Alice Baeta, Miguel Silva, Juliana Ferraz, Frederico Agosto, Marta Miranda, Rui do Rosário, Lucas Barrozo, Sebastião Vieira, Inês Ribeiro and Carlos Pe - reira). The authors would also like to thank the re vie- wers whose comments have substantially enriched, cla- rified and improved the final text. 554 André Texugo, Ana Catarina Basílio, Pedro Pina, Gabriel Goyanes, and Gonçalo Vieira Cerrillo-Cuenca E., Bueno-Ramirez P. 2019. Counting with the invisible record? 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Lisbon. back to content 558 Documenta Praehistorica LI (2024) DOI: 10.4312/dp.51.5 2010), with the processes of transformation stemming from the movement and exchange of material culture traditionally being the most researched line. Many ob - jects move along with people, and they tend to be as - Object biographies: the flow of things in the flow of social relationships Just like people, objects have biographies. An ana lysis of certain objects’ biographies can lead to the deve lop - ment of different perspectives (Gosden, Mar shall 1999; Rainbird 1999; Joy 2009; Van Dom melen, Knapp KLJUÈNE BESEDE – biografije predmetov; železna doba; kulturni kontakti; zahodno Sredozemlje; teori- ja prepletenosti IZVLEÈEK – V prispevku obravnavamo biografijo zbira bakrenih žebljev, ki so bili leta 1998 najdeni v strukturi iz mlajše železne dobe na arheološkem najdišèu Puig de Sa Morisca (Mallorca, Španija). S po - moèjo arheometriènih in tipoloških analiz jih povezujemo z navtièno tehnologijo, ugotavljamo izvor surovin in postopke njihove izdelave. Biografski podatki, ki so jih pridobili s temi študijami, so kljuèni pri analizi njihove široke razširjenosti in raznolike možnosti uporabe v zahodnem Sredozemlju v že- lezni dobi. Dolga in vijugava pot: biografije predmetov in kulturni stiki v zahodnem Sredozemlju v mlajši železni dobi KEY WORDS – object biographies; Iron Age; cultural contact; Western Mediterranean; entanglement the- ory ABSTRACT - In this paper we address the biography of a set of copper nails recovered in 1998 from a Late Iron Age structure located at the archaeological site of Puig de Sa Morisca (Mallorca, Spain). The archaeometric and typological analyses conducted on these nails allowed us to relate them to nautical technology, as well as to approach the origin of the raw materials and the production processes involved in their manufacture. The biographical information obtained from these studies has been crucial to address the extensive mobility of these copper nails through the Western Mediterranean during the Iron Age, as well as to approach their fluid nature and association with different communities of practice, assemblages and appropriation phenomena. Laura Perelló Mateo, Bartomeu Llull Estarellas, Daniel Albero Santacreu, Jaume García Rosselló, and Manuel Calvo Trias ArqueoUIB - Research Group on Material Culture and Archaeological Heritage; Department of Historical Sciences and Arts Theory, University of the Balearic Islands, Palma; ES; l.perello@uib.es; bartomeu.llull@uib.cat; d.albero@uib.es; jaume.garcia@uib.es; manuel.calvo@uib.es The long and winding road: object biographies and cultural encounters in the Western Mediterranean during the Late Iron Age 559 The long and winding road: object biographies and cultural encounters in the Western Mediterranean during the Late Iron Age sociated with certain individuals or groups over dif- ferent periods of time. Such objects can change hands and be related to one community and culture or ano- ther. During this movement and transition, from the mo ment they are born until they die, objects are used, in their own way, as things as alive as human beings, taking on social lifecycles and biographies that link them to different contexts, situ ations, objects, and people. Throughout their history, and the multiple in - teractions they have with humans, the objects are re - shaped, and they change based on how they are per- ceiv ed, valued, and given meaning, sometimes even changing in appearance and function (Hahn 2004a; 2004b). In their transition, these objects can be linked not only to the lives of the persons involved in their way, but also to mythologies and specific stories over different spatial-temporal scales and suc ces sive social contexts (Kopytoff 1986; Thomas 1991; Hoskins 1998; Hamilakis 1999). The mutation of objects can take place at the heart of one culture but be especially tangible and impactful when the object transitions to other societies (Gosden, Marshall 1999; Seip 1999), that is, when there is sig ni - ficant sociocultural distance between the contexts of production, distribution, and consumption. While there may be points of connection between the various agents involved in these steps, it is in the contexts of cul tu ral transition, loaded with contingency, in which the me - tamorphosis of these objects becomes associat ed with significant alterations to their meaning (Seip 1999) and different