MUZIKOLOŠKI Z B O R N I K MUSICOLOGICAL A N N U A L LXI / 2 Z V E Z E K / V O L U M E L J U B L J A N A 2 0 2 5 Contributions to Tartini Studies: New Sources and Reception Prispevki k raziskavam Giuseppeja Tartinija: novi viri in recepcija Urednik zvezka • Edited by Nejc Sukljan (Univerza v Ljubljani) Glavni in odgovorni urednik • Editor-in-Chief Aleš Nagode (Univerza v Ljubljani) Asistentka uredništva • Assistant Editor Špela Lah (Univerza v Ljubljani) Uredniški odbor • Editorial Board Matjaž Barbo (Univerza v Ljubljani), Svanibor Pettan (Univerza v Ljubljani), Gregor Pompe (Univerza v Ljubljani), Leon Stefanija (Univerza v Ljubljani), Nejc Sukljan (Univerza v Ljubljani), Katarina Šter (ZRC SAZU), Jernej Weiss (Univerza v Ljubljani) Andrej Rijavec (Ljubljana), častni urednik • honorary editor Mednarodni uredniški svet • International Advisory Board Michael Beckermann (Columbia University, USA), Robert S. Hatten (Indiana University, USA), David Hiley (University of Regensburg, Germany), Thomas Hochradner (Mozarteum Salzburg, Austria), Helmut Loos (University of Leipzig, Germany), Jim Samson (Royal Holloway University of London, UK), Lubomír Spurný (Masaryk University Brno, Czech Republic), Jeff Todd Titon (Brown University, USA), Katarina Tomašević (Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Serbia), Michael Walter (University of Graz, Austria) Uredništvo • Editorial address Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofska fakulteta Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: muzikoloski.zbornik@ff.uni-lj.si https://journals.uni-lj.si/MuzikoloskiZbornik Lektor za angleški jezik • English proofreading Neville Hall Cena posamezne številke • Single issue price 10 € Letna naročnina • Annual subscription 20 € Založila • Published by Založba Univerze v Ljubljani Za založbo • For the publisher Gregor Majdič, rektor Univerze v Ljubljani Izdajata • Issued by Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Za izdajatelja • For the issuer Mojca Schlamberger Brezar, dekanja Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Tisk • Printed by Birografika Bori d. o. o., Ljubljana Naklada 150 izvodov • Printed in 150 copies Rokopise, publikacije za recenzije, korespondenco in naročila pošljite na naslov izdajatelja. Prispevki naj bodo opremljeni s kratkim povzetkom (200–300 besed), izvlečkom (do 50 besed), ključnimi besedami in kratkimi podatki o avtorju. Nenaročenih rokopisov ne vračamo. / Manuscripts, publications for review, correspondence and annual subscription rates should be sent to the editorial address. Contributions should include a short summary (200–300 words), an abstract (not more than 50 words), keywords and a short biographical note on the author. Unsolicited manuscripts are not returned. Izdajo revije je omogočila Javna agencija za znanstvenoraziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost Republike Slovenije. / With the support of the Slovenian Research and Innnovation Agency. To delo je ponujeno pod licenco Creative Commons Priznanje avtorstva-Deljenje pod enakimi pogoji 4.0 Mednarodna licenca (izjema so fotografije). / This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (except photographs). 3 Vsebina/Contents Foreword 5 Predgovor 7 Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin Tartini’s Friends and Enemies: Notes for a Psychobiography 9 Tartinijevi prijatelji in sovražniki: opombe za psihobiografijo Juan Mariano Porta Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? The Case of the Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini 43 Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? Primer Tartinijevih Šestih koncertov a 4, posvečenih Johnu O’Neillu Federico Lanzellotti Tartini’s Music in Venice: Some Cases of Textual Instability and Instrumental Pasticcio 63 Tartinijeva glasba v Benetkah: nekateri primeri tekstualne nestabilnosti in instrumentalnega pasticcia Agnese Pavanello Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas: From Private Entertainment to Genre Paradigm 93 Concertoni Giulija Meneghinija iz Sonat Opus 1 Giuseppeja Tartinija: od zasebnega razvedrila do paradigme zvrsti Camilla Rubagotti The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 121 Okraševanje v času Giuseppeja Tartinija Jerneja Umer Kljun A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works: Training and Testing a Custom AI Model for Handwritten Text Recognition 181 Digitalni pristop pri obravnavi Tartinijevih teoretičnih del: učenje in preizkušanje prilagojenega umetnointeligenčnega modela za prepoznavanje rokopisnih besedil Andrew Baker Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 201 Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini in iskanje univerzalne harmonije 4 Nejc Sukljan “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria”: An Insight into the Reception of Tartini in Koper in the Nineteenth Century 223 “Eden od mož, ki so najbolj zaznamovali zgodovino Istre”: vpogled v recepcijo Tartinija v Kopru v 19. stoletju Ella Bernadette Nagy The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 243 Ponovno odkritje Giuseppeja Tartinija s ploščami z 78 vrtljaji na minuto Recenzije • Reviews 263 5 Foreword Tartini studies have gained renewed momentum over the past decade. To mark the 250th anniversary of Tartini’s death (2020), three musicology conferences were held in Padua, Ljubljana and Trieste, followed by the publication of three monographs by Peter Lang in the series Giuseppe Tartini and the Musical Cul- ture of the Enlightenment, featuring contributions from the leading researchers on Tartini’s legacy. In November 2022, a notable exhibition entitled Maestro of the Nations: The Shared European Heritage of Giuseppe Tartini (authors: Sergio Durante, Nejc Sukljan, Boštjan Udovič) was held at the European Parliament and subsequently presented in Trieste, Ljubljana, Piran and Graz. The first two volumes of Tartini’s collected works were published in a critical edition by Bärenreiter. The projects tARTini: Cultural Tourism under the Banner of Giu- seppe Tartini and TARTINI BIS: Increasing the Impacts and Synergies of Cultural Tourism in the Name of Giuseppe Tartini, carried out as part of the Interreg Italy-Slovenia programme, also represent an important contribution to the popularisation and research of Tartini’s legacy. As part of both projects, the online platform Discover Tartini (discovertartini.eu) was established, serving as a starting point for learning about Tartini’s legacy and providing access to numerous digitised documents and musical works. An important part of the TARTINI BIS project was musicological research, focused on examining new sources and reinterpreting some already known ones; archives in Venice and Piran were examined in particular. The results of this research are published as scientific articles in this thematic issue of the Musicological Annual. In their contribution, Sergio Durante and Chiara Casa- rin highlight some new sources, but above all, they reconsider established views on Tartini’s life circumstances and aspects of his work, particularly his music education and theoretical thought. Juan Mariano Porta, Federico Lanzellotti and Agnese Pavanello explore selected Tartini’s musical works, their functions, context, popularity and especially adaptations. Camilla Rubagotti examines a different type of musical sources, studying the practice of ornamentation as reflected in Tartini’s treatises and in the works of some of his contemporaries in a comparative overview study. Jerneja Umer Kljun deals with Tartini’s theo- retical writings from the Piran unit of the Koper Regional Archives, process- ing them using artificial intelligence and the Transkribus software tool. The final set of articles focuses primarily on the reception of Tartini and his music among his contemporaries and in later periods, drawing on numerous musi- cal and non-musical sources. Andrew Baker reveals the connections between Tartini and the circle of intellectuals, writers and musicians associated with the muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 6 English polymath Benjamin Stillingfleet. Nejc Sukljan provides insight into the reception of Tartini in Koper in the nineteenth century, while Ella Nagy presents a discography of early recordings of Tartini’s works on 78 rpm records released up to the mid-1950s. With such a diverse and methodologically varied set of contributions, this thematic issue of the Musicological Annual aims to add a new and important piece to the mosaic of research into Tartini’s life, work and broader cultural significance. Nejc Sukljan, editor 7 Predgovor Raziskave Tartinijevega življenja in dela so v zadnjem desetletju dobile nov za- gon. Ob obeležitvi 250-letnice Tartinijeve smrti (2020) so v Padovi, Ljubljani in Trstu potekali trije muzikološki simpoziji, po katerih so pri založbi Peter Lang v zbirki Giuseppe Tartini and the Musical Culture of the Enlightenment [Giuseppe Tartini in glasbena kultura razsvetljenstva] izšle tri monografije s pri- spevki tačas najvidnejših raziskovalcev Tartinijeve dediščine. Novembra 2022 je bila v Evropskem parlamentu postavljena odmevna razstava Učitelj narodov: skupna evropska kulturna dediščina Giuseppeja Tartinija (avtorji: Sergio Durante, Nejc Sukljan, Boštjan Udovič), ki je bila nato predstavljena še v Trstu, Lju- bljani, Piranu in Gradcu. Pri založbi Bärenreiter sta v kritični izdaji izšla prva dva zvezka Tartinijevih zbranih del. Pomemben prispevek k popularizaciji in raziskovanju Tartinijeve dediščine predstavljata tudi projekta tARTini: kulturni turizem v znamenju Giuseppeja Tartinija in TARTINI BIS: Krepitev vplivov in sinergij kulturnega turizma v znamenju Giuseppeja Tartinija, izvedena v okviru programa Interreg Italija–Slovenija. V okviru obeh projektov je bila vzpostav- ljena spletna platforma Discover Tartini (discovertartini.eu), ki služi kot iz- hodišče za spoznavanje Tartinijeve dediščine in omogoča dostop do številnih digitaliziranih dokumentov in glasbenih del. Pomemben del projekta TARTINI BIS so bile tudi muzikološke raziskave, osredotočene na obravnavo novih in reinterpretacijo nekaterih že znanih virov; pregledani so bili predvsem arhivi v Benetkah in Piranu. Rezultati raziskav so v obliki znanstvenih člankov objavljeni v pričujoči tematski številki Muzikolo- škega zbornika. Sergio Durante in Chiara Casarin v svojem prispevku izpostav- ljata nekatere nove vire, predvsem pa ponovno premišljata uveljavljene poglede na Tartinijeve življenjske okoliščine in nekatera področja njegovega delovanja, zlasti glasbeno izobraževanje in teoretsko misel. Juan Mariano Porta, Federico Lanzellotti in Agnese Pavanello se filološko poglobljeno posvečajo izbranim Tartinijevim glasbenim delom, njihovim funkcijam, kontekstu, razširjenosti in zlasti predelavam. Z drugačnim tipom glasbenih virov se ukvarja Camilla Rubagotti, ki v primerjalni in pregledni študiji obravnava prakso okraševanja, kot se kaže v Tartinijevih traktatih in v delih nekaterih njegovih sodobnikov. S Tartinijevimi teoretskimi spisi iz piranske enote Pokrajinskega arhiva Koper se ukvarja Jerneja Umer Kljun, ki k njihovi obdelavi pristopa z uporabo umetne inteligence in programskega orodja Transkribus. Zaključni sklop člankov se prek obravnave mnogih glasbenih in neglasbenih virov osredotoča predvsem na recepcijo Tartinija in njegove glasbe med sodobniki ter v poznejšem času. Andrew Baker razkriva povezave med Tartinijem in krogom intelektualcev, muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 8 literatov in glasbenikov, povezanih z angleškim polimatom Benjaminom Stil- lingfleetom. Nejc Sukljan odpira vpogled v recepcijo Tartinija v Kopru v 19. stoletju, medtem ko Ella Nagy predstavlja diskografijo zgodnjih posnetkov Tartinijevih del na ploščah z 78 vrtljaji na minuto, izdanih do sredine petde- setih let 20. stoletja. S tako raznolikim in metodološko razgibanim naborom prispevkov želi tudi ta tematska številka Muzikološkega zbornika prispevati nov, pomemben kamenček v mozaik raziskav Tartinijevega življenja, dela in njegovega širšega kulturnega pomena. Nejc Sukljan, urednik 9 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.9-42 UDK: 929Tartini G.:78.03"17":781 Tartini’s Friends and Enemies: Notes for a Psychobiography Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin1 University of Padova ABSTRACT The paper offers new insight into Giuseppe Tartini’s biography and theoretical contribution. It explores Tartini’s family relationships, musical education and intellectual activity, placing him within the cultural, academic and institutional networks of eighteenth-century Europe. This analysis challenges longstanding historiographic narratives about this figure. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, music history, musical historiography, music theory, intellec- tual networks IZVLEČEK Članek ponuja nov vpogled v biografijo in odmev teoretskih del Giuseppeja Tartinija. Raz- iskuje Tartinijeve odnose z družino, njegovo glasbeno izobrazbo in intelektualno dejavnost ter ga umešča v kulturne, akademske in institucionalne mreže Evrope osemnajstega stoletja. Predstavljena analiza postavlja pod vprašaj do sedaj veljavno historiografsko pripoved o njem. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, glasbena zgodovina, glasbena historiografija, glasbena teorija, intelektualne mreže 1 The introduction and the sections “Family and Relatives”, “Padua’s Intellectual Entourage” and “Theorists” are by Sergio Durante; “Music Apprenticeship” is by Chiara Casarin. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 10 Today, the figure of Tartini presents itself as an open question: until just a few decades ago, scholars of eighteenth-century music could be content with the somewhat heroic and holographic image of the musician-swordsman, rebel- lious and romantically persecuted on account of a secret marriage. The story could end at that point: it was enough to satisfy an imagination tradition- ally associated with the “artistic” profile. Little remains of that figure today. Swordsman? Yes, until he was forced to choose a more secure profession. Re- bel? That depends on which rebellions we are speaking of. While, on the one hand, he managed to oppose his father’s plan for him to become a friar and a jurist, in other aspects of his mental (or “moral”, if one prefers) makeup, he was anything but a rebel: not only respectful of hierarchies but also a guardian of social customs, including the protection of family assets by the best pre- scriptions of the Ancien Régime (such as the exclusion of female inheritance). Persecuted? Not at all: the fabled persecution by Bishop Giorgio Cornaro on account of a secret marriage is entirely invented. If anything, the Bishop was protecting Elisabetta, who was newly married and soon thereafter abandoned. If we choose to set aside the allure of a beautifully crafted portrait, we gain an opportunity to explore a more intriguing and complicated personality. This individual is one of the most complex figures in music during the Age of Enlightenment, a true embodiment of conflicting aspirations and contradic- tions between modern rationalism and hermetic essentialism, both of which are influenced by Catholic beliefs. What concerns us most is the composer poised between an idea of “natural” music and constructive theories that, pre- cisely because they were “natural”, rejected the advantages of tempered tuning systems (inherently “unnatural”), the very systems that, a few decades later, would pave the way for the composers of great European music. However, despite his limitations – and in part because of them – Tartini was among the most favoured composers of instrumental music in his time, enjoying a renown that appears all the more remarkable today for having been achieved from the stability of his Antonian retreat in a city like Padua: important, yes, but indeed not a musical capital. It is only with the work of Pierluigi Petrobelli in the 1960s that Tartini’s case began to be treated with the seriousness demanded by modern music his- toriography, and only in the past 30 years that the work of that great pioneer has served as a foundation for the interest of a growing number of scholars and a small but fiercely dedicated group of performers who have recognised the Tartini that truly matters for the history of music, well beyond the image of the virtuoso violinist. Thanks above all to Tartini himself, however, we can explore the (never entirely transparent) recesses of his strong and charismatic personality. In addition to being a prolific composer, Tartini wrote extensively on theory and left behind a corpus of letters that is of interest as testimony to his network of relationships and his unyielding, sharp-edged character. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 11 Family and Relatives Giuseppe Tartini’s family of origin is of interest to us in the years of his early education but seems to fade from the picture until the final year of his life, when the aging violinist renewed contact with Piran (contact that may never have ceased, although no documentation survives), prompted by concern for the fate of his estate, or rather, the estate he believed should remain within the family line. In the intervening years, roughly from 1721 to 1769, we are instead dealing with his “small” family in Padua: this included his wife Elisabetta and two house servants, figures who are still anonymous today but were essential to the running of the household and are mentioned in a 1767 report in Tartini’s own hand.2 Like any family, the Tartinis experienced internal conflicts, personal sym- pathies and antipathies. His father Antonio (a Florentine, like an entire branch of the family) and his mother Caterina were the first to clash with young Gi- useppe, the fourth of the male children to survive into adulthood (and thus the youngest of the brothers). According to Francesco Fanzago, drawing on the handwritten memoir of Antonio Vandini, “being […] his parents seduced by the idea that he becomes a Franciscan Minor Conventual Friar there […] and yet seeing him resistant to their desire, in 1710 [recte 1708] they sent him in clerical clothing to study the Law at our University [Padua]”.3 This early con- flict, born of disobedience, appears to be the traumatic foundation of his rela- tionship with his parents, perhaps worsened by the fact that they had perceived in Giuseppe “strong evidence of the most lively spirit and of swift intellect”.4 This controversy may have been resolved had his studies in Padua not led to what the family regarded as a catastrophe: his marriage to the commoner Elisabetta Premazore, celebrated shortly after his father Antonio’s death, which entailed the loss of a lucrative canonry in the Austrian State (evi- dently more coveted by the family than by the intended recipient).5 However, it was also a catastrophe for Giuseppe himself, as the family deprived him of all economic support (with the father deceased, the decision must have been collective), triggering an existential – or “spiritual” – crisis that drove the young man to abandon everything and secretly withdraw to a convent in Assisi: perhaps the only form of escape from personal responsibility that, in 2 Cf. documents nos. 185 and 186 in Giorgia Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents, vol. 1, transl. Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo (Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020), 336–341. 3 “Essendosi […] lusingati i di lui genitori, che vestisse l’abito religioso di S. Francesco ne’ Minori conventuali di quella terra […] ma vedendolo ripugnante alle loro brame, nel 1710 [recte 1708] lo mandarono con le divise ecclesiastiche a studiare le Leggi nella nostra Università [Padova].” See “Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Tartini” in Francesco Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31 di marzo l ’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo (Padova: Conzatti, 1770), 40. 4 “[…] prove evidenti d’uno spirito il più vivace, e di pronto intendimento”. Ibid. 5 Ibid., 40–41; possibly the canonry of Pedena in the heart of Istria, later suppressed by Joseph II. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 12 the mentality of the time, could claim a higher moral justification, much to the dismay of his abandoned wife (or, with a touch of cynical imagination, the guilty seductress). If this was the state of family relations around 1710, it is all the more surpris- ing to find, 13 years later, a complete reversal of circumstances and dynamics. We can only speculate on what happened in the interim, as no documents survive from that period. However, we glimpse a completely altered situation in a letter to his brother and head of the family, Domenico, dated 2 November 1723. Un- doubtedly, many letters from those middle years are missing, but Giuseppe now presents himself as the family’s protector. At that point in his life, he had been reunited with his wife and had mingled with the Venetian nobility. With the assistance of Procurator Girolamo Giustiniani, he secured an excellent position as the “first violin and head of the orchestra” [“primo violino e capo di concerto”] in the orchestra of the Basilica Antoniana.6 After just two years in this role, however, he chose to relocate to Prague to serve the young Count Philip Joseph Kinski. The text makes clear his intention to earn as much and as quickly as pos- sible; he even planned to move to England the following year (1724), where he hoped to make at least 2,000 zecchini in two or three years.7 Despite emphasising his burdensome but lucrative commitments, Tartini ultimately refused the financial assistance requested by his brother Pietro. He laments the poor relationship between Domenico’s wife and Elisabetta (left in Piran in a stormy cohabitation with her in-laws), bitterly recalling it being thrown in her face that “I [Giuseppe] had no business concerning either the house, or the goods, or the farms”.8 In short, it is a sad tale of family interests and old grudges. Giuseppe’s concern for the general welfare of this troubled group of relatives may seem difficult to comprehend unless we frame his seemingly con- tradictory behaviour within a feudal mentality, where the prosperity of the fam- ily line takes precedence over personal quarrels. Moreover, Giuseppe leaves (or pretends to leave) it to Domenico, as the head of the family, to decide whether he should remain in Prague or move to England while promising a contribution of (only) 100 ducats. He insists that word must not reach the Santo that he is in Prague as a salaried employee, but only that he will return to Italy the following summer. A tangle of sentiments and interests, overshadowed by a declaration of emphatic certainty: “I believe without any doubt from my own feelings that my affection towards you all is by far greater than yours for me.”9 6 The document is published in its entirety in Lucia Boscolo and Maddalena Pietribiasi (eds.), La Cappella musicale antoniana di Padova nel secolo XVIII: Delibere della veneranda Arca (Padova: Centro Studi Antoniani 1997), 105. 7 Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 110. 8 “io [Giuseppe] non avevo che fare né nella casa, né nella robba, né nelli poderi”. Ibid. 9 “Io credo senza dubbio da quello che sento in me stesso di aver assai più amore per voi altri, che voi per me”. Ibid. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 13 Giuseppe’s relationship with his family in Piran would return to the fore in the final months of his life when he began drafting his will. Despite his poor health, the documents speak to a firm and unwavering resolve. Before arriving at that point, however, we must consider the intervening years and, so to speak, the Padua household: the small nucleus composed of Giuseppe, Elisabetta and two unnamed servants, one woman and one man (she cohabiting and em- ployed for 40 years, he living outside the home and employed for 30).10 Tartini’s house, near the Basilica del Santo, must have had enough space to host students for daily lessons and welcome distinguished visitors but could not have been particularly spacious if, as Claudio Bellinati proposed without documentary evidence, it is to be identified with a small building with one or two porticoes still standing near the end of today’s via Cesare Battisti on the left-hand side.11 It certainly could not have housed the sumptuous carriage described in a text falsely attributed to Giordano Riccati.12 The household fi- nances were overseen by Elisabetta, to whom Giuseppe had delegated the task, “not being skilled […] in the administration of the household”.13 Elisabetta’s figure was often slandered by Tartini’s (real or alleged) friends, who likened her to a kind of Xanthippe.14 She was undoubtedly a woman of strong character, as Giuseppe himself acknowledged,15 but she was also an ide- al support for a man wholly immersed in composition, teaching and theoretical study, not to mention time spent in other forms of reading. A woman who was, in her way, tolerant (or without alternatives), having endured abandonment and, shortly thereafter, her husband’s infidelity with the Venetian innkeeper Caterina Bufelli.16 In any case, interpreting the behaviour of Tartini or his wife through the lens of modern relationships carries considerable risk, as we know so little about what an early eighteenth-century marriage meant in anthropo- logical terms. It is also legitimate to suspect that the union across class lines – authorised by Bishop Giorgio Corner but disliked by polite society – was the 10 Documents nos. 185 and 186 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 341. 11 Information given to the author by Claudio Bellinati in private conversation. See, however, the different testimony by G. Gennari quoted in footnote 60 below. 12 See Sergio Durante, Tartini, Padova l ’Europa (Livorno: Sillabe, 2017), 100, note 105. The writing, an obvious forgery, was recklessly published as an authentic report of an orchestral concert attributed to Giordano Riccati. See Giordano Riccati, “Memorie sul violinista Giuseppe Tartini”, in Il Santo 9 (1969): 407–423. Although incapable of governing the household, Tartini was anything but a naive steward of his money: see the recent study Mario Brogi and Luca Busolli, I livelli affrancabili delle Dimesse di Padova: Attività creditizia e produzione documentaria di un istituto secolare femminile (1628–1861) (Padova: Cleup, 2022), 58–60, 86. 13 “[…] non essendo abile […] al governo della casa”. Document no. 186 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 341. 14 Thus among others, and by hearsay, Charles Burney, Viaggio musicale in Italia, ed. and trans. Enrico Fubini (Turin: EdT, 1979), 124. 15 Letter no. 1 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 110. 16 On the affair, see the documents at nos. 187 and 188 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 342–344. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 14 necessary consequence, for reasons of honour, of a romantic encounter initi- ated by the older and more strong-willed Elisabetta: a conjecture, certainly, but perhaps a useful one in making sense of otherwise inexplicable behaviour. Life in the Tartini household unfolded in relative calm, with prudent finan- cial oversight, long-term planning and the slow accumulation of considerable capital by every available means: his service as a musician at the Basilica del Santo or on special concert occasions (increasingly rare after a trauma to his left arm in 1740), teaching violin or composition, gifts from visitors, dedica- tions of his two significant printed music collections (the sonatas Op. I of 1734 and Op. II of 1745), direct sales of his own printed works, and manuscript compositions reserved for particular patrons.17 While it appears that Elisabetta held sway in the household until she died in 1769, Tartini, in his final year (cared for at home by his friend Vandini), exerted himself with determination in deciding to whom the fortune accumu- lated over a lifetime should go: he wished it to be destined for the family, that is, the closest branch in Piran (but under certain conditions), without exclud- ing the family in Florence (his father Antonio’s birthplace). Giuseppe wrote and dictated to his favoured nephew Pietro, an officer in the Venetian army: “I want that, lacking male succession in our family, the Tartini branch in Florence succeed in the inheritance.”18 This decision, which would ultimately not be carried out, arose from con- cern that two of the three branches of the Florentine line might be demoted from citizen status to that of commoners due to a recent census decree by the Grand Duke.19 Tartini’s concern for the family line and the transmission of name and estate can be read as simple adherence to custom or, more subtly, as a final economic and moral revenge against the family of Piran, who, 60 years earlier, had deprived him of all means of subsistence, effectively forcing him into a musical career, rich in hard-earned rewards, yet degrading in view of his original social class. His repeated, arguably too insistent, affirmations of affec- tion for the piranesi seem to confirm this interpretation. It was within the fam- ily that his father had recognised from an early age his exceptional intellectual vivacity, and it seems that until his last days, Giuseppe maintained that vitality in order to exert moral authority over his relatives, inextricably entwined with a desire for economic control. 17 All of this is minutely documented by Tartini in documents nos. 185 and 186 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 336–341. Unfortunately, while Tartini himself states these commissions, it is not yet possible to identify the patrons. 18 “desidero che mancando la nostra famiglia di successione maschile, subentri all’eredità la famiglia Tartini di Firenze”. Letter no. 177, in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 326. 19 Ibid., 327. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 15 Musical Apprenticeship The “lively [...] spirit, and swift intellect” of the young Giuseppe – as de- scribed by Fanzago – influenced both his general education and musical ap- prenticeship: after attending the Congregazione filippina, he continued his early studies at the Scuole Pie in Koper (Capodistria). It was during his time at this college, between 1704 and 1707, that Giuseppe “attended Humanities and Rhetoric, also learning the first rudiments of musical art and the Violin”.20 Although the Paduan abbot does not specify what these “first rudiments” of music consisted of, nor who taught them, he informs us that Giuseppe was first introduced to music at the age of 12, considering it one of several interests to cultivate. This three-year period thus marks the beginning of Tartini’s exten- sive and diverse musical apprenticeship, which would come to a close only in 1721, when he was appointed as first violin and head of the orchestra at the Cappella Antoniana in Padua. This position marked his transition from stu- dent to recognised professional, as also suggested by the terms of his engage- ment at this institution.21 From Fanzago onward, historiographers have thus recounted Tartini’s mu- sical education as a “fragmented narrative”, suggesting that the violinist would have moved from one experience to another without an actual pedagogical ref- erence. Therefore, it would appear that Giuseppe studied the violin for nearly 20 years without a maestro, essentially as an autodidact, wandering from place to place to hear renowned musicians and isolating himself from the external world. The available sources regarding this period are few and offer limited de- tail. Moreover, Giuseppe never elaborated – either in writing or with members of his close circle – on his musical education in general and his violin training in particular. Before proceeding further, it is therefore appropriate to summarise these sparse traces to test them against newly uncovered documents from recent investigations. The principal stages of the violinist’s formative path, which will serve as the “skeleton” for this discussion, are outlined in the funeral “Orazione” [“Oration”] by Fanzago, published together with a “Compendio della vita di 20 “spirito [...] vivace, e di pronto intendimento”, “attese alla Umanità, e alla Rettorica, apprendendo in oltre i primi rudimenti dell’arte musica, e del Violino”. Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 40. 21 The Presidenza of the Veneranda Arca del Santo unanimously expressed itself in favour of hiring Tartini as “first violin and head of the orchestra” and granted him a series of benefits. Tartini was in fact excused “from the audition due to his renowned excellence in this profession” [“dalla prova per la sua notoria eccellenza in tal professione”], was paid a salary of 150 ducati (almost twice as much as the other violinists in the Chapel) and furthermore was “free to perform in theatres or other music venues without prejudice and without further ballotation” [“in libertà di potersi portare a’ suonare ne teatri, o altre musiche senza nessun pregiuditio, e senz’altra ballotatione”]. Cf. Paul Brainard, “Die Violinsonaten Giuseppe Tartinis” (Phd diss., Universität Göttingen, 1959), 18–19. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 16 Giuseppe Tartini” [“An Overview of the Life of Giuseppe Tartini”] by the same author. These two texts serve as the basis for the main biographical ac- counts of Tartini written after 1770:22 Born into an honest family of Florentine origin, he received a diligent and attentive education amid both hardships and studies. Already endowed by heaven with those talents which few generously possess, he went to the monastery of Assisi, where he dedi- cated himself entirely to music; that secluded residence proved very useful and timely for him [...]. However, from that refuge of gentle tranquility, he decided to move to Cremona, drawn by the fame of Viscontino; from there he traveled to Venice, where he had the fortune of hearing the great Veracini. Stunned by witnessing the exceptional violin mastery of these two professors, he quickly left for Ancona, where he could learn the best bowing techniques from these two masters. Thus, having stayed in Ancona and pursuing his studies there with assiduity and persistent determination, he successfully managed to surpass them all by far.23 The second phase of Giuseppe’s musical apprenticeship took place between 1711 and 1713 at the Franciscan convent of Assisi. This period followed his departure from his hometown of Piran and his family, as well as his enrol- ment in law studies at the University of Padua and his marriage to Elisabetta (in 1710). In short, his living conditions had changed significantly compared 22 As demonstrated by Pierluigi Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche (Wien: Universal Edition, 1968), the biographical information contained in Fanzago’s “Orazione” and “Compendio” comes both from the Paduan diarist Giuseppe Gennari as well as from an autograph manuscript by the Bolognese cellist Antonio Vandini. In particular, it can be hypothesised, following Sergio Durante, that this latter manuscript source collects a series of accounts told by Tartini himself to Vandini over the nearly 50 years of their deep friendship, and especially during the final year of Tartini’s life, when the two lived together in the composer’s home. Fanzago’s printed work, on the other hand, served as the source for the main eighteenth- and nineteenth-century biographical accounts of Tartini, including: Charles Burney, A General History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the Present Period, vol. 3 (London: printed for the Author, 1789), 562–567; Camillo Ugoni, Della letteratura italiana nella seconda metà del secolo XVIII, vol. 1 (Brescia: Nicolò Bettoni, 1810), 1–28; Giuseppe Bertini, Dizionario storico-critico degli scrittori di musica e de’ più celebri artisti di tutte le nazioni (Palermo: Tipografia Reale di Guerra, 1815), 68–76; François-Joseph Fétis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la musique, vol. 8 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1867), 183–188; Oscar Chilesotti, I nostri maestri del passato: Note biografiche sui più grandi musicisti italiani da Palestrina a Bellini (Milano: Giovanni Ricordi, 1882), 100–111. Thus, the reception of Fanzago’s printed work in Tartini studies, even in more recent ones, is highly significant. 23 “Nato egli da onesta famiglia che traeva l’origine da Firenze, fu con diligente cura, e con ogni attenzione educato tra le fatiche, e gli studj. E già fornito dal cielo di que’ talenti, che pochi largamente comparte, portossi nel monistero d’Assisi, ove s’applicò interamente alla musica; e quell’appartato soggiorno fu molto utile, ed opportuno per lui [...]. Ma da quell’asilo di dolce quiete pensò trasferirsi a Cremona, tratto dalla fama del Viscontino, indi passò a Vinegia, ov’ebbe la sorte di udire il gran Veracini. Stordito egli dal veder maneggiarsi con tanta eccellenza da que’ due professori il violino, frettoloso partì per Ancona, ove studiare il miglior uso dell’arco di que’ due valentuomini potesse. Trattenutosi adunque in Ancona, ed attendendovi con assiduità, e con ostinata insistenza, venne a capo felicemente di superar tutti d’assai.” Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 11. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 17 to his carefree youth: Giuseppe was now far from home, without financial support from his family and responsible for providing for his wife (including financially). These circumstances may have motivated him to focus on one of his many youthful interests, leading him to pursue a professional career that could ensure a stable income. At the age of 20, he decided to embark on a musical career, likely feeling the need for formal training in this direction. Fanzago describes the Assisi period as a useful and opportune moment in Tartini’s educational path, as the tranquillity of the convent allowed him – for the first time in his life – to devote himself fully to the study of music, free from daily distractions. However, the Paduan abbot does not specify what these distractions were, nor does he clarify what exactly is meant by “the pre- cise study of the violin”.24 We only know that, during this phase, Tartini’s mu- sical training developed along two main paths. On the one hand, he regularly attended lessons with the Bohemian composer and organist Bohuslav Matěj Černohorský, from whom he likely learned the rules of counterpoint.25 None- theless, “the influence of this skilled composer is indeed challenging to assess, both because he did not leave music comparable [to Tartini’s] in genre or style, and because we do not know when Tartini began to compose”.26 On the other hand, during this period (according to Fanzago and later historiographers), Tartini began playing in the orchestra of the Basilica della Porziuncola, likely in a secondary role, as there is no record of his presence as an instrumentalist in the documents of the musical chapel in Assisi. If such collaboration did occur, it was certainly informal. Nonetheless, it suggests that Tartini, during those years, became familiar with the world of ecclesiastical orchestras and, more importantly, with the profession of orchestral musician. In other words, during his stay in Assisi, Giuseppe must have acquired foundational skills in composition and ensemble performance (along with all of the associated soft skills) within a sacred context. These skills would later support his activity in Padua. Thus, during this period of his training, Tartini studied music through a more direct and traditional approach – his lessons with a maestro (Černohorský) – as well as through practical experience, gained from participating in an ensemble. 24 “lo studio preciso del violino”. Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 41. 25 “Ivi [convento di Assisi] dimorò qualche anno, non uscendo giammai da quel rimoto soggiorno, dandosi fortunatamente per tal motivo allo studio preciso del violino, con felicissimi avanzamenti, avendo colà le frequenti musicali lezioni del P. Boemo Minore Conventuale [...].” Cf. ibid. 26 “l’influenza di questo valente compositore è in verità molto difficile da valutare, sia perché non ha lasciato musica comparabile per genere o stile, sia perché non sappiamo quando Tartini cominciò a comporre”. Durante, Tartini, Padova l ’Europa, 18. For biographical information on this Bohemian musician, who would later also hold the position of second organist in the Cappella Musicale of Padua, cf. Kateřina Šulcová, “Černohorský [Czernohorsky], Bohuslav Matěj”, in Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001), accessed May 17, 2025. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 18 The next phase in Giuseppe’s musical training involved a visit to Cre- mona sometime between 1714 and 1716, during which he may have had the opportunity to hear and possibly study with the violinist Gasparo Visconti.27 The sources provide no information regarding the duration of Giuseppe’s stay in Cremona nor about the nature of his relationship with Visconti, who Fanzago describes as a “distinguished violinist”.28 Nevertheless, a connection between these two figures is attested in Tartini’s biographical sources as well as on the title page of the 1728 Le Cène edition of the six violin concertos (Op. 1, libro III), which mentions both names. Fanzago’s note suggests that in the 1770s, Visconti was still regarded as a significant figure within the musical panorama of the time and may have served as a “model” for the younger Tartini, who might have travelled to Cremona specifically to study with him. This hypothesis leads to the questions of who this violinist was and what qualities earned him such a strong reputation, making him an at- tractive figure for Tartini. To address these questions, it seems useful to pre- sent below the limited biographical information available on Visconti, which will help us in formulating some reflections on the relationship between the two musicians. Gasparo Giuseppe was born in Cremona on 10 January 1683, the second son of Count Giulio Cesare Visconti and Annunciata Ferrari. As a member of a noble family, he received a musical education from childhood, primarily for personal enjoyment rather than for professional purposes; thus, informa- tion regarding his career as a violinist is relatively scarce. It is known that 27 This period was preceded by a stay in Ancona in 1714, during which Giuseppe played in the orchestra of the city’s theatre, La Fenice. That theatre season featured two dramma per musica: Faramondo by Apostolo Zeno with music by an anonymous composer, and Lucio Vero, also by Zeno, with music by Luca Antonio Predieri. There is no particular reason to question this stay, which Tartini himself recounts both in Giuseppe Tartini, Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia (Padova: Stamperia del Seminario, appresso Giovanni Manfré, 1754), 135, and in Giuseppe Tartini, De’ principj dell ’armonia musicale contenuta nel diatonico genere: Dissertazione (Padova: Stamperia del Seminario, 1767), 36. 28 “egregio sonatore di violino”. Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 33. There are six texts that mention the relationship between the Cremonese musician and Tartini: Raffaello Monterosso, “Gasparo Visconti, violinista cremonese del secolo XVIII”, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft (1962): 378–388; Maria Pia Scotti, “Il musicista cremonese Gasparo Visconti (1683–1731): Vita ed opere con edizione critica dei concerti per violino” (Master Thesis, Università degli Studi di Pavia, 1999–2000), 24–26; Gasparo Visconti, Sonate a violino e violone o cembalo: Opera prima, ed. Raffaello Monterosso (Cremona: Fondazione Claudio Monteverdi, 2004), 31–34; Gabriele Gamba, “I concerti per violino di Gasparo Visconti”, Studi Vivaldiani 5 (2005): 26–27, 37–41; Margherita Canale Degrassi, “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini: Testimoni, tradizione e catalogo tematico” (PhD diss., Università degli Studi di Padova, 2009–2010), 54–57; Guido Viverit, “Problemi di attribuzione conflittuale nella musica strumentale veneta del Settecento” (PhD diss., Università degli Studi di Padova, 2014–2015), 93–112. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 19 he studied under Arcangelo Corelli, most likely between 1697 and 1702,29 after which he decided to move to London. There, he performed regularly in prominent theatres and concert halls, including the York Buildings, the Theatre Royal in Drury Lane and the Dorset Gardens Theatre. In this capi- tal, Visconti pursued a career as a performer, playing both as a soloist and in small ensembles and/or in a duo with other musicians (violinists, flutists and, in some instances, accompanying singers). Alongside his frequent pub- lic performances, he also engaged in composition and teaching, publishing several works that helped establish his professional reputation.30 In 1706, he returned to Cremona with his wife, Ebenezer Steffkins, an amateur violist of English origin who converted to Catholicism and changed her name to Cristina. His return to Italy was likely prompted by his father and related to managing family affairs,31 resulting in a significant decrease in Visconti’s musical activity, which was probably limited to teaching and private per- formances, consistent with his noble status. Gasparo died in Cremona on 9 December 1731, and was buried in Sant’Omobono, the family’s ancestral church.32 29 “The Stati delle anime of 1700 and 1701 place him in Rome, where he was a guest of Cardinal Benedetto Pamphili, former patron of Corelli” [“gli Stati delle anime del 1700 e 1701 lo collocano in Roma, dove fu ospite del cardinal Benedetto Pamphili, già protettore di Corelli”]. Cf. Michael Talbot, “Visconti, Gasparo Giuseppe”, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 99 (2020), accessed May 19, 2025 (https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ gasparo-giuseppe-visconti_(Dizionario-Biografico)/). 30 “Through these events, the virtuoso violinist carved out a niche in London’s musical life, quickly becoming a familiar presence on the stage through his frequent concert and entr’acte performances. [...] Gasperini’s concert appearances between 1703 and 1708 reveal the sheer diversity of early variety concerts and show how performers used these events to assert themselves in a growing and expanding musical marketplace.” Cf. Alison C. Desimone, The Power of Pastiche: Music Miscellany and Cultural Identity in Early Eighteenth-Century England (Clemson: Clemson University Press, 2021), 32. As for Visconti’s print output, cf. Scotti, “Il musicista cremonese Gasparo Visconti (1683–1731)”, 57–72; Visconti, Sonate a violino e violone o cembalo, 15–49. 31 Confirmation that Gasparo was recalled to Cremona by his father to manage the family business can be found in the will of Giulio Cesare Visconti, dated 30 July 1725: “The above-named Gaspare and Antonio have always assisted their father, the testator, in the conduct of his affairs and contributed to the acquisitions made by him, so that, through their personal involvement and management, everything has (thanks be to God) turned out to the benefit of the household.” [“Li sopranominati Sig.ri Gaspare, ed Antonio hanno sempre con esso Sig.r codicillante loro padre assistito a negozii del medesimo, e cooperato agl’acquisti da esso fatti, onde mediante il loro personale e maneggio, il tutto è riuscito (grazie a Dio) in beneffizio della casa.”] Cf. Scotti, “Il musicista cremonese Gasparo Visconti (1683–1731)”, 147. 32 For more biographical details on Gasparo Visconti, cf. Monterosso, “Gasparo Visconti, violinista cremonese del secolo XVIII”; Scotti, “Il musicista cremonese Gasparo Visconti (1683–1731)”; Visconti, Sonate a violino e violone o cembalo; Gamba, “I concerti per violino di Gasparo Visconti”, 23–43; Marcello Villa, “Compositori di musica strumentale a Cremona al tempo di Stradivari”, Liuteria Musica Cultura 1 (2010): 25–34; Fabio Perrone, “Gasparo Visconti”, in MusiCremona: Itinerari nella storia della musica di Cremona, eds. Raffaella Barbierato and Rodobaldo Tibaldi (Pisa: Edizioni ETS, 2013), 481–484; Talbot, “Visconti, Gasparo Giuseppe”; Desimone, The Power of Pastiche, 28–40, 47–52. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 20 The Visconti family papers do not contain any explicit references to Gi- useppe or any musical activity – however minor – related to Gasparo. This lack of documentation can be easily explained: Gasparo was one of the most prominent nobles of his city, and for someone of his status, it would have been inappropriate to publicly engage in what was then considered a semi-servile profession, such as that of a musician. Consequently, even after his return to Cremona, there are no records of his violin performances, not even in the family church, the Collegiata di Sant’Omobono, which relied for public functions on the maestro di cappella and the musicians of the city’s cathedral. This silence surrounding Visconti’s musical activities – which nevertheless continued in private, as he later took on Carlo Zuccari as a pupil on the recommendation of Duke Antonio Farnese (1679–1731) – allows us to interpret Giuseppe’s stay in Cremona and his pos- sible apprenticeship with Gasparo as truly exceptional events. It would have been exceptional (and indeed was) for the nobleman to take on a pupil, and equally exceptional for the latter to be accepted not only by such a famous and selective maestro but also by a patrician respected both at home and abroad. In any case, the fact that a relationship between the two musicians did in- deed take place is confirmed by the Diario of the Augustinian friar Bernardo Nicola Zucchi (seventeenth century – 1753), who documented significant events in Crema between 1710 and 1752.33 On 4 October 1715, Zucchi notes an important gathering of the Accademia dei Sospinti of Crema, a literary circle in which music was central. The event was attended by the city’s Podestà, the Venetian Count Prospero Valmarana. Following academic speeches and the reading of various sonnets (which were later published), Zucchi mentions that “this function did not lack interludes of delicate Cantatas and harmonious sounds, especially the performed symphony by the two famous Violinists, Vis- conti of Cremona and Tartini from (***)”.34 This passage is significant because “it allows us to establish a solid chronological reference point: by 1715, Tartini, then 23 years old, was without doubt with Visconti, and on that 4 October, the two temporarily moved from Cremona to Crema to perform during the ses- sion of the Sospinti”.35 33 This autograph source, preserved in the Biblioteca diocesana di Crema, was hitherto unknown to Tartinian scholars. It remained unpublished for centuries until a critical edition was produced in 2019. Cf. Bernardo Nicola Zucchi, Diario (1710–1740), eds. Marco Nava and Francesco Rossini (Bergamo: Sestante Edizioni, 2019). 34 “non mancarono in questa fonzione i framezzi di delicate Cantate e l’armonia de’ Suoni, specialmente la fatta sinfonia de’ due celebri Violinisti, Visconti di Cremona e Tartini da (***)”. Zucchi, Diario (1710–1740), 211. 35 “permette di fissare un solido appiglio cronologico: all’altezza del 1715 Tartini, allora ventitreenne, si trovava senza dubbio presso il Visconti e quel 4 ottobre i due si spostarono temporaneamente da Cremona a Crema per esibirsi durante la tornata dei Sospinti”. Francesco Rossini, “Crema 1715: Le ultime tracce dell’Accademia letteraria dei Sospinti”, in Bernardo Nicola Zucchi: Diario (1710–1740), eds. Marco Nava and Francesco Rossini (Bergamo: Sestante Edizioni, 2019), 89. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 21 However, Zucchi’s account leads us to another conclusion. The author, well informed about the cultural life of his city, knows Visconti’s place of origin but not Tartini’s, which is not specified (in the printed edition, there is an asterisk). This omission is noteworthy considering that, at the time, Crema was part of the Republic of Venice, where Tartini – if not yet famous – was at least known. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that the young Giuseppe was following the elder, more experienced and more renowned Cremonese violinist at the time. This dynamic would, however, change in the subsequent years, as evidenced by the title page of the publication by Le Cène, where Giuseppe’s name appears first and in a larger font than Visconti’s.36 Zucchi’s Diario confirms that Tartini was present in Crema – and presum- ably also in Cremona – at least during 1715 and had direct contact with Vis- conti. As for the nature of their relationship, we can formulate two hypotheses. The first (which is less likely) suggests that Tartini was invited to Crema by the Accademia dei Sospinti as an independent musician to perform at the 1715 gathering, where he met Visconti. The second (which is more plausible) is that Tartini had already been in Cremona for some time, either to study with or at least to play alongside Visconti. In this scenario, Visconti acted either as Giuseppe’s teacher or as a more experienced colleague (roles that often over- lapped in the eighteenth century) and involved him in the performance of the Crema “sinfonia”.37 If we accept the second hypothesis, we may further imagine that the Cre- ma tornata of the Accademia was not the only occasion Giuseppe performed alongside his teacher and colleague. In Cremona, there existed semi-private and exclusive contexts that could have hosted performances by a musician of noble rank, away from public scrutiny. One such setting might have been the gatherings of the Accademia de’ Disuniti, the only active institution in the city during the early eighteenth century.38 Founded in 1676, the Accademia includ- ed Francesco Arisi, a Cremonese man of letters and notary who, in the early 36 On the possible reasons for this typographical difference, see Viverit, “Problemi di attribuzione conflittuale nella musica strumentale veneta del Settecento”, 93–112. 37 Tartini did the same at a private concert that the government of Venice organised for Frederick Christian of Saxony on 10 May 1740, during which he performed together with one of his German pupils. See Journal du voyage, a three-volume account of Prince Frederick Christian of Saxony’s trip to Italy, which is preserved at the Sächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, 10026, Geheimes Kabinett (SAD), Loc. 355/03-05. The travelogue was transcribed in Maureen Cassidy- Geiger, Incognito: The ‘Comte de Lusace’ on the Grand Cure in Italy, 1738–40, accessed May 19, 2025, https://comtedelusace.wordpress.com/category/joseph-anton-gabaleon-von-wackerbarth- salmour-1685-1761/. Specifically, on 10 May 1740, Frederick Christian notes: “Tardini having returned here to Venice, I heard him play at my house in the afternoon, and he played wonderfully: his pupil, who is German, plays quite well.” [“Tardini etant retourné ici à Venise je l’entendis l’apres midi chez moi, et il joua à merveille: son ecolier qui est un Allemand jouë asses bien.”] 38 Cf. Michele Maylender, Storia delle Accademie d’Italia, vol. 2 (Bologna: L. Cappelli Editore, 1927), 204–207. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 22 years of the century, had contact with Visconti. This connection is evidenced by a sonnet Arisi dedicated “To Mr Gasparo Visconti, who sets to music an Azione dramatica (a form of dramatic work) by the author in honour of the Santo, entitled Il martirio celeste [The Heavenly Martyrdom]”.39 This dedication confirms not only the relationship between these two influential Cremonese figures – Arisi would later become one of the founders of the Arcadian colony of Cremona – but also Visconti’s continued musical activity, which, although diminished after his departure from London, was never entirely abandoned.40 While the sources do not allow for a deeper exploration of this relationship, we can assert that Tartini’s musical training in Cremona enabled him to broaden his skills within a musical, cultural and social environment quite different from that of the orchestra of the Basilica di Assisi or the theatres of Ancona and Ven- ice. The world of the academies – an elite sphere, socially and intellectually le- gitimised, frequented by nobles and intellectuals – provided not only the oppor- tunity to perform a musical repertoire distinct from sacred or operatic music, but also a point of access to various strands of literary and intellectual production. In other words, in Cremona, Giuseppe came into contact with intellectual circles very similar to those in Padua, with which he would later maintain relations.41 Contemporary accounts describe the final phase of Tartini’s musical training as “field experience” undertaken in the Marche region between 1716 and 1718. During this time, he played as a violinist in the orchestras of the theatres of An- cona, Fano and Camerino, as well as in the familiar orchestra of the Basilica di Assisi.42 This period of study would have occurred after his apprenticeship with Visconti, triggered by a performance of the “great [Francesco Maria] Veracini” – as Fanzago calls him – during an Accademia organised in Venice around 26 July 1716, by the Republic’s government to celebrate the visit of Frederick Augustus II.43 That performance reportedly left Giuseppe so bewildered that it compelled 39 “Al Sig. Gasparo Visconti, che riduce in musica un’Azione dramatica dell’autore a gloria del Santo, intitolata Il martirio celeste.” Francesco Arisi, Rime per le sacre stimate del S. Patriarca Francesco dedicate all ’A. S. Francesco I Duca di Parma (Cremona: Pietro Ricchini, 1713), sonnet CLXXXVI. 40 Ibid. 41 Cf. Diego Valeri, L’Accademia dei Ricovrati alias Accademia Patavina di Scienze Lettere ed Arti (presso la sede dell’Accademia, 1987); Lorenzo Cima, “Giuseppe Tartini accademico improbabile”, in Atti e memorie dell ’Accademia galileiana di scienze: Lettere ed arti 116 (2003–2004): 111–130. 42 Luca Ferretti, “Giuseppe Tartini e le Marche: Primi risultati di una ricerca”, in Tartini: Il tempo e le opere, eds. Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), 37–65. 43 “Gran [Francesco Maria] Veracini”; Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 11. The manuscript collection of 12 Sonate a Violino, o Flauto solo, e Basso (D-Dl, Mus. 2413-R-12), which Veracini dedicated to Frederick Augustus II, bears the date 26 July 1716 in the dedication. The number 26 was written over an earlier 23, thus it is reasonable to assume that the Accademia may have taken place on one of these two dates, or at least in close proximity to them. For further information regarding the dating, see also John Walter Hill, The Life and Works of Francesco Maria Veracini (Ann Arbor: Umi Research Press, 1979), 11–14. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 23 him to retreat to the Marche region, where, in solitude, he could refine his skills “in such a manner that Europe could thereafter boast a player who [...] elevated the sound of the violin to such a degree of perfection that others can hardly hope to equal it”.44 Thus, the sources present the final phase of Giuseppe’s training primarily as the musician’s response to an external stimulus (the hearing of an ex- ceptional performance). This stimulus awakened in him the need for further re- finement, achievable only through individual effort and perseverance in practice. Secondly, the initial impulse for the final period of Giuseppe’s music training is attributed solely to his encounter with Veracini, as recounted from Fanzago’s “Compendio” onward. This encounter is said to have had a decisive impact on his future career. Tartini’s desire to “equal Veracini himself in a short time”45 is presented as the reason that led him to continue his studies and ultimately sur- pass his competitors (including Veracini himself ). In other words, according to the “Compendio” (and subsequent historiography), if Tartini eventually became the “first violin of Europe” [“primo violino d’Europa”], it was due both to the personal sacrifice and dedication he devoted to studying the violin and to his interaction with the Florentine virtuoso.46 The greater importance assigned by 44 “in tal maniera, che potè vantare dipoi l’Europa un sonatore, che [...] elevò il suono del violino a tal grado di perfezione, che di raggiungerlo altri difficilmente potrà lusingarsi”. Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 42. 45 “uguagliarsi in brieve al Veracini medesimo”. Ibid. 46 Fanzago’s account of this biographical episode in the “Compendio” was taken up by later historiographers and confirmed by Tartini scholarship. For instance, Burney reports “While he was at Venice, the celebrated Veracini arrived in that city, whose performance awakened an extraordinary emulation in Tartini, who, though had been thought to have a powerful hand, had never heard a great player before, or conceived it possible for the bow to have such varied powers of energy and expression. He therefore quitted Venice the next day, and went to Ancona, in order to study the use of the bow in more tranquility.” Cf. Burney, A General History, 564–565. Bertini likewise asserts that “he [Tartini] was called to Venice to become a member of an academy that was to be founded under the auspices of the King of Poland. There […] he had the opportunity to hear the cel[ebrated] violinist Veracini of Florence, and was so astonished by his bold and novel manner of playing that he preferred to leave Venice the following day […] and withdrew to Ancona to devote himself more fully to the study of his instrument. It was from that time (in 1714) [sic] that he created, on his own, a new way of playing the violin.” [“egli [Tartini] fu chiamato in Venezia per esser membro di un’accademia, che doveva formarsi sotto gli auspicj del re di Polonia. Egli […] ebbe colà occasione di sentire il cel[ebre] violinista Veracini di Firenze, e restò talmente sorpreso della sua maniera di sonare Ardita e nuova, che amò meglio lasciar l’indomani Venezia […] e ritirossi ad Ancona per vie meglio attendere allo studio del suo stromento. Fu da quest’epoca (nel 1714) [sic], ch’egli da sè creossi un nuovo modo di sonar il violino.”] See: Bertini, Dizionario storico-critico degli scrittori di musica e de’ più celebri artisti di tutte le nazioni, 69. Petrobelli also maintains that “if we consider that he [Tartini] studied and developed a way to improve the bow precisely in order to achieve a more manageable use and, above all, one more suited to the expressive subtleties of his compositions, we realise that the encounter with Veracini was indeed what truly shaped Tartini’s unmistakable identity as a violinist” [“se pensiamo che egli [Tartini] studiò e realizzò il modo di migliorare l’archetto proprio per ottenerne un uso più agevole e soprattutto più adatto alle finezze espressive delle sue composizioni, ci si renderà conto che l’incontro con Veracini fu quello che veramente formò Tartini nella inconfondibile fisionomia della sua personalità di violinista”]. Cf. Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 57. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 24 the sources to Veracini, as opposed to Černohorský and Visconti, likely stems from Veracini’s broader and more enduring fame compared to the other two musicians. This direct pedagogical lineage has long served to elevate Giuseppe’s historical stature, especially in the context of public celebration of his legacy. This historiographical continuity has led Tartini scholars to overlook the discrepancy between the “Orazione” and the “Compendio”. In the former, Fanzago justifies Tartini’s departure for Ancona as the result of the bewilder- ment caused by “those two professors [...] those two men of great merit”.47 Scholars have likely neglected this detail due to the laudatory nature of the “Orazione”, which does not aim to reconstruct the events of Giuseppe’s life in precise chronological order. Nonetheless, the dual impetus behind Tartini’s renewed retreat into study is made clear. Thus, we are dealing with two distinct reconstructions: according to the “Orazione”, Giuseppe first went to Cremona, then to Venice, where he heard Veracini, before departing for Ancona; the “Compendio”, by contrast, omits the Cremonese phase, mentioning only the encounter with Veracini and the time spent in the Marche region. The reconstruction proposed here supports the claim that Tartini did in fact pass through Cremona and remained there for an undetermined period. A further investigation of the musical and archival sources adds another element that may help define how long Tartini stayed in Cremona and in what capacity. In the Saxon Court Chapel collection, now housed in Dresden, there are two manuscript sources containing a violin concerto in G major attributed to Visconti.48 The first and third movements are indeed by the Cremonese com- poser; however, the second is an ornamented version of the second movement of Antonio Vivaldi’s violin concerto RV 299, later published in his Op. 7. One of these manuscripts – Mus.2822-O-1, the only one bearing the attribution “Concerto del Sig. Gasparo Visconti” and from which the other undoubtedly derives – is copied by Johann Georg Pisendel (1687–1755), Konzertmeister of the Saxon Hofkapelle, chamber musician to Frederick Augustus II, and pupil of Vivaldi himself from 1716 to 1717. Given that Pisendel resided in Venice for nine months in the company of his patron (from April 1716 to January 1717, when he left for Rome), the only plausible occasion on which he could have encountered both Visconti and Vivaldi is during the Accademia held at the pal- ace of Alvise IV and Pisana Mocenigo, during which Veracini also performed.49 47 “que’ due professori [...] que’ due valentuomini”. Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 11 (emphasis mine). 48 Saxon State and University Library Dresden (D-Dl), Saxon Court Chapel Collection, Violin concerto in G major, MS Mus.2822-O-1 and Mus.2822-O-5. 49 For a biography of Pisendel, see: Pippa Drummond, “Pisendel, Johann Georg”, in Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001), accessed May 17, 2025. On the musical experiences of Frederick Augustus II during his Grand Tour, and in particular on his two stays in Venice, see: Alina Zorawska-Witkowska, “Esperienze musicali del Principe polacco Federico Augusto in viaggio attraverso l’Europa (1711–1719)”, Studi Musicali 20, no. 1 (1991): 155–173. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 25 We must therefore infer that Visconti travelled from Cremona to Venice. This hypothesis is supported by a notarial act dated 18 August 1716, which re- cords Gasparo’s election as procurator and treasurer of the Società del Santis- simo Sacramento di Sant’Omobono. At the time of the act’s drafting, Gasparo was absent and represented by his father, Giulio Cesare. In every other docu- mented case of Gasparo’s absence from matters related to the Collegiata, clear justification is provided.50 In this case alone, the notary provides no reason for the young nobleman’s absence. The hypothesis that Gasparo was, at that mo- ment in Venice, engaged in music – an activity deemed unbecoming of some- one of his rank – might explain such silence. It seems quite plausible that Gasparo was in Venice, but was Giuseppe with him? Scholars have previously suggested that Tartini was present in Ancona from 1715 to 1719, interrupted only by the Accademia in 1716.51 However, his stay in the Marche region should likely be limited to 1714 and between 1717 and 1718, as no documents confirm his employment there in 1716. Similarly, one might question his presence at the Teatro La Fenice in Ancona during the 1715 opera season for two reasons. First, there is a lack of documentary evidence unequivocally attesting to his participation in the Fenice orchestra (while documents confirming his participation for the following years do exist).52 Secondly, Tartini’s documented stay in Cremona in October 1715, together with Visconti’s participation in the Venetian event, would suggest instead that both musicians made a trip from Cremona to Venice either si- multaneously or within a short time frame. This circumstance would explain how the non-noble Giuseppe Tartini might have gained access to the exclusive Venetian patriciate gathered for the celebration of the future Elector of Saxony, King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania. Count Visconti’s participation could have been pivotal in introducing Giuseppe to such an elite social circle, a context that would later prove crucial to the young Piran musician’s career. The financial ledgers of the patrician Giustiniani family record an extraordinary donation for Tartini, dated 29 August 1716, “which might have allowed him to leave Venice”.53 Indeed, Giuseppe would return to the Marche, where he worked from 1717 to 1719 in various theatres (Ancona and Camerino), also serving as first violin [primo violino] at the Teatro della Fortuna in Fano (1717–1718). This 50 For instance, we learn of his move to Milan in 1728 precisely because these records note his absence from Cremona. See Scotti, “Il musicista cremonese Gasparo Visconti (1683–1731)”, 145–146. The notarial act, drawn up by Giuseppe Maria Bresciani (Archivio di stato di Cremona, Notarile, 6179), dated 7 November 1716 and concerning the Società del SS. Sacramento di Sant’Omobono, confirms Visconti’s presence in the city. It must therefore be assumed that, at some point between 18 August and 7 November 1716, he had returned to Cremona. 51 Ferretti, “Giuseppe Tartini e le Marche”, 37–65. 52 Ibid., 54. 53 “che gli sarà servito per spostarsi da Venezia”. Durante, Tartini, Padova l ’Europa, 25. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 26 experience further enriched his training, providing him with practical knowl- edge of orchestral conducting, familiarity with theatrical repertoire (frequently alluded to in his motti) and a venue to apply the violinistic instruction he had received up to that point. Following the conclusion of the 1719 season, Gi- useppe would return to Venice to teach violin to the young Gerolamo Ascanio Giustiniani, son of the same Gerolamo who had financed Tartini’s journey to the Marche. This appointment would be of great significance for Giuseppe: Procurator Gerolamo Giustiniani later recommend Tartini to the Basilica del Santo as “first violin and head of the orchestra”. To summarise, Giuseppe may have been a pupil of Visconti from 1715 to 1716. During this time, the Cremonese nobleman possibly introduced him to the Venetian patriciate, first through the milieu of Cremona and later by bring- ing him to Venice for the Accademia of July 1716. There, Giuseppe may have come into contact with the Giustiniani family, who would sponsor the young violinist, facilitating his journey to the Marche. This financial support seems hardly coincidental, mainly because Giuseppe would later find his first aristo- cratic pupil within the Giustiniani household. It appears that the Giustiniani family aimed to invest in the refinement of the young Giuseppe – essentially providing him with a kind of theatrical apprenticeship – so that he could even- tually tutor Gerolamo Ascanio. These developments mark the conclusion of a 16-year-long education for Tartini. During this time, he gradually acquired diverse skills through exposure to various musical and social contexts, exploring multiple musical repertoires and taking on different roles as an instrumentalist. Giuseppe only became the “first violin and head of the orchestra” at the Basilica del Santo after studying under (at least) two maestri and completing a comprehensive training pro- gramme that spanned ecclesiastical, theatrical and academic spheres. This overview also highlights certain aspects of Giuseppe’s character. No- tably, his extensive and varied education is scarcely mentioned in Fanzago’s writings, which served as primary sources for later historical accounts and re- flect Tartini’s self-representation. The only (highly problematic) reference to a teacher (besides the “Padre Boemo”54) who may have provided lessons to Tartini appears in Charles Burney’s A General History of Music, which names a certain Giulio of Terni “an obscure musician [...] who afterwards changed places with Tartini, and became his scholar”, a figure whose identity remains unknown to this day.55 Giuseppe appears to have minimised – or even obscured 54 Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 41. 55 Burney, A General History, 562. The problematic nature of this reference is linked to at least two aspects. Firstly, Burney is the sole source to mention this teacher, asserting that the information came from Tartini himself via the English musician Charles Wiseman. One naturally wonders why this name does not appear in other sources more directly connected to Tartini, which nonetheless Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 27 – the contributions of other musicians from whom, as we learn from the sourc- es, he received teachings, benefits and recommendations. This silence would seem to suggest that Giuseppe intended to present himself to future genera- tions as a self-taught musician, achieving his many distinguished accomplish- ments through natural talent, perseverance and the sacrifices demanded by the study of the violin. In this way, he avoided sharing credit with any teacher, making it appear that everything he attained was solely due to his own efforts. Additionally, an aura of exceptionalism surrounds Tartini, shaped by the sensory experiences that reportedly inspired him to resume his studies. Gi- useppe listens, returns to his studies, absorbs knowledge and then reworks it independently. In this light, the violinist is depicted as an artist capable of advancing solely through personal study. He is endowed with a unique per- ceptiveness that allows him to delve into the secrets of musical art and make them his own. According to Fanzago, this personal study unfolded through distinct epi- sodes, extended periods of deliberate isolation motivated by a desire for tran- quillity in order to refine his craft. This aspect reveals that Giuseppe – at least as Fanzago’s accounts portray him – appears as a self-reliant artist. First, he distances himself from his family, who made him pay a heavy price for his freedom. Later, he also distances himself from his wife, whom he repeatedly left behind during his “training” travels. In other words, Giuseppe appears as a musician willing to sacrifice, at least in his youth, the development of his per- sonal and emotional life in favour of financial self-sufficiency (for both himself and his wife) and the pursuit of artistic and social recognition, which he would ultimately achieve in Padua. Padua’s Intellectual Entourage As important as Padua was in Tartini’s life, we still lack a comprehensive un- derstanding of the violinist’s relationships with the leading figures of his “quasi patria”.56 While we certainly know the names of many individuals with whom he came into contact, it is far more challenging to outline the nature of these relationships, their fluctuations and their significance for his musical activity. Moreover, we should consider that the prevailing image in the literature has been that of Tartini’s Paduan stability, a notion that is essentially accurate, yet mention figures who are today equally “obscure”, such as Černohorský and/or Visconti. Secondly, the rhetoric of the pupil surpassing the master is employed here to underscore the marginality of this figure in Tartini’s musical training, thereby promoting the image of a self-taught musician. In this case too, one must ask, on the one hand, whether this Giulio da Terni truly existed or whether he was a fabrication of Tartini or Wiseman, and, on the other, if and when this figure might have encountered Tartini. As of today, none of these questions can be definitively answered. 56 Fanzago speaks of it in these words in: Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 17. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 28 perhaps overstated, as it tends to obscure his ongoing connections with Venice, as well as with other cities such as Verona, Castelfranco, Treviso and Bergamo. Padua did indeed remain Tartini’s principal point of reference, thanks to the presence of the university and its many associated figures, as well as the Ac- cademia dei Ricovrati, of which he became a member, perhaps more as a per- former than for his scientific merits.57 From the account of Charles De Bro- sses’s visit on 31 August 1739, it is clear that Tartini was presented to visitors as a special attraction. The concert, accompanied only by Vandini, was held at the home of Giovanni Poleni (1683–1761), Professor of Experimental Physics in Padua since that same year. The Frenchman appreciated Tartini’s conversation as much as his music: “he has no pair for intelligence […] kind, amiable, devoid of arrogance and queerness; he argues like an angel and without partisanship about the different merits of French and Italian music. I enjoyed his conversa- tion as much as I liked his performance.”58 Tartini thus emerges as a figure quite presentable in polite society, as his family background would suggest: he knew how to speak gracefully in con- versation (though later in life, he would be less conciliatory with his critics, particularly in theoretical writing). Twenty-two years later, another memorable private performance – with the ever-present Vandini – was held at the home of Giovanni Battista Morgagni, another eminent scholar, who showcased Tartini to a colleague visiting from Naples.59 It is easy to imagine that such occasions occurred far more often than the surviving documents suggest. Moreover, as his fame spread, Tartini must have hosted illustrious guests in his own home as well.60 However, what is of par- ticular interest here is the kind of discourse that might have taken place in Paduan circles, especially since Tartini himself left evidence of an actual ideo- logical watershed, one that had much to do with his theoretical activity (and little to do with composition or violin playing). He referred to it in allusive terms in a letter to Giovanni Battista Martini dated 8 May 1754, announcing the publication of Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia [Trea- tise on Music according to the True Science of Harmony, 1754]:61 57 Unless further elaborated, it is characterised in this way by Cima, “Giuseppe Tartini accademico improbabile”, 111–130. 58 “egli non ha eguali per intelligenza […] è gentile, amabile, privo di superbia e di bizzarrìa; ragiona come un angelo e senza faziosità intorno ai meriti diversi della musica francese ed italiana. Mi piacque almeno tanto la sua conversazione, quanto mi era piaciuta la sua esecuzione”; in Charles De Brosses, Viaggio in Italia, trans. B. Schacherl (Bari: Laterza, 1973), 99. 59 It was the doctor Domenico Cutugno who reported on it in the Iter italicum Patavinum, a diary of his trip to the north. See Antonio Iurilli, "Morgagni e la società medica patavina nelle memorie di Domenico Cotugno", Padova e il suo territorio 3, no. 11 (1988): 20-21. 60 According to Gennari’s testimony, the dwelling was located opposite the church of S. Caterina where he was later buried (Giuseppe Gennari, Notizie giornaliere di quanto avvenne in Padova dall ’anno 1739 all ’anno 1800, vol. I, ed. Loredana Olivato (Cittadella: Rebellato, 1982), 59. 61 Tartini, Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 29 Counterpoint, which I treat there, […] is nothing else, in truth, if not the term I use to ob- tain my goal, which is quite distant from music; and to cover my intention and hide it from an entire company of ungodly men of no religion, who have created a sect amongst them, who have tried to lead me to their ungodliness in every way possible, and who (having found me, by the grace of God, to be quite opposed to their feelings) are keeping a very watchful eye on me and all of my things. I am therefore forced to use great art to deceive them and to produce one day in public those very discoveries pertaining precisely to the destruction of materialism, which the said class of people infinitely fears (I have had, on many occasions, ferocious dis- putes with men who were most esteemed by the public and are therefore aware of my matters and my plans), for which they have taken every [course of action?] and used every means to stop me from making them public. I then deceive them with the present means of this book, in which I have inserted with great art those seeds and fundaments which do not appear in any clear way […] but once accepted by the learned world in the strict and precise sense, in which they appear and are, that is sufficient to me and even more so for my purpose.62 Who the individuals were that Tartini gathered into a “company of ungodly men” – those initially eager to include him in their circle but later kept at a distance – is not known. It must be said, however, that one might question Tartini’s complete psychological balance, for in unveiling his first theoretical work, he openly ven- tured into the ambitious endeavour of “being perhaps the first (at least in the present time) who discovers the metaphysics of quantitative sciences, deduced from the physical matters, in such a way that it is impossible to separate them”.63 62 “Il contrappunto, di cui ivi tratto […] null’altro è in verità, se non il mezzo di termine, che io adopro per ottener il mio fine ben lontano dalla musica, e per coprir la mia intenzione, e nasconderla ad una compagnia intiera di uomini empj di niuna religione, che han fatto setta tra loro, che han cercato di condurmi in ogni modo nella loro empietà, e (trovatomi per grazia di Dio ben opposto a loro sentimenti) che stanno in guardia oculatissima di me e delle cose mie tutte. Son dunque costretto di usare arte somma per deluderli, e produrre un giorno in pubblico quelle tali scoperte attinenti in precisione alla distruzione del materialismo delle quali da tal ceto di persone infinitamente si teme (ho avuto molte volte occasione di dispute feroci con uomini stimatissimi dal pubblico e però hanno notizia in genere delle cose mie, e de’ miei disegni) e per le quali han preso tutti i [?partiti] e adoprati tutti i mezzi, acciò io non le faccia pubbliche. Io dunque li deludo col mezzo presente di questo libro, in cui ho inserito con arte somma que’ semi, e fondamenti che per nulla appariscono […] ma che accordati una volta dal mondo dotto in quel senso stretto, e preciso, in cui appaiono e sono, mi basta, e me ne avanza per il mio intento.” (Letter no. 110 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 251, English translation in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 2, 390–391, with slight adaptation by the author). This same fact is reported by Fanzago in the following terms: “[…] invitato con foglio assai onorifico (qualificandolo per uomo di profondo intelletto) ad essere socio di una certa Compagnia d’ingegni che si spacciavano per spiriti forti, e spregiudicati, per ivi discutere, come dicevano, alcune massime dalla gente troppo credula tenute per vere, egli con tanta indignazione lo lesse, e lo volle rileggere ad altro, conservandolo per aver innanzi un trofeo della Grazia divina, che serbato lo avesse illeso da queste torbide idee, e da simili inciampi pericolosi.” [[...] invited by a very honourable letter (describing him as a man of profound intellect) to become a member of a certain company of intellectuals who claimed to be strong-minded and open- minded, in order to discuss, as they said, certain maxims believed true by overly credulous people, he read it with such indignation that he wished to reread it to others, keeping it as a trophy of divine grace, which had preserved him unharmed from these murky ideas and similar dangerous stumbling blocks.] (Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 45). 63 “esser forse il primo (almeno in questi tempi) che scuopra la metafisica delle scienze di quantità, dedotta dalle cose fisiche in tal modo, che sia impossibile il separarla” (Tartini, Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia, 32). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 30 One might also doubt whether this “sect” was truly as watchful and threat- ening as Tartini portrayed it to the Bolognese friar, to whom he primarily wished to present himself as an enemy of a certain “materialism”, although the surviving documents do not outline the ideological contours of this materialism. Hypothetically, however, this episode may be related to his earlier refusal, thirteen years prior, to make use of five important intellectuals from Padua, as cited in a 1741 letter in which he instead sought support from the Bolognese Paolo Battista Balbi.64 The individuals Tartini rejected were none other than Giovanni Poleni – the same who had showcased him to De Brosses two years earlier – Antonio Conti (1677–1749), Lodovico Riva (1696–1746), Jacopo Riccati (1676–1754) and Giuseppe Suzzi (1701–1746). Only more in-depth studies and the emergence of new documents may one day clarify whether these figures shared the traits that led Tartini to reject them as advisers, and whether they can be grouped under a common “materi- alist” banner. However, Poleni’s presence in the Paduan-Venetian circle gath- ered around the well-known English consul in Venice (and Freemason) Joseph Smith is worth noting.65 At the very least, we can be sure of this: for Tartini, rejecting the advances of the materialists was felt as a step towards paradise. Theorists Tartini published his theoretical reflections at the age of 62, which was con- sidered advanced for his time. However, it is challenging to determine how long he had been contemplating such a decision. The final version of his first treatise was completed in the summer of 1752, although his correspondence alludes to a text of special importance circulating by the spring of 1751, which in part might have found its way into the Trattato.66 It is also possible that the intellectual process had begun much earlier, perhaps even as far back as the time of his discovery of the acoustic phenomenon known as the third tone (combination tone), dating to 1713 or 1714, which underpins his later elabora- tions and, ultimately, the entirety of his theoretical work. Nonetheless, it is impossible that the discovery of combination tones could have inspired, already in his youth, the fully formed concept of his later trea- tise. The manuscript was submitted to the “Reformators of the Studies in Padua” [“Riformatori dello Studio di Padova”], the magistrature overseeing 64 Letter no. 34 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 150. 65 Cf. Francis Vivian, “Joseph Smith, Giovanni Poleni and Antonio Visentini”, Italian Studies 18 (1963): 54–66; Stuart L. Morrison, “Smith, Joseph”, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004), accessed July 16, 2024. The suggestive but forced is interpretative proposal of Paolo Cattelan, who proposes an adherence of Tartini to the Masonic spirit. See the chapter “L’ ‘empia compagnia’ di Tartini”, in Paolo Cattelan, Mozart: Un mese a Venezia (Venezia: Marsilio, 2000), 125. 66 See letters nos. 73 and 74 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 189–191. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 31 publications, on 28 January 1753 and published the following year with a dual dedication: the first addressed “all’erudito, e cortese leggitore” signed by Count Decio Agostino Trento; the second, from Tartini to the same, who had been his pupil and was the patron of the publication. As indicated by the title, Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia, the work is not primarily practical, nor is it a composition method; instead, it seeks an a priori principle of harmony conceived as a doctrine of the rela- tions between sounds and as a new science.67 The intellectual structure and philosophical underpinnings of Tartini’s work, rooted in Platonic thought and Hermetic fragments, are declared in a letter to Francesco Algarotti dated No- vember 1750.68 These ideas are not, however, explicitly stated in the Trattato itself. From his correspondence with Giovanni Battista Martini, it is evident that Tartini was concerned about revealing concepts he believed should remain confidential, to which he attributed significant, albeit obscure, importance. This caution primarily pertains to the content of the third chapter, which is considered almost a separate treatise.69 Tartini’s inner struggle is better under- stood through his epistolary exchanges with Martini, beginning in 1751, when he sent a manuscript that appears to have been a formulation of the Trattato’s first part but also addressed the related problem of the squaring of the circle.70 Thirteen years younger, Martini had been in contact with the violinist for over two decades and a warm friendship bound the two men. In the years leading up to publication, Tartini repeatedly asked his friend to submit his writings to the mathematician Paolo Battista Balbi, preferring, perhaps for reasons hinted at in the previous paragraph, not to share them with the savants of Padua. Regarding Martini himself, various letters suggest that he was initially una- ware of the phenomenon of combination tones, which form the foundation of Tartini’s theoretical framework. When they eventually reached a mutual understanding, Martini raised no objections. However, neither his letters nor his consultations with Balbi provide any endorsement of the “system”, which was viewed, even by other Bolognese scholars, as having no practical use for musical composition. 67 On the precedents of the supposed new science see, for example, the Introduction to: Luca Del Fra (ed.), Commercio di lettere intorno ai principj dell ’armonia fra il signor Giuseppe Tartini; ed il Co. Giordano Riccati (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2007). 68 Letter no. 72 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 189. 69 See Tartini, Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia, 93 and what was referred to Giovanni Battista Martini in letter no. 110 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 251–252. 70 The manuscript treatise, devoted to the solution of this classical mathematical problem, is kept in the Piran section of the Regional Archives of Koper: “Quadratura del circolo”, by Giuseppe Tartini, SI- Pit, SI PAK PI 334, box 3, ms.232, Collection Giuseppe Tartini, Regional Archives Koper, Piran Unit, Slovenia. The manuscript treatise was recently investigated in Nejc Sukljan, “Tartini and the Ancients”, in In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, ed. Nejc Sukljan (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 141–167. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 32 Given Martini’s focus on different issues and his concern for keeping the cantus firmus of the Christian tradition at the heart of compositional prac- tice, his abstention from criticism appears as logical as it was gracious. Indeed, Tartini’s theoretical construction was not intended for practical application (although it might be of secondary use) but rather ascended from the study of harmonics and combination tones – in both their sonic and numerical dimen- sions – towards metaphysics. It is worth noting that this apparent leap in logic links Tartini to the other, more widely known music theorist of the eighteenth century, Jean-Philippe Rameau (a parallel we shall examine below). After publishing the Trattato, Tartini circulated it and sought approval from leading figures in the physico-mathematical sciences. This attempt was destined to fail and would, in Tartini’s later years, feed a growing conviction of being misunderstood, fostering deep – almost obsessive – resentment. Before reaching that point, however, he had to endure the disapproval or indifference of many correspondents. Among those who mistreated or ignored him, Tartini explicitly excluded Euler and d’Alembert, as “onestissimi e civilissimi”, as well as the lesser-known “Madame et Monsieur de Mairan”.71 It is likely Tartini first turned to Euler, presenting a Latin or French ver- sion of the text (presumably a summary) to facilitate comprehension.72 Euler’s response was gratifying in part, as he acknowledged Tartini as “the greatest com- poser of this times”.73 However, in substance he merely reiterated his own system as published in the Tentamen novae theoriae musicae [An Attempt at a New Theory of Music, 1729]. In his reply, Tartini tried to identify a significant point of conver- gence between their respective understandings of vibrational phenomena, asking if he might be granted Euler’s endorsement. No further reply ever came. Tartini also corresponded with d’Alembert (although all of the original let- ters are now lost or scattered)74 shortly after the Trattato’s publication, which 71 Quoted after: Del Fra, Commercio di lettere intorno ai principj dell’armonia fra il signor Giuseppe Tartini ed il Co. Giordano Riccati, 31. He was referring to Jean-Jacques Dortus De Mairan (1678– 1771), an associate from 1718 and then secretary of the Académie royale des sciences from 1740 to 1744. Involved in a discussion with d’Alembert on the validity of the concepts of ‘system’ in scientific research, he was also interested in the current discussion on the utility of metaphysics and was knowledgeable about music. On Dortus de Mairan, see Ellen Mc Niven Hine, “Dortus de Mairan and eighteenth century Systems Theory”, Gesnerus 52 (1995): 54–65. The lady named de Mairan could prudently be identified with the Parisian salonnière Marie-Thérèse Geoffrin to whom Dortus left his estate upon his death. On the recently found library, see Iryna Kachur, “La bibliothèque de Dortus de Mairan et ses livres retrouvés”, Revue d’histoire des sciences 68 (2015): 405–418. 72 See letters to unknown (possibly Michele Stratico) nos. 122 and 123 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 270–271. 73 “maggior compositore di questi tempi”. This is how Euler expresses himself in the text that has come down to us, which is a translation by an unknown hand of the lost original. See letter no. 120 in Malagò, Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 260–264. 74 The contact is mentioned in the letter to Giordano Riccati, via Angelo Gabrielli, dated 6 February 1760 in Del Fra, Commercio di lettere intorno ai principj dell ’armonia fra il signor Giuseppe Tartini ed il Co. Giordano Riccati, 31. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 33 was cited, albeit briefly, in the article “Fondamental” of the Encyclopédie and in the Èlémens de musique théorique et pratique [Elements of Music, Theoreti- cal and Practical].75 Later (in 1760–61), Tartini began a more sustained cor- respondence with Giordano Riccati (1709–1790), son of Jacopo Riccati. This exchange remained private and failed to produce the recognition Tartini had hoped for, although the two men maintained a tone of courteous opposition.76 Far more disdainful was the response, at an undetermined date, of Roger Jo- seph Boscovich (1711–1787), later remembered with acerbity by Tartini in his Scienza platonica fondata nel cerchio [Platonic Science Founded in the Circle].77 Nine years passed after the Trattato’s publication before Jean-Adam Serre (1704–1788) responded publicly and extensively, refuting many of Tartini’s ideas in his lengthy volume Observations sur les principes de l ’harmonie [Ob- servations on the Principles of Harmony, 1763].78 This work was divided into three parts, devoted to detailed and fair-minded critiques of the writings of d’Alembert, Tartini and Geminiani. Although he was a visual artist by training rather than a professional composer, Serre was well versed in the subject mat- ter and his independence of thought was notable.79 Compared to other read- ers, many of whom were discouraged by the obscurity of Tartini’s aims or the complexity of his calculations,80 Serre deserves credit for his clarity in pointing out internal contradictions and unnecessary obscurities within Tartini’s text. Perhaps the Piranese ought to have appreciated, rather than resented, the di- dactic value of Serre’s critique, which made his ideas better known than the orig- inal treatise itself, thanks in part to the inclusion of numerous French transla- tions of Tartini’s passages and to Serre’s decision to treat him on an equal footing with two other great contemporaries. Moreover, Serre pointed out an inaccuracy 75 “Fondamental”, in Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers par une Société de Gens de lettres, vol. 7 (Paris: [s. n.], 1757), 54–63, https://artflsrv04.uchicago.edu/ philologic4.7/encyclopedie0922/navigate/7/table-of-contents; Jean le Rond d’Alembert, Èlémens de musique théorique et pratique suivant les principes de M. Rameau (Paris: Jean-Marie Bruyset, 1766), XVIII–XXI, and later editions; see also Patrizio Barbieri, Quarrels on harmonic theories in the Venetian Enlightenment (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2020), 113. 76 Del Fra, Commercio di lettere intorno ai principj dell ’armonia […]. 77 See the posthumous edition Giuseppe Tartini, Scienza platonica fondata nel cerchio, ed. Anna Todeschini Cavalla (Padova: Cedam, 1977), 255. 78 Jean-Adam Serre, Observations sur les principes de l ’harmonie par quelques écrits moderne sur ce sujet (Genève: Gosse, 1763). 79 Cf. Brenno Boccadoro, “Jean-Adam Serre: Un juste milieu entre Rameau et Tartini?”, Revue de Musicologie 79 (1993): 31–62. 80 Or readers disposed to an approbation “of esteem” for Tartini’s theories, as is the case with Charles Burney or the enthusiastic Gregorio Bresciani, who “above all living and dead admired Tartini, not so much for the excellence of his music as for the sublimity of his philosophy, which, however, he admitted not to understand with his limited intellect” [“sopra tutti i viventi e i morti ammirava il Tartini, non tanto per l’eccellenza della sua musica quanto per la sublimità della sua filosofia, alla quale però confessava di non poter giungere col suo corto intelletto”]. Gennari, Notizie giornaliere di quanto avvenne in Padova dall ’anno 1739 all ’anno 1800, 68–69. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 34 concerning the third sound: it did not, as Tartini had proposed, correspond to the tone produced by the ratio ½ (i.e., the octave of the fundamental sound) but rather to the fundamental tone itself. This observation, which Serre had made previously and independently of his critique of Tartini, must have left the Pira- nese both stung and pleased. The reduction of harmonic phenomena to the unity (1) aligned with his metaphysical inclinations, even if it undermined other, less central aspects of his theory.81 The fact remains that Serre was the first to publish this correction, which Tartini would go on to accept in his 1767 dissertation.82 The position of another prominent figure, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, ex- pressed in the Dictionnaire de musique [Music Dictionary, 1768] under the entry Système, is peculiar for its elusiveness: Rousseau states that he prefers Tartini’s system to that of Rameau, yet gives no explanation. Pierpaolo Polzonetti has convincingly argued that this preference stemmed more from an aesthetic af- finity, based on natural simplicity and the primacy of melody, than from any theoretical consideration. Indeed, for Tartini, harmony was generated by the upper voices through the third sound.83 Rousseau, who was indifferent to par- ascientific reasoning, never grasped (or more likely, never cared about) Tartini’s “system”, a neglect that prompted a response by a friend of the violinist (mis- takenly attributed by some to Tartini himself ), entitled Risposta di un anonimo al celebre sig. Rousseau circa al suo sentimento in proposito d’alcune proposizioni del Sig. Giuseppe Tartini [An Anonymous Reply to the Celebrated Mr Rousseau Con- cerning His Opinion about Some Propositions by Mr Giuseppe Tartini].84 In order for the content of these debates not to remain an abstraction for specialists, it is necessary to clarify what is being discussed, so that one may at least understand what was at stake in the discussion and how important (or not) it was for the protagonists of the time, as well as its significance for today’s readers. However, we must take a few steps back. When we speak of “music theory”, we refer to the concepts underpinning basic music education in the Western tradition: scales, chords, tonalities and their relationships. However, one must ask whether this subject, which is valid for performers and composers of traditional music, truly deserves to be called “theory”. In reality, this conceptual apparatus – although described in varying ways – remains substantially stable and can, at best, apply only to a limited historical period or, perhaps more precisely, to a restricted group of styles and 81 In fact, the issue is even more complex according to Patrizio Barbieri: the identification in 1754 of the third sound as the octave of the fundamental had an ideological value, in that it served to extend the principle of the combination tone to the minor mode and dissonances, whereas Tartini had in fact already identified the fundamental in 1738 (see Barbieri, Quarrels on harmonic theories in the Venetian Enlightenment, 64). 82 Tartini, De’principi dell ’armonia musicale contenuta nel diatonico genere. 83 Pierpaolo Polzonetti, Tartini e la musica secondo natura (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2001), 8. 84 Anonymous, Risposta di un anonimo al celebre sig. Rousseau circa al suo sentimento in proposito d’alcune proposizioni del Sig. Giuseppe Tartini (Venezia: Decastro, 1767). Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 35 musical genres. It cannot, therefore, claim general value for all music, and thus cannot rightly be termed a theory if and insofar as a theory is expected to pos- sess general explanatory validity applicable across all times and cultures. In practice, we refer to it – out of brevity or inattention – as a theory because we take for granted that it pertains to modern Western music. However, with only a few decades’ shift backward or forward (say, to the early seventeenth- century or the twentieth-century avant-garde), it ceases to explain anything. In Tartini and Rameau’s time, the musical doctrine that would later crys- tallise in the nineteenth century was still taking shape – one might say it was seeking itself – and was a source of a great deal of controversy. There is no need here to enter into those now mostly outdated or irrelevant polemics. However, it is essential to understand that the most ambitious theorists (among whom we may rightly count both Tartini and Rameau) shared a principal goal utterly foreign to nineteenth-century theory and, moreover, laboured under a preju- dice that modern culture has since outgrown. The goal was to identify within the world of sound a “first principle” of musical science, under the mistaken belief that music itself could be the object of science. In this regard, it is important to stress the distinction between music and sound, the latter being a legitimate object of scientific investigation. From the conflation of these terms arose the ancient notion of a “musical science”: abstract, hermetic and centripetal in character, in the sense that it aspired to ascend from the multiplicity of audible phenomena (what we properly call “music”) towards a shared, foundational core (the so-called “scientia musica”). On the other hand, the aforementioned prejudice lay in the unspoken as- sumption that European musical culture represented the pinnacle of civilised progress, without any awareness of its historical and cultural relativity. To eval- uate a concrete consequence of such a mindset, consider the following: when Tartini included the numerical term 6 in a demonstrative process (correspond- ing to the “sextuple limit” of admissible musical intervals), he believed it to be a term of nature, whereas he was in fact applying an arbitrary number, or rather, one that was culturally determined.85 In his Risposta di Giuseppe Tartini alla critica del di lui Trattato di musica di mons: Le Serre di Ginevra [Giuseppe Tartini's Response to the Critique of his Trea- tise on Music by Monsignor Le Serre of Geneva] to Serre of 1767 (the same year as the De’ principj dell ’armonia musicale contenuta nel diatonico genere: Dissertazione [On the Principles of Musical Harmony Contained in the Diatonic Genus]), Tartini did not dwell on objections of genuine musical relevance but defended only the core of his system: the function of the third sound as the founding principle and the contested harmonic nature of the circle. Rather than directly refuting 85 On some of the most important controversial points of Tartini’s theories, see Patrizio Barbieri, “Il sistema armonico di Tartini nelle ‘censure’ di due celebri fisico-matematici: Eulero e Riccati”, in Tartini, il tempo e le opere, eds. Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), 321–344. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 36 objections, he sidestepped them, reasserting, in a highly verbose text, that the value of his work lay in having identified the first principle of music as a sci- ence. On matters of lesser importance, he preferred to remain silent, although he did leave us en passant a remark on art that is at first surprising, as it down- plays the very contribution for which later generations would credit him, that is, the creation of an original, expressive and sentimental style: [Let the critic believe that] the crowd and throng of rules, tiny rules, licences, exceptions etc. etc. reduces counterpoint not to art but to confusion, and that it is on the contrary false what is considered an indisputable fact; that is, that common sentiment is in agreement with the said rules, licences, exceptions etc. There are in reality mistakes therein: in reality the sup- posed common sense does not conform to them and, when a true science of music is not found and effected, art is reduced to a poor condition. It is not strange that the professors of the art take, and keep to, the material path of sentiment (except for the few who were teachers to themselves, among whom [Francesco Antonio] Vallotti […]). What is astonishing how- ever is that the Learned in physics and mathematical disciplines, who know full well that music is an integral part of their sciences and that it is impossible to reduce it to a science in such a way, wish to walk the same path […] If however they do not believe [music to be a science], let them leave the task to the professors, who much better than they, are capable of judging on musical matters through practice and sentiment. This century is loudly called the enlightened century. Maybe in other domains, certainly not in music.86 The gallant or impassioned polemics that animate the Enlightenment era have only an indirect connection (if any) with actual compositional practice. This is especially evident in the later reception of Rameau, who was the most successful music theorist of the eighteenth century among philosophers. As Thomas Christensen has insightfully observed, the deterioration of Rameau’s relationships with d’Alembert (once his supporter) and Rousseau (always his adversary) was due to the composer’s insistence “with the zeal and persever- ance of the Old Testament prophet” on the para-scientific implications of his core theoretical principle, the corps sonore.87 86 “[Creda il critico che] folla, e turma di regole, regoluzze, licenze, eccezioni ec. ec. riduce il contrapunto non più ad arte, ma a confusione, e che non è vero altrimenti ciò, che si tiene per fatto sicuro; ed è, che il sentimento comune si accordi nelle suddette regole, licenze, eccezioni ec. Vi sono realmente de’ falli nelle medesime: realmente non concorda il preteso sentimento comune, e quando non si trovi, e non si dia vera scienza di musica, è ridotta l’arte a pessima condizione. Che per la via materiale del sentimento vadano, e proseguano i professori dell’arte (si eccettuano i pochi da sé fatti maestri di sé stessi, tra i quali quel [Francesco Antonio] Vallotti, di cui il critico sa il nome, non sa il pregio), non è da stupirsi. Ma molto è da stupirsi, che per la stessa via vogliano andare i Dotti nelle fisico-matematiche discipline, i quali sanno benissimo, che la musica è una parte integrale delle loro scienze, e ch’è impossibile ridurla a scienza per sì fatta via […] Se poi non […] credono possibile [la musica in quanto scienza] lascino l’impegno ai professori, che certamente molto meglio di loro sono al caso di giudicar per pratica, e per sentimento delle cose musicali. Si dice di questo secolo a piena bocca, secolo illuminato. Lo sarà per altri rispetti: per la musica non certamente”; Giuseppe Tartini, Risposta di Giuseppe Tartini alla critica del di lui Trattato di musica di mons. le Serre di Ginevra (Venezia: Decastro, 1767), 68–69. 87 See especially Chapter 8 “Rameau and the Philosophers”, in Thomas Christensen, Rameau and the Musical Thought in the Enlightenment (Cambridge University Press, 1993), 209–244, quotation on p. 210. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 37 In this context, we can discern a profound psychological affinity with Tar- tini’s stubborn insistence on the third sound and the nature of the circle: both men were determined to affirm metaphysical resonances in their work, even at the cost of alienating the better-equipped physicist-mathematician ency- clopaedists. One must ask whether there was not a parallel, tacitly obvious goal underpinning their efforts to attain an even higher kind of glory, despite already being celebrated figures. It could not have been merely a matter of personal ambition, which had already been amply fulfilled, but rather a sub- tle attempt to challenge the traditional hierarchy of the arts, a hierarchy in which music, inferior to poetry and painting, had long suffered an uncontested subordination. The instrument of this social elevation of their art could only be imagined by these two colleagues-turned-rivals within the framework of scientific “le- gitimacy” for the art of sound, something that might win credibility among the savants. As would become clear a few decades later, the social acceptance of the idea that music is the supreme art – an idea grounded more in the success of works created than in any theoretical claim – would ultimately be realised in the visionary work of Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder, who asserted the primacy of the ineffable and poetic, manifested in its highest form through the absolute language of sound. It is perhaps in these deeper intentions, more than in the theories them- selves, later superseded by twentieth-century sonological research, that we should recognise the value of the metaphysical digressions, ethical or socio- cultural rather than scientific in nature, of these two prophets of harmonic science and of Tartini in particular, insofar as he is the main subject of the present discourse. Bibliography Anonymous. Risposta di un anonimo al celebre sig. Rousseau circa al suo sentimento in proposito d’alcune proposizioni del Sig. Giuseppe Tartini. Venezia: Decastro, 1767. Archivio di Stato di Cremona, Notarile, 6179, Notarial act by Giuseppe Maria Bresciani, 7 November 1716. Arisi, Francesco. Rime per le sacre stimate del S. Patriarca Francesco dedicate all ’A. S. Francesco I Duca di Parma. Cremona: Pietro Ricchini, 1713. Barbieri, Patrizio. “Il sistema armonico di Tartini nelle “censure” di due celebri fisico- matematici: Eulero e Riccati.” In Tartini, il tempo e le opere, edited by Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro, 321–344. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994. Barbieri, Patrizio. Quarrels on harmonic theories in the Venetian Enlightenment. Lucca: Libre- ria musicale italiana, 2020. Bertini, Giuseppe. Dizionario storico-critico degli scrittori di musica e de’ più celebri artisti di tutte le nazioni. Palermo: Tipografia Reale di Guerra, 1815. Boccadoro, Brenno. “Jean-Adam Serre: Un juste milieu entre Rameau et Tartini?.” Revue de Musicologie 79 (1993): 31–62. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 38 Boscolo, Lucia, and Maddalena Pietribiasi, eds. La Cappella musicale antoniana di Padova nel secolo XVIII: Delibere della veneranda Arca. Padova: Centro Studi Antoniani 1997. Brainard, Paul. “Die Violinsonaten Giuseppe Tartinis.” PhD diss., Universität Göttingen, 1959. Brogi, Mario, and Luca Busolli. I livelli affrancabili delle Dimesse di Padova: Attività cred- itizia e produzione documentaria di un istituto secolare femminile (1628–1861). Padova: Cleup, 2022. Burney, Charles. A General History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the Present Period. Vol. 3. London: printed for the Author, 1789. Burney, Charles. Viaggio musicale in Italia, edited and translated by Enrico Fubini. Turin: EdT, 1979. Canale Degrassi, Margherita. “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini: Testimoni, tradizione e catalogo tematico.” PhD diss., Università degli Studi di Padova, 2009–2010. Cassidy-Geiger, Maureen. Incognito: The ‘Comte de Lusace’ on the Grand Cure in Italy, 1738–40. Accessed May 19, 2025. https://comtedelusace.wordpress.com/category/ joseph-anton-gabaleon-von-wackerbarth-salmour-1685-1761/. Cattelan, Paolo. Mozart: Un mese a Venezia. Venezia: Marsilio, 2000. Chilesotti, Oscar. I nostri maestri del passato: Note biografiche sui più grandi musicisti italiani da Palestrina a Bellini. Milano: Giovanni Ricordi, 1882. Christensen, Thomas. Rameau and the Musical Thought in the Enlightenment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Cima, Lorenzo. “Giuseppe Tartini accademico improbabile.” Atti e memorie dell ’Accademia galileiana di scienze: Lettere ed arti 116 (2003–2004): 111–130. d’Alembert, Jean le Rond. Èlémens de musique théorique et pratique, suivant les principes de M. Rameau. Paris: Jean-Marie Bruyset, 1766. https://vmirror.imslp.org/files/im- glnks/usimg/0/02/IMSLP538244-PMLP870142-El%C3%A9mens_de_musique_ th%C3%A9orique_Alembert_D'_bpt6k931551g.pdf. De Brosses, Charles. Viaggio in Italia. Translated by B. Schacherl. Bari: Laterza, 1973. Del Fra, Luca, ed. Commercio di lettere intorno ai principj dell ’armonia fra il signor Giuseppe Tartini; ed il Co. Giordano Riccati. Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2007. Desimone, Alison C. The Power of Pastiche: Music Miscellany and Cultural Identity in Early Eighteenth-Century England. Clemson: Clemson University Press, 2021. Drummond, Pippa. “Pisendel, Johann Georg.” Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001). Accessed May 17, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.21843. Durante, Sergio. Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa. Livorno: Sillabe, 2017. Fanzago, Francesco. Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31 di marzo l’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo. Padova: Conzatti, 1770. Ferretti, Luca. “Giuseppe Tartini e le Marche: primi risultati di una ricerca.” In Tartini: Il tempo e le opere, edited by Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro, 37–65. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994. Fétis, François-Joseph. Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la mu- sique. Vol. 8. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1867. Francis, Vivian. “Joseph Smith, Giovanni Poleni and Antonio Visentini.” Italian Studies 18 (1963), 54–66. Gamba, Gabriele. “I concerti per violino di Gasparo Visconti.” Studi Vivaldiani 5 (2005): 23–44. Gennari, Giuseppe. Notizie giornaliere di quanto avvenne in Padova dall ’anno 1739 all ’anno 1800, edited by Loredana Olivato. Cittadella: Rebellato, 1982. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 39 Hill, John Walter. The Life and Works of Francesco Maria Veracini. Ann Arbor: Umi Research Press, 1979. Iurilli, Antonio. “Morgagni e la società medica patavina nelle memorie di Domenico Cotugno.” Padova e il suo territorio 2, no. 11 (1988): 20-21. Kachur, Iryna. “La bibliothèque de Dortus de Mairan et ses livres retrouvés.” Revue d’histoire des sciences 68 (2015): 405–418. Malagò, Giorgia, ed. Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents. 2 vols. Translated by Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo. Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020. Maylender, Michele. Storia delle Accademie d’Italia. Vol. 2. Bologna: L. Cappelli Editore, 1927. Mc Niven Hine, Ellen. “Dortus de Mairan and eighteenth century Systems Theory.” Gesnerus 52 (1995): 54–65. Monterosso, Raffaello. “Gasparo Visconti, violinista cremonese del secolo XVIII.” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft (1962): 378–388. Morrison, Stuart L. “Smith, Joseph.” In Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004). Ac- cessed July 16, 2024. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/25871. Perrone, Fabio. “Gasparo Visconti.” In MusiCremona: Itinerari nella storia della musica di Cremona, edited by Raffaella Barbierato and Rodobaldo Tibaldi, 481–484. Pisa: Edizio- ni ETS, 2013. Petrobelli, Pierluigi. Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche. Wien: Universal Edition, 1968. Polzonetti, Pierpaolo. Tartini e la musica secondo natura. Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2001. Rossini, Francesco. “Crema 1715: le ultime tracce dell’Accademia letteraria dei Sospinti.” In Bernardo Nicola Zucchi: Diario (1710–1740), edited by Marco Nava and Francesco Rossini, 63–91. Bergamo: Sestante Edizioni, 2019. Saxon State and University Library Dresden (D-Dl), Saxon Court Chapel Collection, Vio- lin concerto in G major, ms. Mus.2822-O-1 and Mus.2822-O-5. Scotti, Maria Pia. “Il musicista cremonese Gasparo Visconti (1683–1731): Vita ed opere con edizione critica dei concerti per violino.” Master Thesis, Università degli Studi di Pavia, 1999–2000. Serre, Jean-Adam. Observations sur les principes de l ’harmonie par quelques écrits moderne sur ce sujet. Genève, Gosse 1763. Šulcová, Kateřina. “Černohorský [Czernohorsky], Bohuslav Matěj.” Grove Music On- line: Oxford Music Online (2001). Accessed May 17, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/ gmo/9781561592630.article.05298. Talbot, Michael. “Visconti, Gasparo Giuseppe.” Dizionario Biografico degli Itali- ani 99 (2020). Accessed May 17, 2025. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ gasparo-giuseppe-visconti_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. Tartini, Giuseppe. De’ principj dell ’armonia musicale contenuta nel diatonico genere: Dissertazi- one. Padova: Stamperia del Seminario, 1767. Tartini, Giuseppe. Risposta di Giuseppe Tartini alla critica del di lui Trattato di musica di mons: Le Serre di Ginevra. Venezia: Decastro, 1767. Tartini, Giuseppe. Scienza platonica fondata nel cerchio, edited by Anna Todeschini Cavalla. Padova: Cedam, 1977. Tartini, Giuseppe. Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia. Padova: Stamperia del Seminario, appresso Giovanni Manfré, 1754. Ugoni, Camillo. Della letteratura italiana nella seconda metà del secolo XVIII. Vol. 1. Brescia: Nicolò Bettoni, 1810. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 40 Valeri, Diego. L’Accademia dei Ricovrati alias Accademia Patavina di Scienze Lettere ed Arti. Padova: presso la sede dell’Accademia, 1987. Villa, Marcello. “Compositori di musica strumentale a Cremona al tempo di Stradivari.” Liuteria Musica Cultura 1 (2010): 25–34. Visconti, Gasparo. Sonate a violino e violone o cembalo: Opera prima. Critical ed. by Raffaello Monterosso. Cremona: Fondazione Claudio Monteverdi, 2004. Viverit, Guido. “Problemi di attribuzione conflittuale nella musica strumentale veneta del Settecento.” PhD diss., Università degli Studi di Padova, 2014–2015. Zorawska-Witkowska, Alina. “Esperienze musicali del Principe polacco Federico Augusto in viaggio attraverso l’Europa (1711–1719).” Studi Musicali 20, no. 1 (1991): 155–173. Zucchi, Bernardo Nicola. Diario (1710–1740), edited by Marco Nava and Francesco Ross- ini. Bergamo: Sestante Edizioni, 2019. SUMMARY This article offers a critical reassessment of Giuseppe Tartini’s biography, focusing on three main areas: his family relationships and domestic context; his musical training; and the development, dissemination and reception of his theoretical writings. Drawing on archival documents and the analysis of primary sources, the article reconstructs Tartini’s historical profile, discussing the historiographical narratives that have coalesced around the musician since the late eighteenth century. The first section examines Tartini’s relationships with his Piranese family and with his wife Elisabetta Premazore, which have often been interpreted primarily through anecdo- tal accounts. Contrary to the legend of the rebellious son persecuted for his marriage, this analysis shows that Tartini’s conflict with his family – particularly concerning inheritance and social status – was part of a broader structure of familial expectations within the context of the Ancien Régime. The second section focuses on Tartini’s musical education, moving beyond the notion of the self-taught musician that Tartini himself helped to promote. The sources highlight a long and diverse formative path, which took place between 1704 and 1721, involving se- veral musicians: Bohuslav Matěj Černohorský in Assisi, Gasparo Visconti in Cremona and Francesco Maria Veracini in Venice. The third section explores Tartini’s relationships with the intellectual environment of Padua, mainly highlighting their limitations. In fact, the close reading of period sources reveals the ideological tensions and ambiguities in his interactions with local academics and intellectuals, who prevented the composer from being a real peer. The last section takes into account the theoretical activity of the composer in the wake of the secolo illuminato. In particular, the reading of various documents and letters reveal Tartini’s struggle to be recognised among European savants as an expert of scientia musica. Although this struggle was an utter failure, taking it into consideration allows for a wider understanding of the main, crucial concerns of Tartini’s (rather obscure) theoretical writings: affirming the importance of music in the hierarchy of the arts. Sergio Durante and Chiara Casarin: Tartini’s Friends and Enemies 41 POVZETEK Tartinijevi prijatelji in sovražniki: opombe za psihobiografijo Članek ponuja kritično presojo ustaljene biografske pripovedi o Giuseppeju Tartiniju, s po- udarkom na treh glavnih temah: njegovih odnosih z družino in domačim okoljem, njegovi glasbeni izobrazbi ter razvoju, širjenju in sprejemanju njegovih teoretskih spisov. Članek, ki se opira na arhivske dokumente in analizo primarnih virov, rekonstruira Tartinijev zgodo- vinski profil in obravnava historiografske prikaze, ki so se od konca osemnajstega stoletja oblikovale o njem. Prvi del preučuje Tartinijeve odnose z družino v Piranu in z ženo Elisabetto Premazore, ki so bili pogosto interpretirani predvsem skozi anekdotična poročila. V nasprotju z legendo o uporniškem sinu, ki je bil preganjan zaradi poroke, ta analiza pokaže, da je bil Tartinijev konflikt z družino – zlasti glede dedovanja in družbenega statusa – del širše strukture dru- žinskih pričakovanj v kontekstu Ancien Régime. Drugi del se osredotoča na Tartinijevo glasbeno izobraževanje in presega predstavo o glasbeniku samouku, ki jo je sam pomagal promovirati. Viri osvetljujejo dolgo in raznoliko formativno pot, ki je potekala med letoma 1704 in 1721 in na kateri je sodelovalo več glas- benikov: Bohuslav Matěj Černohorski v Assisiju, Gasparo Visconti v Cremoni in Francesco Maria Veracini v Benetkah. Tretji del raziskuje Tartinijeve odnose z intelektualnim okoljem Padove, pri čemer poudarja predvsem njihove omejitve. Natančno branje virov iz tega obdobja namreč razkriva ideološke napetosti in nejasnosti v njegovih interakcijah z lokalnimi akademiki in intelektualci, ki ga niso sprejemali kot sebi enakega. Zadnji del obravnava teoretsko dejavnost skladatelja ob zori secolo illuminato [razsvet- ljenega stoletja]. Zlasti branje različnih dokumentov in pisem razkriva Tartinijev boj za to, da bi ga evropski učenjaki prepoznali kot strokovnjaka na področju scientia musica [glasbene znanosti]. Ta boj je bil popolnoma neuspešen. Kljub temu pa upoštevanje le-tega omogoča bolj poglobljeno razumevanje glavnega, ključnega cilja Tartinijevih (včasih malo znanih) teoretskih spisov – utemeljevanje pomembnosti glasbe v hierarhiji umetnosti. ABOUT THE AUTHORS CHIARA CASARIN (chiara.casarin@unipd.it) is Research Fellow for the project “L’esotico in musica nell’opera veneziana del Sei e Settecento: Venezia” at the University of Padua, where she is also Adjunct Professor of History of Modern Music. In 2024, she held a re- search fellowship at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice with a project on the remediation of Italian opera in Italian cinema of the 1960s and 1970s. That same year, she earned her PhD from the University of Padua with a dissertation entitled Edizione dei concerti per violino e orchestra in trasmissione manoscritta di Giuseppe Tartini, which was awarded the prize for best doctoral dissertation by the “Fondazione Bice, Oscar e Giulio Cesare Castello” (2024) at the Università Roma Tre. She is one of the editors of the Complete Edition of the Musical Works by Giuseppe Tartini. She has published several scholarly papers on Tartini’s laudi and on the composer’s historiographical reception and taken part in international confer- ences. She also graduated with top marks in piano from the Conservatorio “A. Steffani” di Castelfranco Veneto (2014). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 42 SERGIO DURANTE (sergio.durante@unipd.it) is a member of the Mozart Akademie in Salzburg, correspondent member of the Accademia galileiana in Padua and formerly mem- ber of the Directorium of the International musicological society. He’s a General editor of the Edizione nazionale delle opere musicali di Giuseppe Tartini. Among his recent works is a monography Music and Nation, Essays on the Time of Italian and German Unifications (Cam- bridge, Mass., 2019) O AVTORJIH CHIARA CASARIN (chiara.casarin@unipd.it) je raziskovalna sodelavka pri projektu »L’esotico in musica nell’opera veneziana del Sei e Settecento: Venezia« na Univerzi v Padovi, kjer je tudi pogodbena predavateljica za zgodovino glasbe od 16. do 19. stoletja. Leta 2024 je bila raziskovalka na Univerzi Ca’ Foscari v Benetkah s projektom o remediaciji italijanske opere v italijanskem filmu šestdesetih in sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja. Istega leta je na Univerzi v Padovi doktorirala z disertacijo z naslovom Edizione dei concerti per violino e orchestra in transmissione manoscritta di Giuseppe Tartini, ki je prejela nagrado za najboljšo doktorsko disertacijo »Fondazione Bice, Oscar e Giulio Cesare Castello« (2024) na Univerzi v Rimu Tri. Je ena od urednic izdaje zbranih glasbenih del Giuseppeja Tartinija. Objavila je več znanstvenih člankov o Tartinijevih laudah in o historiografski recepciji njegovega življenja in dela ter sodelovala na mednarodnih konferencah. Z odličnimi ocenami je diplomirala tudi iz klavirja na konservatoriju »A. Steffani« v Castelfrancu Venetu (2014). SERGIO DURANTE (sergio.durante@unipd.it) je član Mozartove akademije v Salzburgu, dopisni član Accademia galileiana v Padovi in nekdanji član direktorija Mednarodnega mu- zikološkega društva. Je glavni urednik Edizione nazionale delle opere musicali di Giuseppe Tartini. Med novejšimi deli je monografija Music and Nation, Essays on the Time of Italian and German Unifications (Cambridge, Mass., 2019). 43 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.43-62 UDK: 785.6Tartini G.:78.088Rota V. Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? The Case of the Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini Juan Mariano Porta University of Padua ABSTRACT The article examines the Six Concertos in Four Parts (c. 1766), derived from works by Giuseppe Tartini, arranged by Vincenzo Rota for performance by a reduced ensemble and published by Peter Welcker. Through a comparison with the manuscript sources, the analysis aims to identify and evaluate structural and stylistic variants. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, Vincenzo Rota, Peter Welcker, arrangements, comparative analysis IZVLEČEK Članek obravnava Šest koncertov a4 (okoli 1766), ki temeljijo na koncertih G. Tartinija in jih je za izvedbo z zmanjšanim ansamblom priredil Vincenzo Rota, izdal pa Peter Welcker. Analiza poskuša s primerjavo z rokopisnimi viri identificirati in ovrednotiti strukturne in stilistične spremembe. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, Vincenzo Rota, Peter Welcker, priredbe, primerjalna analiza muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 44 The aim of this study is to identify and assess the stylistic characteristics of the Six Concertos in Four Parts dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini.1 Pub- lished by the violinist Tommaso Mazzinghi through Peter Welcker in London around 1766,2 the concertos originated from an initiative by the amateur vio- linist Vincenzo Rota (1703–1785), who adapted several of Tartini’s concertos to be performed by a reduced ensemble.3 Rota referred to these arrangements as “legitimate and most faithful metamorphoses” [“metamorfosi legittime e fedelissime”] and dedicated them to the Academy of the Undaunted [Acca- demia degli Imperterriti], a trio founded by Rota in Padua during the 1760s, consisting of Anton Bonaventura Sberti and Rota himself on violin, and Count Nicola Mussato on violoncello.4 The arrangements pleased Tartini to such an extent that he decided to send the sketches to Sir Richard Wynne in England and, following a series of negotiations that can only be conjectured, they ulti- mately became the Six Concertos in Four Parts.5 In the biography of Vincenzo Rota written by the abbot Francesco Fanza- go (1749–1823),6 the author describes Rota’s work in selecting and transcrib- ing repertoire as follows: 1 Giuseppe Tartini, Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O Neill Esq.r (London: printed for Tommaso Mazzinghi by Welcker in Gerrard Street St. Ann’s Soho (RISM T 238), [1766]), hereafter Six Concertos in Four Parts. 2 For information regarding Tommaso Mazzinghi, see Roger Fiske and Gabriella Dideriksen, “Mazzinghi, Joseph”, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 16, eds. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell (Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001), 192–194. For Peter Welcker, see Frank Kidson, William C. Smith and Peter Ward Jones, “Welcker”, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. 27, eds. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell (Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001), 265. 3 For a bibliography on Vincenzo Rota, see Francesco Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano (Padova: Conzatti, 1790). 4 For information on the metamorfosi, see Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 14. For further insights into the Academy of the Undaunted, see Anton Bonaventura Sberti, Saggio degli spettacoli e delle feste che si facevano in Padova (Padova: Tipografia del Seminario, 1767); Anton Bonaventura Sberti, Memorie intorno l’abate Antonio Bonaventura Dottor Sberti, padovano, scritte da lui medesimo in novembre 1814 (Padova: Biblioteca Civica, B. P. 1479/V), 5–25; Anton Bonaventura Sberti, Degli spettacoli e delle feste che si facevano in Padova […]: seconda edizione notabilmente accresciuta e corredata della vita dell’Autore (Padova: Adolfo Cesare, 1818), 4; Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 13–15. 5 On the sending of the metamorfosi to England, see Pierluigi Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche (Wien: Universal Edition, 1968), 82, 92. For further information on the Wynne family, see Bruno Brunelli, Un’amica del Casanova (Firenze: Sandron, 1923); see also the letter from Leopold Mozart to Lorenz Hagenauer dated 14 September 1768, in Cliff Eisen, Elli Stern and Patrizia Rebulla, Lettere della famiglia Mozart, vol. 1: I primi viaggi e il Grand Tour in Europa (Milano: Il Saggiatore, 2022), 332–333. On the processes that led from the metamorfosi to the publication of the Six Concertos in Four Parts, see Juan Mariano Porta, “Intorno ai Six Concertos in Four Parts di Giuseppe Tartini”, Discover Tartini (Trieste: Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Tartini”, [s. a.]), accessed May 10, 2025, https://www.discovertartini.eu/upload/ allegati/853NzOfJpoWK.pdf. 6 For further information on the figure of Francesco Fanzago, see Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 17–20. Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 45 He diligently sought out, day after day, the best-written duets, trios, and symphonies, and tirelessly copied the most beautiful pieces by Pergolesi, Corelli, and above all Tartini, which were then performed with great precision by the members during their regular sessions.7 Furthermore, the biographer explains the steps Rota took in order to complete his transcriptions: He spent entire days conversing with Tartini and was often consulted by him, since Vin- cenzo understood music so well that, by 1763, he had already begun to skillfully adapt thirty-six of Tartini’s concertos into trios and four-part obbligato sonatas, which he titled “legitimate and most faithful metamorphoses”. 8 Of these 36 metamorfosi, only six concertos were eventually published: Con- certo I: GT D22/i, iii – D9/ii; Concerto II: GT C6/i, iii – C14/ii; Concerto III: GT Bb5; Concerto IV: GT G18; Concerto V: GT E8; and Concerto VI: GT F7.9 The remaining works are now considered lost. Regarding the authoritative sources that Vincenzo Rota may have used as a reference for the creation of the metamorfosi (see Table 1), although sev- eral concordant sources produced within Tartini’s circle exist, the only collec- tion containing all of the concertos later reworked in the Six Concertos in Four Parts is the eighteenth-century Italian music collection of Paduan origin held in Berkeley, California.10 In that collection – with the exception of Concerto III – the concertos were copied by the same unidentified hand, referred to as “hand A,” which also appears in the collections of Ancona (Concerto II/i, iii) and Padua (Concerto II/ii). The catalogue attributes the collection’s first owner to Anton Bonaventura Sberti.11 Consequently, the Berkeley manuscripts rep- 7 “Cercava tutto dì con diligente curiosità i duetti, i trii le sinfonie più ben condotte, e copiava infaticabilmente i pezzi bellissimi del Pergolesi, del Corelli, e sopra d’ogni altro del Tartini, che poi con esatta accuratezza venivano eseguiti dagli aggregati nelle loro ordinarie sessioni.” See Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 13. 8 “Conversava le intere giornate con Tartini, ed era consultato dal medesimo, poiché Vincenzo intendeva la musica sì bene che nel 1763 aveva già dato principio a ridurre maravigliosamente per suo diporto trentasei tartiniani concerti in sonate a tre, e a quattro parti obbligate, intitolandole metamorfosi legittime, e fedelissime.” Ibid., 14. 9 On the “GT catalogue”, see Guido Viverit, Alba Luksich and Simone Olivare (eds.), “Catalogo tematico delle composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini”, Discover Tartini (tARTini – Turismo culturale all’insegna di Giuseppe Tartini, 2019–2020), accessed May 10, 2025, http://catalog.discovertartini. eu/dcm/gt/navigation.xq. 10 The Berkeley collection comprises approximately 1,065 manuscripts by 82 different composers, including a large number of trio sonatas and quartets. The chronology of the composers is centred around the years 1760–1780. The most represented authors are Michele Stratico, with 283 works, and Giuseppe Tartini, with 234 works; see Vincent Duckles and Minnie Elmer, Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, Berkeley Music Library (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963). 11 See Duckles and Elmer, Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, 4. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 46 resent the group of handwritten sources closest to the Academy,12 making it likely that they were used both by Rota to create the metamorfosi and by the Undaunted to perform the repertoire contained therein. Table 1: Manuscript sources consistent with the Six Concertos in Four Parts Concerto I GT D22/i, iii D-B, Mus. Ms. 21635/20; F-Pn, Ms. 9794/18; US-BEm, It. 868 [hand A] GT D9/ii F-Pn, Ms. 9795/26; I-AN, Ms. Mus. T-10 [hand A1]; US-BEm, It. 849–850 [hand D, hand A] Concerto II GT C6/i, iii D-MT, Mus. Ms. 229; F-Pn, Ms. 9794/8; I-AN, Ms. Mus. T-2 [hand A]; I-Pca, D VII 1902/65 [indications of Meneghini]; I-UDc, Ms. 3380; US-BEm, It. 829 [hand A1 + hand B (titles and cadenza)] GT C14/ii I-Pca, D VII 1902/66A [hand A]; US-BEm, It. 839 [hand A] Concerto III GT Bb5 B-Bc, 12221; D-B, Mus. ms. 21635/136; F-Pn, Ms. 9794/17; I-Pca, D VII 1904/3; I-UDc, Ms. 3286; I-VEas, Malaspina, ms. n. 62/230; S-Skma, Alströmer saml; S-Skma VO-R; US-BEm, It. 945–946 [hand C, hand B] Concerto IV GT G18 I-AN, Ms. Mus. T-26; US-BEm, It. 914 [hand A] Concerto V GT E8 CH-Bu, kr IV 345; D-B, Mus. ms. 21635/65; F-Pn, Ms. 9794/16; I-Pca D.VII.1902/84 [autograph]; I-UDc Ms. 3462; I-VEas, Malaspina, ms. n. 62/215; US-BEm It. 884 [hand A] Concerto VI GT F7 F-Pn, Ms. 9795/23; I-Pca, D VII 1902/63; I-VEas, Malaspina, ms. n. 62/216; US-BEm, It. 892 [hand A] With regard to style, the Berkeley concertos show a preference for an expres- sive melodic line that frequently employs triplets and dotted rhythms. The first movements have a cantabile character, which can also be found in triple meter, as in Concertos I (D22/i, Ms. It. 868) and IV (G18/i, Ms. It. 914). The accom- paniment of the solo parts is performed without basso continuo, by Violins I and II without doubling, using simple figurations limited to harmonic support. This solo instrumentation – with the exception of Concerto I (Ms. It. 850), which alternates between solo and tutti, and Concerto II (Ms. It. 839), which adds a solo cello – is also characteristic of the second movements. Regarding the structure (see Table 2), the most frequent form in the first and third movements consists of two sections with repeats: the first, from I to V, consists of a tutti and a solo, while the second, from V to I, is formed 12 Some doubts have been raised regarding the provenance of the collection, see Agnese Pavanello, “Musiche di Tartini per accademie”, Interreg Italia – Slovenija (Trieste: Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Tartini”, [s. a.]), accessed May 10, 2025, https://www.discovertartini.eu/materiale/ PAVANELLO_Musiche_di_Tartini_per_accademia_concertoni_di_Giulio_Meneghini.pdf, 9. Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 47 by two tutti sections with a solo in between. This structure – based on the ri- tornello form – is followed by a variation without repeats, consisting of three tutti sections with two intercalated solos: Concerto I/ii (Ms. It. 849–850), Concerto IV/i (Ms. It. 914) and Concerto V/i (Ms. It. 892). Additionally, there are three other variations of the ritornello form: one with the structure expanded to four tutti sections with three intercalated solos: Concerto III/i (Ms. It. 945–946), four tutti sections alternating with three solos and a seg- ment where solo and tutti alternate every two measures between the third tutti and the third solo: Concerto III/iii (Ms. It. 945–946). Finally, there is a structure with repeats preceded by an introduction (i.e., introduction + solo-tutti with repeats + solo-tutti with repeats): Concerto V/iii (Ms. It. 884) and VI/iii (Ms. It. 892). The solos are longer than the tutti sections, with an extended gap between the last solo and the last tutti, which often consists of only a few measures. In general, the first tutti presents a sequence of motifs that in several cases (Concertos I/iii, II/i, III/i, IV/iii, V/iii) includes the rep- etition of the final motif of the section to emphasise the cadence. The melody is performed by the principal violin. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 48 Ta bl e 2 : S tru ct ur e o f B er ke ley ’s co nc er to s C on ce rt o I – G T D 22 /i– iii , D 9/ ii – U S- BE m , I t. 86 8/ i, iii ; U S- BE m , I t. 85 0/ ii m ov em en t I – “A lle gr o” (D ) II – “L ar gh et to ” ( D m ) II I – “A lle gr o” (D ) se ct io n 1 2 1 (in tro ) 2 3 1 2 so lo /t ut ti 1st tu tti 1st so lo 2n d tu tti 2n d s ol o 3rd tu tti 1st tu tti 1st so lo 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3rd tu tti 1s t tu tti 1s t so lo 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3r d tu tti ha rm on y I I – V V V – I I I I – V V V – I I I I – V V V – I I ba rs 1– 20 20 –5 8 58 –6 8 68 –1 10 11 0– 12 0 1– 6 7– 15 15 –1 7 18 –3 1 31 –3 3 12 –2 7 27 –3 5 35 –5 6 I C on ce rt o II – G T C 6/ i, iii , C 14 /ii – U S- BE m , I t. 82 9/ i, iii ; U S- BE m , I t. 83 9/ ii I – “A lle gr o” (C ) II – “L ar go an da nt e” (G ) II I – “P re st o” (C ) 1 2 1 2 1 2 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3r d tu tti 1s t s ol o 2n d so lo 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d tu tti 2n d s ol o 3r d tu tti I – V I – V V – I V I I – V V – I I I – V V V – I I 1– 11 11 –2 9 29 –4 3 43 –7 6 76 –8 2 1– 16 17 –2 8 1– 44 45 –1 24 12 5– 16 0 16 1– 26 4 26 5– 28 0 Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 49 C on ce rt o II I – G T B b5 – U S- BE m , I t. 94 5 I – “A lle gr o” (B b) II – “A nd an te ” ( F) II I – “P re st o” (B b) 1 2 3 1 2 1 2 3 1s t tu tti 1s t so lo 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3r d tu tti 3r d s ol o 4th tu tti 1s t so lo 2n d so lo 1s t tu tti 1s t so lo 2n d tu tti 2n d s ol o 3r d t ut ti so lo / tu tti al te rn at ed ) 3r d s ol o 4t h t ut ti I I – V V V I V –V I I I – V V – I I I – V V V – I I – I I 1– 16 17 –3 5 35 –4 9 49 –6 9 70 –8 1 82 –1 04 10 5– 11 3 1– 24 25 –5 6 1– 32 33 –7 8 79 –1 10 11 1– 15 8 15 9– 17 8 17 9– 18 6 18 7– 25 0 25 1– 27 4 C on ce rt o IV – G T G 18 – U S- BE m , I t. 91 4 I – “A lle gr o” (G ) II – “L ar gh et to ” ( D ) II I – “A lle gr o” (G ) 1 2 1 2 1 2 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d tu tti 2n d s ol o 3r d tu tti 1s t s ol o 2n d s ol o 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d t ut ti 2n d s ol o 3r d tu tti I I – V V V – I I I – V V – I I I – V V V – I V – I 1– 20 20 –6 4 64 –8 0 80 –1 33 13 3– 14 5 1– 8 8– 17 1– 11 11 –2 9 29 –3 9 39 –6 7 67 –7 2 C on ce rt o V – G T E 8 – U S- BE m , I t. 88 4 I – “A lle gr o” (D ) II – “A nd an te ” ( Bm ) II I – “A lle gr o” (D ) 1 2 1 2 1 (in tr o) 2 3 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3r d tu tti 1s t s ol o 2n d s ol o 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3r d t ut ti I I – V V V – I I I – V V – I I I – V V V – I V – I 1– 13 13 –3 7 37 –4 7 47 –7 5 75 –8 0 1– 16 17 –3 2 1– 24 25 –5 5 56 –7 2 72 –1 27 12 8– 14 0 muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 50 C on ce rt o VI – G T F 7 – U S- BE m , I t. 89 2 I – “A lle gr o” (F ) II – “G ra ve ” ( D m ) II I – “P re st o” (F ) 1 2 1 2 1 (in tr o) 2 3 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d tu tti 2n d so lo 3r d tu tti 1s t s ol o 2n d s ol o 1s t t ut ti 1s t s ol o 2n d t ut ti 2n d s ol o 3r d t ut ti I I – V V V – I I I – V V – I I I – V V V – I V – I 1– 11 12 –3 2 33 –4 2 43 –7 8 79 –8 3 1– 9 10 –1 7 1– 27 28 –1 00 10 1– 11 6 11 7– 21 9 22 0– 23 5 Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 51 Choices Made in the Six Concerts in Four Parts In Welcker’s edition, the concertos are presented in four separate parts: violin I, violin II, violoncello and basso continuo, which correspond to three effective voices. In fact, when performing a harmonic function, the violoncello and bas- so continuo parts are redundant. When the violoncello has a melodic function, it is written in the tenor clef; figured bass is omitted, and the continuo part remains silent.13 The result is an ensemble consistent with the performance practice of the trio sonatas of the period. Regarding the changes in structure, compared to the reference manuscript sources (Berkeley), the first two concertos in Welcker appear as pastiches, as they feature the substitution of the second movement, a procedure not uncom- mon within the Tartini circle.14 Additionally, Concerto III is transposed down a whole tone (from E to D). Structural modifications in the Six Concertos in Four Parts are also evident within individual movements, resulting in a general reduction in their overall length, particularly marked in the fast movements. Additionally, at the phra- seological level, there are notable alterations in texture and melodic design, with the latter often embellished. In order to illustrate these aspects and to highlight the transformational processes implemented by Rota, two repre- sentative case studies have been selected and compared with their respective counterparts in Berkeley’s original version: the opening “Allegro” of Concerto I and the “Larghetto” of Concerto IV. The former will be examined primarily in terms of formal structure, while the analysis of the latter will focus on modi- fications in phrasing. In both instances, variations in the contrapuntal texture will be taken into account. The Opening “Allegro” of Concerto I (D22) The description of the movement is accompanied by two tables: Table 3, list- ing the motifs, and Table 4, comparing the movement’s structure between the Welcker and Berkeley versions. In the first movement of the Welcker version, mot. 1 (bars 1–4/ii) – pre- sented in unison in the Berkeley manuscript (US-BEm, It. 868) – is doubled by the second violin in parallel motion, mostly a third below. Subsequently 13 The only exceptions are a few short passages where the violoncello part and the continuo part differ. These are: Concerto II: mov. 1, bars 24, 38–40; mov. 2, bars 10–12; mov. 3, bars 37–44, 61–67, 116–119; Concerto III: mov. 1, bars 9–10, 20–24, 37–38; mov. 2, bars 5–8, 37–40; mov. 3, bars 8–11, 47–50, 64–75; Concerto IV: mov. 1, bars 13–16, 36–40, 57–58, 69–71; mov. 2, bars 3–4, 7, 12, 14–15; mov. 3, bars 7–8, 12, 25, 29–31; Concerto V: mov. 1, bars 13–15, 27, 38; mov. 2, bars 29–30, 34–36; Concerto VI: mov. 1, bars 6, 16–17, 28–30, 38–39; mov. 2, bars 1–2; mov. 3, bars 20–21. 14 On pastiches, see Federico Lanzellotti’s article in the present volume: Federico Lanzellotti, “Tartini’s Music in Venice: Some Cases of Textual Instability and Instrumental Pasticcio”, Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 63–91. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 52 (bars 4/iii–8/ii), the motif is restated by the violoncello two octaves lower, accompanied by the violin II in parallel motion, mostly a sixth above, while the violin I provides the bass line. In both versions, this is followed by mot. 2, which in Welcker is presented pianissimo and features an exchange of parts between the violins (bars 12/iii–16/ii). However, Welcker omits the rest of the tutti section found in the Berkeley version (bars 8/iii–20/ii), which in- cludes the first appearance of mot. 3 (bars 8/iii–12/ii), mot. 4 (bars 12/ii–16/ ii) – entirely omitted – and mot. 5 (bars 16/iii–20/ii), which functions as a cadence on the dominant. The solo section is also completely omitted. Welck- er then continues by introducing his third motif, corresponding to Berkeley’s mot. 3b (the opening of the second tutti after the repeat sign, appearing as a variant of mot. 3). Both versions proceed with Berkeley’s mot. 5 (mot. 4 in Welcker), leading to a cadence on the dominant. Welcker then restates the motif pianissimo, once again exchanging the violin parts, and concludes the section with a repeat. In the second section, Welcker reprises mot. 1, performed by violin II and accompanied by violin I in parallel motion, predominantly a third below – first on the dominant (bars 30/iii–34/ii) and then, as at the outset, on the tonic (bars 34/iii–38/ii). Here too, Welcker omits the entire second solo section. Both Welcker (bars 38/iii–44/ii) and Berkeley (bars 110/iii–116/ii) continue with the same motif, a variation derived from mot. 3. In Welcker, it is shared between violin II, with violin I in parallel motion mostly a sixth below (bars 38/iii–40/ii), followed by the violoncello, accompanied by violin I in paral- lel motion mostly a sixth above, and concludes with the violins proceeding predominantly in parallel sixths. Berkeley’s first movement ends with mot. 5 cadencing on the tonic (bars 116/iii–120/ii). Welcker, by contrast, restates the same motif an octave higher (bars 44/iii–48/ii) and adds another section that reprises motifs 2–4 from the first section: mot. 2a (bars 48/iii–52/ii); mot. 3b (bars 52/iii–56/ii), in which the melody is distributed between the violoncello – accompanied by violin I in parallel motion mostly a sixth above (bars 52/ iii–54/ii) – and then continues with the violins mostly in parallel thirds (bars 54/iii–56/ii). The movement concludes with mot. 4, performed by violin II and accompanied by violin I in parallel motion mostly a third below (bars 56/ iii–60/ii), and finally with a restatement of the motif featuring an exchange of parts between the violins. Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 53 Table 3: Motifs of Concerto I, mov. 1 Six Concertos in Four Parts Correspondence with US-BEm, It. 868 mot. 1 mot. 1 mot. 2 mot. 2 mot. 3 mot. 3b - mot. 4 mot. 4 mot. 5 Table 4: Structure of Concerto I, mov. 1 (D22): comparison between Welcker and Berkeley Welcker Berkeley Ms It 868 motif bars variations motif bars section features harmony Section 1 Section 1 1st tutti mot 1 1–4/ii Vl. I + Vl. II (3rd↓) mot 1 1–4/ii unison melody I mot 1a 4/iii–8/ii melody on Vlc. + Vl. II (6th↑) I mot 2 8/iii–12/ii – mot 2 4/iii–8/ii 3 Vl. I + Vl. II V mot 2a 12/iii–16/ii exchange of parts between Vl. I and Vl. II V omitted section mot 3 8/iii–12/ii VI – I mot 4 12/ii–16/ii I mot 5 16/iii–20/ii I 1st solo mot 1 20/iii–24/ii violin solo I mot 2 24/iii–28/ii V muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 54 Welcker Berkeley Ms It 868 28/iii–40/ii V mot 3a 40/iii–44/i V 44/ii–58/ii V Section 2 2nd tutti mot 3 16/iii–22/ii distributed melody: · exchange of parts between Vl. I and Vl. II [m. 19/ii–20/ii], · Vlc. + Vl. II (6th↑) [m. 20/ iii–22/ii] mot 3b 58/iii–64/ii II – I – II mot 4 22/iii–26/ii – mot 5a 64/iii–68/ii 3 Vl. I + Vl. II V mot 4a 26/iii–30/ii exchange of parts between Vl. I and Vl. II V Section 2 2nd solo mot 1b 30/iii–34/ii mel. on Vl. II + Vl. I (3↓) V mot 1a 68/iii–72/ii V mot 1 34/iii–38/ii I omitted section different sections 72/iii–110/ ii II – V – I mot 3a 38/iii–44/ii distributed melody: · exchange of parts between Vl. I and Vl. II [38/ iii–40/ii], · Vlc. + Vl. I (3↑) [40/iii–42/ii] mot 3c 110/ iii–116/ii V – IV – V mot 4b 44/iii–48/ii 8↑ [46/iii–48/ii] mot 5 116/ iii–120/ii Fine I mot 2a 48/iii–52/ii – V mot 3b 52/iii–56/ii distributed melody: · Vlc. + Vl. I (6↑) [52/iii–54/ii] · Vl. I + Vl. II (3↓) [54/iii–56/ii] VI – I mot 4c 56/iii–60/ii melody on Vl. II + Vl. I (3↓) I mot 4d 60/iii–64/ii exchange of parts between Vl. I and Vl. II I Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 55 The “Larghetto” of Concerto IV (G18) The description of the movement is accompanied by Figure 1, which displays the melodic lines of the Berkeley and Welcker versions side by side. In the Welcker version, changes in instrumentation are indicated, and passages con- taining variants, diminutions or ornaments are highlighted. Welcker’s version of the “Larghetto” from Concerto IV – together with the “Andante” of Concerto V, one of only two movements to undergo an expan- sion in comparison with the manuscript sources – shows a clear intention to enrich cadential areas and generate thematic variety by distributing the melody among the different instrumental groups. The movement follows the usual bi- partite form, with a cadence on the dominant at the end of the first repeat. Within each section, the various motifs follow one another without a pause. They characteristically begin on the upbeat and consist of two or three one- bar segments. Motif 1 (bars 1–2/iv), introduced by violin I and immediately varied (mot. 1a) by the violoncello together with violin II in predominantly parallel tenths (bars 2/iv–4/iv). This is followed by mot. 2, whose first two segments are played by violin I (bars 4/iv–6/iv) and whose final cadential seg- ment is performed by the violoncello (bars 6/iv–7/iv). The section closes with mot. 3, whose first segment is executed by violin II (bars 7/iv–8/iv), followed by a dominant cadence in predominantly parallel thirds by the violins. The second section begins with mot. 4, presented by violin II (bars 9/iv–10/iv) and sequentially by violin I (bars 10/iv–11/iv); this is followed by a variation of the opening motif (mot. 1b) introduced by the violoncello (bars 11/iv–12/iv) and continued by violin II with violin I in parallel motion predominantly a third below. Mot. 5, derived from mot. 2, is presented by violin I accompanied by the violoncello in predominantly parallel thirteenths below (bars 13/iv–15/iii). The section concludes with mot. 6, which opens with a call-and-response between the violins (bars 15/iii–16/iv), followed by a phrase in violin II (bars 16/iv–18/ iii), and finally a coda for the violins (bars 18/iii–19/iv). In terms of phrasing, the melodic line is enriched with added variations and ornamentation, result- ing in approximately 43 percent of the Berkeley version being altered. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 56 Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 57 Figure 1: Melodic line of Concerto IV/ii. Discussion In the first movement of Concerto I from the Six Concertos in Four Parts, the solo sections – characterised in the Berkeley manuscript by the principal vio- lin’s virtuosic variations on motifs, accompanied by two solo violins – are either reduced or omitted. This reduction almost halves the movement’s bar count. The same procedure applies to all of the fast movements in the printed edition. In the slow movements, however, added sections appear in Concertos IV and V; no structural changes occur in Concertos II, III, and VI; and the cuts in Concerto I are minimal.15 Conversely, in every movement the main phrases are highlighted by added repeats, which may involve changes in dynamics (from forte to piano) and/or instrumentation. Moreover, the principal violin’s solo passages are redistributed among the parts. Various melodic sections are en- riched by doubling at thirds (between the violins) or at sixths, tenths or thir- teenths (between one of the violins and the violoncello). These variants were likely encouraged by the change of setting and purpose, i.e., from virtuosic solo concertos in an ecclesiastical context to academy performances by competent but not virtuoso players of comparable skill. It is clear that there was an effort to balance the different parts – an aim absent in Tartini’s original concertos – thus affirming a new aesthetic model closer to Classical ideals. This approach was also facilitated by improvements in the technical capabilities of cellists. 