value schemes (Appadurai 1986). What is important in these situations of cultural con tact is not necessarily the adoption of the object itself, but the redefining of the object and giving it a new life (More- land 1999), thus constructing a central element from hybrid practices and the intermediate spaces that come about as a result of the cultural contact. The processes of hybridization that these objects un - dergo in these situations are related to the phe no mena of appropriation, incorporation, and trans formation (Hahn 2004a; 2004b). Appropriation refers to the chan geover of objects or materials that end up in the posses sion of individuals or groups that receive them. In corporation refers to the acquisition of the com pe- tencies to deal with the object in line with the new re - ceiv ing context. Finally, transformation refers to the at tri bubution of new meanings to the ob jects, as de - fined by the aforementioned context. These proces ses of hybridization can give way to two kinds of entangle- ment: on the one hand, material entanglement, which takes place when objects are modified in the re ceiving con text, and on the other hand, relational entangle- ment, which is associated with the new practices and social meanings into which the objects are incor porat ed within the communities that receive them (Stock- ham mer 2012.51). As they flow through space and time the objects can mediate and lead to many social relationships (Joy 2009). As they move, they absorb the lives of the peo- ple who cross them, and it is there that a close bond is formed between the active agency of the material cul - ture and the agency of the individuals (Hoskins 2006). In this way, the life histories of people cannot be de- coupled from the histories of the objects that surround them, as these objects in some way become a metaphor for the lives of the people, their aspirations and social in teractions. As for human communities, objects re - shape their existence in terms of the multiple inter ac - tions that take place with people. Therefore, their role, meaning, and transcendence depend on the succes - sion of social relationships that are created be tween hu mans and the material culture they live within (Hos- kins 1998; 2006; Gosden, Marshall 1999). This means that when understanding these objects in one specific context, we cannot disassociate them from their past. Instead they must be considered alongside the phe no - mena surrounding their birth, the continuous tran si- tions they experienced, and their final abandonment (Gosden, Marshall 1999; Hoskins 2006; Joy 2009). In this way, some displaced objects become icons that can be valued from a multitude of perspectives (Ap pa - du rai 1986), for example, in terms of their shape, uni- queness, origin, difficulty to acquire, age, role in the past and present, associated history (accumulative, retroactive, and changing), the paths they follow through out their lifecycles, and so on. All these ob- ject-related factors interact on many different levels with people, and are often used in defining their per- sonhood or identity. The specific active participation dynamics that work to shape personhood are those which can be linked to the circulation of objects coming from remote pla ces, and their relationship with certain knowledge po litics (Appadurai 1986; Hoskins 2006). In this way, the dis- placed objects become indispensable agents and allies to those who build their social capital, re putation and power by acquiring the objects and act ing as their cus - todians. These objects, occasionally as sociated with great distances, provide the ability to create social net- 560 Laura Perelló Mateo, Bartomeu Llull Estarellas, Daniel Albero Santacreu, Jaume García Rosselló, and Manuel Calvo Trias and provide a more in-depth under stand ing of the context of cultural contact in which it existed. The use of biographic perspectives to analyse the roles played by objects has had a limited impact on ar cha eo- logical studies of prehistory, largely due to a lack of quality information, which is needed to reconstruct the various stages or lives of the objects (Joy 2009). We made use of a multiproxy methodology to analyse the various forms, uses, and meanings of the nails (ob - jects of the present study), combining a study of phy - sical characteristics with other contextual parameters. On the one hand, we performed an isotopic, techno lo- gical, typological analysis of the nails to determine the origin of the raw materials used to make them and the technical decisions made in their production, aspects that provide information on the birth of the objects and their function. Furthermore, we performed an ana lysis of the context in which the nails were de po sit - ed to address the changes that took place during the final stage of their useful lives, as well as their re la tion- ship with certain social dynamics of the in di ge nous com munities on Mallorca during the Late Iron Age. Biographical unit of analysis: the Balearic Is- lands and the southern Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age The nails considered in the present study have had multiple lives – from their creation and existence in their natural state to today, when they were recovered from Tower 1 at Puig de sa Morisca by archaeologists from our team – in different assemblages and various works, while at the same time serve as indispensable objects in the social definition of people, affecting as - pects such as wealth, status, and prestige, among oth - ers (Sherratt 1993; Kristiansen 1998; Sherratt, Sher- ratt 1998; Kohl 2011; Harding 2013). In the present study, we consider the biography of a set of nails that was discovered during a 1998 ar cha- eological excavation at Tower 1, a Cyclopean structure at the site at Puig de sa Morisca in Mallorca, Spain (Figs. 1 and 2). Inside this structure, dated to the 6th century BC (Guerrero et al. 2002; García Ros selló et al. 2022), various metal nails have been found, some whole and others in pieces. They were discovered inside a local handmade container (Fig. 2). The discovery of an Ibe- rian amphora and a Massiliote amphora in the same stratigraphic unit allowed us to define, using relative chronology, that the depositing of the nails in this place took place during the 4th century BC (Guerrero et al. 2002; García Rosselló et al. 2022). Beyond analysing the context in which these materials were deposited, the main objective of the present study is to try to establish the physical and ideational me tamorphosis that these nails underwent throughout their lifecycle, and with that, provide a more in-depth understanding of the different interactions that took place with human and non-human actors during each stage of their biography, putting special emphasis on the lives that they had during the Late Iron Age. The pre sence of the nails in a specific place at the site at Puig de sa Morisca is closely related to the cultural con tact maintained between members of the indigenous com munity that inhabited the site and Punic agents (Guerrero et al. 2002). Along this line, our arti cle also aims to apply a pers pec tive that focuses on the bio graphy of the ob - jects to address the complex rela tion- ships, connections, and contacts that existed between indigenous com mu - nities and colo nial agents around the Western Mediterranean during he Late Iron Age. This perspec tive takes a socio-historical contex tual approach to bet ter understand how the reincar nation of an object takes place over its existence in specific cultural con texts, while delving into the bio graphy of the object itself to better understand the complex and contingent social role of materiality Fig. 1. Map of the Iberian Peninsula and the Balearic Islands showing the possible inland and maritime navigation routes used, from ob- taining the raw materials to depositing the nails at Puig de sa Morisca. 561 The long and winding road: object biographies and cultural encounters in the Western Mediterranean during the Late Iron Age Fig. 2. a Topographical map of Puig de sa Morisca showing the elevated fortified area where Tower 1 is located; b arial photo of Tower 1, where the nails were discovered; c photograph of the nails and the ceramic container in which they were found during the excavation; d layout of Tower 1 showing the area delineated by walls and various amphorae found inside the structure; e local handmade ceramic container that housed the nails. social and historical contexts. Conducting a complete in-depth analysis of the phenomena involved in the whole biography of these objects is an extremely dif fi - cult task that requires addressing a plethora of specific spatial-temporal contexts, each of which with unique agents and relationships. This requires us to define a biographical unit of analysis that is coherent and fo - cuses on episodes in the objects’ lives that are inter re - lated and can be placed alongside similar historical phenomena and frameworks. The present work thus fo cuses mainly on identifying and analysing the lives that these materials could have had during the Iron Age. As such, this section deals exclusively with the historical context of this time. Throughout this period, nails were embedded in a com plex historical context, as they were related to the mo bility networks (especially in maritime and in - land navigation) and cultural contacts that were de ve - loping in the West ern Mediterranean. During this pe- riod migration took place, and Phoenician-Punic people set tled in the southern Iberian Peninsula and some of the Balearic Islands (Fig. 1). In these places, multiple areas of contact and hybrid si tu - a tions arose between these ex ter- nal agents and preexisting local populations (Gosden 2004; Van Dommelen 2006; 2012; Vives Fer rándiz 2008; Calvo et al. 2014; García Rosselló, Calvo 2021). In our