15 See Table 4. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 58 Table 5 provides an overview of the layout and structure of the movements of the Six Concertos in Four Parts compared with the Berkeley manuscript versions. Table 5: Order and structure of the movements of the Six Concertos in Four Parts compared with the Berkeley manuscripts Welcker Berkeley No GT movement meter no of bars repeats size Ms no of bars repeats I D22 “Allegro” 3/4 64 30 :||: 34 - 46,66% It. 868 120 58 :||: 62 D9 “Andante Larghetto” (rem) 12/8 25 – - 24,24% It. 850 33 – D22 “Allegro” C 32 14 :||: 18 - 46,66% It. 868 60 27 :||: 33 II C6 “Allegro” C 40 16 :||: 24 - 51,21% It. 829 82 29 :||: 53 C14 “Largo” (Sol) 3/4 28 16 :||: 12 0% It. 839 28 16 :||: 12 C6 “Presto” 2/4 140 68 :||: 72 - 50% It. 829 280 124 :||: 156 III Bb5 “Allegro” C 48 21 :||: 27 - 57,52% It. 945 113 – “Andante” (Fa) 3/4 56 24 :||: 32 0% 56 24 :||: 32 “Presto” 2/4 96 35 :||: 61 - 64,96% 274 – IV G18 “Allegro” 3/4 76 36 :||: 40 - 47,58% It. 914 145 – “Larghetto” (Re) C 19 9 :||: 10 + 11,76% 17 8 :||: 9 “Allegro assai” C 37 16 :||: 21 - 49,31% 73 29 :||: 44 V E8 “Allegro” (Re) C 42 20 :||: 22 - 47,50% It. 884 80 – “Andante” (La) 3/4 36 18 :||: 18 + 12,50% 32 16 :||: 16 “Allegro assai” (Re) 2/4 60 28 :||: 32 - 16,66% 72 24 :||: 48 VI F7 “Allegro” C 39 17 :||: 22 - 53,01% It. 892 83 32 :||: 51 “Grave” (rem) C 17 9 :||: 8 0% 17 9 :||: 8 “Presto” 3/8 107 49 :||: 58 - 54,46% 235 27 |: 89 :||: 119 Regarding phrasing, the Tartinian style is made explicit through the detailed notation of the ornaments, which, especially in certain slow movements, are written out in full. This was likely intended to ensure a performance that preserved the composer’s style, which was unfamiliar in London and wan- ing in Padua.16 Moreover, the addition of dotted rhythms, mainly in the fast 16 Regarding the stylistic shift in instrumental music taking place in Padua during the 1760s, an early account was provided by Vincenzo Rota, who noted that at the Thurn und Taxis residence “the Tartinian style is not much appreciated here, precisely because they do not understand it” [“lo stile tartiniano non è qui molto accetto, perché appunto non lo intendono”]; see Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 14. Another testimony appears in the Saggio sopra la scienza armonica del defunto Sig. Tartini, by an anonymous author. Describing Tartini’s work, it refers to the growing popularity of German music in the academies, which is criticised in the following terms: “[Tartini] abandoned the noisy uproars that deafen the ears and Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 59 movements, updates the phrasing to match the taste of the time. The result is a homogeneous and compact musical texture, in which the main motifs are highlighted through repetition. Conclusions The Six Concertos in Four Parts mainly feature three independent real parts, making them suitable for performance with a reduced ensemble using the same instrumentation as trio sonatas. Compared to the manuscript concertos, the shift in approach and intended context – from virtuosic solo concertos per- formed in church to amateur performances in academies – ensures that each string part plays a similar role in shaping the musical discourse. The result is a more balanced ensemble, an enriched timbral palette and greater variety in the contrapuntal texture. As a consequence, the significant modifications to struc- ture and melodic development mean that the Six Concertos in Four Parts cannot be regarded as most faithful metamorphoses [metamorfosi fedelissime], but only as legitimate metamorphoses [metamorfosi legittime], that is, arrange- ments approved by the composer. Bibliography Anonymous. “Saggio sopra la scienza armonica del defunto Sig. Tartini.” In L’Europa let- teraria II, Parte I. Venezia: Fenzi, 1771, 82–89. Brunelli, Bruno. Un’amica del Casanova. Firenze: Sandron, 1923. Duckles, Vincent, and Minnie Elmer. Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eight- eenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, Berkeley Music Library. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963. Eisen, Cliff, Elli Stern, and Patrizia Rebulla. Lettere della famiglia Mozart. Vol. I: I primi viaggi e il Grand Tour in Europa. Milano: Il Saggiatore, 2022. Fanzago, Francesco. Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota pa- dovano. Padova: Conzatti, 1790. Fiske, Roger, and Gabriella Dideriksen. “Mazzinghi, Joseph.” In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Vol. 16, edited by Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, 192–194. Ox- ford: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001. Kidson, Frank, William C. Smith, and Peter Ward Jones. “Welcker.” In The New Grove Dic- tionary of Music and Musicians. Vol. 27, edited by Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, 265. Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001. Lanzellotti, Federico. “Tartini’s Music in Venice: Some Cases of Textual Instability and In- strumental Pasticcio.” Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 63-91. stun the mind – those imported by German fury into Italy, spoiling its good taste – which are nowadays, for some blind obsession or fanaticism, received with great applause in the academies” [“[Tartini] abbandonò gli strepitosi trambusti, che intronano gli orecchi, e sbalordiscono il cervello, i quali portati dalla tedesca rabbia in Italia a guastarne il buon gusto, vengono oggidì non so per qual acciecamento, o fanatismo accolti nelle Accademie con tanto applause.”] See Saggio sopra la scienza armonica del defunto Sig. Tartini, in L’Europa letteraria II, Part I (Venice: Fenzi, 1771), 82–89. See also Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 92, 100. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 60 Pavanello, Agnese. “Musiche di Tartini per accademie e i concertoni di Giulio Meneghini.” Interreg Italia – Slovenija. Trieste: Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Tartini”, [2025]. Accessed May 10, 2025. https://www.discovertartini.eu/materiale/PAVANELLO_ Musiche_di_Tartini_per_accademia_concertoni_di_Giulio_Meneghini.pdf. Petrobelli, Pierluigi. Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche. Wien: Universal Edition, 1968. Porta, Juan Mariano. “Intorno ai Six concertos in four parts di Giuseppe Tartini.” Discover Tartini. Trieste: Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Tartini”, [s. a.]. Accessed May 10, 2025. https://www.discovertartini.eu/materiale/PORTA_Intorno_ai_Six_concertos_ in_four_parts_di_Giuseppe_Tartini.pdf. Sberti, Anton Bonaventura. Degli spettacoli e delle feste che si facevano in Padova. […] Seconda edizione notabilmente accresciuta e corredata della vita dell’Autore. Padova: Adolfo Cesare, 1818. Sberti, Anton Bonaventura. Memorie intorno l ’abate Antonio Bonaventura Dottor Sberti, pa- dovano, scritte da lui medesimo in novembre 1814, MS. Padova: Biblioteca Civica, B. P. 1479/V. Sberti, Anton Bonaventura. Saggio degli spettacoli e delle feste che si facevano in Padova. Pa- dova: Tipografia del Seminario, 1767. Tartini, Giuseppe. Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O Neill Esq.r London: printed for Tommaso Mazzinghi by Welcker, [1766]. Viverit, Guido, Alba Luksich, and Simone Olivare, eds. “Catalogo tematico delle compo- sizioni di Giuseppe Tartini.” Discover Tartini. tARTini-Turismo culturale all’insegna di Giuseppe Tartini, 2019–2020. Accessed May 10, 2025. http://catalog.discovertartini. eu/dcm/gt/navigation.xq. SUMMARY The Six Concertos in Four Parts attributed to Giuseppe Tartini and published in London around 1766 by Tommaso Mazzinghi (via Peter Welcker) originated from the efforts of amateur violinist Vincenzo Rota, who arranged a selection of Tartini’s concertos into reduced chamber versions, which he called legitimate and most faithful metamorphoses [metamorfosi legittime e fedelissime]. These were designed for the Academy of the Undaunted [Accademia degli Imperterriti], a trio including Rota and Anton Bonaventura Sberti on violins and Co- unt Nicola Mussato on cello. Tartini himself approved of these arrangements, sending drafts to England through Sir Richard Wynne. Although details remain speculative, these metamorphoses eventually be- came the basis for the Six Concertos published by Welcker. According to Rota’s biographer, Francesco Fanzago, Rota was deeply engaged with Tartini’s music, often conversing with the composer and adapting many of his works for private performance. Of the 36 concertos Rota reportedly arranged, only these 6 were published. They are derived from various original Tartini concertos: I (GT D22/D9), II (GT C6/C14), III (GT Bb5), IV (GT G18), V (GT E8), and VI (GT F7). The primary sources Rota likely used are found in an eighteenth-century Padua-origin manuscript collection now held at Berkeley (CA), with concordant material in Ancona and Padua archives. These manuscripts are linked to Sberti, suggesting they were central to the Accademia’s activities. Musically, these works emphasise expressive melodic writing, ternary meters and textu- re-light solo sections, typically without continuo and supported by simple harmonic figures in the violins. Structural analysis reveals frequent use of binary forms with ritornelli and a variety of tutti-solo alternations, favouring longer solo passages and concise tutti segments. Juan Mariano Porta: Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? 61 The Welcker edition organises the concertos into four staves (two violins, cello, continuo), although only three parts are real due to overlapping basso functions. When the cello plays melodically (in tenor clef ), the continuo part rests. Notably, Concertos I and II are “pasticci”, combining movements from different sources, which was a common practice within Tartini’s circle. Concerto III is transposed a whole tone lower than its original. A detailed comparison of the first movement of Concerto I (GT D22) reveals substantial differences between the Berkeley manuscript and the Welcker edition. Welcker omits an entire tutti and solo section, reshuffles motives, and introduces harmonic and dynamic alterations. The result is a leaner version, stylistically updated to reflect the new aesthetic of the time, yet still rooted in the interpretive flexibility characteristic of Tartini’s milieu. POVZETEK Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? Primer Tartinijevih Šestih koncertov a 4, posvečenih Johnu O’Neillu Šest koncertov a 4, pripisanih Giuseppeju Tartiniju, in natisnjenih v Londonu okoli leta 1766 pri Tommasu Mazzinghiju (prek Petra Welckerja), je nastalo s posredovanjem amaterskega violinista Vincenza Rote. Izbral je nekaj Tartinijevih koncertov in jih priredil v skrajšane različice za komorne zasedbe. Poimenoval jih je legitimne in najzvestejše preobrazbe [me- tamorfosi legittime e fedelissime]. Namenjene so bile članom tria Akademije neustrašnih [Accademia degli Imperterriti], v katerem so igrali Rota, Anton Bonaventura Sberti (violini) ter grof Nicola Mussato (violončelo). Tartini je priredbe odobril in osnutke prek sira Richarda Wynna poslal v Anglijo. Čeprav podrobnosti o njihovi nadaljnji usodi niso povsem pojasnjene, so te priredbe na koncu postale osnova za Šest koncertov, ki jih je izdal Welcker. Po besedah Rotovega biografa Francesca Fanzaga se je Rota veliko ukvarjal s Tartinijevo glasbo, pogosto se je pogovarjal s skladateljem in priredil mnoge njegove skladbe za zasebne izvedbe. Od 36 koncertov, ki naj bi jih Rota priredil, je bilo objavljenih le teh šest. Podlaga zanje so bili izvirni Tartinijevi koncerti: I (GT D22/D9), II (GT C6/C14), III (GT Bb5), IV (GT G18), V (GT E8) in VI (GT F7). Glavni viri, ki jih je Rota verjetno uporabil, so danes v zbirki rokopisov iz 18. stoletja, ki izvirajo iz Padove in jih hranijo v Berkeleyju (Kalifornija). Z njimi ujemajoči prepisi se hranijo še v arhivih v Anconi in Padovi. Rokopisi so povezani z Sbertijem, kar kaže, da so bili pomembni za delovanje Akademije. Glasbeno ta dela zaznamuje izrazito melodično pisanje, uporaba ternarnega metruma in teksturno lahkotni solistični odseki, ki so običajno brez continua in so podprti le z enostav- no akordsko figuracijo v violinah. Strukturalna analiza razkriva pogosto uporabo dvodelnih oblik z ritorneli in raznolikim izmenjavanjem tutti-solo, ki daje prednost daljšim solističnim odlomkom in jedernatim tutti segmentom. V Welckerjevi izdaji so skladbe zapisane v štiri črtovja (dve violini, čelo, continuo), čeprav so glasovi – zaradi prekrivajočih se basovske linije violončela in continua – dejansko le trije. Ko čelo igra melodično (v tenorski legi), continuo pavzira. Zlasti koncerta I in II sta »pas- ticcia«, ki združujeta stavke iz različnih koncertov. To je bila običajna praksa v Tartinijevem krogu. Koncert III je transponiran za cel ton nižje od originala. Podrobna primerjava prvega stavka Koncerta I (D22) razkriva bistvene razlike med rokopisom iz Berkeleyja in Welckerjevo izdajo. V slednji je v celoti izpuščen en tutti-solo odsek, premešano je glasbeno gradivo in uvedene so harmonične in dinamične spremembe. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 62 Rezultat je lahkotnejša različica, ki je stilistično posodobljena. Odraža novo estetiko tistega časa, vendar je še vedno zakoreninjena v interpretativni prožnosti, značilni za Tartinijevo okolje. ABOUT THE AUTHOR JUAN MARIANO PORTA (juanmariano_porta@yahoo.com.ar) studied guitar, trombone, and music education at the “Luis Gianneo” Conservatory of Music in in Mar del Plata (Ar- gentina). He later moved to Italy, where he studied musicology at the University of Padua, graduating with top marks in 2017 with the thesis L’Op. I di Giuseppe Tartini, contributo per un’edizione critica [Opus I by Giuseppe Tartini, a Contribution to a Critical Edition]. In 2022, he completed a PhD on a Tartini-related topic at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice with the dissertation Le sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini: Storia, stile, trasmissione dei testi [The Trio Sonatas of Giuseppe Tartini: History, Style, Transmission of the Texts]. He has since continued working in the Tartini field, focusing on the edition of works and the updating of the catalogue of Giuseppe Tartini’s compositions. O AVTORJU JUAN MARIANO PORTA (juanmariano_porta@yahoo.com.ar) je študiral kitaro, pozavno in glasbeno pedagogiko na Konservatoriju za glasbo “Luis Gianneo” v Mar del Plata (Argen- tina). Kasneje se je preselil v Italijo, kjer je študiral muzikologijo na Univerzi v Padovi in leta 2017 z odliko diplomiral (diplomsko delo L’Op. I di Giuseppe Tartini, contributo per un’edizione critica [Opus I Giuseppeja Tartinija, prispevek h kritični izdaji]). Leta 2022 je na Univerzi Ca’ Foscari v Benetkah zaključil doktorski študij z disertacijo Le sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini: Storia, stile, trasmissione dei testi [Sonate a 3 Giuseppa Tartinija: zgodovina, slog, prenos besedil]. Od takrat je njegovo raziskovalno delo povezano s Tartinijem, pri čemer se osredotoča na izdajo del in posodobitev kataloga njegovih skladb. 63 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.63-91 UDK: 027(450.34Benetke):78.07Tartini G. Tartini’s Music in Venice: Some Cases of Textual Instability and Instrumental Pasticcio Federico Lanzellotti University of Basel ABSTRACT Three Venetian libraries (I-Vc, I-VLevi and I-Vnm) possess several handwritten and printed musical sources connected to Giuseppe Tartini. The present study of specific witnesses and pieces, among which are some unica, reveals new aspects of the composition, dissemination and transmission of his music, including the production of alternative versions, reworkings and pasticcios. Keywords: Venice collections, self-borrowing, pasticcio, textual instability, work-concept IZVLEČEK Tri beneške knjižnice (I-Vc, I-VLevi in I-Vnm) hranijo več rokopisnih in tiskanih glasbenih virov, povezanih z Giuseppejem Tartinijem. Ta študija posameznih virov in del, med kateri- mi so tudi nekateri unikati, razkriva nove vidike kompozicije, razširjanja in prenosa njegove glasbe, vključno s produkcijo alternativnih različic, predelav in pasticciev. Ključne besede: beneške zbirke, samoizposoja, pasticcio, tekstovna nestabilnost, koncept dela muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 64 This contribution presents the results of an investigation carried out within the framework of the Interreg project “Tartinibis – Increasing the Impacts and Synergies of Cultural Tourism in the Name of Giuseppe Tartini”, cofinanced by the European Union. The project enabled the examination of 135 wit- nesses of Tartini’s violin sonatas, concertos, trio sonatas, sinfonias, sacred vo- cal compositions and treatises, currently preserved at the Biblioteca Marciana, the “Gianni Milner” Library of the Ugo and Olga Levi Foundation, and the “Mario Messinis” Library of the Venice Conservatory, revealing phenomena related to the transmission and reception of his music.1 Starting from a recon- sideration of this heterogeneous body of sources, this paper takes into account some eighteenth- and nineteenth-century witnesses of his works and examines alternative movements and pasticcio sonatas found in Venetian collections.2 These compositions, which reveal formal and textual instability, provide valu- able clues for exploring Tartini’s musical production and its transmission and reception in Venice from his active years in the lagoon to the decades following his death, as well as notions of the musical work and authorship. At the same time, the analysis of sources that document the substitution or introduction of new or alternative movements and the presence of instrumental pasticcios and wandering movements offers new insights into Tartini’s oeuvre and encourages a re-evaluation of late or neglected sources of his music. Precious Fruits from the Lagoon In 2023 and 2024, it was possible to examine and reconsider, from a new per- spective, the musical sources connected with Tartini in Venice, and to study them in depth in view of their digitalisation. Three major libraries of the city currently preserve witnesses of his music, including unica, alternative move- ments and instrumental pasticcios, partly datable to Tartini’s lifetime. The Biblioteca Marciana preserves a copy of the Stabat Mater GT 6.4.F1 (Cod It. IV, 1880 (=11587/I)) from the Canal collection, as well as a manuscript volume of violin sonatas that once belonged to the Contarini family, containing twelve works widely represented in Tartini’s manuscript 1 The results of this part of the project are summarised in Federico Lanzellotti, “Le composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini nelle collezioni musicali veneziane”, in Cinque studi e le nuove fonti di documentazione relative a Giuseppe Tartini, suoi contemporanei, allievi e seguaci (Trieste: Edizioni del Conservatorio Tartini di Trieste, 2024), https://www.discovertartini.eu/upload/allegati/ ea4yX89j71mk.pdf. I would like to express my gratitude to Paolo Da Col and Silvia Urbani, who provided invaluable assistance during the research process at the Library of the Conservatory “B. Marcello” in Venice. 2 In this article, the term pasticcio is used to denote instrumental compositions consisting of movements by several authors, or by a single author reusing his own music in different contexts. The latter category, which is of particular relevance in certain cases involving Tartini, is excluded in Michael Talbot, “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century”, De Musica Disserenda 20, nos. 1-2 (2024): 2. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 65 and printed collections of the 1740s.3 It is worth noting that the twelfth sonata is followed by a pasticcio in three movements (I-Vnm4 It. IV, 475 (=9999), ff. 37v–38v), which Brainard labelled Sonata G16, not found else- where. The library of the Fondazione Levi preserves copies of three sinfonias (GT 5.A1, D2, G1), one of which includes two horn parts not traceable in other sources, as well as the only surviving copy of the Concertoni per ac- cademia by Giulio Meneghini, an arrangement in concerto grosso form of six sonatas from Tartini’s Op. 1 (Paris, Le Cène, 1734).5 The repertoire preserved in the music collection of the Venice Conservatory is remarkable for both its content and extent, comprising 110 witnesses of more than eighty violin sonatas, concertos, trio sonatas, sinfonias and sacred vocal compositions at- tributed to Tartini, of different dates and codicological characteristics.6 Sev- eral sources originate from the library of the Ospedale della Pietà in Venice and were kept in the library of the Civico Museo Correr until 1940, before becoming part of the eponymous collection of the Conservatory. Many of these sources consist of partbooks used by putte, such as the leather-bound solo partbook prepared for the celebrated virtuoso violinist Anna Maria, dated by Michael Talbot to 1723, containing concertos by Vivaldi, Mauro D’Alay and Francesco Brusa, in addition to Tartini’s Violin Concerto GT 1.g01 (Busta 55.1, ff. 22v-25).7 However, this composition, also published in 3 The edition VI Sonate a violino o violoncello o cimbalo opera seconda (Amsterdam: Le Cène, 1743) shares four sonatas with this manuscript collection. The handwriting of the copyist responsible for this source closely resembles that of “Copyist 1” in I-Pca, who also copied trio sonatas and four-part sinfonias in I-Pca D.VI.1889/1–3 and D.VII.1906; Juan Mariano Porta, “Le sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini: Storia, stile, trasmissione dei testi” (PhD diss., Università di Venezia, 2022), 1: 41–42. 4 Libraries and archives are indicated with their RISM sigla. The list of abbreviations is reported and continuously updated by RISM Online on the page Directory of RISM Library Sigla https:// rism.info/community/sigla.html. 5 Giulio Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini tradotte in Concertoni a quatro parti reali per Accademia, MS, Venezia: Fondazione Levi, I-VLevi CF.A.10, https://levi data. fondazionelevi.it/mirador/mirador.html?manifest-url=https://media.fondazione levi.it/presentation/ fondazionelevixDamsHist001-DL/66ec304ae4b00bc791612534/ manifest. On this topic, see Agnese Pavanello, “Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas: From Private Entertainment to Genre Paradigm”, Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 93–119. 6 The library currently holds several collections of music and librettos of heterogeneous origin and content, incorporated into the institution’s holdings at various stages since the foundation of the Liceo e Società Musicale in 1876. Dedicated catalogues of specific collections – such as those of Giustinian, Pascolato and Torrefranca – have been published since the late twentieth century. For the history of the Conservatory, see Pietro Verardo (ed.), Il Conservatorio di Musica “Benedetto Marcello” di Venezia (1876–1976): Centenario della fondazione (Venice: Conservatorio “Benedetto Marcello”, 1977). 7 On Anna Maria and her partbook, see Michael Talbot, “Anna Maria’s Partbook”, in Musik an den venezianischen Ospedali/Konservatorien vom 17. bis zum frühen 19. Jahrhundert, eds. Helen Geyer and Wolfgang Osthoff (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2004); Michael Talbot, “Full of Graces: Anna Maria Receives Ornaments From the Hands of Antonio Vivaldi”, in Arcangelo Corelli fra mito e realtà storica: Nuove prospettive d’indagine musicologica e interdisciplinare nel 350° anniversario della nascita; atti del congresso internazionale di studi (Fusignano, 11–14 settembre 2003), eds. Gregory Barnett, Antonella D’Ovidio and Stefano La Via (Florence: Olschki, 2007). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 66 Tartini’s first printed collection8 is not the only one bearing the name of a figlia del coro. Indeed, the concertos GT 1.A12 and GT 1.C7 are dedicated to Luisa (Busta 49.4, ff. 43-45v) and Chiara or Chiaretta (Correr, Busta 49.4, 16-19v).9 The violin concertos GT 1.F8, of which only two parts survive (Correr, Busta 49.4, 19v-22; and Busta 53.2, 4v-7), and GT 1.A13 are also dedicated to Anna Maria in other partbooks from the Pietà. However, only the Violin I (Correr, Busta 118.1, ff. 4v-6v), Violin II (Correr, Busta 113.4, ff. 63v-64v) and Bass parts (Correr, Busta 54.2, ff. 29v-30) survive from the latter, which is transmitted in these witnesses with an alternative sec- ond movement not attested elsewhere.10 The Correr collection also includes six eighteenth-century violin sonatas, including a four-movement pastic- cio sonata (Busta 71.8) comprising an “Andante cantabile” (Brainard deest), the “Minuet” from Sonata GT 2.A1, the “Andante cantabile” from Sonata GT 2.A10 and the “Presto” from Sonata GT 2.A11. Another unicum is the Violin Concerto GT 1.Bb13, of which the Con- servatory owns the only known witness (Correr, Busta 71.6). The uniqueness of this source also lies in the unusual arrangement of its seven instrumental parts (Violin I, Violin II – both concertino and ripieno – viola, and bass, in addition to the soloist) across three folders not suitable for performance. The annotations and indications of the copying process suggest that the source, probably copied hastily by two scribes from a now lost exemplar, represents a draft preparatory to the production of the performance parts. In the absence of further sources, the attribution to Tartini, although clearly stated at the begin- ning of the Violino principale and Basso ripieno parts, remains uncertain. The bifolio containing the solo part includes as middle movements an “Adagio” and a “Largo”, marked “in place of the previous” [“invece del antecedente”], suggesting a further case of formal instability. 8 Giuseppe Tartini, Sei concerti a cinque é sei stromenti a violino principale, violino primo di ripieno, violino secondo, alto viola, organo e violoncello, opera prima, libro primo (Amsterdam: Le Cene, [1727]). Giuseppe Tartini, Sei concerti opera prima, libro primo, critical edition, ed. Sofia Teresa Bisi (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2024), x–xiii, 137 (the concerto g1 is edited on pp. 1–21 according to the Le Cène edition). 9 On Tartini’s concertos associated with the Ospedale della Pietà, see Pier Giuseppe Gillio, “Tre concerti di Giuseppe Tartini per le virtuose della Pietà”, Studi musicali 2 (2000): 241–249. 10 The movement is not listed in “GT: Catalogo delle composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini”, Discover Tartini (2020), accessed January 31, 2025, http://catalog.discovertartini.eu/dcm/gt/navigation. xq, and in Margherita Canale, “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini: Testimoni, tradizione e catalogo tematico” (PhD diss., Università di Padova, 2010). Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 67 Figure 1: Violin Concerto GT 1.Bb13, “Adagio/Largo”.11 At first sight, the source seems to suggest the existence of two alternative in- ner movements. Surprisingly, however, the “Adagio” and “Largo” are perfectly superimposable and together form a single central movement in which the soloist is accompanied by two obbligato violin lines. In fact, before the begin- ning of the “Largo”, the score includes a reference to the Violino I obbligato [“del Vio[lino] Obb[ligato]”], which suggests that the apparent addition of a new movement resulted from a misunderstanding attributable to the second copyist. The Violino II obbligato part appears on the recto of the following un- bound folio, while the other parts do not participate in the movement. The style recalls that of other Tartini middle movements in ternary metre, and the solo violin part is ornamented, showing similarities with several of Tartini’s other central movements featuring embellishments, such as those of Violin Concertos GT 1.A19, C12 and a4, attested in US-BEm It. MS. 989. Other important sources testifying to the circulation of Tartini’s oeuvre in the Venetian lagoon are preserved in the rich collection of the Giustinian fami ly (branch Recanati, known as “delle Zattere”), deposited at the Conserva- tory in 1949.12 This collection was partly assembled by the household maes- tro di cappella Paolo Pera (fl. 1770–1817), who referred to Tartini’s theoretical 11 Venice, Biblioteca del Conservatorio “B. Marcello”, Correr, B. 71.6, folder 3, f. 1v. 12 On this collection, see Maria Giovanna Miggiani, Il fondo Giustiniani del Conservatorio “Benedetto Marcello” di Venezia (Florence: Olschki, 1990). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 68 works in his Regole di Armonia (I-Vc Giust. B. 57, n. 65) and was certainly well acquainted with the Piranese’s music.13 Among the most significant manu- scripts in the collection is Giust. B. 47, n. 18, which contains fifteen sacred vo- cal compositions by Tartini (eight Miserere, two Tantum ergo, two Stabat Mater, two Salve Regina and the Lamentatio V) several of which are unica. Although the attribution appears only at the beginning of the manuscript, Tartini’s au- thorship is confirmed by other witnesses of some pieces and by a historical manuscript catalogue of the collection, which arrived at the Conservatory to- gether with the music books.14 The score of Miserere GT 6.2.g3 is particularly significant, as it is the only known source to include the Soprano I part, which is absent from the other witness (I-Pca D.VII.1939). Furthermore, the open- ing Salve Regina a quattro GT 6.3.e1 provides the same suggestive indication regarding the composition of this work in Tartini’s final year, also reported in I-Pca D.VII.1937. This allows the production of the whole assemblage to be dated to a period following Tartini’s death on 26 February 1770. The Gius- tinian collection also preserves an interesting source of the Violin Concerto GT 1.g2 (Giust. B. 47, n. 21), which contains two solo parts, one of them pre- senting, at the bottom of folios 3v-4, an ornamented version of the first solo of the “Grave”, corresponding to that found in Ms. 3464 of the Biblioteca Civica “Vincenzo Joppi” in Udine.15 13 Furthermore, some of Pera’s vocal compositions employ the same Italian texts set to music by Tartini in his so-called “Spiritual lauds”. Miggiani, Il fondo Giustiniani del Conservatorio “Benedetto Marcello” di Venezia, xix. 14 This untitled historical catalogue is currently listed under inventory number 59021. I am grateful to Paolo Da Col for drawing my attention to this catalogue and for his valuable suggestions concerning Tartini’s sacred works. 15 This correspondence establishes a relationship between the source in I-Vc and that in I-UDc, part of a collection of concertos considered close to the Paduan area. Canale, “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini,” 40. This Violino principale part in I-Vc is copied on paper with three lying crescents, a coat of arms with three stars and the countermark “VG”, indicating the paper mill of Valentino Galvani (Pordenone). The use of this paper in Vienna is dated between 1771 and 1774. “Paper: P9”, in Paper and Copyists in Viennese Opera Scores (last edited January 30, 2025), accessed January 31, 2025, https://www.mdw.ac.at/imi/ctmv/ctmv.php?wz=P9. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 69 Figure 2: Violin Concerto GT 1.g2, “Grave”: ornamented version.16 About half of Tartini’s works now preserved in Venice belong to the large col- lection assembled between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by associates and teachers of the Liceo e Società musicale “B. Marcello”, most of whom were members of the Venetian bourgeoisie and aristocracy. This collection was later transferred to the library of the Civico Liceo Musicale and eventually incorpo- rated into the Conservatory library.17 The family of the Paduan violinist Cesare Trombini (1835–1898) made a significant contribution to the enrichment of the collection by donating several copies of Tartini’s violin music,18 includ- ing eighteenth-century manuscript sources of six violin sonatas (GT 2.G14, Bb13, F3, A12, Bb3, G10; shelfmark LCM 101/9 a–f ). The Violin Sonata in Bb13, in three movements, the last being a “Minuetto” with three variations, is preserved here as a unicum. A “Minuetto variato” also concludes Sonata G14, which in this source appears in five movements and shows slight textual in- stability. Further examples of formal fluctuation can be found in the witnesses 16 Venice, Biblioteca del Conservatorio “B. Marcello”, Giust. B. 47, n. 21, first part of Violino principale, ornamented version at the bottom of f. 3v. 17 On this collection, see Liceo-Società musicale Benedetto Marcello (1877–1895): Catalogo dei manoscritti (prima serie), eds. Gigliola Bianchini and Gianni Bosticco (Florence: Olschki, 1990). 18 The three manuscripts contain a total of sixteen violin sonatas (LCM 101/5 and 8) and seven trio sonatas (LCM 101/6), probably copied from sources held in Padua, among them I-Pca D.VII.1907. See Porta, “Le sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini”, 47, 143–145, 266–268. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 70 of the Violin Concertos GT 1.D16 and D17 (shelfmark LSM 101/3), both of which contain alternative middle movements. Later sources provide further insight into the transmission and reception of Tartini’s music in the Venetian lagoon. From this perspective, several nine- teenth-century manuscripts are of great interest, including copies of L’Arte dell ’arco (I-Vc LCM 101/10), the Sonate op. 1 (Le Cène; I-Vc LSM 101/2 and LSM 101/4), other violin sonatas (I-Vc LCM 101/5 and LCM 101/8) and trio sonatas (I-Vc LCM 101/6). Particularly significant for Tartini’s legacy is the preservation in Venice of copies of his pedagogical writings, including two versions of the Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il violino, the first in I-VLevi CF C.9 and the second in the Conservatory collection (shelfmark LSM 101.1bis), with the latter containing a section missing from the other surviving copies of this treatise. Although the present study considers only a limited number of selected Tartini sources preserved in Venice, these witnesses have much more to reveal about the Piranese master’s legacy and the multifaceted processes associated with the broad dissemination of his music in the Lagoon. Formal Instability and Self-Borrowings Among studies on eighteenth-century music, the investigation of borrowing practices has attracted particular interest for several decades, with G. Bonon- cini, G. F. Handel, J. S. Bach, W. A. Mozart and F. J. Haydn among the most frequently examined composers.19 The study of a composer’s reuse of his own or others’ music has in fact proved an effective means of exploring compositional practices, revealing stylistic influences and uncovering unexpected relationships between works written at different stages of a composer’s career.20 The case of Vivaldi, in particular, has demonstrated how extensive and multifaceted the prac- tice of borrowing or self-borrowing could be, encompassing syntactical elements, structures of various kinds and lengths, themes or even entire movements, often across different vocal and instrumental genres.21 Although not yet the subject of 19 There are several specific studies, including Norman Carrell, Bach the Borrower (London: Allen & Unwin, 1967); John H. Roberts (ed.), Handel Sources: Material for the Study of Handel ’s Borrowing (New York and London: Garland, 1986); Alfred Mann, “Self Borrowing”, in Festa Musicologica: Essays in Honor of George J. Buelow, eds. Thomas J. Matthiesen and Benito V. Rivera (New York: Pendragon Press, 1995), 147–163; J. Peter Burkholder, “Borrowing”, in Oxford Music Online: Grove Music Online (2001), accessed January 31, 2025. 20 John H. Roberts, “Why Did Handel Borrow?”, in Handel Tercentenary Collection, eds. Stanley Sadie and Anthony Hicks (London: Macmillan, 1987); Laurence Dreyfus, Bach and the Patterns of Invention (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996). 21 With some methodological limitations, Federico Maria Sardelli addresses these phenomena in his Catalogo delle concordanze vivaldiane (Florence: Olschki, 2012). See also Giada Viviani, “A cavallo tra i generi: Le serenate di Vivaldi e gli autoimprestiti dalle opere”, in Serenata and Festa teatrale in 18th century Europe, eds. Paologiovanni Maione and Iskrena Yordanova (Vienna: Hollitzer, 2018). Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 71 a specific study, Tartini’s interest in self-borrowing and his reuse of earlier move- ments – sometimes slightly modified, but in some cases extensively reworked or transcribed for a new instrumental texture – are well known.22 For instance, the “Grave” of his Violin Concerto GT 1.e323 was reworked by the composer as the central “Larghetto” of his Sinfonia in four parts GT 5.D2. In this case, the homophonic texture of the concerto was transformed into an imitative dialogue, producing a poignant movement characterised by subtle harmonic development and expressive, sighing phrases. The fact that the composer regarded this move- ment as open to multiple reworkings is also evident from the autograph score in I-Pca D.VII.1902/96, which contains two distinct versions. Catalogues of Tartini’s violin sonatas and concertos confirm how his works commonly included the substitution or introduction of new versions of one or more movements, most frequently the central movement.24 As Agnese Pa- vanello’s seminal study demonstrates, this tendency, attested both in autograph manuscripts and in sources from Tartini’s circle across different stages of his artistic career, raises significant issues regarding the genesis and chronology of his works, as well as concerning the development of his compositional style and his conception of formal design.25 A emblematic example is the Violin Concerto C12 transmitted in the copy by the so-called “Hand A” of Berkeley (US-BEm It. MS 837),26 whose first movement differs from the autograph (I-Pca D.VII.1902/70) and includes the “Andante Larghetto” mentioned above as an alternative secondo “Grave”, possibly intended to replace the first slow movement or, less likely, to be performed at the end of the concerto.27 An 22 Among the studies approaching Tartini from this perspective, see Paul Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini: Catalogo tematico (Padua: Accademia Tartiniana, 1975); Agnese Pavanello, “Contributi ad una lettura stilistica delle sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini”, in Tartini: Il tempo e le opere, eds. Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994). 23 Margherita Canale, “Il linguaggio della sonata a quattro nella cerchia tartiniana”, in Tartini: Il tempo e le opere, eds. Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), 118–120. 24 Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini; Canale, “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini”, 71–73; “GT: Catalogo delle composizioni”. 25 Agnese Pavanello, “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Movements”, in Characterizing the Musician: Tartini, His Time and His Legacy, ed. Gabriele Taschetti (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 225–262. 26 Vincent Duckless and Minnie Elmer (eds.), Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, Berkeley Music Library (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963), 4–7. 27 A similar layout, with the alternative slow movement at the end, is attested in the autograph score of Violin Concerto GT 1.A9. Pavanello, “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Movements”, 247–248. Interestingly, “Hand A” is also responsible for another copy (US-BEm It. MS 836), which reflects the autograph at a stage in the work’s compositional history when the “Andante” had already been replaced by the “Andante Larghetto”, the movement that also appears in the ornamented versions preserved in US-BEm It. MS 989, It. MS. 996 and It. MS.1005. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 72 alternative middle movement also appears in the Violin Concerto GT 1.F1, initially published in Tartini’s first collection of concertos (Le Cène, [1727]). The “Adagio” found in print and in an early copy (D-Dl 2456-O-1,5) is re- placed in manuscript copies by “Hand A” (US-BEm It. MS 888) and in other sources (I-Nc M.S. 10026-30, dated 1728, and US-Wc M1112.T37 case) with another slow movement in the same key but very different in character, form and melodic design. In the same collection, a Fuga a la breve was added after the first movement of the Violin Concerto G1, an addition largely unrecorded in the manuscript tradition of this piece but probably inserted by the com- poser himself to demonstrate his mastery of counterpoint in his first printed collection.28 Highly unstable constructions can also be found in Tartini’s output, such as the violin sonatas GT 2.E1 and F1, both of which are attested in several formal architectures, and the Violin Concerto GT 1.D9, of which alterna- tive movements and different placements are documented in the sources. It is not uncommon to encounter cases of textual instability even in the auto- graphs. For example, Tartini’s autograph of the Violin Concerto C14 contains five movements, whereas the copies from his circle distribute and arrange the movements differently, including alternative versions of two movements. Fur- thermore, manuscript US-BEm It. MS 839, copied by Berkeley’s “Hand A”, includes a pasticcio comprising the second and third movements of the auto- graph and the third movement of Violin Concerto C5. This case is of particu- lar interest because the movement opening the new concerto corresponds to the third movement in other sources, implying that movements could be re- positioned and their structural role within the concerto reconsidered, an issue addressed in the following section. Similar phenomena can be observed in the trio sonata repertoire, where certain compositions display variations in the number of movements or pre- sent heterogeneous formal designs across different sources. The Trio Sonata GT 4.F1, for instance, in the autograph I-Pca D.VII.1902/68, also contains the second movements of the trio sonatas D2 and d1; this version, in four movements, appears to be a later reworking, differing from the other version transmitted by the remaining sources.29 This case illustrates Tartini’s habitual practice of modifying his compositions by adding or substituting movements, in connection with the development of his compositional style and theoretical 28 Piotr Wilk, “Tartini’s Concertos Op. 1 and 2 against the Backdrop of the Venetian Concerto Tradition”, in In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, ed. Nejc Sukljan (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 84–85. 29 Porta, “Le sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini”, 219–228. The author hypothesises that both Meneghini and Berkeley’s “Hand A” may have altered the formal design of Tartini’s trio sonatas, either by adding a movement to two-movement pieces or merging pairs of two-movement trio sonatas. By contrast, Maupetit’s edition, Sei sonate a tre op. 8 (Paris, 1749), completely alters the formal organisation. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 73 thought, which led him to replace several movements featuring irregular phras- ing, texturally rich accompaniments or siciliana rhythms, as in the Violin Con- certos GT 1.D9 and G10, where the pastoral “Grave” in 12/8 is substituted with an “Andante” in 2/4.30 Approaches of this kind may have characterised his entire career or merely specific periods, rendering each instance unique and requiring close study. Indeed, it is also plausible that movements absent from surviving autograph fair copies may have belonged to earlier or later authorial versions of a piece. This approach applies both to discrepancies between early prints and auto- graph scores (e.g., the violin concertos GT 1.Bb1, C1, C2, published in Witvo- gel’s editions of 1733 and 1735), and to sources copied within Tartini’s circle.31 Conversely, some additions or substitutions of movements may have occurred independently of the composer’s intent, as in certain printed collections. For instance, in VI Concerti del Signor Giuseppe Tartini accomodati per il cembalo da L. Frischmuth (Amsterdam: Olofsen, c. 1760), the keyboard transcription of Vio- lin Concerto F6 includes a new middle movement in A major.32 Similarly, in Violin Sonata GT 2.G20, published in Sei sonate a violino e violoncello o cimbalo op. 9 (Paris: Le Clerc, c. 1749), the order of the movements is slightly altered, and the isolated movement G22 is placed at the beginning of the sonata.33 Tartini music sources document more than two dozen isolated move- ments, and the partially autograph manuscript volume I-Pca D.VI.1888/1 contains several references to their substitution.34 These movements frequently appear both independently and as parts of violin sonatas, such as the Grave GT 2.C14, which is interpolated between the second and third movements of Sonata GT 2.C3 in I-AN Ms. Mus. T-61. Sometimes these movements are placed at the end of another composition, occasionally including some vari- ants, e.g., GT 2.g15, appearing in A-Wgm IX 33956 (copied by Meneghini) and I-Pca D.VI.1888/1, is transposed down a tone in the pasticcio sonata in A minor preserved in US-BEm It. MS. 792, which also contains the first two movements of Violin Sonata a8. Further instances of formal instability and the circulation of movements emerge from the Venetian sources. In the partbooks of Violin Concerto GT 1.A13 from the Correr collection, the “Andante” attested in all other wit- nesses – including ornamented versions in US-BEm It. 989, It. 1000, and It. 30 I-Pca D.VII.1904/21. Pavanello, “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Movements”, 249–259. 31 Giuseppe Tartini, Sei concerti a 8 strumenti op. 2 (Amsterdam: Witvogel, 1733); VI Concerti a cinque stromenti […] di alcuni famosi maestri, libro secondo (Amsterdam: Witvogel, 1735). 32 Pavanello, “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Movements”, 227–228. 33 Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, 82. 34 Sometimes these movements survive in multiple versions. For the case of Movement A29d (= GT 2.A33), see Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, 118–119. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 74 1011 – is replaced by a “Grave” in C.35 This movement corresponds to the sec- ond of Tartini’s Violin Concerto GT 1.A8, although the other two sources of this composition witness it with textual variants. In the copy of Concerto A8 in I-AN Ms. Mus. T-31 partially written by Berkeley’s “Hand I”,36 the soloist is accompanied by obbligato parts of Violin I and Violin II in unison, and by bassetto solo Viola. This contrasts with F-Pn MS-9793, where the soloist is supported by two obbligato violins and an obbligato violoncello without ripi- eno, while Violin II plays an additional line filling in the harmony and the viola part in I-AN is transposed down an octave and performed by the violoncello.37 In summary, it is plausible that the movement originally belonged to Concerto A13, later migrated to Concerto A8, and subsequently underwent a rewriting of the accompaniment attributable either to the composer or to another musician. The fragmentary nature of the Venetian source prevents de- termination of whether this version of the Grave is new, requiring only the first violins, or identical to that transmitted in Ancona; the second violin and bass parts of the Pietà (Correr Busta 113.4 and 54.2) may have served as ripieno, thus explaining the “tacet” markings. No additional evidence exists in other sources: in the first ornamented version in US-BEm It. MS 989, the accompa- niment staff is empty, while in the second, It. MS 999, the incipit of Concerto GT 1.A8 precludes any connection with A13. Even if it cannot be established whether the version of Concerto GT 1.A13 in I-Vc circulated prior to the other version, the repertoire-based dating of the Pietà partbooks to the late 1740s or early 1750s, along with Tartini’s close ties to the Venetian milieu, renders this hypothesis plausible.38 Other witnesses of Tartini’s concertos in I-Vc reveal additional phenomena related to the late eighteenth-century transmission of his music. The late cop- ies of Concertos GT 1.D16 and D17 in I-Vc LSM 101/3 include both known middle movements. Regarding the Concerto D16, only the score and Violino principale part in I-Pca 1902/89 and I-VEas Malaspina, ms. n. 209/81 show a similar situation. In the solo part copied by “Hand A” in I-Pca, the alternative “Andante” in D minor is reported at the end of the concerto as an appendix or a new movement intended to replace the “Andante cantabile” in A major 35 In the Violin I part (Correr, Busta 118.1), the middle section of the first movement is missing. The agogic “Grave”, absent from the Violin I part, is inferred from the indication “Grave tacet” found in the Violin II and Bass parts. 36 Duckless and Elmer, Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, 6. 37 See F-Pn MS-9793, p. 317. 38 Lanzellotti, “Le composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini nelle collezioni musicali veneziane”. In the main fonds of Tartini’s sources, such as Meneghini’s volume in F-Pn MS-951, Carlo Ignazio Nappi’s collection in I-AN (Ms. Mus. T-31), the Malaspina fonds in I-VEas (Malaspina, ms. no. 62) and the Berkeleian collection (It. MS 925), the Concerto GT 1.A13 is transmitted with an “Andante” in E major. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 75 attested in the other witnesses. By contrast, neither I-Pca nor I-VEas includes the “Andante” in D minor in the instrumental parts,39 suggesting that the set of parts preserved at the Venice Conservatory is the only witness contain- ing both middle movements. This reflects both a connection with the Paduan milieu and an independent reception, indicative of the intention to leave the performers free to choose their favourite movement or to perform the concerto in this configuration. The two middle slow movements of Concerto GT 1.D17 (“Andante” and “Andante assai”) also appear together only in the set of parts in LSM 101/3. The pronounced formal instability of this concerto is clearly stated by the situation of the autograph working score (I-Pca D.VII.1902/101) and further evidenced by the appearance in other witnesses of the “Grave” from Violin Concerto GT 1.D5 in place of the two slow movements (see I-Pca D.VII.1902/93, two sets of parts) or, additionally, before the finale alongside the “Andante assai” (I-VEas, Malaspina, ms. no. 62/210).40 It is noteworthy that in both concertos, Viola and Bass lines are required only in the outer fast movements; in Vene- tian sources, their parts laconically indicate “Andante tacet” (D16) or “Grave tacet” (D17). What may appear as a generic reference to the middle movement could, in the case of Concerto D17, signify a connection with a specific move- ment – the “Grave” from Concerto D5 rather than the other two alternatives – revealing possible surviving traces of a different formal organisation of the piece. The strong analogies between the two sets of parts in LSM 101/3 further suggests that the Viola and Bass parts of Concerto D16 may refer only to a single movement – in this instance the “Andante” in D minor – implying that in both witnesses these parts could derive from other sets transmitting differ- ent formal architectures. The Pasticcio Sonatas in Venetian Manuscripts In recent years, important international projects and publications have re- vived interest in the study of the music pasticcio, as well as in issues of au- thorship and the work-concept.41 However, scholarship has largely focused 39 Furthermore, the D minor binary movement appears as the sole middle movement only in US- BEm It. MS. 860. Ornamented versions of the D minor movement are found in It. MS. 898, 997 and 1010. Similar discrepancies between the Violino principale and other parts occur in I-Pca D.VII.1902/51 and S-Skma VO-R, where two middle movements of Concerto A.23 are reported only in the solo part. 40 For the alternative movements of Concerto GT 1.D17, see Pavanello, “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Movements”, 249–251, 257–259. 