case study, it is worth mentioning that many Pho enician-Punic colonial en cla - ves were founded along the coast of Andalusia (e.g., Gadir, Malaka, Sexi, Abdera, and Baria) starting in the 9th century BC (Aubet 1997; Bravo 2000; López Castro 2003). In the case of the Balearic Is lands, the first Phoenician-Pu nic in ha - bitants established the settle - ment at Sa Caleta on the island of Ibiza towards the end of the 8th century BC. The founding of the city of Ibiza (Ebusus) took place in the middle of the 7th century BC (Costa, Fernández 1997; Ra - mon 2007). The colony of Ebu sus was a significant enclave in the Punic world of the Central and Western Mediter ra nean, serving as an important port of trade, a production cen tre, and an ex - port er of goods, like wine. These dynamics creat ed two distinct worlds in the Ba learic Islands, both culturally and geogra phi cal - ly, characterized by, on the one hand, the Phoenician-Punic co lo- nial settlement in Ibiza and later 562 Laura Perelló Mateo, Bartomeu Llull Estarellas, Daniel Albero Santacreu, Jaume García Rosselló, and Manuel Calvo Trias stra tegies that were popular on the island during the Bronze Age and the Talayotic period and an emergence of new social dynamics in a post-Ta layo tic period, mark ed by a noted difference in the pre sence of certain resources and shows of power by spe cific individuals and groups (Lull et al. 1999; Calvo, Guerrero 2011). These changes have also been re lat ed to the process of power consolidation seen in some post-Talayotic groups, with the appearance of in dividual caches of weapons and furnishings and the emergence of a mer- cenary class from the 3rd century BC onwards (Castro et al. 1997; Guerrero et al. 2006). In recent years new narratives using post-colonial per- spectives have been introduced – based on a co lo nial understanding of the contact between Phoenician-Pu - nic agents and indigenous communities on the Ba- learic Islands, which influenced hegemonic dynamics and inequality, reducing local communities to un que - stionably passive entities (e.g., Guerrero 1997; Ra mon 2017) – and these consider the active agency of indi - ge nous communities as well as the imitation, ambi va - lence, and hybrid and intermediate situations that took place therein (García Rosselló 2010; Hernández, Quintana 2013; Calvo et al. 2014; Calvo, García Ros- selló 2019; García Rosselló, Calvo 2021). It is along these lines that the present article focuses, taking the perspective that considers the biographies of the ob- jects as essential elements for being able to understand the social role that the objects themselves played and their involvement in phenomena of cultural contact. Materials and methods Materials The set of objects whose biography we consider in the present study is made up of 13 metal nails (Fig. 3), all of them characterized by having been produced in the same way (except nail SM-98-UE17-11200, which is square). The nails have flat mushroom-shaped heads and octagonal bodies on their upper two-thirds, which slowly changes to a square or circular shape towards the objects’ lower ends. A preliminary study of the nails suggests that they were not a part of the Talayotic structures or any other furnishing or object found in Tower 1. Both Guerrero’s studies (Guerrero et al. 2002.239; Guerrero 2006.29) and the studies we carried out in the present work sug- gest that, based on their dimensions and bends, the nails were likely related to ship carpentry: specifically, elements to fasten planks to the ribs or frame of a in Formentera, and on the other hand, the presence of indigenous communities on the islands of Mallorca and Menorca. The Phoenicians adapted to the various characteristics of the territories in which they settled, establishing varying levels of connection with the multiple in di ge- nous populations that inhabited the same areas as them. These contacts were, in some cases, asym met- rical, and they were not free from the occasional con - flict, as the settlers needed to occupy part of the lo - cals’ territory and make use of their resources (Wag- ner 2005). In the case of the Balearic Islands, the Pho - enician-Punic communities on Ibi za maintained a sig- nificant contact with local Iberian communities on the mainland from their beginning, thus providing them with another important point of contact (es pe - cially after the 6th and 5th centuries BC) with the co lo - nies in Andalusia and the Central Mediterranean (Ra- món 1996; 2007; Fernández, Costa 2006). The first record of contact between these Phoenician-Punic agents and local communities in the Balearic Islands comes from the 8th century BC, the so-called Talayotic period. Nevertheless, it is not until the 5th century BC (the post-Talayotic period), that evidence of such in- teractions increase significantly, until eventually Mal- lorca and Menorca were occupied by Roman forces in 123 BC (Guerrero et al. 2002; Ra mon 