41 Berthold Over and Gesa zur Nieden (eds.), Operatic Pasticcios in 18th-Century Europe: Contexts, Materials and Aesthetics (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2021), https://library.oapen.org/ handle/20.500.12657/60942. See also Michael Talbot (ed.), The Musical Work: Reality or Invention? (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000); Stephen Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 76 on operatic pasticcios, overlooking similar practices in instrumental music of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a fact reflected in the absence of any mention of instrumental pasticcio in the entry written for the New Grove Dictionary.42 Nevertheless, recent studies by Michael Talbot and Piotr Wilk have shown that eighteenth-century instrumental production exhibits attitudes and procedures comparable to those observed in the operatic rep- ertoire. Talbot has provided a comprehensive study of eighteenth-century instrumental pasticcio and its characteristics, clarifying the limits of apply- ing concepts developed in opera studies to other repertoires, from the solo sonata to the concerto and the sinfonia.43 Wilk, by contrast, proposed two categories: compositions consisting of movements attributed to a single au- thor (“hybrids”), which Talbot excluded from the category of true pasticcio, and compositions made up of movements by different authors (“pasticcio” in the strict sense).44 As examples of both categories, he referred to solo con- certos by Antonio Vivaldi, suggesting that they could have been produced “after the fashion of operatic practice”.45 Among the examples of the second category is a violin concerto elaborated by Johann Georg Pisendel (D-Dl Mus. 2389-O-42a), composed of four movements: the first by an unknown author, the second and third corresponding to the first and second move- ments of Vivaldi’s Concerto RV 172a, and the fourth drawn from the finale of Tessarini’s Concerto Tes4.46 Similar phenomena can also be traced in Ital- ian instrumental music from the late seventeenth century.47 A violin sonata ascribed to Martino Bitti (D-Dl Mus. 2362-R-2, catalogued as TalB. 10) contains a double movement borrowed from famous virtuoso violinist Carlo Ambrogio Lonati’s Sonata L. VI.15,48 and further altered versions and pastic- cios derived from this sonata are available.49 Two of these are preserved in the so-called “Estensischen Musikalien”, a large collection of mainly Venetian 42 Curtis Price, “Pasticcio”, in Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001), accessed January 31, 2025. 43 Talbot, “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century”; Michael Talbot, “The Bonn Manuscript S 2981: A Miscellany of European Music for Flute from the Early Eighteenth Century”, The Consort 77 (2021); Michael Talbot, “Silva Box 17- 1: An English Eighteenth-Century Compilation of Sonatas and Other Compositions for Cello in Greensboro”, The Consort 78 (2022). 44 Piotr Wilk, The Venetian Instrumental Concerto During Vivaldi’s Time (Berlin: P. Lang, 2020), 16– 19, 455–456. 45 Ibid., 18. 46 Ibid., 18, 455. Recently, this concerto has also been discussed in Talbot, “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century”, 12. 47 Federico Lanzellotti, “‘Norma a’ più famosi compositori di sonate a solo’: Le sonate per violino di Carlo Ambrogio Lonati” (PhD diss., Università di Bologna – Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2022), 1: 153–159. 48 Ibid., 120–121. 49 Ibid., 156–159. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 77 instrumental music now housed in the Austrian National Library in Vienna. Originally owned by the Mocenigo family, the repertoire was expanded by the Paduan amateur cellist and composer Nicolò Sanguinacci, known under the pseudonym “Olocin Ozzaniugnas”, who maintained contacts with Tar- tini and his circle.50 After Sanguinacci’s death, the collection passed to his great nephew, the Marquis Tommaso degli Obizzi, and was housed at the Castello del Catajo near Battaglia Terme in the Padua region, before being transferred to Vienna by the Este family in the nineteenth century.51 Beyond compositions ascribed to Tartini,52 the collection contains a four- part transcription of the anonymous Sonata GT 2.G31 (A-Wn E.M. 148g) under the title Introduzione, previously considered a dubious work by the Pi- ranese.53 This sonata, also attested in I-Pca D.VI.1893/2, is in fact a pastic- cio, probably intended for mandolin, combining three movements of a violin sonata by the Venetian Benedictine Diogenio Bigaglia (also attested in D-Dl Mus. 2456-R-20) with a spurious movement inserted before the finale.54 Very interestingly, the order of the movements in A-Wn E.M. 148g is altered. From a modern perspective, reordering the movements significantly changes the per- ception of the piece as a unified structure, as it affects the listener’s experience of contrast and overall musical trajectory. Such interchangeability, however, is documented in several eighteenth-century pasticcio sonatas and concertos,55 as well as in works containing Tartini’s music preserved in Venetian libraries, as examined below. Although marginally relevant to the study of instrumental pasticcios asso- ciated with Tartini, the spurious Violin Sonata GT 2.G27 (D-Dl Mus. 2456- R-21), once ascribed to the Piranese, nonetheless merits mention. The piece opens with the third movement of Vivaldi’s Sonata RV 22 (formerly RV 776) and presents as its third movement the first movement of Gian Battista Somis’ 50 Alexander Dean, “The Magic Square of Olocin Ozzaniugnas”, Early Music 45, no. 4 (2017): 602; Michael Talbot, “Vivaldi, Bigaglia, Tartini and the Curious Case of the ‘Introdutione’ RV Anh.70”, Studi vivaldiani 20 (2020): 43–45. 51 On the history of this collection, see Herbert Seifert, “Die ‘Estensischen Musikalien’ der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek”, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 49 (2002); Herbert Seifert, “Vivaldi in the ‘Este’ Music Collection of the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna”, in Antonio Vivaldi: Passato e Futuro, eds. Francesco Fanna and Michael Talbot (Venice: Fondazione Cini, 2009). 52 Robert Haas, Die Estensischen Musikalien: Thematisches Verzeichnis mit Einleitung (Regensburg: Bosse, 1927), 191. 53 Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, 87. 54 Talbot, “Vivaldi, Bigaglia, Tartini and the Curious Case of the ‘Introdutione’ RV Anh.70”. The Introduzione, which presents the movement in a different order from the sonata, was listed in Vivaldi’s thematic catalogue as RV 144/Anh.70. 55 Talbot, “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century”, 5–6. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 78 Sonata op. 2, no. 5 (1723).56 The remaining two movements may have been composed by Pisendel, who also copied Somis’ work, or may represent oth- er borrowings from the repertoire available to violinists at the Dresden court.57 Remarkably, these movements reappear in another pasticcio sonata (Mus. 2-R-8,73), which also incorporates as a middle “Largo” the first move- ment of Vivaldi’s Sonata RV 22, thereby displacing it from its original intro- ductory position.58 A genuine pasticcio featuring the music of the Piranese is the anonymous Violin Concerto preserved in I-VEas ms. no. 62/249 (including two horn parts), which combines the first movement of Concerto GT 1.Bb7, the second movement of Concerto GT 1.G8 (in G minor) and a concluding “Allegretto” in 3/8, also ascribed to the German composer and violinist Carlo Giuseppe Toeschi (1731–1788).59 Similarly, the violin concerto attributed to Tartini in US-BEm It. MS 942 actually contains the first movement of Concerto GT 2.Bb1, followed by a different middle movement, and concludes with the first movement of a concerto attributed to Michele Straticò (US-BEm It. MS 674).60 The circulation of movements from Concerto Bb1 may be linked to the formal instability of this work. Tartini himself reused the second and third movements (with variants) in Concerto Bb2, as documented by the autograph score of the latter (I-Pca D.VII.1902/67), which also contains a draft of the beginning and sketches of the first movement of Concerto 56 Cesare Fertonani, La musica strumentale di Antonio Vivaldi (Florence: Olschki, 1998), 197– 198. This “Largo” is also the slow movement of Vivaldi’s Concerto RV 212a, preserved in I-Tn Giordano 29. The sonata in D-Dl has already been listed among the doubtful works of Tartini in Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, XXVI, 85. 57 Talbot, “Vivaldi, Bigaglia, Tartini”, 69; RISM online, records nos. 212002038, 212001495, accessed January 31, 2025. 58 The bass part in D-Dl differs significantly from the most widespread version of RV 22 and may represent an early version of the movement, also attested in B-Bc 15115. RISM online, record no. 212001495, accessed January 31, 2025. Both cases are discussed in Talbot, “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century”, 14–15. D-Dl Mus.2-R-8,9 may also contain a pasticcio sonata consisting of the second and third movements (with variants) of Sonata VI from Sonate a violino e violone o cembalo, op. 1 by Pietro Castrucci, published in Amsterdam in 1718, framed by two other anonymous movements. RISM online, record no. 212002028, accessed January 31, 2025. 59 Emanuela Negri, Il Fondo Musicale Malaspina nell ’Archivio di Stato di Verona (Rome: Torre d’Orfeo, 1989), XVIII, 89–90. The hypothesis that this piece is a pasticcio rather than a two- author (“a quattro mani”) composition, as proposed by Negri, is supported by the presence in the Malaspina collection of other copies of Concertos GT 1.B7 and G8 clearly attributed to Tartini. The manuscript, dated by the editor to the early nineteenth century, may be a copy of an eighteenth-century source, acquired when the Malaspina family collected instrumental works by Tartini and his circle. 60 Another probable case of a pasticcio concerto dated “Faenza, 1756” is preserved in US-BEm, It. MS. 34 and It. MS. 35, ascribed to Tartini’s pupil Paolo Tommaso Alberghi (1716–1785). This composition includes as its final movement the first movement of Tartini’s Violin Concerto GT 1.C6. Duckless and Elmer, Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, 40. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 79 Bb1, highlighting the close thematic relationship between its incipit and the main ritornello of the second movement of Bb2. The unstable structures of concertos Bb1 and Bb2 may have prompted the creation of the pasticcio and alternative versions. These observations suggest a reconsideration of the strict distinction between “authorial pasticcio” (“hybrid”, in Wilk’s terminology) and pasticcio in the strict sense, i.e., composed of movements by different authors. The cases presented here indicate that instrumental pasticcios often arise in contexts of textual instability, and that the composer himself may have employed “passepartout” movements, encouraging the reuse of musical material, a practice entirely acceptable in late seventeenth- and early eight- eenth-century composition and performance.61 This is exemplified by Violin Concerto GT 1.D9, also attested in a pasticcio form in the copy by “Hand A” (US-BEm It. MS 852). In this source, the “Andante assai” and “Allegro assai” documented in the autograph fair copy (I-Pca D.VII.1902/80), probably cor- responding to the new versions attributable to the author,62 are reversed and followed by the finale of Concerto D5. The existence of alternative two move- ments in other sources, along with the wide variety of formal structures of Concerto D9, suggests that the version in It. MS 852 may reflect the unstable transmission of this work within Tartini’s circle. Notably, the two movements from the autograph are always transmitted together, in the same order, except in this pasticcio, where the bipartite “Allegro assai” with ritornello becomes a light first movement. Although it remains unclear whether Tartini intend- ed the two movements in the autograph as a self-standing composition in two parts, Meneghini’s copy in Paris presents them as an independent work, followed by a three-movement version of Concerto D9 comprising the two alternative movements and an “Allegro non presto”, the first movement of which is attested in all witnesses except the autograph and manuscript It. MS 852.63 Numerous examples of formal instability and “authorial” pasticcios are also documented in the solo violin repertoire, and Brainard has highlighted cases where it is possible to demonstrate the composer’s deliberate reuse or substitution of movements in new contexts.64 61 See Giuseppe Valentini’s statement to “Benigno lettore” in his Idee per camera a violino e violone o cembalo op. 4 (Rome: Komarek, c. 1706–1707) in which he suggests substituting or omitting one or more movements if the sonata “sembrasse o difficile, o troppo lunga” [“appears to be too difficult or too long”], or Francesco Maria Veracini’s preface to Sonate accademiche (London/Florence: author, 1744), in which he states that, although his sonatas have four or five movements, “2 overo 3 […] scelti a beneplacito bastano a compire una sonata di giusta misura” [“2 o 3 […] at the performer’s choice are enough to make a sonata of the right length”]. 62 See Pavanello, “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Movements”, 251–252. 63 F-Pn MS-9795, p. 258. 64 For example, the case of violin sonatas GT 2.C2 and C3 is reported in Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, 6–7. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 80 The newly examined sources in Venice include two pasticcio sonatas. The first, which is part of the Correr collection (B. 71.8), includes four movements all traceable elsewhere in Tartini’s output. The Minuet from Sonata GT 2.A1, the “Andante cantabile” from Sonata GT 2.A10 and the “Presto” from Sonata GT 2.A11 are all taken directly from Tartini’s violin repertoire, while the first movement is a transcription of the “Andante cantabile” from Violin Concerto GT 1.D17. This demonstrates a well-established tradition of cross-genre con- taminations, reflecting the composer’s habitual reuse of themes and movements.65 The pasticcio may have been produced either by Tartini himself or by a performer; however, it remains significant that the three sonatas under discus- sion, which are absent from the other sources considered here, exhibit pro- nounced textual instability. Sonata GT 2.A1 in I-Pca, for example, presents two pairs of central movements that are ordered differently across the extant witnesses,66 whereas sonatas GT 2.A10 and A11 are transmitted together in all of the surviving sources, forming what Brainard has interpreted as a sin- gle sonata comprising five (US-BEm It. MS 778) or six movements (I-VEas Malaspina ms. no. 62; I-BGc MAI.Gallicciol.7645/1-10; US-Wc M219.T2 B3; I-GEc B SS. B. 1. 3FF).67 The sources in Berkeley are particularly notewor- thy: the middle movement of Violin Sonata GT 2.A11, absent from US-BEm It. MS 778 copied by “Hand A”, appears in It. MS 747 following two move- ments of Sonata G14. While it is common to find pasticcios associated with expansive or incomplete formal designs, the five-movement structure proposed for GT. 2.A10 and A11 in Berkeley – an “Andante cantabile” followed by three Allegro movements and a concluding “Presto” – suggests that some movements may have been conceived as independent episodes, allowing performers to play them in a different order, as Tartini himself seems to suggest in D.VI.1888/1. At the same time, several five-movement sonatas with comparable structures appear elsewhere in his oeuvre. Violin Sonata GT 2.g2, preserved in a nine- teenth-century copy in the Conservatory’s collection (LCM 101/5, ff. 18-20v), demonstrates a consistent articulation across all witnesses, structured as a suite in which an “Andante cantabile” is followed by three rapid movements and a concluding “Minuet”. Another notable example of pasticcio is found in the eighteenth-century calligraphic collection of sonatas belonging to the Contarini family, now held at the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice (It. IV, 475 (=9999)). This piece is listed in Brainard’s catalogue as G16. 65 The analogies between violin sonatas GT 2.E1, e7, F1 and g6 and, respectively, violin concertos E8, G14, A16 and Bb2 are reported ibid., 40, 52, 54, 94. 66 See the autograph manuscripts in I-Pca D.VI.1888/1 and D-B Mus. autograph ms. Tartini, G. 2 67 Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, 106–107. In the eighteenth-century copy US- BEm It. MS 778, Sonata A10 is followed by the first and second movements of A11. In D-B Mus. Ms. 21636/1, the two sonatas appear consecutively on pp. 99–102 without interruption. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 81 Ta bl e 1 : Th e p as tic cio so na ta in I- Vc C or re r B . 7 1. 8 Pa st ic ci o M ov em en ts C on co rd an ce s Po si ti on M ov em en ts In ci pi ts I m ov . “A nd an te ca nt ab ile ” C on ce rto G T 1. D 17 II “A nd an te ” II m ov . “M in ue t. A lle gr o” So na ta G T 2. A 1 II I “A lle gr o as sa i” II I m ov . “A nd an te ca nt ab ile ” So na ta G T 2. A 10 II “A lle gr o as sa i” IV m ov . “P re sto ” So na ta G T 2. A 11 II I (F in al) “P re sto ” & # # # 42 œ . œ œ œ œ A nd an te c an ta bi le . œ œ œ œ . œ œ . œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ . œ œ . œ œ œ œ ú ú ú         M in ue t. A lle gr o                             A nd an te c an ta bi le                                              Pr es to                   muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 82 Ta bl e 2 : Th e p as tic cio so na ta in I- V nm It . I V, 4 75 (= 99 99 ), ff. 3 7v -3 8v Pa sti cc io M ov em en ts C on co rd an ce s Po sit io n M ov em en ts In cip its I m ov . “A nd an te ca nt ab ile , m a no n La rg o” G T 1 .G 1 II “A nd an te ca nt ab ile ” II m ov . “A lle gr o” G T 2 .A 10 II “A lle gr o” (i n A M ajo r) IV m ov . “G ig a. A lle gr o no n pr es to ” G T 2 .D 3 IV “A ria . A lle gr o as sa i” (in D M ajo r)          A nd an te c an ta bi le , m a no n La rg o                  A lle gr o                             G ig a. A lle gr o no n Pr es to                             Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 83 The composition opens with a reworked version of the second movement of Violin Sonata GT 2.G1, containing only a single new variation, and features as its central movement a re-elaboration of the “Allegro” from the previously dis- cussed unstable Sonata A10.68 While the divergences between sonatas G16 and G1 are essentially confined to differences in the ornamentation of the violin part and minor harmonic alterations, the second movement is distinguished by a change of metre (from C to 3/4) and by a distinct developmental approach. In the pasticcio, both movements display a lighter treatment of the violin line, incorporating passages of higher texture and frequent virtuosic gestures. The third movement, by contrast, represents a reworking of the theme from Violin Sonata GT 2.D3, transposed to G major and presented without variations. Re- markably, the “Aria” is transformed into a “Giga”; however, the modifications are limited, as both tempo and metre remain essentially unchanged. Figure 3a: “Finale” of Pasticcio sonata GT 2.G16 in I-Vnm It. IV, 475 (=9999). Figure 3b: “Finale” of Sonata GT 2.D3 in I-AN Ms. Mus. T-61. In addition, the movement derived from Sonata GT 2.G1 is also transmitted independently in the autograph D-B Mus.ms.autogr. Tartini, G. 2 (f. 3v), where the melodic line is accompanied by the text “L’amor mio sarà costante | il mio cor sarà fedel” [“My love shall be constant | and my heart ever faithful”], although without the three variations included in the second autograph copy preserved 68 The first movement of Sonata GT 2.G1 is “Allegro” in I-Pca D.VI.1888/2 and “Allegro cantabile” in autograph manuscript in I-Pca D.VI.1888/1, in Meneghini’s copy in A-Wgm IX 33956/1 and in D-B Mus.ms.autogr. Tartini, G. 2, where it is separated from the rest of the sonata and only the theme appears, without variations.           Giga. Allegro non Presto                                                                                                               Aria. Allegro assai                                                             muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 84 in I-Pca D.VI.1888/1.69 Unsurprisingly, both Violin Sonatas GT 2.D3 and G1 appear to be unstable works; the latter, in the Paduan source, even reveals several cross references to other movements contained in the same collection. Sonata GT 2.G16 follows immediately after the Sonata duodecima (G15) in the same key, and, unlike the preceding twelve works, bears neither number nor title. This circumstance led Brainard to suppose that the piece concluding the Venetian manuscript might represent either a simple sequence of movements or a more extensive sonata in six movements.70 Codicological evidence, together with sty- listic divergences from the other three movements, suggests that the pasticcio may have been assembled by a musician with a deep familiarity with Tartini’s oeuvre, although the composer’s own involvement cannot be excluded. Tartini himself might have re-elaborated his earlier material after a lapse of time or per- haps supervised the process of re-composition. In this perspective, Sonata GT 2.G16 exemplifies a middle ground between reworking and pasticcio. Sequences of isolated movements also constitute a notable portion of Tarti- ni’s violin output and may, in the future, shed further light on the genesis of alter- native versions and pasticcios incorporating his music. Some examples are found within known pasticcios: movement A29e (=GT 2.A34), for instance, survives independently in D-B 21636/1, yet appears as the finale of Sonata GT 2.A1 in US-BEm It. MS 770; likewise, the Grave C14a (GT 2.C14) stands alone in the autograph D.VI.1888/1 (bearing the Metastasian motto “Mio ben ricordati”), but also forms part of Sonata GT 2.C3 in I-AN Ms. Mus. T-61. These examples direct our attention once again to the composer himself. Despite the purported letter to an “amateur musician in Venice” [“dilettante di musica in Venezia”], in which Tartini is said to have warned against altering the works of other au- thors, it seems highly plausible that he produced pasticcios and reworkings of his own pieces.71 Moreover, in certain cases, Tartini may have tolerated or even encouraged the reworking of his compositions by others, particularly when these involved the substitution of individual movements. Instances of such “approved” pasticcios may be observed in the four-part transcriptions of the violin concertos 69 Cesare Fertonani, “Espressione strumentale e poesia nel Settecento italiano: Il pianto di Arianna di Pietro Antonio Locatelli”, Studi musicali 22, no. 2 (1993): 340. 70 Brainard, Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini, 65. 71 The letter dated Padua, 23 February 1766, is reported in Francesco Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31 di marzo l ’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo (Padova: Conzatti, 1770), 47. The piece discussed is Francesco Geminiani’s concerto transcription of Corelli’s Violin Sonatas op. 5. Tartini’s reference to a request to replace a variation suggests that the work was the final Follia, echoing his indignation at Witvogel’s unauthorised publication, expressed in a letter to Giovanni Battista Martini dated Padua, 31 March 1731, transcribed in Giorgia Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents, vol. 2, transl. Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo (Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020), 265–266. See also Sergio Durante, “Tartini and His Texts”, in Studi su Mozart e il Settecento, ed. Sergio Durante (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2007), 181–182. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 85 GT 2.C6 and D22, each of which incorporates a new middle movement drawn respectively from D9 and C14. The transcriptions, published by Welcher in Lon- don around 1766 and attributed to Abbot Vincenzo Rota, may represent exam- ples of “faithful metamorphoses” [“metamorfosi fedelissime”] that, according to Fanzago, the elderly Tartini himself had endorsed.72 Pasticcio, Textual Instability and Historically Informed Performance Practice The re-examination of Venetian sources has demonstrated how the study of for- mal instability, alternative versions and pasticcios can significantly contribute to overcoming the positivist conception of authorship and of the musical work as an immutable unity, allowing one to grasp the material dimension of musical dissemination and to move beyond “composer-centredness”.73 Tartini’s output reveals a variety of situations and differing degrees of authorship and textual instability, encompassing phenomena such as the replacement of movements, as in the case of the Violin Concerto GT 1.A13 from the Correr collection, where the middle movement is substituted with a reworked version of that appearing in Concerto A8, or the coexistence of alternative solutions, as in the late copies of Violin Concertos GT 1.D16 and D17 preserved in manuscript LSM 101/3. Tracing the ways in which individual movements, transmitted either inde- pendently or within other compositions, were substituted or added to earlier works offers valuable insight into Tartini’s compositional strategies and sty- listic development from a genetic perspective, as well as into the early dis- semination of his music. The pasticcio sonatas found in Correr B.71.8 and in the Contarini collection in I-Vnm, which underscore the connection between the emergence of instrumental pasticcios and certain violin concertos, such as GT 1.D9, Bb1, and Bb2, also reveal multiple formal solutions in sources closely linked to the composer and his circle. The case of Sonata GT 2.G16, which occupies an intermediate position between reworking and pasticcio, further exemplifies this dynamic. This framework also invites a reconsideration of the figure of the pasticheur, a role that may at times coincide with the composer himself or with close collaborators,74 but may also refer to external agents such as Pisendel, Rota or 72 Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago, padovano, delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 48; Canale, “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini”, 58–59. On the four-part transcriptions of the concertos see Juan Mariano Porta, “Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? The Case of the Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini”, Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 43–62. 73 See Michel Talbot, “The Work-Concept and Composer-Centredness”, in The Musical Work: Reality or Invention?, ed. Michael Talbot (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), 168–186. 74 Talbot, “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century”, 9–10. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 86 Tartini’s other pupils, and occasionally to editors or copyists closely associated with the dissemination of his music, including the so-called Berkeley “Hand A”. Likewise, the repositioning of movements in alternative versions and pastic- cios, as observed in several of Tartini’s works such as the Violin Concerto D9, challenges the current categorisation of formal designs based solely on move- ment order and provides new perspectives on eighteenth-century composi- tional practices and conceptions of form. Among the most important steps towards a deeper understanding of these phenomena is a more systematic investigation of Tartini’s theoretical back- ground, his conception of form, textual stability and authorship, through a close study of his letters and theoretical writings. Furthermore, detailed codi- cological analyses of Tartini’s autographs may yield crucial information on chronology and textual relationships between versions, thereby revealing the diachronic evolution and multiplicity of compositional options. It is no coin- cidence that some autograph scores and later copies – among them the Vene- tian manuscripts of Violin Concertos GT 1.D16 and D17 – transmit multiple alternative movements, granting the performer a degree of freedom to choose different options, reflecting various stages in the work’s history or alternative historical formal solutions. Such research must also be accompanied by a study of the reception of Tartini’s oeuvre within his circle, since several copies pre- served in Berkeley, Ancona and Verona may provide hints regarding the con- texts, circumstances and individuals involved in the creation and transmission of alternative movements and pasticcios. Most importantly, pasticcios and unstable compositions offer a unique op- portunity to investigate the cultural contexts surrounding the dissemination and reception of Tartini’s music, while also suggesting new perspectives for performance practice. Beyond their philological and intertextual implications, these works can indeed inspire performers to engage creatively with Tartini’s repertoire: exploring pieces marked by textual instability may encourage musi- cians to devise their own solutions and to perform alternative versions, thus challenging the rigid work-concept that still strongly conditions concert pro- grammes and recording projects. From this perspective, the two Venetian pas- ticcio sonatas, composed entirely of Tartini’s music, could enrich the repertoire, while the alternative movements may offer opportunities to perform already known sonatas and concertos in a ‘new’ light. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 87 Bibliography VI Concerti a cinque stromenti […] di alcuni famosi maestri, libro secondo. Amsterdam: Wit- vogel, 1735. Bianchini, Gigliola, and Gianni Bosticco, eds. Liceo-Società musicale Benedetto Marcello (1877–1895). Catalogo dei manoscritti (prima serie). Florence: Olschki, 1990. Brainard, Paul. Le sonate per violino di Giuseppe Tartini: Catalogo tematico. Padua: Accademia Tartiniana, 1975. Burkholder, J. Peter. “Borrowing.” In Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001). Accessed January 31, 2025. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630. article.52918. Canale, Margherita. “I concerti solistici di Giuseppe Tartini: Testimoni, tradizione e cata- logo tematico.” PhD diss., Università di Padova, 2010. Canale, Margherita. “Il linguaggio della sonata a quattro nella cerchia tartiniana.” In Tar- tini: Il tempo e le opere, edited by Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro, 97–131. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994. Carrell, Norman. Bach the Borrower. London: Allen & Unwin, 1967. Castrucci, Pietro. Sonate a violino e violone o cembalo op. 1. Amsterdam: Roger, 1718. Dean, Alexander. “The Magic Square of Olocin Ozzaniugnas.” Early Music 45, no. 4 (2017): 599–611. Dreyfus, Laurence. Bach and the Patterns of Invention. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996. Duckless, Vincent, and Minnie Elmer, eds. Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music in the University of California, Berkeley Music Library. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963. Durante, Sergio. “Tartini and His Texts.” In Studi su Mozart e il Settecento, edited by Sergio Durante, 167–207. Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2007. Fanzago, Francesco. Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago, padovano, delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31. di marzo l ’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo. Padova: Conzatti, 1770. Fertonani, Cesare. “Espressione strumentale e poesia nel Settecento italiano: Il pianto di Arianna di Pietro Antonio Locatelli.” Studi musicali 22, no. 2 (1993): 335–364. Fertonani, Cesare. La musica strumentale di Antonio Vivaldi. Florence: Olschki, 1998. Gillio, Pier Giuseppe. “Tre concerti di Giuseppe Tartini per le virtuose della Pietà.” Studi musicali 2 (2000): 241–249. Haas, Robert. Die Estensischen Musikalien: Thematisches Verzeichnis mit Einleitung. Regens- burg: Bosse, 1927. Lanzellotti, Federico. “Le composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini nelle collezioni musicali vene- ziane.” In Cinque studi e le nuove fonti di documentazione relative a Giuseppe Tartini, suoi contemporanei, allievi e seguaci. Trieste: Edizioni del Conservatorio Tartini di Trieste, 2024. https://www.discovertartini.eu/upload/allegati/ea4yX89j71mk.pdf. Lanzellotti, Federico. “‘Norma a’ più famosi compositori di sonate a solo’: Le sonate per violino di Carlo Ambrogio Lonati.” PhD diss., Università di Bologna – Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2022. Malagò, Giorgia, ed. Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents. 2 vols. Translated by Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo. Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 88 Mann, Alfred. “Self Borrowing.” In Festa Musicologica: Essays in Honor of George J. Buelow, edited by Thomas J. Matthiesen and Benito V. Rivera, 147–163. New York: Pendragon Press, 1995. Meneghini, Giulio. Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini tradotte in Concertoni a quatro parti reali per Accademia, MS. Venezia: Fondazione Levi, I-VLevi CF.A.10. https://levidata.fondazionelevi.it/mirador/mirador.html?manifest-url=https://media. fondazionelevi.it/presentation/fondazionelevixDamsHist001-DL/66ec304ae 4b00bc791612534/ manifest. Miggiani, Maria Giovanna. Il fondo Giustiniani del Conservatorio “Benedetto Marcello” di Venezia. Florence: Olschki, 1990. Negri, Emanuela. Il Fondo Musicale Malaspina nell ’Archivio di Stato di Verona. Rome: Torre d’Orfeo, 1989. Over, Berthold, and Gesa zur Nieden, eds. Operatic Pasticcios in 18th-Century Europe: Con- texts, Materials and Aesthetics. Bielefeld: Transcript, 2021. https://library.oapen.org/ handle/20.500.12657/60942. Paper and Copyists in Viennese Opera Scores. Accessed January 31, 2025. https://www.mdw. ac.at/imi/ctmv/p_und_c/index.html. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21939/x9gthx. Pavanello, Agnese. “Contributi ad una lettura stilistica delle sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tar- tini.” In Tartini: Il tempo e le opere, edited by Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massaro, 133–159. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994. Pavanello, Agnese. “Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I So- natas: From Private Entertainment to Genre Paradigm.” Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 93–119. Pavanello, Agnese. “Tartini’s Re-Formulation’s Strategies in Alternative Concerto Move- ments.” In Characterizing the Musician: Tartini, His Time and His Legacy, edited by Ga- briele Taschetti, 225–262. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. Porta, Juan Mariano. “Le sonate a tre di Giuseppe Tartini: Storia, stile, trasmissione dei testi.” PhD diss., Università di Venezia, 2022. Porta, Juan Mariano. “Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? The Case of the Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini.” Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): str. 43-62. Price, Curtis. “Pasticcio.” In Oxford Music Online: Grove Music Online (2001). Accessed Jan- uary 31, 2025. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.21051. RISM online. Accessed January 31, 2025. https://rism.online. Roberts, John H. Handel Sources: Material for the Study of Handel ’s Borrowing. New York and London: Garland, 1986. Roberts, John H. “Why Did Handel Borrow?.” In Handel Tercentenary Collection, edited by Stanley Sadie and Anthony Hicks. London: Macmillan, 1987. Rose, Stephen. Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach. Cambridge and New York: Cam- bridge University Press, 2019. Sardelli, Federico Maria. Catalogo delle concordanze vivaldiane. Florence: Olschki, 2012. Seifert, Herbert. “Die ‘Estensischen Musikalien’ der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek.” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 49 (2002): 413–423. Seifert, Herbert. “Vivaldi in the ‘Este’ Music Collection of the Österreichische National- bibliothek, Vienna.” In Antonio Vivaldi: Passato e futuro, edited by Francesco Fanna and Michael Talbot, 179–191. Venice: Fondazione Cini, 2009. Talbot, Michael. “Anna Maria’s Partbook.” In Musik an den venezianischen Ospedali/Kon- servatorien vom 17. bis zum frühen 19. Jahrhundert, edited by Helen Geyer and Wolfgang Osthoff, 23–79. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2004. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 89 Talbot, Michael, ed. The Musical Work: Reality or Invention?. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5949/UPO9781846313615. Talbot, Michael. “Full of Graces: Anna Maria Receives Ornaments from the Hands of An- tonio Vivaldi.” In Arcangelo Corelli fra mito e realtà storica: Nuove prospettive d’indagine musicologica e interdisciplinare nel 350° anniversario della nascita; atti del congresso interna- zionale di studi (Fusignano, 11–14 settembre 2003), edited by Gregory Barnett, Antonella D’Ovidio, and Stefano La Via, 253–268. Florence: Olschki, 2007. Talbot, Michael. “Silva Box 17–1: An English Eighteenth-Century Compilation of Sonatas and Other Compositions for Cello in Greensboro.” The Consort 78 (2022): 12–39. Talbot, Michael. “Some Remarks on the Pasticcio Sonata and Concerto in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century.” De Musica Disserenda 20, nos. 1-2 (2024): 1–19. DOI: https:// doi.org/10.3986/dmd20.1-2.09. Talbot, Michael. “The Bonn Manuscript S 2981: A Miscellany of European Music for Flute from the Early Eighteenth Century.” The Consort 77 (2021): 20–46. Talbot, Michael. “The Work-Concept and Composer-Centredness.” In The Musical Work: Reality or Invention?, edited by Michael Talbot, 168–186. Liverpool: Liverpool Univer- sity Press, 2000. Talbot, Michael. “Vivaldi, Bigaglia, Tartini and the Curious Case of the ‘Introdutione’ RV Anh.70.” Studi vivaldiani 20 (2020): 41–67. Tartini, Giuseppe. VI Sonate a violino o violoncello o cimbalo opera seconda. Amsterdam: Le Cène, 1743. Tartini, Giuseppe. Sei concerti a 8 strumenti op. 2. Amsterdam: Witvogel, 1733. Tartini, Giuseppe. Sei concerti a cinque é sei stromenti a violino principale, violino primo di ripi- eno, violino secondo, alto viola, organo e violoncello. Opera prima, libro primo. Amsterdam: Le Cene, [1727]. Tartini, Giuseppe. Sei concerti opera prima, libro primo, edited by Sofia Teresa Bisi. Critical edition. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2024. Valentini, Giuseppe. Idee per camera a violino e violone o cembalo op. 4. Rome: Komarek, c. 1706–1707. Veracini, Francesco Maria. Sonate accademiche. London/Florence: author, 1744. Verardo, Pietro, ed. Il Conservatorio di Musica “Benedetto Marcello” di Venezia (1876–1976): Centenario della fondazione. Venice: Conservatorio “Benedetto Marcello”, 1977. Viverit, Guido, Simone Olivari, and Alba Luksich. “GT: Catalogo delle composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini.” Discover Tartini (2020). Accessed January 31, 2025. http://catalog. discovertartini.eu/dcm/gt/navigation.xq, Viviani, Giada. “A cavallo tra i generi: Le serenate di Vivaldi e gli autoimprestiti dalle opere.” In Serenata And Festa Teatrale in 18th century Europe, edited by Paologiovanni Maione and Iskrena Yordanova, 271–300. Vienna: Hollitzer, 2018. Wilk, Piotr. “Tartini’s Concertos op. 1 and 2 against the Backdrop of the Venetian Concerto Tradition.” In In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, edited by Nejc Sukljan, 77–99. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. Wilk, Piotr. The Venetian Instrumental Concerto During Vivaldi’s Time. Berlin: P. Lang, 2020. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 90 SUMMARY Three Venetian libraries – the Biblioteca Marciana, the Library of the Fondazione Ugo and Olga Levi and the Library of the Conservatory – preserve more than 40 handwritten and printed music sources from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, transmitting compositi- ons by Giuseppe Tartini. A recent research project has made it possible to carry out a comp- lete re-evaluation of these sources, bringing to light a number of unica (including the Violin Sonata GT 2.Bb13, the Violin Concerto GT 1.Bb13 and several sacred vocal compositions) and enabling the reconsideration of certain compositions with alternative movements and reworkings, as well as two cases of instrumental pasticcio. Within this context, particular attention is devoted to Violin Concerto GT 1.A13, which is transmitted in a manuscript volume from the library of Ospedale della Pietà, now held at the Conservatory, with a middle movement unattested in any other source. The focus on textual instability and formal alteration also permitted an examination of some autograph scores and witnesses from Tartini’s circle, as well as shedding light on isolated, altered and substitute movements. The investigation expanded through two compelling cases of pasticcio sonatas containing Tartini movements. The pasticcio sonata in Fondo Correr (Busta 71.8) combines move- ments drawn from other violin sonatas and from a violin concerto by Piranese, while Sonata GT 2.G16 from the Contarini collection of the Biblioteca Marciana (It. IV, 475 (=9999)) assembles three movements from three different sonatas, reshaped either slightly or signifi- cantly to form a new composition. These examples highlight not only Tartini’s own interest in borrowing and reusing his music – often reworked or transcribed for a new instrumental context – but also the processes of reception, leading to a reassessment of the role of the musicians and copyists associated with the composer and his circle. The concluding remarks offer reflections on how these lines of inquiry shape modern performance practices, with the aim of stimulating further research among scholars and mu- sicians engaged in the rediscovery of the music of Giuseppe Tartini and his contemporaries. POVZETEK Tartinijeva glasba v Benetkah: nekateri primeri tekstualne nestabilnosti in instrumentalnega pasticcia Tri beneške knjižnice – Nacionalna knjižnica Marciana, knjižnica Fundacija Ugo in Olga Levi in knjižnica konservatorija – hranijo več kot 40 rokopisnih in tiskanih glasbenih virov iz 18. in 19. stoletja, ki prinašajo skladbe Giuseppeja Tartinija. Nedavni raziskovalni projekt je omogočil popolnoma novo ovrednotenje teh virov, pri čemer je bilo odkritih več unikatov (vključno s Sonato za violino GT 2.Bb13, Koncertom za violino GT 1.Bb13 in več sakral- nimi vokalnimi skladbami), ter ponovno preučitev nekaterih skladb z alternativnimi stavki oz. predelavami, pa tudi dveh instrumentalnih pasticciov. V tem kontekstu je posebna pozornost namenjena Violinskemu koncertu GT 1.A13, ki je ohranjen v rokopisnem zvezku iz knjižnice Ospedale della Pietà (zdaj v lasti Konservato- rija), s srednjim stavkom, ki ni ohranjen v nobenem drugem viru. Osredotočenost na tekstu- alno nestabilnost in formalne spremembe je omogočila tudi pregled nekaterih avtografskih partitur in pričevanj iz Tartinijevega kroga, pa tudi osvetlitev posamičnih, spremenjenih in nadomestnih stavkov. Federico Lanzellotti: Tartini’s Music in Venice 91 Raziskava se je razširila na dva zanimiva primera pasticcio sonat, ki vsebujeta Tartinijeve stavke. Pasticcio sonata v Fondo Correr (Busta 71.8) združuje stavke iz drugih violinskih sonat in iz violinskega koncerta piranskega mojstra, medtem ko Sonata GT 2.G16 iz zbirke Contarini v Marciani (It. IV, 475 (=9999)) združuje tri stavke iz treh različnih sonat, ki so bili rahlo ali znatno preoblikovani, da so bili povezani v novo kompozicijo. Ti primeri ne od- ražajo le Tartinijevega zanimanja za izposojanje in ponovno uporabo lastne glasbe – pogosto predelane ali prepisane za nov instrumentalni kontekst –, ampak tudi procese sprejemanja, ki narekujejo ponovno oceno vloge glasbenikov in prepisovalcev, povezanih s skladateljem in njegovim krogom. Zaključne ugotovitve ponujajo razmišljanja o tem, kako te smeri raziskovanja oblikujejo so- dobne izvedbene prakse. Njihov cilj je spodbuditi nadaljnje raziskave učenjakov in glasbenikov, ki se ukvarjajo s ponovnim odkrivanjem glasbe Giuseppeja Tartinija in njegovih sodobnikov. ABOUT THE AUTHOR FEDERICO LANZELLOTTI (federico.lanzellotti@unibas.ch) is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Basel. After completing his PhD at the universities of Bologna and Ma- drid, he became a research fellow at the University of Padua and the Venice Conservatory. He is currently editing volumes for the opera omnia of Giovanni Bononcini (Fondazione Arcadia) and Giuseppe Tartini (Bärenreiter), and he is also a contributor to DEUMM online. His primary research interests are in Philology and Dramaturgy of Music, particularly in seventeenth and eighteenth-century repertoire, but also in Contemporary Music. O AVTORJU FEDERICO LANZELLOTTI (federico.lanzellotti@unibas.ch) je podoktorski raziskovalec na Univerzi v Baslu. Po zaključku doktorata na univerzah v Bologni in Madridu je postal raziskovalni sodelavec na Univerzi v Padovi in Konservatoriju v Benetkah. Trenutno ureja zvezke za opera omnia Giovannija Bononcinija (Fondazione Arcadia) in Giuseppeja Tartinija (Bärenreiter), prav tako pa sodeluje pri DEUMM online. Njegovi glavni raziskovalni področji sta filologija in dramaturgija glasbe, zlasti v povezavi z repertoarjem 17. in 18. stoletja, pa tudi s sodobno glasbo. 93 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.93-119 UDK: 78.082.2Tartini G.:78.088Meneghini G. Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas: From Private Entertainment to Genre Paradigm Agnese Pavanello University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland Basel Academy of Music Schola Cantorum Basiliensis ABSTRACT This article examines Giulio Meneghini’s reworking of six sonatas from Tartini’s Opus 1 into concertoni for four parts, performable as concerti grossi with soli and tutti. It explores the origins, dating and features of these arrangements, offering insight into the dissemination of Tartini’s music among learned amateurs and its connections to eighteenth-century per- formance practice and aesthetics. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, Giulio Meneghini, instrumental reworkings, eighteenth-cen- tury Paduan musical academies IZVLEČEK Članek preučuje Meneghinijevo predelavo šestih sonat iz Tartinijevega Opusa 1 v v štiriglasne skladbe Concertoni, ki se lahko izvajajo kot concerti grossi s soli in tutti. Raziskuje izvor, datiranje in značilnosti teh priredb ter ponuja vpogled v širjenje Tartinijeve glasbe med izobraženimi amaterji ter njene povezave z izvajalsko prakso in estetiko 18. stoletja. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, Giulio Meneghini, instrumentalne predelave, glasbene akademije v Padovi v 18. stoletju muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 94 The name of the violinist Giulio Meneghini (1741–1824) is inextrica- bly linked to that of his illustrious teacher, Giuseppe Tartini (1692–1770), whom he succeeded as head of the orchestra of the Basilica of St Anthony in Padua (known as the Basilica del Santo) after having served the church first as a supernumerary violinist (from 1756) and then as a salaried instru- mentalist from 1761.1 Little is known about this musician, who was “one of his best pupils” [“uno dei suoi allievi Migliori”], according to the resolution of the Veneranda Arca del Santo concerning his election in place of Tarti- ni.2 It was he who took on the task of organising and financing the “solemn mass in music” [“messa solenne in musica”] held in memory of the maestro after his death. During the ceremony on 31 March 1770, attended by “all the musicians and players of the Saint’s chapel with Maestro Vallotti at the head” [“tutti i musici e suonatori della cappella del Santo col padre maestro Vallotti alla testa”],3 Meneghini himself “played a concerto with great skill” [“suonò un conserto con molta maestria”], while at the end of the mass, the funeral oration for Tartini was recited by Francesco Fanzago (1749–1823).4 Giulio Meneghini was among the witnesses who signed Tartini’s will, dat- ed 18 February, together with Francesco Meneghini, probably his father.5 1 Jolanda Dalla Vecchia, L’organizzazione della Cappella Musicale Antoniana di Padova nel Settecento (Padova: Centro studi Antoniani, 1995), 78, 142–180. 2 Lucia Boscolo and Maddalena Pietribiasi, La cappella musicale antoniana di Padova nel secolo 18: Delibere della Veneranda Arca (Padova: Centro Studi Antoniani, 1997), 256. 3 Francesco Antonio Vallotti (1697–1780) was chapel master at the Basilica of St Anthony from 1730 until his death. On this important composer, see Leonardo Frasson, “Francescantonio Vallotti maestro di cappella nella basilica del Santo”, Il Santo 20, nos. 2-3 (1980): 179–356. 4 The celebration is reported in Giuseppe Gennari, Notizie giornaliere di quanto avvenne specialmente in Padova dall ’anno 1739 all ’anno 1800, ed. Loredana Olivato (Padova: Rebellato Editore, 1982), I, 59. The oration delivered by Abbot Francesco Fanzago was later printed: Francesco Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31 di marzo l ’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo (Padova: Conzatti, 1770). The publication also includes the “Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Tartini”, which provides invaluable first-hand information on the violinist’s biography. The sources on which this compendium is based have been identified and reconstructed in Pierluigi Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche (Wien: Universal Edition, 1968). 5 On Tartini’s will, see Claudio Bellinati, “Contributo alla biografia padovana di Giuseppe Tartini con nuovi documenti”, in Tartini, il tempo e le opere, eds. Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Massato (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), 23–35, in particular 29–32. In addition to Francesco and Giulio Meneghini, witnesses called by Tartini for his will, an “Alvise Meneghini” is mentioned together with Marc’Antonio Fanzago as a witness for the opening of the will on 26 February in the office of the vicar of the Venetian Republic (Bellinati, “Contributo alla biografia padovana di Giuseppe Tartini con nuovi documenti”, 29), but there is no other information on this. From the post-Napoleonic population index, the following data are found: “Meneghini Giulio known as ‘Tromba’, son of the late Francesco and the late Marianna Greato, born on 12 May 1741, died on 29 November 1824, violin professor, with residence at Borgo Vignali No. 3379” [“Meneghini Giulio detto ‘Tromba’, del fu Francesco e fu Marianna Greato, nato il 12 maggio 1741, morto il 29 novembre 1824, professore di violino, residente in borgo Vignali al n. 3379”]. In: Anagrafe Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 95 This circumstance suggests a personal connection between his family and the maestro from Piran, an aspect that remains unexplored to this day. Me- neghini remained active at the Santo and in Padua for many decades until his retirement, preserving the memory of his teacher and performing his music on major feast days celebrated in the basilica.6 Meneghini must have been a highly skilled musician if, at a young age, he was already replacing the aging Tartini in functions at the Basilica of Saint Anthony, well before his official appointment as Tartini’s successor after the latter’s death in 1770. During his long life, Giulio must have accumulated a wealth of diverse musical experiences, witnessing the changes in taste and style that marked the decades of his maturity. Over his extended period of service, he saw the turn of the century and the political upheavals that led to the fall of the Venetian Republic and the subsequent French and later Austrian rule. Following the French occupation in April 1797, it was he who handed over to the appointed commissioner the manuscripts of Tartini’s music, which are now preserved in the Conservatory collection of the National Library in Par- is.7 Among them were his own copies of the maestro’s concertos and sonatas, which he had preserved with devotion and revived in various performances. In 1805, he was living in the parish of San Giorgio, in contrada Vignali (now via G. Galilei), with his young wife, Virginia Margherita Zaramella, their five children and a maid.8 According to an account from 1807, Giulio Meneghini owned “a famous violin that had once belonged to Tartini and had been played by him, as well as several autograph sonatas and even his original death mask”.9 The information we have about Meneghini remains closely tied to his maestro, Tartini. However, contemporary documents suggest that, through his role at the Basilica del Santo, he earned the respect of his colleagues and secured a place in the musical life of late eighteenth-century Padua. In 1783, postnapoleonica 1816–1833, Ruolo di popolazione: Indici, reg. 11 (olim: Nati, morti 1711–1836, reg. 11), Index of the letter M: Me-Mu. I would like to thank the staff of the State Archives of Padua for the information kindly provided and in particular Dr Cristina Roberta Tommasi. 6 See Pierpaolo Polzonetti, “Tartini and the Tongue of Saint Anthony”, Journal of the American Musicological Society 67, no. 2 (2014): 429–486. 7 Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 76. On the Tartini manuscripts in Paris, see François-Pierre Goy, “Tartinian Sources in the Collections of the Bibliothèque nationale de France”, in Giuseppe Tartini: European Paths, Networks, Legacy, ed. Cristina Scuderi (forthcoming). 8 Anagrafi, Stato civile, Ufficio di sanità/d’igiene, Anagrafe napoleonica 1811–1815, Ruolo di popolazione per parrocchie, reg. 3 (olim Censimenti e anagrafi, reg. 47), “Ruolo della popolazione della città di Padova”, III tomo, c. 73. 9 “un celebre violino appartenente ad un tempo al Tartini, e da esso lui maneggiato, del pari che diverse autografe suonate, e la maschera pure originale del medesimo”. Antonio Neumayr, Illustrazione del Prato della Valle ossia della piazza delle statue di Padova (Padova: Seminario di Padova, 1807), 141. Concerning Tartini’s relics, see [Paolo Da Col], “I cimeli tartiniani della Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Trieste”, https://www.discovertartini.eu/tartini/cimeli (accessed March 2025), based on Paolo Da Col, Antonino Airenti and Federico Lowenberger, “The Tartini Violin Relics”, The Galpin Society Journal 64 (2011): 248–261. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 96 together with Agostino Ricci, chapel master at St Anthony, he was asked to give an expert opinion on several violins made or modified by Antonio Baga- tella (1716–1806). In addition to providing two of his own violins for com- parison, he was asked to play the instruments and testify to the effectiveness of Bagatella’s method of transforming ordinary violins into quality instru- ments.10 A brief biography included in a mid-nineteenth-century publica- tion on Paduan artists described Meneghini as a “profound theoretician and equally skilled teacher” [“profondo teoretico, e non men valente istruttore”].11 Although the precise meaning of “profound theoretician” remains unclear to us today – given that no known writings or compositions have survived under his name – the reference to his pedagogical role suggests that, in ad- dition to his duties at the Basilica of St Anthony, he was actively engaged in recognised teaching activities within the city. His only certain contribution as a composer is once again linked to Tartini and dates back to his early years. Under his name, we find four-part transcriptions of six sonatas from Tartini’s Opus 1.12 These arrangements for ensemble, known as Concertoni, trans- form Tartini’s original sonatas for violin and bass into multi-part settings. The present study specifically focuses on this work of Meneghini, offering an examination of these adaptations and providing the first analysis of the autograph manuscript. The following sections aim to outline the historical context in which the Concertoni originated, drawing on contemporary accounts that have come down to us. We will then turn to Meneghini’s surviving score, exploring his dual role as arranger and composer. This analysis raises key questions about his compositional approach, the choices he made, and how these should be under- stood. At the same time, it invites us to reflect on the reception in the Venetian sphere of a musical genre that had taken shape in different contexts. 10 See Antonio Bagatella, Regole per la costruzione de’ violini, viole, violoncelli e violoni: Memoria presentata all ’ Accademia di scienze, lettere ed arti di Padova (Padova: “A spese dell’Accademia”, 1786), 7–10, 23. 11 Napoleone Pietrucci, Biografia degli artisti padovani (Padova: Bianchi, 1858; facsimile edition Bologna: Forni, 1970), 186. 12 Giuseppe Tartini, Sonate a violino e violoncello o cimbalo: Dedicate a Sua Eccellenza il Signor Girolamo Ascanio Giustiniani; opera prima (Amsterdam: Le Cene, 1734, RISM A/1 T 0241). See the next section for details of Meneghini’s arrangements. The only other music attributed to “Meneghini” is the aria “Giusto cielo a questo core”, preserved in Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, Sanv.A.174, in SBN OPAC, IT\ICCU\MSM\0000210 (https://opac.sbn.it/), also available on https://www. internetculturale.it/. However, the manuscript does not report the first name, only the reference to the “celebre Sig.r maestro Meneghini”, suggesting that it may be another composer.. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 97 Meneghini’s Concertoni: Origin and Destination Preserved in a single source in the library of the Fondazione Levi in Venice,13 the score containing Meneghini’s transcriptions from Tartini’s Opus I has a title page that already provides the reader with some precise information: Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini tradotte in Concertoni a quatro parti reali per Accademia da Giulio Meneghini [The First Six Sonatas of Tartini’s Opus 1 Transformed Into Four-Part Real Concertoni for Accademy by Giulio Meneghini]. This inscription not only makes it clear that Meneghini was the arranger of the selected sonatas but also specifies that the transformation of the sonatas into four-part Concertoni was intended for use in an “Academia”. Whether Meneghini had a specific academy in mind, or whether he meant “Academia” as a general reference, is not clear from the score. However, some valuable in- formation about the genesis of these arrangements is known, particularly from Pierluigi Petrobelli’s studies of biographical sources on Tartini.14 In the memoirs of Abbot Vincenzo Rota (1703–1785) published in 1798 by Abbot Francesco Fanzago, among various quotations from Rota’s writings, we find a reference to “the worthy Giulietto” [“valoroso Giulietto”] precisely in rela- tion to the “Concertoni” created at the time of this account.15 Vincenzo Rota, a prominent figure in Padua’s cultural life and a man of many artistic and literary talents, had in fact dedicated himself to arranging Tartini’s three- and four-part concertos to be performed in the academy he had founded, an “assembly of phil- harmonic musicians” [“assemblea di Filarmonici”] to which Rota had given the name Accademy of the Undaunted [Accademia degli Imperterriti]. Seeking to revive the customs of the past in this academy, Rota had provided it with statutes and rules for the aggregates for the smooth running of such gatherings, and had endeavoured to collect repertoire for it.16 According to Fanzago, Rota was an excellent violin player who exercised his musical interest out of passion. In 13 Giulio Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini tradotte in Concertoni a quatro parti reali per Accademia, MS, Venezia: Fondazione Levi, I-VLevi CF.A.10, https:// levidata.fondazionelevi.it/mirador/mirador.html?manifest-url=https://media.fondazionelevi.it/ presentation/fondazionelevixDamsHist001-DL/66ec304ae4b00bc791612534/manifest. 14 Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 81–91, 96–99. 15 Francesco Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano (Padova: Carlo Conzatti, 1798),15. 16 “I will always make new acquisitions for our academy ... I want us to enrich it with all the flowers the world has to offer” [“Andrò facendo sempre nuovi acquisti per la nostra Accademia … voglio che la arricchiamo di qualunque fiori al mondo”], Fanzago writes, quoting Rota, and he continues: “To this end, he searched all day long, with eager curiosity, for the most well-conducted duets, trios and symphonies, and tirelessly copied the most beautiful pieces by Pergolesi, Corelli and, above all, Tartini, which were then performed with exact accuracy by the aggregates in their ordinary sessions” [“A tal oggetto cercava tutto il dì con diligente curiosità i Duetti, i Trii le sinfonie più ben condotte, e copiava infaticabilmente i pezzi bellissimi del Pergolesi, del Corelli, e sopra ogni altro del Tartini, che poi con esatta accuratezza venivano eseguiti dagli Aggregati nelle loro ordinarie sessioni”.] See Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 13. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 98 addition to the violin, he mastered various instruments, including the flute and the violetta. Rota owned quality violins by Amati and Steiner, and also cultivated music-theoretical interests. The memoirs mention his long conversations with both Francesco Antonio Vallotti, the maestro of the Antoniana chapel, and with Tartini, with whom Rota “spent whole days conversing” [“conversava le intere giornate”], thus recording their friendship.17 Fanzago’s quotations from Rota’s writings clearly document the fact that Rota was a promoter of chamber mu- sic arrangements of Tartini’s concertos, the so-called “metamorfosi legittime, e fedelissime”, the realisation of which occupied Rota between 1763 and 1764.18 Rota’s memoirs explicitly mention the first and second “duodeca” [dozen] of the “trifonie” [three-part pieces] that he had worked on, making improve- ments in subsequent revisions, and which he had rehearsed in his own house and other noble houses. However, we know from Fanzago’s “Compendio” of Tartini’s life and from the autobiography of Abbot Antonio Bonaventura Sberti (1731–1816) that Rota had completed a third series, a total of 36 “meta- morfosi”, which Tartini himself had approved with satisfaction. Sberti, also an excellent violinist, and Count Nicola Mussatti (1733–1805), an accomplished cellist, were members of the Accademy of the Undaunted, and much of the repertoire that Rota collected and adapted, including the metamorphoses, must have been intended for their trio. In his autobiographical memoirs, Sberti adds various details about his “inseparable friends” and musical companions Rota and Mussatti, and about the music they owned and performed in their academies, highlighting his role in the musical activities of the Undaunted and Tartini circles. This memoir also mentions 36 transcriptions of music from Tartini’s concertos, made by Rota “to please our Sberti” [“per compiacere il nostro Sberti”], stating that Sberti had given these pieces to Marc’Antonio Lenguazza in 1802.19 The information provided here coincides with that suc- cinctly mentioned in the “Compendio” published with Fanzago’s oration.20 Let us return to the Giulietto mentioned by Rota in connection with the Concertoni being prepared for the Accademy of the Undaunted. The identifica- tion of Giulietto as Giulio Meneghini, which is not given by the quoted text, is 17 Ibid.,14. 18 “Legitimate, and faithful metamorphoses”: this title suggests an intention to remain extremely faithful to Tartini’s original sonatas. 19 Sberti’s memoirs (Memorie intorno all ’Abate Antonio Bonaventura Sberti Padovano, scritta da lui medesimo, in Novemebre 1814) are preserved in the Biblioteca Civica di Padova under the shelfmark B.P 1479/V. See the transcription and discussion concerning the Undaunted in Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 81–91, 96–99. Marc’Antonio Lenguazza (18th–19th centuries) was president of the Veneranda Arca of St Anthony from 1804 to 1809 (https://archivioarcadelsanto. org/persona/lenguazza-lenguazi-lenguazzo/marcantonio-presidente-dellarca-1804-1809/). 20 “Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Tartini” in Francesco Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31 di marzo l ’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo (Padova: Conzatti, 1770), 48. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 99 made incontrovertible by a footnote at the end of Rota’s memoirs, which con- firms the participation of Tartini’s pupil in the musical activities of the academy.21 This testimony allows us to place the Concertoni arranged by Meneghini in the context of the activities of Rota and his companions. Rota’s words, quoted by Fanzago, also suggest that Meneghini’s work on the transcriptions was prompted by Rota himself, 22 thus documenting a direct and close relationship between the young violinist and the circle of men of letters and aristocrats led by Rota and Sberti, which must have been strengthened by Meneghini’s frequent contact with his teacher Tartini. The diminutive “Giulietto”, used for the young violin- ist in a flattering and even affectionate tone, seems to remove all doubt as to whether there was a customary relationship between Meneghini and Rota that favoured collaboration in the creation of repertoire for the academy. On the basis of this evidence, we can conclude that Meneghini wrote his Concertoni for the same context as the aforementioned “metamorfosi”, and in the same period or years, close to those indicated for their composition and performance.23 One wonders, however, whether the six extant Concertoni are exactly the same as those mentioned by Rota. In principle, Meneghini could have been involved in several arrangements of Tartini’s music, perhaps even at different times in his musical career. Moreover, given Rota’s preference for sets of twelve and his expressed wish that Meneghini should continue his work in order to complete the series, one might wonder whether the Concertoni origi- nally numbered twelve, and thus whether the extant works represent only part of the series, or even whether they might be other arrangements. Alternatively, Meneghini may have discontinued his work on the series. To raise doubts and explore various possible scenarios is both legitimate and necessary. However, given the precision of the references, the terminology used and the information provided by the title page of the score in Meneghini’s hand 21 Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 23–24. 22 This can be deduced from Rota’s wording quoted by Fanzago: “Now I console myself and am delighted that my example has moved others to make Tartini’s works tractable and common. May my valiant Giulietto (23) follow this undertaking, nor will he tire of it until there are at least twelve concertos. He will be applauded, as well as benefited, by the entire ‘alitarmonic’ world (the terminus “alitarmonico” is not clear).” [“Ora mi consolo e mi compiaccio fuor di modo che il mio esempio abbia mosso altri a rendere trattabili, e comuni le opere Tartiniane. Seguiti l’impresa in mio valoroso Giulietto (23 [reference to the endnote]), né si stanchi finchè non sono i concertoni almeno dodici. Ne avrà plauso, oltre il vantaggio, da tutto il mondo alitamornico.”] See Fanzago, Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota padovano, 15. 23 On the “metamorfosi” and the publication by Wecker in England derived from Rota’s arrangement work, see the contribution by Juan Mariano Porta in this issue ( Juan Mariano Porta, “Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? The Case of the Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini”, Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 43–62; moreover, the contribution “Intorno ai Six Concertos in Four Parts of Giuseppe Tartini” by the same author is available on https://www.discovertartini.eu/ ( Juan Mariano Porta, “Intorno ai Six Concertos in Four Parts di Giuseppe Tartini”, Discover Tartini (Trieste: Conservatorio di Musica “Giuseppe Tartini”, [s. a.]), https://www.discovertartini.eu/upload/ allegati/853NzOfJpoWK.pdf ). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 100 – forming a coherent set of coinciding data – it seems logical and convincing to identify the remaining Concertoni with the transcriptions mentioned by Rota, which originated in the context of the Imperterriti’s activities in 1763 and 1764. The material composition of the surviving score does, however, invite fur- ther analysis. Does it support dating the work to that period? Another aspect worth considering is the origin of the idea to transform sonatas for violin and bass into multi-part compositions, a concept distinct from, yet complemen- tary to, Rota’s methods of ‘reducing’ orchestral works for chamber ensembles. Whether Meneghini extended Rota’s approach or was influenced by other fac- tors remains an open question. Equally uncertain is Tartini’s role in this initia- tive: if we assume that the Concertoni were created while he was still alive in the 1760s, to what extent did he support or endorse them? Despite the existing evidence of Meneghini’s contributions to the Con- certoni for Rota’s academy, many questions arise regarding the motivations behind these works and their broader implications. The Autograph of the Concertoni: Chronology and Characteristics The only known source for the Concertoni to date is Meneghini’s autograph manuscript, written in the composer’s own hand.24 In the inscription on the title page, however, he omitted both the date of composition and the date of comple- tion of the copying process, leaving the precise dating uncertain. The manuscript is in oblong quarto format and consists of 17 numbered gatherings (with two leaves cut in the second and the last gatherings, the latter being incomplete), comprising a total of 132 pages with original pagination, lined with 10 staves. The page dimensions vary slightly from gathering to gathering, and the pa- per is not entirely uniform.25 Two main types of paper can be distinguished, characterised by different coloration, ruling, page border and text block. The first seven gatherings feature a ruling of ten lines, ending with a vertical line in light brown. The ruling here is wider than that found in the following gath- erings (8–12, pp. 57–96), where no vertical borders appear. In these gather- ings, the paper is lighter in colour and the ruling narrower (around 0.8 or 0.8/9 less than 0.9). The following pages (97–132) are again on darker paper with a larger ruling, featuring a vertical border for the text block. In gatherings 1–6 and 11–13, the watermark with three crescent moons and the countermark of a six-pointed falling star and the letters FF is clearly visible. In gatherings 9–10 and 16–17, a different watermark with crescent moons and a five-pointed fall- ing star in a more central position, with the letters FF (the first F mirrored), is 24 Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini [...], MS, CF.A.10. 25 On the OPAC SNB catalogue card, the given measurements are 22.2/5 x 32-32.5; however, gathering 10, for example, has a width of 31.4. The differences in dimensions between one gathering and the next are in some cases more than half a centimetre. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 101 recognisable.26 In gathering 7, the watermark is different, most likely a fleur-de- lis with the letters P A, while the letters A C distinguish the final endpapers. Figure 1: Opening of Concertone 1.27 Analysis of the paper reveals that nearly all of the leaves forming the gatherings and the notebook originated from the paper mill of Francesco Fondrieschi in Toscolano, located in the Salò district. This mill supplied the Venetian market as well as other areas connected through its exchange and supply networks.28 The paper type featuring crescent moons, a six-pointed falling star and two letters F in the same position corresponds to paper dated 1762–1765,29 while the paper bearing the mirrored F aligns with paper production from around 1764–1765.30 26 Gatherings 11 and 12 have the same paper, but the countermark and letters are barely visible. 27 Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini [...], MS, CF.A.10, 1. 28 See Ivo Mattozzi, “Il distretto cartario dello Stato veneziano: Lavoro e produzione nella Valle del Toscolano dal XIV al XVIII secolo”, in Cartai e stampatori a Toscolano: Vicende, uomini, paesaggi di una tradizione produttiva, ed. Carlo Simoni (Brescia: Grafo Edizioni, 1995), 23–65; Ivo Mattozzi, “Le filigrane e la questione della qualità della carta nella Repubblica Veneta della fine del ’700: Con un catalogo di marchi di filigrane dal 1767 al 1797”, in Produzione e uso delle carte filigranate in Europa (secoli XIII–XX), ed. Giancarlo Castagnari (Fabriano: Pia Università dei Cartai, 1996), 309–339. 29 For an accessible reference, see the watermark catalogue produced as part of a recent study of manuscripts held in Vienna from the period 1760–1775, particularly the paper classified under the symbol P65. “Papers: P65”, Paper and Copyists in Viennese Opera Scores (last edited January 30, 2025), accessed February 2, 2025, https://www.mdw.ac.at/imi/ctmv/ctmv.php?wz=P65. 30 “Papers: P87”, Paper and Copyists in Viennese Opera Scores (last edited January 30, 2025), accessed February 2, 2025, https://www.mdw.ac.at/imi/ctmv/ctmv.php?wz=P87. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 102 The fact that these watermarks can be dated with considerable precision al- lows for the establishment of a chronological reference for the paper used in the manuscript of the Concertoni, providing an additional data point for narrowing down the period of composition of Meneghini’s arrangements. Indeed, since the paper production occurred close to the date provided by Rota for his Tartini transcriptions, the identification of these Concertoni with those mentioned in the memoirs is strongly supported. It thus seems that Meneghini may have be- come “tired” (to use Rota’s own word) of continuing with the transcription work before completing the twelve concertos that Rota had hoped for, although it cannot be entirely ruled out that other, now lost, Concertoni may have existed. At first glance, the manuscript appears to be a fine, neat copy, suggest- ing the work of a copyist rather than an autograph. This impression stems from Meneghini’s handwriting, which is very clear and orderly, here further accentuated by the use of very dark, intense ink. Meneghini’s hand is recognis- able in numerous sources of Tartini’s music and exhibits similar characteristics in this autograph. Upon closer inspection, however, various corrections reveal revisions and changes within the text. The most obvious modification is the crossing out of a page containing the finale of Concerto 2; specifically, the right-hand page is struck through, while the accepted version of the finale ap- pears on the left-hand page. Figure 2a: Revised final bars of Concertone 2.31 31 Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini [...], MS, CF.A.10, 48. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 103 Figure 2b: Discarded final bars of Concertone 2.32 What happened here? In the revised version on the right, the violin parts are reversed and the last three measures of the bass are an octave lower. These changes suggest that Meneghini reconsidered the distribution of melodic material between the parts and the register choices at certain points. How- ever, the presence of the cancelled page containing the concerto’s finale, which reveals the process of rewriting, also indicates that Meneghini replaced the manuscript’s initial gatherings with a revised copy of the concertos. It can be assumed that the necessary corrections were substantial enough to warrant rewriting entire pages. This, in turn, implies that the concertos were originally copied into a pre-prepared notebook or gatherings bound together from sheets of different paper stocks. Further supporting this hypothesis is the original numbering of the gather- ings, which was later altered: the current gathering 7 was originally numbered 4, gathering 8 was 5, and so forth, up to gathering 17, which was initially numbered 14. Notably, the eliminated page (p. 49) corresponds to the beginning of gather- ing 7 and represents the only instance in the manuscript where the paper bears the aforementioned watermark featuring the fleur-de-lis, which is distinct from the two predominant types found throughout the rest of the manuscript. Although it is unclear how Meneghini initially worked to create his tran- scriptions, the copying of the first two concertos undoubtedly reflects a process 32 Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini [...], MS, CF.A.10, 49. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 104 of elaboration and revision of the compositions. The addition of small hand- written staff line segments in the margins of certain pages, such as on pp. 102–103, 113 and 122, suggests that Meneghini was copying from a previous working score, using it as a reference for the transcription.33 Even in this new score, however, other traces of changes and revisions re- main. In several places, corrections in the form of erasures are evident. For example, in Concerto 1 (p. 12), Meneghini initially assigned the quaver and semiquaver figurations to the second violins, only later revising the distribu- tion by assigning these figures to the first violins and the supporting notes to the second violins. Similarly, in the opening movement of Concerto 4 (p. 72), extensive erasures document the redistribution of melodic material between the parts, particularly highlighting the first violins at the expense of an initial idea aimed at balancing the roles of the first and second violins.34 In a score as orderly as the one preserved, this type of modification through erasures shows that the distribution of melodic material between the parts – particularly the definition of the roles of the violins – must have been a point of considerable reflection for Meneghini during his ‘translation’ work, leading him to recon- sider his decisions even at an advanced stage of the process. Some variants noted in very fine pen at certain points in the score are also of great interest. At the end of the first “Allegro” of Concertone no. 2 on p. 36, there is a variant for the viola part introducing quavers and syncopation. The same fine pen shows this variant being discarded, as on p. 40, which also refers to the viola part (here altered in the score), although this is not the case for the variant on p. 104. Overall, these variants testify to options or corrections, indicating further revisions. The question that arises is how to interpret them. In fact, these variant entries are not immediately identifiable as Meneghini’s handwriting due to the fine stroke, which was likely intended to make them almost invisible to the eye. Due to these characteristics, which make them resemble a kind of draft, they could potentially be seen as inter- ventions by any hand, including Meneghini’s. While it is not at all clear by whom these modifications were made, we might speculate that they could date back to Rota himself and be seen as his suggestions or ‘corrections’. This possibility is further supported by the testimony provided by the abbot in his memoirs, in which he mentions having repeatedly refined his own transcriptions. 33 In fact, this idea would explain these extensions, which would otherwise be hard to justify. 34 As a consequence of the change, he also had to move the tutti indication further to the right in the first violins. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 105 Figure 3: Concertone 2, “Allegro”, with an annotated variant.35 Despite the uncertainty surrounding the author of the fine-pen variants, the corrections and variants suggest that behind a score that appears rather clean and orderly, there lies a process of transcription and reworking marked by re- visions and reformulations, thus revealing a more complex genesis of these works, of which only a few traces remain. Meneghini and His ‘Translation’ Work of the Sonatas into Concertos Considering the fact that Meneghini had a specific task in arranging the sona- tas from Tartini’s Opus 1 for a four-part orchestral texture, it is important to reflect on his compositional contribution and the question of where the chal- lenge or difficulty lay in transforming the sonatas into concertos. Additionally, one must consider why precisely these sonatas from Opus 1, already published 30 years earlier, were chosen for orchestral arrangement, rather than, for exam- ple, more recent and stylistically current sonatas. The transcribed sonatas are formally characterised by a structure that fol- lows the seventeenth-century sonata da chiesa model, featuring a slow introduc- tion (adagio, grave, or largo), followed by a second movement in allegro with a fugato exposition, a slow movement or section and a lively final movement. Stylistically, these works are marked by extensive use of polyphonic writing. 35 Meneghini, Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini [...], MS, CF.A.10, 36. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 106 The contrapuntal conception of the writing is evident in the melodic treatment of the violin, with frequent use of double stops that create two intersecting me- lodic lines for long stretches. Meanwhile, the bass part is assigned a rich me- lodic line complementary to the higher part. The compositional style of these pieces stands out for its use of imitative elements, recurring rhythmic patterns and a vigorous harmonic rhythm from the bass, which is in constant motion. Tartini’s creative approach is firmly rooted in the instrumental practice of the previous generation, drawing upon the model of the Corellian sonata da chiesa. These structural peculiarities – and in particular the rich harmonic frame- work condensed in the two parts of the sonatas – were well suited to the elabo- ration of these sonatas into a four-part real arrangement and were probably the reason behind the selection of material for transcription made by Meneghini or a possible commissioner (Rota or others). At the same time, the specification on the title page of “for four real parts”, referring to the contrapuntal parts, indi- cates the minimum number of performers required for these transcriptions. Me- neghini nonetheless expanded the ensemble to include ripieno parts alongside the obligatory parts. The score in fact features seven instrumental systems, with first and second violin ripieno parts and a bass or harpsichord part. The indica- tions of soli and tutti in the score, which regulate the instrumental interventions, show that the Concertoni were conceived as music that, while performable with real parts, could be enriched to achieve an orchestral dimension, with a larger ensemble alternating between soli and tutti (Example 1).36 In arranging the melodic-harmonic material for a four-part ensemble, Me- neghini had to consider both the criteria for redistributing Tartini’s original material across a greater number of parts and the enrichment of the melodic- harmonic texture with new material, as required by the expanded setting. The violetta part is entirely new, at times following the second violins and at other times serving as a complementary voice to the bass. In addition to employing parallel motion in thirds for motifs or passages, Meneghini introduced new material at various points to ensure a balanced texture among the parts – also with regard to their imitative interactions – and to achieve the intended ca- dential articulations. In the first “Allegro” of Concerto 1, for instance, the viola is tasked with presenting the subject, which in Tartini’s original was assigned to the bass an octave lower. The need to add an entry of the subject in the bass leads Meneghini to compose a new two-bar passage (bb. 7–9) that resolves on the tonic, to which he connects the subsequent progression entrusted to the soli in the ensemble arrangement (Example 2). 36 I would like to thank Juan Mariano Porta for sharing his transcriptions of Meneghini’s works with me and allowing me to use some excerpts. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 107 Example 1: Giulio Meneghini, Concertone 1, “Grave”, incipit, in comparison with Giuseppe Tartini’s Sonata Opus 1, no. 1, “Grave”, incipit. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 108 Example 2: Giulio Meneghini, Concertone 1, “Allegro”, incipit, in comparison with Giuseppe Tartini’s sonata Opus 1, no. 1, “Allegro”, incipit. In the concluding “Allegro assai” of Concerto 2, the violinist chose to modify the bass by shifting it from the tonic to the dominant, thus altering the tonal destination of the passage and consequently adjusting the upper parts melodi- cally (Example 3). In some sections, Meneghini simply decides to expand certain passages by adding a few bars. In the case of the final “Presto” of Concerto 1, after the fu- gato exposition, the first violins take up and develop material from the subject (Example 4). These paradigmatic examples are significant for understanding Meneghi- ni’s work. The analysis of his interventions reveals that these arrangements were not the result of a mere mechanical operation of redistributing the pre- existing material of Tartini’s sonatas, but involved a substantial composi- tional contribution from Meneghini himself. Although young at the time, he must have already had a good, or at least sufficient, level of compositional practice. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 109 Example 3: Giulio Meneghini, Concertone 2, “Allegro assai”: bar 7 transposed compared to the corresponding passage of Giuseppe Tartini’s sonata Opus 1, no. 2. Regarding the choices of instrumentation and the dynamic between soli and tutti, Meneghini followed the principle of alternating sound density according to the function of the musical phrases, favouring regular alternations between soli and tutti phrases, and assigning passages leading to the main cadence to the entire ensemble. In doing so, he adhered to the principles of orchestration and instrumental distribution typical of Arcangelo Corelli’s concerto grosso tradition, with obbligato and ad libitum parts (the ripieni or reinforcements). Meneghini conceived the intervention of the ripieni as an ‘added’ sonic thick- ening, implicitly maintaining its optional nature in the event of insufficient instrumental forces. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 110 Example 4: Giulio Meneghini, Concertone 1, “Presto”, bb. 16–20, added bars not included in the corresponding passage of Giuseppe Tartini’s Sonata Opus 1, no. 1. Towards the Idea of a Genre The analysis of the concertos thus reveals clear directions and offers insights into Meneghini’s choices. The style of Tartini’s sonatas, on the one hand, and Meneghi- ni’s arrangement and instrumentation choices, on the other, converge towards the compositional model represented by Corelli and his school. 37 The “translation” of violin sonatas into Concertoni closely aligns with a similar undertaking by Francesco Geminiani several decades earlier, in 1726 and 1729, when he pub- lished in England the orchestral versions of Corelli’s Op. 5 sonatas, arranged for 37 From Fanzago, we have testimony that Tartini looked to Corelli as a model. In the “Compendio”, Fanzago defined the violinist as an “accurate follower of the harmonic Corellian philosophy” [“accurato seguace dell’armonica filosofia Corelliana”]. He even went so far as to judge him superior “in the felicity of beautiful motifs, and in the always cantabile handling of the same” [“nella felicità de’ bei motivi, e nel maneggio sempre cantabile dei medesimi]. He then added that “by closely imitating nature, coupled with a deep knowledge of the art both in composing and performing, [Tartini] elevated the sound of the violin to such a degree of perfection that others will hardly dare to hope to reach it” [“ad una esatta imitazione della natura accoppiando una profonda cognizione dell’arte sì nel comporre, che nell’eseguire, [Tartini] elevò il suono del violino a tal grado di perfezione, che di raggiungerlo altri difficilmente potrà”]. See Fanzago, Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giuseppe Tartini […], 42. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 111 an ensemble with soli and tutti arrangement.38 Meneghini’s concertos share with this publication both the starting material – sonatas for violin and bass – and the choices of instrumentation and distribution into obbligato and ripieno roles. The concertos by Geminiani were reprinted several times after their initial publica- tion, indicating the interest that circles of amateurs and musicians had for this type of repertoire, most notably in England, especially London, where Geminiani worked from 1714 before relocating to Dublin in 1732. At the time, London had become a hub for musicians from Rome and the Corellian circle, who had moved there in search of new professional opportunities. Following the successful pub- lication and reception of Corelli’s Concerti grossi Op. 6, the city became a major centre for the printing and wide circulation of concerti grossi collections.39 One might wonder whether Meneghini was familiar with the works of Geminiani and the concerti grossi of the Corellian tradition, and whether these pieces were known and circulating in the Venetian region at the time. A letter from Tartini dated 1766, which has survived thanks to its citation by Fanzago in his posthumous tribute to Tartini in 1770, provides an enlight- ening testimony on this matter and is particularly significant in the case of Meneghini. In this letter, Tartini explained that he had received Geminiani’s transcriptions of Corelli’s Op. 5 into concerti grossi and was arranging for them to be copied for the recipient of the letter, who, as can be inferred from Tartini’s own words, had expressed a request for some modifications to the musical text.40 Although the recipient is not revealed, the epithets used by 38 Francesco Geminiani, Concerti grossi con due violini, viola, e violoncello di concertino obligati, e due altri violini, e basso di concerto gross: Composti delli sei soli della prima parte dell ’opera quinta d’Arcangelo Corelli (London: William Smith & John Barrett, [1726]) (RISM A/I C 3866). Three years later, the second part was published: Francesco Geminiani, Concerti grossi con due violini, viola e violoncello di concertino obligati, e due altri violini e basso di concerto grosso, quali contengono preludii, allemande, corrente, gigue, sarabande, gavotte, e follia composti della seconda parte del opera quinta d’Arcangelo Corelli per Francesco Geminiani (London: Nicolas Prevost [1729] (RISM A/I C 3875)). Several editions of these arrangements followed. For details, see Rudolf Rasch, “Work Two: The Corelli Concertos, Prima parte (1726)”, in The Thirty-One Works of Francesco Geminiani (2019), accessed March 2025, https://geminiani.sites.uu.nl/02-corelli-concertos- prima-parte-1726/; Rudolf Rasch, “Work Three: The Corelli Concertos, Seconda parte (1729)”, in The Thirty-One Works of Francesco Geminiani (2019), accessed March 2025, https://geminiani. sites.uu.nl/work-3-the-corelli-concertos-seconda-parte-1729/. 39 See Agnese Pavanello, Il ‘concerto grosso’ romano: Questioni di genere e nuove prospettive storiografiche (Tounhout: Brepols, 2006), 47–50. 40 The letter is reported by Fanzago at the end of the “Compendio della vita di Tartini”, 47, and is published in Giorgia Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini: Lettere e documenti / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents, vol. 1, transl. Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo (Trieste: Edizioni dell’Università di Trieste, 2020), 11: “Most illustrious and venerable lord master, I have received and delivered the second part of the Opus 5 by Corelli, transcribed into concertos by Geminiani, to the copyist, whom I had already paid for the copy of the first part. Regarding the variation that you do not like and wish to change, Your Most Illustrious Lordship forgive me, in hoc non laudo. Neither you, nor I, nor any of us can reasonably claim this liberty. It can be done by force, but it insults the composer; too many musical elements do not suit particular geniuses. You must agree with me that, for this reason, those who do not appreciate them have no authority muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 112 Tartini (“Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord” [“Illustrissimo signore padrone colendissimo”]), suggest that the letter was addressed to a noble amateur to whom Tartini was providing copies of music. This letter unequiv- ocally documents the reception of Geminiani’s collection within the Tartini circle during the years of Rota’s Academy.41 It is particularly valuable as it re- veals a specific interest within the Tartini circle for this type of arrangement, which would well justify the similar operation carried out by Meneghini on Tartini’s sonatas from Opus 1. In establishing a precise parallel with Meneghini’s Concertoni and the procedures chosen for their elaboration, the example of Geminiani becomes particularly relevant for interpreting the choices of Tartini’s pupil, providing a plausible answer to the question of what motivated him to select both those specific Tartini sonatas and that particular type of orchestration. The temporal proximity of the testimony provided by Tartini’s 1766 letter to the creation of Meneghini’s arrangements strengthens this connection and also suggests that Meneghini may have worked under the aegis of his master Tartini, or at least to alter them: they have the authority only to refuse them for their own use. But for you to accept the whole work, while rejecting that variation, and thus demanding it be changed in face of the entire excellent and approved work, this is a harsh word, at least in my ears. As a loyal servant, I share my opinion with you, and then you may do as you please. But on this matter, please write back to me and decide, because the copyist has received instructions from me not to continue the copy once he reaches that point, unless I inform him of what to do. I beg you to accept my deepest respects, and with all reverence, I submit, and confirm, Your Most Illustrious Lordship’s humble, devoted, and most obligated servant Giuseppe Tartini ⃒ Padua, February 23, 1766.”] [“Illustrissimo signore padrone colendissimo, ho ricevuta, e consegnata la seconda parte dell’Opera quinta del Corelli ridotta in concerti dal Geminiani, al copista da me già soddisfatto per la copia della prima. Circa la variazione che non le piace, e vuol cambiata, vostra signoria illustrissima mi perdoni, in hoc non laudo. Né ella, né io, né quanti siamo, possiamo ragionevolmente arrogarsi questa libertà. Si può per forza, ma ingiuriando il compositore; troppe sono le cose musicali che non incontrano i genj particolari. Ella deve accordarmi che non per questo chi non le gradisce ha autorità di cambiarle: ha bensì autorità di non volerle per proprio uso. Ma che a lei accomodi tutta l’opera: non accomodi quella variazione, e però la voglia cambiata a fronte di tutta l’opera ottima, e approvata, durus est sermo hic, almeno alle mie orecchie. Da buon servitore le dico il mio sentimento, e poi ella faccia pure quello che le par, e piace. Ma su questo punto mi rescriva, e decida, perché il copista da me ha ricevuto l’ordine di non proseguire la copia quando sia arrivato a quel segno, se prima non è da me avvisato di ciò che deve fare. La supplico de’ miei profondissimi rispetti a sua eccellenza padrona, e con tutto l’ossequio mi rassegno, e confermo di vostra signoria illustrissima umilissimo devotissimo obbligatissimo servitore Giuseppe Tartini ⃒ Padova li 23 Febbraio 1766.”] 41 A copy of Geminiani’s work is preserved in the Berkeley collection, the provenance of which from Tartini’s circles has long been established: US-BE, Ms It. 209 bears on the title page of the first violin part the inscription “Parte prima Opera Quinta del Sig.r Archangelo Corelli ridotta in Concerti a sette parti dal Sig.R Geminiani.” It was copied by Hand A, an as-yet unidentified scribe responsible for most of the copying work in the collection. The manuscript US-BE, Ms It 110 contains the second part of the collection (“Parte Seconda di Archangelo Corelli”), also copied by Hand A. See Vincent Duckles and Minnie Elmer, Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eighteenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music: In the University of California, Berkeley Music Library (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963 (reprint 2022)), 107–113. Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 113 with Tartini fully aware of the initiative, as in the case of Rota’s “metarmofosi”. Another testimony concerning Padre Vallotti reinforces the idea that inter- est within the Tartini circles in ensemble repertoire also focused on contrapun- tal solidity, and that the compositional style of the previous generation con- tinued to be of significance in this regard, alongside new stylistic approaches. In a letter to Vallotti written in May 1776 from Senigallia, Andrea Roberti degli Almeri (1730–?), a former pupil and friend of Tartini’s who had known Vallotti since his time in Padua, asked the maestro di cappella to compose a string quartet specifically for him and his friends, outlining the characteristics he wished for, particularly the inclusion of a “fuga”.42 In addition to documenting a specific commission for a composition and providing relevant details about it, this letter reveals a distinct interest in fugue writing within the chamber music context, which aligns with Meneghini’s choice to transcribe sonatas with fugato movements for ensemble. Degli Alm- eri’s letter thus suggests that a specific interest in fugue writing may have been a key factor in Meneghini’s decision to arrange the sonatas from the first part of Opus I. In an era when melodic cantability had shaped stylistic trends and the ‘galant’ taste, the inclusion of polyphonic movements in “à quattro” perfor- mances found renewed appreciation and valorisation, making this repertoire of transcriptions newly relevant and contemporary in a different way, resonating with stylistic preferences associated with chamber music performances. In Meneghini’s work, Geminiani’s transcriptions found a specific recep- tion on a formal level, providing a reference model for repertoire adaptations intended for use in academies, with flexible performance modes depending on the availability of performers (as was customary in the past for prints of concerti grossi). Through the nomenclature concertoni, Meneghini explicitly alluded to 42 Degli Almeri asked for a composition with specific features: “four parts, namely First and Second Violin, Viola, and Bass; if it were a fugue, I would appreciate it even more, provided that it remains strictly within the pure Diatonic Genre, never containing any sharps or flats. If it modulates to F fa ut, this should occur only before the arithmetic cadence; if to G sol re ut, only before the harmonic cadence, and similarly for the related minor scales. Your Reverence is the only one who can grant me this favor, which would be of eternal memory to me, and I wish to be its sole possessor, keeping it with me as a source of consolation for having such a composition. Do not be concerned if the melody does not correspond to the present one, which is mixed with the chromatic genre; that is not my intention. Rather, as I have stated, it should be in the pure ancient diatonic style.” [Quattro parti, cioè Primo, e Secondo violino, viola, e Basso, se poi fosse una fuga tanto più la gradirei, la quale stesse nel puro Genere Diatonico, senza mai alcun diesis né bemolle, perché se passa in Ffaut sia pur prima della Cadenza aritmetica, se in Gsolreut sia pur priva della Cadenza Armonica, e così delle Scale minori relative. V.ra Riv.za è il solo che mi può dare questa grazie, la quale a me sarà di eterna memoria, e desidero essere solo a possederla, per tenerla presso di me, e servirmi di consolazione l’avere simile produzione; non abbia scrupolo se la cantilena non si conferisce con la presente che è mista del genere Cromatico; ma questa non è la mia intenzione, ma come ho detto, sia del puro diatonico antico.”] See Frasson, “Francescantonio Vallotti maestro di cappella nella basilica del Santo”, 324–325. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 114 an orchestration in the style of Corelli’s concerti grossi,43 with a core of obbligato solo instruments and a ripieno group, intended for reinforcement and for cre- ating chiaroscuro effects in the density of sound, while it was also understood that the concertos were conceived to be performed by a string quartet alone, consisting of the four “real” parts. In conclusion, it is worth emphasising that Meneghini’s concertoni, com- positions that may seem peripheral in the context of Tartini studies, prove to be highly significant for understanding the spirit that animated musical and cultural interests in Paduan circles close to Tartini. As such, they acquire great importance in relation to the private, public and semi-public musical activities of the nobility and cultural aristocracy in the Veneto in the second half of the eighteenth century. By documenting the interest in Tartini’s music and its use in various contexts, these works reveal tastes and performance practices that have yet to be fully reconstructed from a broader documentary base. What comes through with absolute clarity, however, is the impact that the initia- tives of private patrons and admirers had on the reception of Tartini’s work as well as on the development of chamber instrumental genres in the eighteenth century. Ultimately, Meneghini’s concertoni became the expression of an idea or type of instrumental genre, shaped on the reception of Corelli’s concerti grossi, which, in its reformulation and specific fruition in private and chamber con- certs, found its own distinct, new canonisation. Bibliography Archivio di Stato di Padova. Anagrafe postnapoleonica 1816–1833, Ruolo di popolazione: Indi- ci, reg. 11 (olim: Nati, morti 1711–1836, reg. 11). [State Archive of Padua. Post-Napole- onic Registry 1816–1833, Population Roll: Indices, register 11 (formerly: Births and Deaths 1711–1836, register 11).] “Index of the letter M: Me–Mu.” Archivio di Stato di Padova. Anagrafi, Stato civile, Ufficio di sanità/d’igiene. Anagrafe napo- leonica 1811–1815, Ruolo di popolazione per parrocchie, reg. 3 (olim Censimenti e anagrafi, reg. 47). “Ruolo della popolazione della città di Padova.” III tomo. [State Archive of Padua, Civil Registries, Civil Status, Health/Hygiene Office. Napoleonic Registry 1811– 1815, Population Roll by Parish, register 3 (formerly: Censuses and Registries, register 47). “Population Roll of the City of Padua.” Vol. III.] 43 Concertone was a commonly used term at the time of Meneghini, replacing concerto grosso, as recorded, for example, by Pietro Lichtenthal, Dizionario e bibliografia della musica, vol. 1 (Milan: Fontana 1826), 184: CONCERTO: “In the past, the concerto was divided into Concerto grosso and Concerto da camera. In the first, more different instruments were heard, now together, now alternately with sections of the full orchestra; today this type is called Sinfonia concertata, or Concertone: in the second, a single artist performs in the main sections of the piece with orchestra accompaniment.” [“Anticamente si divise il Concerto in Concerto grosso, e Concerto da camera. Nel primo si facevano sentire più strumenti differenti, ora insieme, ora alternativamente coi passi della piena orchestra; al presente si dà a questa specie il nome di Sinfonia concertata, o Concertone: nel secondo un solo artista agisce ne’ periodi principali del pezzo con l’accompagnamento d’orchestra.”] Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 115 Bagatella, Antonio. Regole per la costruzione de’ violini, viole, violoncelli e violone: Memoria presentata all ’Accademia di scienze, lettere ed arti di Padova. Padova: “A spese dell’Acca- demia,” 1786. Bellinati, Claudio. “Contributo alla biografia padovana di Giuseppe Tartini con nuovi docu- menti.” In Tartini, il tempo e le opere, edited by Andrea Bombi and Maria Nevilla Mas- sato, 23–35. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994. Boscolo, Lucia, and Maddalena Pietribiasi. La cappella musicale antoniana di Padova nel secolo 18: Delibere della Veneranda Arca. Padova: Centro Studi Antoniani, 1997. Da Col, Paolo, Antonino Airenti, and Federico Lowenberger. “The Tartini Violin Relics.” The Galpin Society Journal 64 (2011): 248–261. [Da Col, Paolo]. “I cimeli tartiniani della Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Trieste.” Accessed December 2025. https://www.discovertartini.eu/main/pagina/6. Dalla Vecchia, Jolanda. L’organizzazione della Cappella Musicale Antoniana di Padova nel Settecento. Padova: Centro Studi Antoniani, 1995. Duckles, Vincent, and Minnie Elmer. Thematic Catalog of a Manuscript Collection of Eight- eenth-Century Italian Instrumental Music: In the University of California, Berkeley Music Library. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963 (reprint 2022). Fanzago, Francesco. Memorie intorno alla vita e agli ameni studj dell ’abate Vincenzo Rota pa- dovano. Padova: Carlo Conzatti, 1798. Fanzago, Francesco. Orazione del signor abate Francesco Fanzago padovano delle lodi di Giusep- pe Tartini recitata nella chiesa de’ RR. PP: Serviti in Padova li 31 di marzo l ’anno 1770; con varie note illustrata, e con un breve Compendio della vita del medesimo. Padova: Conzatti, 1770. Frasson, Leonardo. “Francescantonio Vallotti maestro di cappella nella basilica del Santo.” Il Santo 20, nos. 2-3 (1980): 179–356. Geminiani, Francesco. Concerti grossi con due violini, viola, e violoncello di concertino obligati, e due altri violini, e basso di concerto grosso: Composti delli sei soli della prima parte dell ’opera quinta d’Arcangelo Corelli. London: William Smith & John Barrett, [1726]), (RISM A/I C 3866). Geminiani, Francesco. Concerti grossi con due violini, viola e violoncello di concertino obligati, e due altri violini e basso di concerto grosso, quali contengono preludii, allemande, corrente, gigue, sarabande, gavotte, e follia composti della seconda parte del opera quinta d’Arcangelo Corelli. London: Nicolas Prevost, [1729], (RISM A/I C 3875). Gennari, Giuseppe. Notizie giornaliere di quanto avvenne specialmente in Padova dall ’anno 1739 all ’anno 1800, edited by Loredana Olivato. Padova: Rebellato Editore, 1982. Goy, François-Pierre. “Tartinian Sources in the Collections of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.” In Giuseppe Tartini: European Paths, Networks, Legacy, edited by Cristina Scuderi. Forthcoming. Lichtenthal, Pietro. Dizionario e bibliografia della musica. Milano: Fontana, 1826. Malagò, Giorgia, ed. Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents. 2 vols. Translated by Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo. Trieste: Edizioni dell’Università di Trieste, 2020. Mattozzi, Ivo. “Il distretto cartario dello Stato veneziano: Lavoro e produzione nella Val- le del Toscolano dal XIV al XVIII secolo.” In Cartai e stampatori a Toscolano: Vicende, uomini, paesaggi di una tradizione produttiva, edited by Carlo Simoni, 23–65. Brescia: Grafo Edizioni, 1995. Mattozzi, Ivo. “Le filigrane e la questione della qualità della carta nella Repubblica Ve- neta della fine del ’700: Con un catalogo di marchi di filigrane dal 1767 al 1797.” In muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 116 Produzione e uso delle carte filigranate in Europa (secoli XIII–XX), edited by Giancarlo Castagnari, 309–339. Fabriano: Pia Università dei Cartai, 1996. Meneghini, Giulio. Le prime sei Sonate della prima Opera del Tartini tradotte in Concertoni a quatro parti reali per Accademia. Venezia: Fondazione Levi, MS CF.A.10. https://levi- data.fondazionelevi.it/mirador/mirador.html?manifest-url=https://media.fondazione- levi.it/presentation/fondazionelevixDamsHist001-DL/66ec304ae4b00bc791612534/ manifest. Neumayr, Antonio. Illustrazione del Prato della Valle ossia della piazza delle statue di Padova. Padova: Seminario di Padova, 1807. Paper and Copyists in Viennese Opera Scores. Accessed February 2, 2025. https://www.mdw. ac.at/imi/ctmv/p_und_c/index.html. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21939/x9gthx. Pavanello, Agnese. Il ‘concerto grosso’ romano: Questioni di genere e nuove prospettive storiogra- fiche. Tounhout: Brepols, 2006. Petrobelli, Pierluigi. Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche. Wien: Universal Edition, 1968. Pietrucci, Napoleone. Biografia degli artisti padovani. Padova: Bianchi, 1858; facsimile edi- tion Bologna: Forni, 1970. Polzonetti, Pierpaolo. “Tartini and the Tongue of Saint Anthony.” Journal of the Ameri- can Musicological Society 67, no. 2 (2014): 429–486. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/ jams.2014.67.2.429 Porta, Juan Mariano. “Intorno ai Six Concertos in Four Parts of Giuseppe Tartini.” [2024.] Accessed November 2025. https://www.discovertartini.eu/main/pagina/19/ Cinque-studi-e-le-nuove-fonti?lang=it. Porta, Juan Mariano. “Metamorfosi legittime o fedelissime? The Case of the Six Concertos in Four Parts Dedicated to John O’Neill by Giuseppe Tartini.” Musicological Annual 61, no. 2 (2025): 43–62. Rasch, Rudolf. The Thirty-One Works of Francesco Geminiani (2019). Accessed March 2025. https://geminiani.sites.uu.nl/. Sberti, Antonio Bonaventura. Memorie intorno all ’Abate Antonio Bonaventura Sberti Padova- no, scritta da lui medesimo, in Novembre 1814. Padova: Biblioteca Civica, MS B.P 1479/V. Tartini, Giuseppe. Sonate a violino e violoncello o cimbalo: Dedicate a Sua Eccellenza il Si- gnor Girolamo Ascanio Giustiniani; opera prima. Amsterdam: Michel-Charles Le Cène, [1734], (RISM A/1 T 0241). SUMMARY This article investigates Giulio Meneghini’s reworking of six sonatas from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus 1 into four-part Concertoni, exploring their historical context, their compositional procedures and their significance for eighteenth-century musical practice in Padua. Giulio Meneghini (1741–1824), a prominent pupil of Tartini, succeeded his teacher as head of the orchestra at the Basilica of St Anthony in Padua, where he remained active for decades, preserving and performing Tartini’s music. Archival evidence, including Meneghini’s par- ticipation in Tartini’s funeral and his inheritance of manuscripts, suggests a close personal and professional connection between teacher and pupil. While biographical information is scarce, documents attest to Meneghini’s skill as a performer and his theoretical knowledge, as well as indicating his engagement in pedagogical activities. The article situates Meneghini’s Concertoni within the cultural and musical milieu of mid-eighteenth-century Padua, particularly the activities of Vincenzo Rota’s Accademy Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 117 of the Undaunted [Accademia degli Imperterriti]. Contemporary memoirs indicate that Meneghini, referred to affectionately as “Giulietto”, collaborated with Rota and his circle of amateurs and aristocrats in producing chamber arrangements of Tartini’s works. Evidence supports the identification of Meneghini’s extant Concertoni with these arrangements, likely originating around 1763–64. The only surviving source, Meneghini’s autograph manuscript housed at the Fondazione Levi in Venice, offers material and codicological evidence supporting this dating. Detailed analysis of paper types, watermarks and manuscript corrections demonstrates an extensive process of transcription and revision, including the redistribution of melodic material, real- location of instrumental roles and the addition of new passages. The manuscript reveals both the meticulousness of Meneghini’s copying and his substantial compositional contributions, including the creation of a viola part and the adaptation of bass lines to achieve harmonic and contrapuntal balance. Variants and corrections may suggest interaction with Rota or others, emphasising the collaborative nature of this “translation” work from sonata to concerto form. Musically, the Concertoni retain the structure of Tartini’s sonatas da chiesa, characterised by slow introductions, allegro fugato sections and contrapuntal richness, while being expanded into four-part textures with ripieno instrumentation. The alternation of soli and tutti passages, the enrichment of harmonic textures and the careful orchestration reflect Corellian princi- ples and the concerto grosso tradition, aligning Meneghini’s arrangements with the earlier endeavours of Francesco Geminiani in England. Notably, Tartini’s correspondence attests to awareness and reception of such arrangements within Venetian and Paduan circles, sugge- sting that Meneghini may have been consciously aligned with contemporary stylistic models. The article concludes that Meneghini’s Concertoni are not mere mechanical adaptations but demonstrate a significant compositional engagement, reflecting aspects of the musical cul- ture surrounding Tartini and his circle. The Concertoni shed light on the tastes of the Paduan aristocratic and intellectual circles engaged in private chamber music, and on the evolution of instrumental genres in the mid-eighteenth century. By documenting the orchestration, reception and performance practices associated with these arrangements, the present study positions Meneghini’s Concertoni as an important example of a genre paradigm, bridging the violin sonata tradition with the concerto grosso model and enriching our understanding of musical culture in Tartini’s milieu. POVZETEK Concertoni Giulija Meneghinija iz Sonat Opus 1 Giuseppeja Tartinija: od zasebnega razvedrila do paradigme zvrsti Članek preučuje Meneghinijevo predelavo šestih sonat iz Opusa 1 Giuseppeja Tartinija v štiriglasne skladbe Concertoni, pri čemer raziskuje njihov zgodovinski kontekst, kompozicijske postopke in pomen za glasbeno prakso 18. stoletja v Padovi. Giulio Meneghini (1741–1824), ugleden učenec Tartinija, je nasledil njegovo mesto vodje orkestra v baziliki sv. Antona v Padovi. Ostal je dejaven več desetletij in ohranjal ter izvajal Tartinijevo glasbo. Arhivski dokazi, vključno z Meneghinijevo udeležbo na Tartinijevem pogrebu in njegovo rokopisno zapuščino, kažejo na tesno osebno in poklicno povezanost med učiteljem in učencem. Čeprav je biografskih podatkov malo, dokumenti potrjujejo Meneghinijevo izvajalsko spretnost in teoretično znanje, pa tudi njegovo pedagoško delovanje. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 118 Članek umešča Meneghinijeve Concertone v kulturno in glasbeno okolje Padove na sredini 18. stoletja, zlasti v dejavnost Akademije neustrašnih [Accademia degli Imperter- riti] Vincenza Rote. Sodobni viri kažejo, da je Meneghini, ki so ga ljubeznivo imenovali »Giulietto«, sodeloval z Roto in njegovim krožkom amaterjev in aristokratov pri ustvarjanju komornih priredb Tartinijevih del. Dokazi podpirajo istovetnost Meneghinijevih ohranjenih concertonov in v virih omenjenih priredb, ki so verjetno nastale v letih 1763–64. Edini ohranjeni vir, Meneghinijev avtografski rokopis, ki se nahaja v Fondazione Levi v Benetkah, ponuja materialne in kodikološke dokaze, ki podpirajo to datiranje. Podrobna analiza vrste papirja, vodnih žigov in popravkov v rokopisu kaže na obsežen proces pre- pisovanja in revizij, vključno s prerazporeditvijo melodičnega materiala, prerazporeditvijo vlog instrumentov in dodajanjem novih odlomkov. Rokopis razkriva tako Meneghinijevo natančnost pri prepisovanju, kot tudi pomen njegovih kompozicijskih prispevkov, vključno z ustvarjanjem violinskega parta in prilagajanjem basovskih linij za doseganje harmonskega in kontrapunktskega ravnovesja. Različice in popravki lahko nakazujejo sodelovanje z Roto ali drugimi, kar poudarja sodelovalno naravo »prevajalskega« dela iz sonate v koncertno obliko. Glasbeno Concertoni ohranjajo strukturo Tartinijevih sonat da chiesa, za katere so zna- čilni počasni uvodi, allegro fugato odseki in kontrapunktsko bogastvo, hkrati pa so razširjeni v štiriglasno zvočno teksturo z ripieno instrumentacijo. Izmenjavanje odlomkov soli in tutti, obogatitev harmonskih tekstur in skrbna orkestracija odražajo Corellijeva načela in tradicijo concerta grossa. S tem so Meneghinijeve priredbe mlajša vzporednica podobnih prizadevanj Francesca Geminianija v Angliji. Tartinijeva korespondenca še posebej potrjuje poznavanje in sprejem tovrstnih priredb v beneškem in padovanskem okolju, kar kaže, da se je Meneghini morda zavestno prilagajal sodobnim stilističnim modelom. Članek pokaže, da Meneghinijevi Concertoni niso le mehanične predelave, ampak kažejo znatno kompozicijsko angažiranost, ki odraža značilnosti glasbene kulture okolja, v katerem sta delovala Tartini in njegov krog. Razkrivajo okus padovanskih aristokratskih in intelektualnih krogov, ki so se ukvarjali z zasebno komorno glasbo, ter razvoj instrumentalnih žanrov v sredini 18. stoletja. Z dokumentiranjem orkestracije, sprejema in izvedbenih praks, povezanih s temi priredbami, študija Meneghinijeve Concertone postavlja kot pomemben primer žanrske paradigme, ki povezuje tradicijo violinske sonate z modelom concerto grosso in bogati naše razumevanje glasbene kulture v Tartinijevem okolju. ABOUT THE AUTHOR AGNESE PAVANELLO (agnese.pavanello@fhnw.ch) is a research associate at the Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, University of Early Music, one of the institutes affiliated with the Musik-Akademie Basel and the Fachhochschule Nordwest-schweiz. Her research focuses on Renaissance sacred polyphony and instrumental music of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. She has published articles on Arcangelo Corelli, as well as studies and editions of music by composers of the following generation, including Locatelli, Bomporti, and Tartini. Regarding Tartini in particular, she has investigated the trio sonatas, the manuscript tradi- tion of the sonata Il Trillo del Diavolo, the reception of Tartini’s music in France, and, more recently, variant versions of his concertos. She is the author of a monograph on the Roman concerto grosso. Among her consulting activities, she serves on the scientific committee of the National Edition of the Works of G. Tartini and the Centro di Studi Tartiniani (Con- servatory of Music of Trieste). Agnese Pavanello: Giulio Meneghini’s Concertoni from Giuseppe Tartini’s Opus I Sonatas 119 O AVTORICI AGNESE PAVANELLO (agnese.pavanello@fhnw.ch) je raziskovalka na Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, Univerzi za zgodnjo glasbo, enem od inštitutov, povezanih z Musik-Akademie Basel in Fachhochschule Nordwest-Schweiz. Njeno raziskovalno delo se osredotoča na re- nesančno sakralno polifonijo in instrumentalno glasbo 17. in 18. stoletja. Objavila je članke o Arcangelu Corelliju ter študije in izdaje glasbe skladateljev naslednje generacije, med njimi Locatellija, Bomportija in Tartinija. V zvezi s Tartinijem je raziskovala triosonate, rokopisno tradicijo sonate Hudičev trilček, recepcijo Tartinijeve glasbe v Franciji in v zadnjem času raz- ličice njegovih koncertov. Je avtorica monografije o rimskem concerto grosso. Med njenimi svetovalnimi dejavnostmi je članstvo v znanstvenih svetih Nacionalne izdaje del G. Tartinija in Središča za raziskave Giuseppeja Tartinija (Konservatorij za glasbo v Trstu). 121 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.121-179 UDK: 78.07Tartini G.:781.65”17” The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime Camilla Rubagotti University of Ljubljana ABSTRACT This paper is aimed to give an overview of the European musical context of Tartini’s rules for embellishments. By underlining similarities and differences in treatises and methods pu- blished during the violinist’s lifetime, it thus underlines how many points of view coexisted in Europe in the early Eighteenth century. Keywords: embellishments, Tartini, eighteenth-century music IZVLEČEK Članek želi dati vpogled v evropski glasbeni kontekst Tartinijevih pravil za okraševanje. Z opazovanjem podobnosti in razlik v razpravah oz. učbenikih, objavljenih v času violinisto- vega življenja, prikazuje pestrost pogledov na to vprašanje, ki so sobivali v Evropi na začetku osemnajstega stoletja. Ključne besede: okraševanje, Giuseppe Tartini, glasba 18. stoletja muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 122 Topic and Research Hypothesis This paper is focused on the practice of embellishing melodies during the life- time of Giuseppe Tartini (1692–1770); its aim is to situate the thought of the Piranese violinist, music teacher and theoretician into a wide European con- text. The graces considered in this analysis are those mentioned in his Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino [Rules to Learn How to Play the Violin Well]1 namely appoggiatura,2 trill [trillo],3 vibrato [tremolo]4 and mordent [mordente]5. These rules, which are a collection of Tartini’s didactic material, is also known under the title of its first print edition, Traité des Agrémens de la Musique [Treatise on Ornaments in Music], 1770.6 This French translation by the mandolinist Pierre Denis, most likely prepared without the author’s autho- rization, was published in Paris shortly after Tartini’s death.7 Though the print edition was posthumous, manuscript texts of the rules for embellishments al- ready circulated all over Europe during the author’s lifetime.8 Such a wide diffusion of the Regole was surely made possible by Tartini’s students,9 who came from different areas of Europe or went abroad after perfect- ing their violin playing in the so-called “School of the Nations” in Padua.10 The Piranese was such a renowned musician, violin teacher and intellectual in the cultural and musical life of his time that he held contacts with important person- alities of his time and was deeply esteemed by many – Jean-Jacques Rousseau or Euler, just to mention a few names.11 Tartini, however, did not meet universal ap- proval; Johann Joachim Quantz expressed merciless judgements about his play- ing in his own Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen [On Playing the Flute, 1752]12 – which testified, at any rate, the violinist’s continental renown. 1 Giuseppe Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino [s. a.], Ms. 323 (Venice: Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica “B. Marcello”). 2 Tartini’s appoggiatura can be either long or short; for its resolution, it can only descend: the Piranese violinist resolutely condemns the usage of ascending appoggiaturas. 3 Tartini’s trill, which corresponds to the modern trill, can have diverse beginnings and endings, in different tempo and in various musical contexts. 4 Tartini’s tremolo is actually the modern vibrato. 5 The function of Tartini’s simple mordent (involving the lower auxiliary) and that of the ascending or descending turn or compound mordent (a sort of turn before the beat) is quite different from the modern mordent’s: it is imperceptibly short and must be heard as a sort of accent. 6 Pierluigi Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche (Wien: Universal Edition, 1968), 205–206. 7 Ibid., 105–106. 8 Ibid., 105, 107. 9 Ibid., 107. 10 Sergio Durante, Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa (Livorno: Sillabe, 2017), 44. 11 Cf. Giorgia Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents, vol. 1, transl. Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo (Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020), 260, 319. 12 Durante, Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa, 41–42, 68–69. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 123 Therefore, it is undeniable that Giuseppe Tartini was well integrated into the cultural, intellectual and musical life of Eighteenth-century Europe13 – he even lived in Prague for three years (1723–1726).14 This analysis will thus be aimed to trace a context and to reveal to what extent Tartini’s theories on embellishments agreed or disagreed with those of his English-, French- and German-speaking colleagues. This will be done by taking into account the characteristics of the embellishments presented by dif- ferent musicians to identify similarities and differences in the indications on performance practice. However, the terminology used by each author will not be overlooked, as the consistency or identity between a signifier and its mean- ing is not to be underestimated, all the more in such multilingual context. Relevant Literature and Novelties of the Present Analysis Eighteenth-century treatises have long been studied and compared; they form a corpus of sources that are essential in order to understand musical thought, taste and performance, teaching and instrumental technique. Some scholars have considered various aspects of musical performance over a wider period of time in a wider15 or narrower16 geographical area, while others have com- pared fewer treatises published in a narrower period of time17. Some have used treatises and methods to study different elements, such as theory,18 instru- mental technique19 and specific aspects of musical performance20 or didactical 13 Cf. Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini; Durante, Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa. 14 Pierluigi Pietrobelli, Tartini, le sue idee e il suo tempo (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 1992), 5, 6. 15 E. g. Arnold Dolmetsch, L’Interpretazione della Musica dei Secoli XVII e XVIII, ed. Luca Ripanti (Milan: Rugginenti, 1994). 16 E. g. Jean-Claude Veilhan, Les règles de l‘interprétation musicale à l ’époque baroque (Paris: Leduc, 1977). 17 E. g. Dieter Gutknecht, “Aspekte zur Aufführungspraxis in den Lehrwerken von C. P. E. Bach, Joh. J. Quantz, Leopold Mozart und Fr. W. Marpurg: Ein Vergleich”, in Fragen der Aufführungspraxis und Interpretation von Werken Carl Philipp Emanuel Bachs: Ein Beitrag zum 200. Todestag, ed. Thom Eitelfriedrich (Blankenburg: Kultur- und Forschungsstätte Michaelstein, 1989), 54–59; Ingeborg Harer, “Der musikalische Vortrag um 1750: Dargestellt am Beispiel der Instrumentalschulen von Johann Joachim Quantz, C. Ph. E. Bach und Leopold Mozart”, Musikerziehung 44 (1990): 1–23. 18 E. g. Karl Braunschweig, “Enlightenment Aspirations of Progress in Eighteenth-Century German Theory”, Journal of Music Theory 57, no. 2 (2003): 273–304. 19 E. g. David D. Boyden, “The Violin and Its Technique in the 18th Century”, The Musical Quarterly 36 (1950): 9–38; Robin Stowell, “Violin Bowing in Transition: A Survey of Technique as Related in Instruction Books”, Early Music 12, no. 3 (1984): 316–327; Luca Aversano, “Struttura e principi della didattica del violino nel Settecento italiano”, in Italienische Intrumentalmusic des 18. Jahrhundert: Alte und neue Protagonisten, eds. Enrico Careri and Markus Engelhardt (Lilienthal: Laaber-Verlag, 2002), 267–288. 20 E. g. Henri Vanhulst, “La pratique de l‘improvisation d‘après les traités de clavier de l‘empfindsamer Stil”, Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 25, 1/4 (1971): 108– 153; David Ledbetter, “On the Manner of Playing the Adagio: Neglected Features of a Genre”, Early Music 29, no. 1 (2001): 15–26. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 124 metho dology.21 Others have used a corpus of treatises to put a specific musi- cian into his European context.22 As for Giuseppe Tartini, Pierluigi Petrobelli underlined his influence on Leopold Mozart’s Violinschule. Indeed, in his essay about Tartini’s influence in Germany, he stressed how much Mozart’s description of graces – both rules and musical examples – owes to Tartini’s Regole.23 The present study is the first attempt at putting the Piranese’s rules into a wide European frame, by means of a multilingual corpus and a qualitative approach to the digital humanities (Qualitative Content Analysis or QCA). Methodology In choosing the text of the Regole to be used in this analysis, the complex edi- torial history of the work has been considered; besides Pierre Denis’s transla- tion, which is known to show some misunderstandings with respect to Tartini’s source,24 five manuscripts are known today.25 The version that has been chosen as a base for this analysis is that of the violinist’s pupil Giovanni Francesco Nicolai.26 It seems a final draft and shows a particular care on the part of the copyist in comparison with other versions.27 Other texts have then been selected to be compared with Nicolai’s manu- script. All of these have been chosen among treatises and methods relating to graces in melodic lines; texts addressing ornamentation in the bass line have been excluded from this analysis because this topic is not considered the Regole. As the purpose of this analysis is to observe Tartini’s ideas on em- bellishments into a coeval European landscape, the geographical – and thus linguistic – area covered by this analysis is quite wide: it includes English-, French- and German-speaking countries as well as Italy. The authors selected 21 E. g. Ana Garde Badillo, “Tratados y enseñanza inicial del Violín en el s. XVIII”, Quodlibet 60, no. 3 (2015): 7–25; Alejandra Lopera Quintanilla and María del Pilar Lopera Quintanilla, “Referencias históricas sobre el perfil didáctico del maestro de música del siglo XVIII a partir de tres tratados europeos de la época”, ANTEC – Revista Peruana de Investigación Musical 4, no. 2 (2020): 125–137. 22 Emilio Moreno, “Aspectos técnicos del tratado de violín de José Herrando (1756): El violín español en el contexto europeo de mediados del siglo XVIII”, Revista de Musicología 11, no. 3 (1988): 555–655. 23 Petrobelli, Pierluigi. “La scuola di Tartini in Germania e la sua influenza”, in Tartini, le sue idee e il suo tempo (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 1992), 81–100. 24 Petrobelli, Giuseppe Tartini, 117. 25 “Archives: Letters – Giuseppe Tartini’s Treatises and Theoretical and Educational Texts”, Discover Tartini, accessed February 18, 2025, https://www.discovertartini.eu/archives/detail/2. 26 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino. 27 Erwin R. Jacobi, “G. F. Nicolai’s manuscript of Tartini’s Regole per ben suonar il violino”, Musical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (1961): 212, 218. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 125 for the German-speaking countries are J. F. Agricola,28 C. P. E. Bach,29 E. G. Baron,30 G. S. Loehlein,31 F. W. Marpurg,32 J. Mattheson,33 L. Mozart34 and J. J. Quantz;35 the selected texts in French language were written by J. A. Bérard,36 J. Blanchet,37 S. de Brossard,38 M. Corrette,39 F. Couperin,40 J. le R. D’Alembert,41 J. Hotteterre,42 M. L’Affilard,43 É. Loulié,44 A. Mahaut,45 C. Masson,46 M. P. de Montéclair,47 J.-J. Rousseau,48 M. de Saint-Lambert49 and 28 Johann Friedrich Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst (Berlin: G. L. Winter, 1757), 53–122. 29 Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, vol. 1 (2nd ed.) (Berlin: G. L. Winter, 1759), 45–100. 30 Ernst Gottlieb Baron, Historisch-theoretisch und practische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten (Nuremberg: J. F. Rüdiger, 1727), 165–173. 31 Georg Simon Loehlein, Clavier-Schule (Leipzig: Auf Kosten der Waisenhaus und Frommanischen Buchhandlung, 1765), 14–15. 32 Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen (Berlin: Haude & Spener, 1755), 36–60, Tab. III-IV-VI; Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, Die Kunst das Clavier zu spielen (Berlin: Henning, 1750), 11, 12, 14, 26. 33 Johann Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg: C. Herold, 1739), 110–120, 242–244. 34 Leopold Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule (Augsburg: J. J. Lotter, 1756), 193–251. 35 Johann Joachim Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen (Berlin: J. F. Voss, 1752), 77–89, 118–135. 36 Jean-Antoine Bérard, L’art du chant (Paris: Dessaint & Saillant, Prault fils, Lambert, 1755), 112–146. 37 Jean Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant (2nd ed.) (Paris: A.-M. Lottin, M. Lambert, N. Bon Duchesne, 1756), 112–138. 38 Sébastien de Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique (Paris: C. Ballard, 1703). 39 Michel Corrette, Méthode pour apprendre aisément à joüer de la flute traversière (Paris: Me. Boivin, [s. a.]), 20–35; Michel Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter (Paris: author, [s. a.]), 47–50. 40 François Couperin, L’art de toucher le clavecin (Paris: author, Foucault, 1716), 8, 11–12, 17–27, 31, 38, 60–61; François Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, vol. 1 (Paris: author, Foucault, 1713), 74–75. 41 Jean le Rond D’Alembert, Elémens de musique, théorique et pratique, suivant les principes de M. Rameau (Paris: David l’aîné, 1752), 52. 42 Jacques-Martin Hotteterre, Méthode pour la musette (Paris: J. B. C. Ballard, 1738), 21–32, 36–52, 56–64; Jacques-Martin Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, ou flute d’Allemagne; de la flute à bec, ou flute douce; et du haut-bois (8th ed.) (Paris: J. B. C. Ballard, 1741), 14–16, 21–38, 45–49, 54. 43 Michel L’Affilard, Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.) (Paris: C. Ballard, 1705), 25–27. 44 Étienne Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre (Paris: C. Ballard, 1696), 66–76. 45 Antoine Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière (Paris: De Lachevardière, 1759), 11–12, 16–23. 46 Charles Masson, Nouveau traité des règles pour la composition de la musique (3rd ed.) (Paris: C. Ballard, 1705), 21. 47 Michel Pignolet de Montéclair, Principes de musique (Paris: V.ve Boivin, 1736), 77–92. 48 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Dictionnaire de Musique (Paris: V.ve Duchesne, 1768), 5, 13, 27, 30, 34–35, 49, 58–59, 67–68, 86–87, 153, 175–176, 221, 235–237, 275, 337, 372, 378, 384, 387, 429, 430, 521, 523, 531, 533, 541–542, Planche B. 49 Michel de Saint-Lambert, Les principes du clavecin (Paris: C. Ballard, 1702), 42–66. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 126 A. de Villeneuve50; the selected authors representing the English-speaking area are F. Geminiani,51 J. Grassineau,52 N. Pasquali,53 W. Pearson,54 J. Playford,55 P. Prelleur,56 H. Purcell,57 C. Simpson;58 finally, other Italian works by G. Tartini59 and P. F. Tosi60 were used. As the present analysis focuses on embellishments, the sections about bow- ing, cadenze and modi of Nicolai’s manuscript have been excluded.61 The ele- ments to be analyzed have thus been identified: they are, in Tartini’s terminol- ogy, appoggiatura, trillo, tremolo and mordente.62 Similarly, the chapters about embellishments of the selected European texts63 have been isolated. These relevant sections have been transcribed with the help of the online software Transkribus in order to make it possible for the software Atlas.ti24 to read the resulting corpus. The approach of this analysis is that of Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), as defined by Udo Kuckartz64 and Karsten Mackesen.65 After the above-described preparation of the data and beginning of text work, the 50 Alexandre de Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile (Paris: author, Boivin, Le Clerc, 1733), 38–39. 51 Francesco Geminiani, A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick (London: author, 1749), 2–4, “Examples”; Francesco Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin (London: J. Johnson, 1751), 6–8, 26. 52 James Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary (London: J. Wilcox, 1740), 1, 5, 17–18, 29, 33, 61, 65–66, 76, 90, 99–102, 144, 182, 192, 202, 205, 214–215, 226, 227, 267, 283–284, 289–291, 322. 53 Nicolò Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord (Edinburgh: R. Bremner, 1760?), 1–2, 14–15, 17–18, 20, plate I. 54 William Pearson, The Compleat Musick-Master (3rd ed.) (London: author, 1722), 16, 27, 41, 53–54, 66. 55 John Playford, An Introduction to the Skill of Musick (12th ed.), ed. Henry Purcell (London: E. Jones, 1694), 31–46. 56 Peter Prelleur,”An Introduction to Singing”, in The Modern Musick-Master (London: author, 1731), 11; “The Newest Method for the Learners on the German Flute”, in The Modern Musick- Master, 4–11; “Instructions upon the Hautboy”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 7–8; “The Art of Playing on the Violin”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 7–8; “The Harpsichord Illustrated and Improv’d”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 4–5. 57 See chapter “Rules for Graces”, in Henry Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet (London: H. Playford, 1696), [9]. 58 Christopher Simpson, The Division-Viol (3rd ed.) (London: W. Pearson, 1712), 10–12. 59 See Tartini’s letter to Maddalena Lombardini in Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini, vol. 1, 186–189. 60 Pier Francesco Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni (Bologna: L. della Volpe, 1723), 19–29. 61 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 1–3, 20–43. 62 Ibid., 4–19. 63 Cf. notes 28–60. 64 Udo Kuckartz, “Qualitative Text Analysis: A Systematic Approach”, in Compendium for Early Career Researchers in Mathematics Education, eds. Gabriele Kaiser and Norma Presmeg (Cham: Springer, 2019), 181–198. 65 Karsten Mackesen, “‘Ungezwungene Leichtigkeit’ Qualitative Verfahren in einer historischen Musiksoziologie”, in Soziale Horizonte von Musik: Ein kommentiertes Lesebuch zur Musiksoziologie, eds. Christian Kaden and Karsten Mackensen (Kassel: Bärenreiter-Verlag, 2006), 270–297. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 127 formation of the main categories – which correspond here to appoggiatura, trillo, tremolo and mordente66 – and subsequent coding of the data has taken place. The following creation of subcategories has been based on the char- acteristics attributed to the embellishments by the various authors as for their structure, usage and purpose. From this, the following category-based analysis has been drawn. Analysis The present analysis is divided into five parts, which are dedicated to the long or held appoggiatura [appoggiatura lunga o sostentata] and the short or passing appoggiatura [appoggiatura breve o di passaggio], the trill [trillo], the vibrato [tremolo or tremolio], the turn [mordente compost] and the lower trill [mordente semplice].67 Long or Held Appoggiaturas – Short or Passing Appoggiaturas In his Regole, Tartini mentions different kinds of long appoggiatura:68 by con- joint or disjoint degree, ascending or descending.69 He recommends the usage of descending appoggiaturas if they move by step; this is due to the nature of harmony, because dissonances cannot ascend, but always resolve downwards.70 The long appoggiatura is accented; it falls on the strong beats of the bar and is naturally followed by a trill.71 The short appoggiatura can be used on any beat of the bar on all crotchets and quavers descending by seconds or thirds and is followed by a mordent in the rendition.72 If the interval between the notes is wider, the appoggiatura can be both ascending and descending, always long and deduced from the preceding note.73 Tosi mentions both ascending and descending appoggiaturas by conjoint74 or disjoint degree,75 though he gives different general rules. A sharp note can ascend a semitone and go back down; a natural note can ascend to a flat note by a semitone; a flat note cannot ascend by semitone; F#, G#, A#, C# and D# cannot ascend by a semitone with an appoggiatura.76 An appoggiatura cannot 66 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 4–19. 67 Ibid., 4–19. 68 All the embellishments henceforth treated can be found in a table in the appendix. 69 Ibid., 4, 9. 70 Ibid., 8. 71 Ibid., 4–5. 72 Ibid., 7–8. 73 Ibid., 9. 74 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 20–21. 75 Ibid., 22. 76 Ibid., 20–21. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 128 go from minor to major thirds (and vice versa); two appoggiaturas one after another cannot move by semitones; if an appoggiatura cannot ascend, it cannot descend either.77 The treatises of the German-speaking countries bear great similarities to Tartini’s text, notably Leopold Mozart’s: he, too, claims that a descending appoggiatura is more natural than an ascending one because of the nature of harmony, as dissonances always resolve downwards; the only exception is that of appoggiaturas rising a semitone.78 Though he does not mention any preferences, Loehlein too shows only descending appoggiaturas by conjoint degree in his table of examples.79 The melodic direction of Quantz’s appog- giatura does not depend on harmony, but on melody: if the preceding note is lower than that where the appoggiatura should be performed, an ascend- ing appoggiatura is better.80 Bach affirms that ascending long appoggiaturas [veränderliche Vorschläge] usually repeat the preceding note, while descending ones may repeat it or not.81 According to Agricola, ascending and descend- ing appoggiaturas have different functions if they are combined with other embellishments;82 for instance, the appoggiatura after a trill with nachschlag (addition at the end of the trill) must be ascending, but if the trill with nach- schlag begins with an appoggiatura, the appoggiatura repeating the last note of the nachschlag can be both ascending and descending.83 According to Tartini, the length of the appoggiatura is usually a half of the value of the note – two thirds in the event of dotted notes “whose value is that of three notes”.84 The same goes for Agricola, Bach, Loehlein, Quantz85 and Mozart, who calls them long appoggiatura [langer Vorschlag] and longer appoggiatura [längerer Vorschlag] respectively.86 They also claim that, in the case of a longer note tied to a shorter one, the appoggiatura takes all the value of the longer note (according to Quantz, only if the first note is dotted);87 Mozart also mentions particular cases with half notes.88 Bach, Agricola and Mozart 77 Ibid. 78 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 194. 79 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 14. 80 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 77–78. 81 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 57. 82 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 78. 83 Ibid., 79. 84 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 5. 85 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 61; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 57; Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 14; Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 79. 86 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 195–197. 87 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 57 (cf. Tab. III Fig. VI); Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 195–197; Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 62; Loehlein, Clavier- Schule, 14; Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 79. 88 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 195–196. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 129 also add that, in the event of a note followed by a pause, the appoggiatura takes the whole value of the note, while the real note is heard in the pause89 – which serves thus as a tied note or a dot which, as Bach claims, would be more correct forms of writing.90 Marpurg reports all the common practices, but he does not seem to agree with the lack of precision: he claims that the little note of an ap- poggiatura should be written precisely according to its value, most of all in the case of tied notes and pauses.91 Quite differently, Mattheson only claims that a long appoggiatura [doppelter Accent], takes half of the value of the note, which is thus delayed.92 Agricola, Bach and Loehlein mention that appoggiaturas can take more than a half of the note;93 Agricola and Bach also specify that this depends on the affect.94 Some German-speaking authors present the softening of the appoggiatura [Abzug]. According to Bach, the appoggiatura is softened if the main note is simple and light95 – Marpurg defines it as weak and almost disappearing.96 On the other hand, Quantz claims that this kind of appoggiatura, which has an Italian origin, also requires a soft beginning, a crescendo on the appoggia- tura and a somewhat weaker main note.97 This seems quite similar to Tartini’s simple descending appoggiatura [appoggiatura semplice discendente], which is identical to Mozart’s,98 with a messa di voce with a crescendo on the first half and a diminuendo on the second half of the appoggiatura, before falling sweetly and softly on the main note.99 As for appoggiaturas by disjoint degree, Mozart agrees with Tartini (it must be long and deduced form the preceding note).100 Marpurg specifies that this kind of appoggiatura must either repeat the preceding note, in which case it is a real appoggiatura [eigentlicher Vorschlag] or use a note belonging to the harmo- ny, which gives rise to the improper appoggiatura [uneigentlicher Vorschlag].101 89 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 57–58 (cf. Tab III FIg. VII); Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 61; Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 197; Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 80. 90 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 58. 91 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 47. 92 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 112. 93 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 63; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 59; Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 14. 94 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 63; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 59. 95 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 56. 96 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspiele, 48, 49. 97 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 78. 98 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 199. 99 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 4–5. 100 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 198, 205. 101 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 49. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 130 Mattheson describes the appoggiatura by disjoint degree [Sprung-Accent]102 as a new kind of appoggiatura, used both upwards and downwards in leaps from fourths to octaves; all the examples show long appoggiaturas but their char- acter is described as mocking, brittle, impudent and arrogant,103 while Tartini deems them useful in cantabile sostenuto, grave and patetico.104 Not all appoggiaturas are long: the Regole also present the short passing appoggiatura.105 Tartini’s descending passing appoggiatura is used on notes of equal value descending by thirds or seconds; its length is undetermined and the accent falls on the real note.106 Bach, Agricola, Quantz and Mozart too write that short/passing appoggiaturas [unveränderliche/durchgehende Vorschläge] are used in descending thirds.107 Agricola adds that on short notes going down- wards by conjoint degree, a short appoggiatura can be used instead of a trill or a short trill [Pralltriller].108 Sometimes repeated notes in the upbeat and downbeat followed by a descending second are mentioned as well.109 Mozart’s examples also include short inferior appoggiaturas on ascending scales;110 on the other hand, Tartini claims that this is a misunderstanding between an ap- poggiatura and a note.111 Agricola clarifies that appoggiaturas that do not re- peat the preceding note can only descend,112 thus short appoggiaturas can be used to fill descending thirds.113 Like Tartini,114 Agricola and Bach explain that this kind of appoggiatura can be used both on long or short notes,115 and Agricola explicitly says that not all the appoggiaturas in the downbeat 102 Though in German terminology the term Vorschlag is normally used to designate an appoggiatura, two interesting cases are to be pointed out. Marpurg, in his Anleitung, uses Vorhalt as well – though this does not make any difference in the usage, as he mentions ascending and descending appoggiaturas by conjoint and disjoint degree, etymology shows a concept. He mentions that it is a kind of Accent together with the Nachschlag (which is actually more similar to the French accent than appoggiatura is). Mattheson, in his turn, tends to use the term Accent instead of Vorschlag; he mentions appoggiaturas by conjoint and disjoint degree as well, which he consistently calls Stufer- or Sprung-Accent. 103 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 112–113. 104 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 9. 105 Ibid., 7–8. 106 Ibid. 107 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 58; Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 65– 66; Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 206; Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 78. 108 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 104, 112. 109 E.g. Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 67. 110 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 206. 111 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 8. 112 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 65. 113 Ibid., 67. 114 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 7. 115 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 58. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 131 are long.116 According to Agricola, if short appoggiaturas are used on long notes in the downbeat, their length is somewhere between that of short and long appoggiaturas;117 this is quite different from Tartini’s views (the longer the note, the shorter the appoggiatura).118 Mozart underlines that the passing appoggiatura does not belong to the value of the following note but to that of the preceding note, that the force falls on the main note instead of the appoggiatura and that it is normally used in descending thirds and in ascending or descending scales.119 In his examples, Tartini never actually shows appoggiaturas taken from the value of the preceding note except in the case of ascending scales, where he underlines that this kind of grace is not an appoggiatura.120 Indeed, according to him, the passing appoggiatura is very short and the strength in bowing must fall afterwards, so that the main note is heard more than the appoggiatura,121 it would be reasonable to think that the appoggiatura comes before its beat. As for upbeats and downbeats, Agricola claims that appoggiaturas always belong to the value of the following note;122 nonetheless, he underlines an ambiguity in the rendition of short appoggiaturas, as they are performed in both ways.123 Agricola remarks that taking the value of the appoggiatura from the preced- ing note is a characteristic of the French style, used by many to distinguish a short appoggiatura from the Lombard rhythm.124 Quantz and Mozart claim that, unlike the long appoggiatura – or the long, longer or short appoggia- tura (though the accent falls main note) played on the beat [anschlagender Vorschlag], a passing appoggiatura’s value is taken from the preceding note.125 According to Bach, its value is taken from the following note, but it is so fast that a listener can barely notice the loss.126 However, Mattheson claims that both long [doppelter Accent] and short [einfacher Accent] appoggiaturas take their value from the following note.127 116 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 72. 117 Ibid. 118 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 7. 119 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 206–207. 120 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 8. 121 Ibid., 7. 122 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 60. 123 Ibid., 68. 124 Ibid. 125 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 79; Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 206. 126 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 58. 127 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 112. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 132 As for additions to long appoggiaturas, according to Tartini, a trill naturally follows;128 he shows passing appoggiaturas with mordents.129 Agricola as well shows short trills on notes ascending by a second, whether with or without an appoggiatura.130 However, it is commonly recommended to add a simple or double mordent on the main note after an appoggiatura ascending by conjoint degree: Agricola, Marpurg, Quantz, Bach and Mattheson show this combina- tion131 – which, according to Mattheson, is particularly common in singing;132 Agricola also shows appoggiaturas by disjoint degree with a mordent [Mor- dent], used mostly in recitatives.133 Loehlein’s short mordent [kurzer Mordent] includes an appoggiatura before the mordent, quite similarly to the French.134 In German texts, a short trill or turn [Doppelschlag] is sometimes added, e.g. by Agricola, Bach, Mozart and Quantz.135 Mozart shows many kinds of additions to his appoggiaturas, among which the Zwischenschlag between the appoggiatura and the main note.136 His as- cending [aufsteigender] Zwischenschlag137, which he particularly recommends to help appoggiaturas rising a whole tone138, looks similar to Tartini’s condemned double ascending appoggiatura [appoggiatura ascendente composta],139 though the Zwischenschlag is faster. Tartini also forbids the use of another kind of double ascending appoggi- atura, which ascends and then descends [appoggiatura ascendente composta in altro modo, cioè che cominci ascendendo, e finisca discendendo].140 Mozart, like the other German-speaking authors, differs from Tartini on this point. He de- scribes an appoggiatura of two notes with the addition of the tone over the main note [Vorschlag mit zwo Noten wenn man den über der Hauptnote stehen- den Ton darzu nimmt] based on an ascending appoggiatura by conjoint degree whose notes are very short.141 The same grace is described in other treatises 128 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 5. 129 Ibid., 8. 130 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 111. 131 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 113; Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 59; Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 80; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 87; Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 119–120. 