2017; Tsantini et al. 2019). Coinciding with the development of contact between Phoenician-Punic communities, especially those on Ibiza, significant social and cultural changes have been documented in indigenous communities throughout the Iron Age. Manuel Calvo and Victor M. Guerrero (2011) described the main transformations that have been documented in the material culture on Mallorca during these periods. Among many other changes, of note are the disruption to the construction of certain types of buildings that pertain to the Talayotic period (e.g., talayots and turriforms) and the appearance of new spaces for rituals. New layouts of domestic spaces (Salvà, Hernández-Gasch 2009) and the landscape (Calvo 2009; Galmés 2021; Galmés, Calvo 2022) have also been reported, in addition to new burial rituals, in cluding the first symbolic individual burials (Calvo et al. 2020). With regard to manufacturing technologies, ceramics, and metallurgy, there is also evidence of sig - nificant change, with an increased range of technical practices and strategies (García Rosselló 2010; Al bero 2011; Perelló 2017). These changes have been associat - ed with a progressive decoupling of social cohesion 563 The long and winding road: object biographies and cultural encounters in the Western Mediterranean during the Late Iron Age us with an in-depth understanding of the pro cesses underlying the manufacturing of the nails and their function. Finally, an analysis of the context in which they were deposited allows us to address how these nails, in the last stage of their lives, became a part of indigenous reality. All the nails were analysed using SEM-EDS. Due to the destructive nature of the analy sis used, we were forced to choose from the set. Spe ci - fically, specimens SM-98-17-11192, SM-98-17-11196, SM- 98-17-11198, and SM-98-17-11200 (Fig. 3) were chosen for metallographic, ICP-MS, and lead isotope analyses. Below, we explain details of the ana ly tical pro cess used for each one of the methods applied. Scanning electron microscopy and energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDS) The identification and quantification of the major elements present in the nails was made by means of X-ray energy dispersion using a RX-EDS Bruker AXS XFlash 4010 microanalysis system at a resolution of 133eV connected to a Hitachi S-3400-N scanning elec- tron microscope using the Quantax 400 software pac- boat. Guerrero (2006) holds that these nails may have formed part of a Punic ship, and he speculates on the possibility that they were salvaged from a shipwreck and stored there by members of the indigenous com- munity at Tower 1 on Puig de sa Morisca to later be re - cast. The effort made to recover whole nails without them losing their original shape led this author to sug - gest the possibility that the ship was dismantled so that the boards and metals could be used following a shipwreck (Guerrero 2006.29). Another plausible al- ternative is that these nails are evidence of a repair which was carried out on the hull of a ship. Analysis techniques and methods In order to provide complete and exhaustive infor ma - tion on the nails recovered, our analysis used different archaeometric techniques that, together, allow us to discuss the nails’ biographies. On the one hand, ele men - tal ICP-MS and lead isotope composition analyses al- low us to link the nails to the raw materials used to make them, providing information on the objects’ birth - place. Typological and metallographic studies pro vide Fig. 3. Drawings of the set of nails studied and photographs of those that best preserve the shape of the ribs in their bends. The red frames indicate nails that underwent isotope analysis. 564 Laura Perelló Mateo, Bartomeu Llull Estarellas, Daniel Albero Santacreu, Jaume García Rosselló, and Manuel Calvo Trias estimations for each element were established using the error propagation equation from James N. Miller and Jane C. Miller (2010). The uncertainty of the re- sults corresponds to a 95% confidence level. Lead Isotope Analysis This type of analysis allows us to provide information on the origin of the raw materials used to produce the metal objects. This technique is based on a study of the differences and similarities in the isotope composition of the archaeological objects compared to ore depo sits. This composition does not change during the pro ces- ses of transforming the ore (e.g., smelting, oxidation, and reduction), and therefore it is possible to iden ti fy similarities in the isotope values seen in the archaeo- lo gical objects and the raw materials used. The lead isotope analyses were performed at the Geo- chronology and Geochemistry-SGIker facility at the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Spain. About 0.100g of powdered sample was dissolved in HNO3 overnight and left to evaporate until dry. The residue was taken in HBr and Pb isolated by con ven - tional ion-exchange chromatography (AG1-X8 resin in HBr and HCl media). The recovered lead was left to evaporate until dry, dissolved in 0.32N of HNO3, and diluted to a final concentration of 150-200ppb. The lead isotope ratios were measured with a Thermo Nep- tune multicollector ICP-MS, and the mass fractionation was internally corrected after the addition of thallium isotope reference material NBS-997 (Walder 1993). The detailed protocols were similar to those described by Igor V. Chernysev et al. (2007). The accuracy of the results was confirmed in several analyses with lead isotope reference material NBS-981. To identify the origin of the raw material with which the archaeological objects were manufactured, we con- trast the results of the isotope analysis with those of known mineral ores. First, we determine Euclidean distance to see which are the closest neighbours. To do this, we chose to use the method described by Thomas Birch et al. (2020). Additionally, the results were eva- luated using the methodology described by Sarah Ceu- ster and Patrick Degryse (2020), which uses an appli- cation of kernel density calculations and relative pro - bability percentages for the isotope ratios 206Pb/ 204Pb, 207Pb/204Pb, and 208Pb/204Pb. However, nei ther of the two methods described allow us to fully evaluate the results of the minerals’ isotope evolution curve. For this reason, the use of bivariate graphs to visual ly in ter- pret the data is essential for making di stinctions. kage (equipment from the University of the Ba learic Islands’ Technical-Scientific Services). We should point out that it is difficult to detect trace elements with the techniques used. The process detects elements from carbon to uranium, but if the concentration of an ele- ment is less than 0.3% by total weight then it can go un- noticed. The analysis can be performed ona very small, localized area, or on a large surface to obtain ge neral information. In our case, general analyses were al ways performed in scanning windows between 100x and 200x; in addition, specific points were analysed to pro- vide more specific information. We proceeded to re- move the patina from the area to be analysed so that the tests could be performed on healthy metal. The results obtained from the SEM-EDS analysis were nor- malized to 100%. Whenever it was possible, we per- formed more than one analysis per area and object, as there was a risk of analysing heterogeneous areas of the alloys. Inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP- MS) An ICP-MS analysis was performed on the same nails that were selected for isotope analysis, aiming to pro - vide more precise information on the composition of the metal under consideration and the impurities found in its main constituents. Elemental analy ses were conducted by ICP-MS at the SGIker-Geo chro no logy and Isotope Geochemistry Facility at the Uni ver sity of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Spain. The samples were dissolved with either aqua regia (for Sn and Sb determinations) or concentrated HNO3 (the rest of the elements) in closed Savillex PFA ves sels set on a hot plate at 120°C for 24h. Dilution af ter dis so lution was done gravimetrically using an electronic balance with a precision of 0.1 mg to prevent errors caused by volu- metric dilutions. We carried out a quan titative iden ti - fication of the analytes of interest using a Thermo XSe - ries 2 ICP-MS equipped with a collision cell (CCT), an interphase specifically for elevated to tal dissolved solids (Xt cones), and a shielded torch. A concentric nebulizer and a quartz expansion, Peltier-cooled cham - ber were employed. Rh and In solution were used as the internal standard, and multi-ele men tal solutions for the initial tuning and calibration of the mass spec- trometer, and for quality control (QC) of the results were prepared 100 ppm high-purity standard solutions for ICP, stabilized in diluted HNO3. The in ternal stan- dard was added online with an automatic addition kit in order to prevent random errors. Further details on the instrumental method are given in García de Ma di - nabeitia et al. (2008). In percentage terms, the re co- veries for the QC solutions are given in Table 1. Error 565 The long and winding road: object biographies and cultural encounters in the Western Mediterranean during the Late Iron Age the metal used in these nails came from the same place or their raw materials have a similar origin, as they have very similar values (Tab. 2). A comparison between the isotopic results obtained from nails and the copper ores nearest to where the nails were discovered (Fig. 4) shows that the nails do not coincide with any of the copper outcrops on the Ba learic Islands (Llull et al. 2021). This suggests a foreign origin of the raw materials used to make them. An exhaustive study of the existing mineral deposits on the Iberian Peninsula allows us to confidently as- sociate the isotope values associated with nails to the isotopic field from the mining region of Pedroches (Santos Zalduegui et al. 2004; Klein et al. 2009). There is a clear similarity between the data obtained from ores from this area, and there is no partial over- lapping between isotopic fields of other regions and the nails that would give us any cause for doubt (Fig. 4). In addition to the presence of copper sulphide, we should mention that all the nails analysed were made with very pure copper. The absence of other trace ele - ments, such as Sn and Pb, indicates that the nails were not made from recycled or scrap metal. Moreover, be - cause As is a volatile element, such detected impurities, along with the isotopic similarities seen in the ana ly- ses, reinforce the idea that they were not recycled me- tals. The area of Pedroches, the most likely origin of the copper in the nails, is located in the province of Cor- doba, Spain (Fig. 1). Geologically, it belongs to the Cen- tral Iberian Zone of the Hesperian Massif. There is a geological feature that characterizes the area known as the Batholith of Pedroches, located in the centre of the Sierra Morena, a large mass of igneous rocks where mineral deposits in subvolcanic rock abound (Hunt, Hurtado 1999.284), and these are rich in copper. The use of copper in this region of Cordoba has been do- cumented as far back as prehistory, and mining and metallurgical activities associated with the metal were practiced intensely during the Late Bronze Age, though with the arrival of foreign agents during the Orien- talizing period this interest shifted to silver ores (Pé - rez 2013). But this does not mean that they comple- te ly abandoned copper mining. Fernandez-Ochoa et al. (2002.48-49) highlights the significant increase in settlements in the Pedroches region dur ing the Early Iron Age/Orientalizing period, which according to Juan Francisco Murillo’s (1994) clas sifi cation were as - sociated with the process of extracting copper ore, me - tallurgical activities, or the strategic con trol of ter ri- Metallographic analysis Our metallographic analysis centred around a study of the microstructure of the metal, which allowed us to deduce which processes were used during the ma - nufacturing of the objects and how they might have been treated and had their microstructures altered af terwards. For this study, we used the equip ment avai- lable at the University of the Balearic Is lands’ Techni- cal-Scientific Services. To prepare the metallographic analyses, we packed the samples into moulds with con - ductive resin and cold copper polymerization bases. Then, once the moulds were removed, the sam ples were wet sanded with silicon carbide sandpaper at different grains. The final sanding was performed with abrasive diamond particles. Before being studied un - der a microscope, an iron chloride attack was per form- ed to expose the metal’s microstructure. The first part of metallographic analysis takes advantage of the fact that the constituent parts of the nails with the greatest reaction speed are attacked more quickly and are seen as darker under the microscope. Elements that are less susceptible to the attack are more reflective. Our ana ly - sis of the microstructure of the nails was performed on an optical reflection and transmission microscope, the Olympus BX60, using reflected light, as well as a scan - ning electron microscope and energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDS), the Hitachi S-3400N, which al lowed us to take high-resolution images while per- form ing chemical analyses to deter mine the elemental composition of small areas of the sample. Results First life: obtaining and transporting raw ma- terials The SEM-EDS analyses performed provide evidence that all the nails were made out of very pure copper. No other element was detected over the 0.3% by weight threshold, a finding that is also confirmed in the sam - ples analysed by ICP-MS (Tab. 1). The only impu ri ties detected was As (0.15-0.2%). The chemical com po si- tion of all the nails analysed using the latter tech ni- que is very similar, which might even suggest that they were produced from the same metal casting. In ad di- tion to this similarity in composition, we find that the isotopic footprint of the set of nails is also very homo - geneous. The resulting dispersion diagrams provide evidence that the four nails have a high level of iso - topic correlation among themselves. While the graph for SM-98-17-11196 was slightly shifted, its com po- sition does not differ significantly from the rest of the samples (Fig. 4). These results allow us to sug gest that 566 Laura Perelló Mateo, Bartomeu Llull Estarellas, Daniel Albero Santacreu, Jaume García Rosselló, and Manuel Calvo Trias Tab. 1. Chemical composition of the copper nails studied by means of ICP-MS. Results are expressed in µg/g of analyte in sample, except for Cu which is expressed in %, that is, gram of analyte in 100g of sample (