132 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 119–120. 133 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 113–114. 134 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 135 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 119; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 80; Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 214–215; Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 80. 136 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 207–208. 137 Ibid., 208. 138 Ibid., 201. 139 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 9. 140 Ibid. 141 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 202. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 133 as well, but its usage is not discouraged at all. Tartini shows an appoggiatura made of a longer note followed by a shorter one,142 while the German double appoggiatura [Anschlag] can also have two notes of the same value.143 Tartini’s grace is quite similar to Agricola’s, Bach’s and Loehlein’s dotted double ap- poggiatura [punctierter Anschlag, Anschlag mit der Punkte and langer Anschlag respectively], whose first note is dotted.144 Marpurg’s dotted double appog- giatura foresees a much longer appoggiatura.145 Tartini’s other kind of double ascending appoggiatura starts from an inferior appoggiatura by conjoint de- gree, ascends by a third and descends by a second arriving on the main note.146 Loehlein’s, Bach’s, Agricola’s and Marpurg’s dotted double appoggiaturas have the same structure.147 Bach’s, Agricola’s and Marpurg’s double appoggiatura, if it is not dotted, can be based on ascending appoggiaturas both by conjoint and disjoint degree; though the first ascending interval can be wider than a third, it is always followed by a descending second.148 The French musicians considered in this analysis show quite a different idea from Tartini’s: the ascending appoggiatura by conjoint degree [port de voixg is the true and most usual kind of appoggiatura. Indeed, Prelleur (in an English text) defines it as an ascending appoggiatura149 and Mahaut specifically says that the French appoggiatura usually ascends by conjoint degree, while Italians use both ascending and descending appoggiaturas.150 As for the descending appoggiatura, it is sometimes described, but it is defined as a different embellishment. Hotteterre and Villeneuve, for instance, present a descending appoggiatura [coulement] alongside the ascending one, but limiting its usage to conjoint degree in descending thirds; 151 it is a kind of passing appoggiatura. Montéclair claims that his descending appoggiatura 142 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 9. 143 Quantz’s and Bach’s Anschlag, Agricola’s unpunctierter Anschlag, Loehlein’s kurzer Anschlag and Marpurg’s Doppelvorschlag, which is also mentioned in countermovement (in Gegenbewegung), i.e. based on a descending appoggiatura by conjoint degree (Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 51, Tab. IV). 144 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 86; Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 92 (cf. Tab. VI). 145 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 51, Tab. IV. 146 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 9. 147 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 148 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 85; Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 92; Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, Tab. IV. 149 Prelleur, “The Newest Method for the Learners on the German Flute”, in The Modern Musick- Master, 9; “Instructions upon the Hautboy”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 7–8; “The Art of Playing on the Violin”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 7–8; “The Harpsichord Illustrated and Improv’d”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 4–5. 150 Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière, 22–23. 151 Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, 32; Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38–39. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 134 [coulé] can be used on many occasions – though he, too, mentions descend- ing thirds as an emblematic situation.152 However, there is an exception: Saint Lambert’s appoggiaturas [port de voix simple or appuyég can be both ascend- ing and descending.153 Saint Lambert’s descending passing appoggiatura [demy port de voix] is specifically dedicated to descending thirds.154 Tartini recommends using passing descending appoggiaturas on descend- ing thirds, but he cites ascending thirds as a proof of the unnaturalness of ascending appoggiaturas.155 Villeneuve and L’Affilard, on the contrary, add a double appoggiatura [port de voix double or double] for ascending thirds: they repeat the preceding note and add the passing note.156 Appoggiatura by disjoint degree is not usually mentioned; Montéclair’s de- scending appoggiatura by disjoint degree is taken from the preceding note but, unlike Tartini’s,157 it is quite short (a semiquaver on a minim).158 Most authors only explain that an ascending appoggiatura must be played by conjoint degree but do not specify whether the best distance is a tone or a semitone; however, both can be used according to Corrette159 and Montéclair, though the latter specifies that mostly semitones are used.160 Just like in Germany, ascending appoggiatura is sometimes mentioned in combination with a mordent on the main note, and some even claim that it is mandatory to add it. For instance, Hotteterre mentions this combination,161 foresees this possibility while presenting mordents on various notes162 and claims that the mordent is a part of the ascending appoggiatura, two moments of a single action.163 Saint Lambert mentions this combination too (Chutte & Pincé by D’Anglebert).164 Rousseau’s only example of appoggiatura has a mordent165 and Montéclair claims that it always has one.166 Couperin adds a simple or double mordent [pincé simple or double], on the simple or double 152 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 78–79. 153 Saint-Lambert, Les principes du clavecin, 49. 154 Ibid., 50. 155 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 7–8. 156 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38–39; Michel L’Affilard, Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.), 26–27. 157 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 9. 158 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 78. 159 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 49. 160 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 79. 161 Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, 33; Hotteterre, Méthode pour la musette, 58–59. 162 Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, 35–36, 48–50; Hotteterre, Méthode pour la musette, 59–60. 163 Hotteterre, Méthode pour la musette, 61. 164 Saint-Lambert, Les principes du clavecin, 48–49. 165 Rousseau, Dictionnaire de Musique, Planche B. 166 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 84. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 135 appoggiatura [port de voix simple or double] respectively, but he also presents a tied appoggiatura [port de voix coulé] without any added mordent.167 This ascending appoggiatura with a mordent bears similarities to the German texts rather than the Regole: Tartini, on the contrary, seems to combine short de- scending appoggiaturas with mordents and long ones with trills. Tartini recommends using long appoggiaturas on the strong beats of the bar, while short appoggiaturas can be used in any beat on descending thirds or seconds.168 The French appoggiatura is usually on the strong beats too. Mahaut specifies that the Italian appoggiatura takes a half or two thirds of the note and writes it in the downbeat, just like the Piranese’s long appoggia- tura.169 However, most do not mention the Italian usage and tend to use short notes and claim or show that the accent falls on the real note: as for meter, the French appoggiatura is similar to Tartini’s short appoggiatura (though, of course, it is reversed). It is worth to remember that Agricola defined the appog- giatura taken from the preceding note as a typical characteristic of the French style.170 L’Affilard’s divides and repeats the preceding note during its value (two quavers in the place of a crotchet) and has the main note with a mordent in the following downbeat.171 Loulié’s ascending appoggiatura lasts a quarter of the note and is shown both before and on the beat, while his descending appog- giatura is only before the beat.172 Villeneuve’s ascending and descending ap- poggiaturas are really short (a semiquaver on a minim) and clearly taken from the preceding note.173 Rousseau’s and Couperin’s are on the beat and last a half of the note like Tartini’s174 but, unlike it, they have a mordent;175 Couperin’s tied appoggiatura without the mordent lasts a half of the note.176 Therefore, an ambiguity is not only found in German-speaking countries. Saint Lambert openly writes that not all musicians agree whether the appoggiatura should be taken from the time of the preceding or of the main note, but he doubts that playing it on the beat is the best way of expressing it on the harpsichord.177 One mention of the softening of the appoggiatura (similar to Tartini’s ren- dition of the simple appoggiatura) can be found: Bérard’s and Blanchet’s soft- ened appoggiatura [port de voix feint] swells on the grace note and falls softly 167 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. 168 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 5. 169 Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière, 22–23. 170 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 68. 171 L’Affilard, Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.), 26–27. 172 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 89. 173 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38–39. 174 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 4–5. 175 Rousseau, Dictionnaire de Musique, Planche B; Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. 176 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. 177 Saint-Lambert, Les principes du clavecin, 49. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 136 on the main note,178 while the whole appoggiatura [port de voix entier] sustains or swells the real note.179 In English, both ascending and descending appoggiaturas are presented, though often separately. The event of appoggiaturas by disjoint degree is never clearly mentioned in the texts considered in this analysis. Overall, the English corpus seems closer to the French texts than to Tartini; nevertheless, the re- lationship between the two kinds of appoggiaturas is clearer in terminology, as they do not normally have completely different names. Pearson’s ascending and descending appoggiaturas (fore fall and back fall respectively) for viols can be based on tones or semitones.180 Purcell and Prelleur, as well as Simpson with his ascending and descending appoggiaturas (plain-beat or rise and back- fall), clearly show the value of appoggiaturas, which is of one quarter of the note.181 Though Pasquali’s appoggiaturas [appogiatures] have the same value, he does not make terminological distinctions.182 Grassineau defines ascending and descending passing appoggiaturas [apogiatura] used in thirds or fifths, as well as long ascending appoggiaturas [port de voix] through Bacilli’s definition, with a sustained lower note, the main note and its doubling, which is to be sustained as well; he adds that this embellishment is also called anticipation by some.183 He also reports other ornaments by Mr. Lambert, where descending and ascending appoggiaturas (backfall and forefall respectively) have a value of one quarter of the note.184 In his flute method, Prelleur says that the ap- poggiatura [port de voix] ascends and adds that a mordent is often joined to it; the descending appoggiatura (slide) is only used as a passing appoggiatura in descending thirds.185 On the contrary, Geminiani claims that the descending appoggiatura [su- perior appoggiatura or appoggiatura superior] is the most usual kind of ap- poggiatura, while the ascending appoggiatura [inferior appoggiatura or ap- poggiatura inferior] can only be used when the melody rises by a second or a third with a mandatory mordent.186 As for value, both superior and inferior 178 Bérard, L’art du chant, 118, 131; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 116, 125–126. 179 Bérard, L’art du chant, 117–118, 129–130; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 115–116, 124–125. 180 Pearson, The Compleat Musick-Master, 27, 41, 53–54, 66. 181 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]; Prelleur, “The Harpsichord Illustrated and Improv’d”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 4; Christopher Simpson, The Division- Viol, 12. 182 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 183 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 182. 184 Ibid., 102. 185 Peter, “The Newest Method for the Learners on the German Flute”, in The Modern Musick- Master, 9. 186 Geminiani, A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick, 2; Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin, 7. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 137 appoggiaturas have to last more than a half of the note and they have to be performed with a messa di voce.187 In his examples, he shows appoggiaturas lasting a half of the note, always with a messa di voce and also combined a simple trill [plain shake or trillo semplice] or trill with a nachschlag [turn’d shake or trillo compost].188 Geminiani’s appoggiaturas are longer than Tartini’s, as they can last more than a half of the note;189 Geminiani allows the usage of inferior appoggiaturas,190 while Tartini shows them only to demonstrate how unnatural it is for appoggiaturas to rise191 – it is not unlike the French appog- giatura followed by a mordent. Trill In order to play a trill, Tartini states that the force must be on the finger giving the main note, while the finger that has to trill must be light.192 The trill can only be of a tone or semitone; if the bass requires a wider interval, it is reason- able to exceed a tone, but it nonetheless unpleasant for the ear.193 There are three kinds of trill: slow [tardo] for grave, pathetic, and melan- cholic music, middle [mediocre] for moderate allegro and fast [veloce] for fast pieces, allegro, con spirito.194 It is essential for a good musician to practice and master all these kinds of trill in order to use the right kind at the right place, and because on a cadenza (which is not tied to the tempo) the trill must grow from the slowest to the fastest speed.195 The trill can also be performed with a messa di voce, which has a good effect notably on trills of growing speed – from slow and piano to fast and fortissimo.196 A trill can start directly from the upper auxiliary, but it can also be prepared from above [parecchiato di sopra] with long appoggiatura or prepared from be- low [parecchiato di sotto] with notes similar to the beginning of a trill – a sort of lower ribattuta.197 There are different ways to end it, many of which are, however, artificial.198 The two trills with natural endings are the first kind of 187 Ibid. 188 Geminiani, A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick, “Examples”; Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin, 26. 189 Geminiani, A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick, 2; Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin, 7. 190 Geminiani, A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick, 2, “Examples”; Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin, 7, 26. 191 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 8. 192 Ibid., 9. 193 Ibid., 10. 194 Ibid. 195 Ibid., 11. 196 Ibid., 11–12. 197 Ibid., 11. 198 Ibid. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 138 final trill [primo modo di trillo finale], where the main note is slightly held and then falls on the anticipation of the lower second, and the second kind of final trill [secondo modo di trillo finale];199 here the main note is slightly held, then the lower second and the main note are heard; a passing appoggiatura can be added on the last note of the trill.200 The trill is always used on the second-to-last note of any kind of cadence.201 The aforementioned trill of growing speed is well suited to a final cadence (thus for a free cadenza),202 while other cadences require another type of trill, with two added notes at the end (the German nachschlag), which is natural and cantabile.203 A passing appoggiatura can be added on the last note before the main one is heard.204 It is impossible to ascend by conjoint degree with a trill without these two notes but in this case, the passing appoggiatura cannot be used (Tartini gives examples of it with descending seconds).205 There is a kind of trill deduced from the portamento on the ascending or descending scale, which is done by sliding a finger; it is good on notes moving by conjoint degree, but not by disjoint degree – it is a chain of trills [andamento di trilli].206 He also mentions a kind of trill that is not beaten, but slurred; it is done by quickly oscillating the wrist, never letting the finger leave the string.207 Tartini advises to avoid the trill on the first note of a melody and on con- secutive notes except for the chain of trills.208 There are many other rules de- termined by balance, which the violinist defines as a law of equality.209 For example, if the trill is on the first note of the bar, it will fall on the odd notes; if it is on the anacrusis, it will be on even notes in order to avoid trills on consecu- tive notes.210 If the first two notes of a quadruplet are slurred, the trill falls on the first; if the last three are slurred, it falls on the middle note.211 In the event of dotted notes, the trill on the dot has a good effect.212 If the dotted notes move by step, the trill suits both notes: on the long one, it makes the expression 199 Ibid. 200 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 201 Ibid., 13. 202 Ibid., 11, 13. 203 Ibid., 13. 204 Ibid. 205 Ibid. 206 Ibid., 12. 207 Ibid. 208 Ibid., 15. 209 Ibid., 14. 210 Ibid. 211 Ibid. 212 Ibid. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 139 more cantabile; on the short one, more suonabile (lit. playable) and bold.213 On syncopated notes, the trill falls on the strong beat.214 Tosi as well underlines that trills are used on cadences215 and that using them too often spoils the music;216 however, he claims that a good trill must be equal, beaten and moderately fast.217 Tosi describes eight kinds of trill: the ma- jor trill [trillo maggiore] has a full tone218 and the minor trill [trillo minore] has a semitone;219 the short trill [mezzotrillo] is shorter, faster and more brilliant;220 the ascending [cresciuto] and descending [calato] trill moving imperceptibly comma by comma are not used anymore in his time;221 the slow trill (trillo lento) usually goes towards a faster trill222 and it is boring223; the double trill [trillo raddoppiato] has notes interposed; 224 the mordent [trillo mordente] is faster and short.225 Like Tartini, Tosi claims that a trill can be of either a tone or semitone; 226 however, he mentions short, ascending and descending trills, he prefers equal trills227 and finds slow trills boring228. Tosi also claims that the trill should be prepared, but sometimes this is not allowed by time or taste; however, it is generally prepared in cadences.229 In his additions to Tosi’s text, Agricola claims that the real trills [eigentli- cher Triller] of both tone and semitone are used more often in his days than in Tosi’s (with or without appoggiaturas and cadences, just to give brilliance and even at the beginning of a piece) but as composers have started to write them, singers have to worry about rendition rather than placing.230 Agricola recom- mends not adding unwritten appoggiaturas.231 His nachschlag, or addition at the end of the trill (similar to Tartini’s second kind of final trill) can be held for 213 Ibid. 214 Ibid., 15. 215 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 28. 216 Ibid., 29. 217 Ibid., 25. 218 Ibid. 219 Ibid., 26. 220 Ibid. 221 Ibid., 26–27. 222 Ibid., 27. 223 Ibid., 29. 224 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 27; cf. Agricola’s interpretation (Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 102). 225 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 27–28. 226 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 10. 227 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 25. 228 Ibid., 29. 229 Ibid., 28. 230 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 106–108. 231 Ibid., 109. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 140 a while in special circumstances (dotted notes),232 while Tartini’s comes after a little stop on the main note.233 Agricola’s example of a trill on a half cadence is on the last note and does not foresee a nachschlag,234 while Tartini’s are always followed by this addition;235 moreover, the Piranese’s are on the second-to-last note, regardless of the kind of cadence.236 He does not tolerate the addition of the passing appoggiatura on the last note of the nachschlag,237 which Tartini describes as cantabile and beautiful.238 The short trill (halber Triller or Prall- triller) has no nachschlag, it is shorter and sharper and does not last as long as the note itself.239 The ascending [höher gezogener] and descending [tiefer wer- dender Triller] are presented alongside the ascending or descending chain of trills [Catena di trilli or Kette von Trillern],240 equivalent to Tartini’s.241 As for the slow trill [langsamer Triller] Agricola adds, citing Quantz,242 that speed is tied to register (Tartini too mentions the difference between a trill on the first and fourth string of the violin) and that the shake of some French musicians is exceedingly slow.243 Agricola’s compound trill [verdoppelter Triller or Dop- peltriller] is equivalent to Bach’s:244 an ascending or descending turn is added at the beginning, creating a compound trill from below or above [Triller von unten or von oben respectively].245 Agricola also shows a compound trill from below preceded by a lower ribattuta,246 which is also mentioned by Tartini to prepare a simple trill from below.247 According to Bach, the trill was once used only after an appoggiatura [an- geschlossener Triller] or on a repeated note; in his days, however, there are no such limitations, though he warns to be careful when using trills in affettuoso music.248 Its dynamics and tempo depend on the affect, but he, like Tosi,249 232 Ibid. 233 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 234 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 109–110. 235 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 13. 236 Ibid. 237 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 111. 238 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 13. 239 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 111. 240 Ibid., 100. 241 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 12. 242 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 85. 243 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 101. 244 Cf. Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 69–72. 245 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 101–102. 246 Ibid., 112. 247 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 248 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 62. 249 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 25, 27. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 141 mentions only an equal and fast trill.250 The normal trill [ordentlicher Triller] starts on the upper auxiliary and it can be made livelier with a nachschlag (two notes added at the end);251 the trill without nachschlag is usually placed on short notes and followed by a descending interval.252 Tartini, however, shows examples of trills with this kind of ending followed by falling seconds as well as a rising ones; he states that it is impossible to ascend after the trill with- out a nachschlag (in this event, the passing appoggiatura cannot be added).253 Bach also mentions a double trill of thirds [Tertien-Triller], but he warns to use it in a performance only if it is sharp and equal.254 As for the beginning of the trill, he mentions compound trills starting with ascending or descend- ing turns, which Tartini does not show, starting from the note below or above the real one.255 Bach also mentions an example of what Tartini describes as a trill prepared from below (with notes similar to the beginning of a trill)256 – though Bach’s trill from below is a compound trill.257 The short trill is shorter, faster and brilliant;258 it is used on descending seconds, be it normal notes or appoggiaturas.259 Loehlein presents four kinds of trills that are quite similar to Bach’s:260 simple trill [simples Trillo], compound trill from above or below [Trillo von oben herein or von unten heraufg, the short trill [Pralltriller or Abzug];261 all the long trills have a nachschlag.262 Baron describes his Trillo exactly as Tartini’s trill for final cadences:263 with both accelerando and crescendo.264 Mattheson explains the trill [Trillo or Triller] and the short trill [Trilletto] as the clear and sharp beating of two interchanged notes, criticizing those who, like Georg Falck, trill on one note only.265 He explains that French singers like to sing trills slowly, so they are clean but weak.266 On the contrary, Italians 250 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 63. 251 Ibid. 252 Ibid., 67. 253 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 13. 254 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 65. 255 Ibid., 69-72. 256 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 257 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 71. 258 Ibid., 72. 259 Ibid., 73. 260 Ibid., 63. 261 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 262 Ibid. 263 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 264 Baron, Historisch-theoretisch und practische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten, 167. 265 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 114. 266 Ibid., 115. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 142 make them fast, strong and short, almost like a short trill; on long notes, how- ever, they must be more careful in order to spare breath.267 On long notes, slow and fast trills are mixed and alternated.268 Though trills of the right speed and length can ornate a melody as no other grace can do, Mattheson too warns that trilling too often does no good to the music.269 This author also talks about a chain of trills [Cadena di trilli or Trill-Kette]270 like Tartini’s; however, he claims that this grace can be used only on notes ascending by conjoint degree,271 while Tartini makes no differences between ascending and descending notes.272 Mat- theson also describes a Tenuta: it is a ribattuta followed by a long trill,273 which might look similar to Tartini’s trill prepared from below, but as the ribattuta uses the main and upper note274 instead of the lower, it is the actual beginning of a trill rather than a preparation from below. Marpurg describes the trill as a sequence of descending appoggiaturas by conjoint degree performed as fast as possible – a description, he claims, that does not contradict the more traditional explanation of a rapid exchange of the main note with the second above it.275 He says that the duration of the trill de- pends of the value of the note on which it is and that the designation short trill [Halbtriller] could forego without damage.276 According to him, there are only two kinds of trill: the simple trill [einfacher Triller] ending on a held main note and the trill with a nachschlag [zusammengesezter Triller or Doppeltriller].277 Marpurg claims that the trill with a nachschlag can also be explained as a turn [Doppelschlag] whose first two notes are trilled278 – Bach’s trilled turn [pral- lender Doppelschlag].279 This is very different in Tartini’s text, where there is a substantial difference between a second kind of final trill (similar to a trill with nachschlag) and a turn, where the accent falls on the main note.280 Marpurg also mentions the possibility of substituting the nachschlag with the anticipa- tion of the following note both upwards and downwards,281 while Tartini’s first 267 Ibid. 268 Ibid. 269 Ibid. 270 Ibid. 271 Ibid. 272 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 12. 273 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 118. 274 Ibid. 275 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 53. 276 Ibid., 54–55. 277 Ibid., 55. 278 Ibid. 279 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 81–82. 280 Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11, 17. 281 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 58, Tab. VI. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 143 kind of final trill only shows an anticipation falling by a second.282 Marpurg also mentions Bach’s short trill [Pralltriller] and short upper mordent [Schneller].283 He also describes the compound trill from above or below [gezogner/geschlei- fter Triller], which is preceded by an ascending or descending turn and usually ends with a nachschlag.284 Like Tartini’s, Marpurg’s trill can also begin with a descending appoggiatura,285 which means that the upper auxiliary note is held a bit before the trill [vorbereiteter/accentuirter/schwebender Triller].286 It is particularly interesting that Marpurg explicitly mentions Tartini’s playing [tartinischen Spielart]: he shows a series of bad trills (with a wrong nachschlag or the end note veiled by added graces such as appoggiatura, mordent or turn) and claims that they come partly from the unfortunate imitation of Tartini’s style, partly from the Polish dances. 287 Some examples seem to refer to the turn, but no trace of these additions can be found in the Regole: if an appog- giatura is added, it is before the last note of the nachschlag.288 Quantz underlines that the trill must be equal,289 but it can be slower or faster depending on many elements, notably the register,290 the room and the music.291 He mentions a trill of thirds [Terzentriller] that used to be done and that, in his time, is still modish among some Italian violinists and oboists;292 Tartini never mentions a trill built with the third, though he actually mentions one with an augmented second, reasonable but never agreeable for the ear.293 In Quantz’s view, a perfect and brilliant trill always starts with an appoggiatura, which can be short or long (in the first case it is a simple trill, while in the sec- ond it is a trill prepared from above), and ends with a nachschlag.294 Mozart’s indications for the trill are quite similar to Tartini’s: the force is on the finger playing the main note, while the finger that trills must be light.295 Mozart, like Quantz, criticizes trills built with the third: he reports Tartini’s 282 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 283 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 57. 284 Ibid. 285 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 286 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 57. 287 Ibid., 58, Tab VI. 288 Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 10–19. 289 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 84. 290 Ibid., 85. 291 Ibid., 83–84. 292 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 84. 293 The interval is the same, though it is considered differently: Mozart reports Tartini’s instructions calling this interval a minor third (cf. Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 218); Quantz’s hint could thus refer to it as well. 294 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 85; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 10. 295 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 217. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 144 trill with the augmented second (he calls this interval minor third too), claim- ing that an important Italian master teaches it to his students, but he too sug- gests using another grace rather than a trill.296 As for the beginning of the trill, Mozart reports the trill prepared from above with a descending appoggiatura and from below with a ribattuta;297 he also adds the appoggiatura with the addition of the shortly heard upper note298 (or Ueberwurf, like Tartini’s other kind of double ascending appoggiatura),299 which Tartini does not mention in this context because he does not allow its usage. As for endings, he reports the Piranese violinist’s concepts and examples transposed from C major to B flat major;300 he only adds that the short trill [Trilleto] starts with a short appog- giatura and ends with a quick nachschlag.301 The three levels of speed and the trill going from slow to fast and from piano to forte on final cadences are the same as Tartini’s.302 He also mentions the difference between trills on the first and fourth strings: he explicitly states that the trill is faster on the first because higher strings move faster than lower,303 which was implied in the Regole.304 Mozart claims that the long appoggiatura before the trill must take a half of its value, but if the trill is at the beginning of a passage, the appoggiatura is hardly heard and it becomes the accented beginning of the trill305 – this view is quite similar to Quantz’s, who claims that the appoggiatura of a trill is as long as the notes of the trill if it introduces a new thought after a pause.306 Like Tartini, he recommends using a nachschlag on half cadences.307 Like Marpurg,308 he criti- cizes the use of appoggiaturas on the end note of a cadence, but he reports Tar- tini’s appoggiatura on the last note of the nachschlag – saying, as he does, that the trill becomes more beautiful and cantabile.309 In the case of an ascending note following the trill, Mozart mentions the possibility of adding either an 296 Ibid., 218. 297 Ibid., 219. 298 Ibid. 299 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 9. 300 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 220; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 301 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 220. 302 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 220–221; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 10–11. 303 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 221; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 304 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 305 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 222–223. 306 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 86. 307 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 223; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 13. 308 Cf. Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 58, Tab VI. 309 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 224; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 13. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 145 anticipation or an appoggiatura from the lower third on the following note.310 As for where to use trills, the indications and examples311 recall quite closely Tartini’s law of equality: the only missing topic is syncopation.312 Mozart also presents ascending and descending chains of trills [aufsteigende and absteigende Triller]; he recommends not taking the bow off the string and playing the notes in one bow stroke only, changing its direction on the strong beats of the bar.313 Like Tartini, Mozart claims that the finger can never leave the string, but he adds that a violinist must know both how to change fingers properly on this embellishment and how to trill a chromatic scale too.314 While Tartini claims that this grace is mostly effective in notes moving by step,315 Mozart advises using it on leaps in the cadenza of a lively allegro.316 He also describes a chain of trills that has a brief fall on an empty string after each note, where the trill must be held a bit longer and the fall is hardly heard.317 Mozart also presents a double trill [Doppeltriller] on two strings at the distance of a third (also used in a chain of trills) or sixth318 that is not mentioned in the Regole. According to Rousseau, there are only two kinds of trills: the trill prepared with an appoggiatura [cadence pleine]319 – like Tartini’s trill prepared from above320 – and the trill without preparation [cadence brisée]321. Loulié’s trill is a repetition of shakes and it can be simple (two shakes), double (four shakes) or triple (six shakes).322 It describes the trill without preparation [tremblement non appuyé or sans appuy] and the trill prepared from above [tremblement appuyé] like Tartini’s, whose length depends on the value of the trilled note.323 Loulié’s equivalent of a trill with a nachschlag, i.e. a trill ending on a turn [tour de gosier] is explained as a trill with the first note of the 310 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 224. 311 Ibid., 225–227. 312 Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 14–15. 313 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 227–229. 314 Cf. Ibid., 228–229. 315 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 12. 316 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 229. 317 Ibid., 230. 318 Ibid., 230–235. 319 In French texts, the trill is often called cadence instead of tremblement; most likely, as Rousseau points out, owing to the habit of using it on the second-to-last note of a musical phrase. This relationship between trills and cadences is quite clear in Tartini’s Regole as well. D’Alembert considers cadence a word of common usage (D’Alembert, Elémens de musique, théorique et pratique, suivant les principes de M. Rameau, 52); Masson claims it is used in singing (Masson, Nouveau traité des règles pour la composition de la musique, 21). 320 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 321 Rousseau, Dictionnaire de Musique, 67. 322 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 70. 323 Ibid., 70–71. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 146 last shake lowered by a third; it can have more or less shakes, just like a trill.324 His flatté or flattement is a simple trill of two shakes followed by a descending interval [chute].325 Montéclair identifies four kinds of trills, all of which cannot exceed a second: he explicitly shows that trills involving wider intervals are wrong.326 Moreover, the trill must have only the main note and the upper auxiliary: trills involving higher or lower notes [tremblement haut or bas respectively] are wrong too.327 The slow trill is good in languorous or plaintive music, while the fast trill is used in serious or cheerful music.328 His trill can end with a turn – the German nachschlag, thus without Tartini’s slightly held main note – or an anticipation (chute).329 He describes the trill prepared from above [tremblement appuyé], whose preparation has a value depending on that of the whole trilled note,330 the trill without preparation [tremblement subit],331 the false trill [trem- blement feint], prepared but not beaten as the upper auxiliary is heard just once at the end of the note,332 the trill with nachschlag [tremblement double or double cadence with a turn or tour de gosier]333 without Tartini’s held main note.334 According to Mahaut, French musicians begin trills with an appoggiatura and double the speed of the final beats, while the Italians prefer it equal and with no appoggiatura335 (Tartini’s, though, is quite different).336 He too pres- ents the trill with nachschlag [double cadence], whose last two notes can be either slurred or articulated depending on taste.337 Couperin mentions the necessity of increasing the speed of the trill, though he claims that the increase must be imperceptible.338 A quite long trill has three parts, preparation [appuy], shakes [batemens] and termination [point-d’arest]; all other trills are arbitrary.339 In his Livre de pièces, he presents different kinds of trills: a long trill [tremblement continu] is held on the whole value of a very long note. In reference to the note following the final turn (or nachschlag), 324 Ibid., 73–74. 325 Ibid., 73. 326 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 82. 327 Ibid. 328 Ibid., 81. 329 Ibid. 330 Ibid. 331 Ibid., 82. 332 Ibid., 83. 333 Ibid., 84. 334 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 335 Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière, 12. 336 Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 337 Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière, 12. 338 Couperin, L’art de toucher le clavecin, 23. 339 Ibid., 24. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 147 a trill can be open [ouvert] or closed [fermé] if it is followed by a rising or falling second respectively.340 Moreover, as to preparations, trills can be tied and prepared [appuyé et lié], tied without preparation [lié sans etre appuyé] or unprepared [détaché]; all are preceded by the same note as the upper auxiliary, but in the first case the preceding note is tied to the trill and used as a prepara- tion, in the second it is tied but not used as a preparation and in the third it is repeated.341 In his flute method, Corrette claims that the trill must be beaten softly and then accelerated and he shows the last notes doubling the speed342 – just as Mahaut describes the French trill.343 In his singing method, Corrette describes seven kinds of trills: a trill whose preparation lasts a half of the note [cadence appuyée], an unprepared trill [cadence précipitée], a trill stopping on the main note [cadence coupée], a false trill [cadence feinte] whose preparation is followed by one beat only, a trill with nachschlag [double cadence], a trill ending with an anticipation [cadence fermée] and an Italian trill [cadence Italienne] stopped on the main note with a final addition of two notes (reminiscent of a nachschlag) followed by a descending second344 – this seems quite similar to Tartini’s sec- ond kind of final trill. Hotteterre too mentions a preparation [préparation or port-de-voix] last- ing as long as the following trill;345 he also presents the trill with nachschlag [double cadence].346 According to Saint-Lambert, the trill always ends on the real note; a long trill is performed at best by increasing its speed, while a short trill is better if it is fast.347 Saint-Lambert also reports D’Anglebert’s five kinds of trills – simple and prepared trill [tremblement simple and appuyé], two compound trills [cadences] and a trill with nachschlag [tremblement & pincé]348 – and Nivers’s agrément (which is actually a mordent), unprepared trill [cadence] and trill with nachschlag [double cadence].349 Bérard and Blanchet present five trills: prepared [cadence appuyée], increas- ingly fast [précipitée], slow and dying [molle], dotted and heavy [double cadence] and demi-cadence or coup de gorge.350 The preparation of the prepared trill lasts 340 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. 341 Ibid. 342 Corrette, Méthode pour apprendre aisément à joüer de la flute traversière, 21–22. 343 Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière, 12. 344 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 48–49. 345 Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, 15, 21. 346 Ibid., 35. 347 Saint-Lambert, Les principes du clavecin, 43. 348 Ibid., 46–47. 349 Ibid., 47. 350 Bérard, L’art du chant, 114–117; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 117–120. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 148 a half of the note (one third in unequal tempo) and is slightly separated from the trill itself; the shakes are slow at the beginning, then become faster and close the trill falling on the final note.351 The increasingly fast trill is faster and foresees increasing speed.352 The slow trill has slower shakes and a muffled sound, the voice dying out by degrees.353 The dotted and heavy trill might seem similar to Tartini’s trill prepared from below,354 but the dotted notes are actually the beginning of a trill with heavy shakes becoming faster and faster,355 as in Mattheson’s Tenuta.356 The half trill (demi-cadence) starts with a preparation, the force of the sound swells and then diminishes, and the trill ends with two or three half-shakes [demi-martellemens] or sometimes like the prepared trill, but more softly357 – it is a sort of false trill. Villeneuve shows different kinds of trills: the trill stopping on the main note [cadence coupée], the trill with nachschlag [double cadence batuë on ascend- ing seconds, the prepared trill ending with an anticipation of the following note [double cadence apuyée, batuë et fermée].358 The second is similar to Tartini’s second kind of final trill and the third to Tartini’s first prepared from above with a long appoggiatura, but these trills do not seem to linger on the real note before the additions, while the anticipation is much longer than Tartini’s.359 L’Affilard, like Villeneuve,360 presents the trill with nachschlag and the pre- pared trill ending with an anticipation of the following note shows; he also shows the false trill and the trill without preparation,361 substantially equiva- lent to Montéclair’s above-mentioned trills. Brossard claims that the trill [trillo, tremolo or tremoletto] can be a French trill [cadence/tremblement à la Françoise] of two notes, a real Italian trill [trillo à l ’Italienne] – which means one note only repeated at increasing speed, like 351 Bérard, L’art du chant, 114–115, 122–125; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 117–118, 127–129. 352 Bérard, L’art du chant, 115, 125–126; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 118, 129. 353 Bérard, L’art du chant, 115–116, 126–127; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 118, 130. 354 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 355 Bérard, L’art du chant, 116, 127–128; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 119, 130–131. 356 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 118. 357 Bérard, L’art du chant, 117, 128–129; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 119– 120, 131–132. 358 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38–39. 359 Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 360 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38–39. 361 L’Affilard, Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.), 26–27. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 149 Georg Falck’s362 – or a trill with nachschlag [double cadence/tour de gosier].363 He also mentions a short trill [trilletto]364 and a ribattuta di gola (double if it has a nachschlag) quite similar to Tartini’s notes used to prepare a trill from below, though this does not end on a trill.365 Geminiani explains three kinds of trill, the simple trill [plain shake or trillo semplice], the trill with nachschlag [turn’d shake or trillo compost] and short trill [holding the note or trattenuto sopra la nota]. The first is proper for quick move- ments, the second may express either gaiety if it is quick and long or tender passions if it is short and followed by the main note held plain and soft, while the third lets the pure note be heard either before or after the trill for half the value of the whole note. Pasquali’s holding the note (turn’d shake) is quite similar to Geminiani’s: a half of the note is trilled, while the other half is held; the same goes for the trill (shake), which lasts a half of the trilled note.366 Purcell, like Geminiani, describes the shake, the shake turn’d (with the added notes slower than the actual trill) and short trill (plain note & shake).367 The latter differs from Geminiani’s because it is the upper auxiliary that is held half the value of the whole note, resulting in a grace similar to Couperin’s unprepared trill.368 Simpson’s trill (backfall shaked), employs an open shake on the superior appoggiatura (plain backfall). He describes it as rough and masculine, there- fore more peculiar to the bass, though he also claims that it is fit to express life, courage or cheerfulness on the treble.369 Prelleur’s trill in singing starts more slowly than it ends,370 like Tartini’s trill on a cadenza (or final cadence).371 As for the German flute, his trills (shakes or cadences) are always prepared with a superior appoggiatura, even when it is not marked or written; there, he also describes a trill with nachschlag (double cadence). As for harpsichord, he presents the trill (shake), holding the note (plain note and shake) and the trill with nachschlag (shake turned). 362 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 114; cf. Georg Falck, Idea boni cantoris (Nürnberg: Wolfgang Moritz Endter, 1688), 102. 363 See entries “Trillo”, “Ribattuta”, “Cadence ou tremblement à la françoise”, and “Double cadence, ou tour de gosier”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 364 See entry “Trilletto”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 365 See entry “Ribattuta”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. 366 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 367 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. 368 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. 369 Simpson, The Division-Viol, 11–12. 370 Prelleur, “An Introduction to Singing”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 11. 371 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 11. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 150 Besides the normal trill (trill or trillo, sometimes quavering or roulade, and shake when reporting Lambert), Grassineau describes an Italian trill (tillo [sic.]) on one note, 372 like Brossard’s373 and Falck’s.374 He also defines a short trill [trilletta].375 Playford’s text (revised by Purcell) presents two kinds of trills used in Italy: the Italian trill (trillo, plain shake or trill) on one note with growing speed,376 like Grassineau’s,377 Brossard’s378 and Falck’s,379 and a sort of trill with nach- schlag [gruppo, double relish or grup]380 that starts on the main note instead of the upper auxiliary, ending like Couperin’s closed trill.381 Vibrato Tartini’s vibrato is an oscillation determined by a vibration of the finger given by the wrist; it can be slow and equal [tardo, ma eguale], fast and equal [veloce, ma eguale] or increasingly fast [per gradi].382 The violinist says that it can be found in some voices but has its origin in sound (e.g. the natural vibrations of a bell or of a string): it cannot be used when imitating the human voice, for instance during a messa di voce.383 It makes a good effect on held notes of any melody.384 It is also useful on the last note of a cadence when it is long and held, because it derives from the nature of sound: the last stroke produces a vibration going on for some time.385 He also shows some examples of syncopated notes enriched with vibrato on one or two strings, explaining where the accent must fall.386 Mozart’s description is quite similar to Tartini’s: he states that the vibrato [Tremulo or Tremulanten] comes from the natural oscillation of sound and that it is thus well suited to the last note.387 He describes the three kinds of speed and gives the same explanation and almost identical examples of syncopated 372 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 291. 373 See entry “Trillo”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 374 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 114; cf. Falck, Idea boni cantoris, 102. 375 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 291. 376 Playford, An Introduction to the Skill of Musick, 39. 377 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 291. 378 See entry “Trillo”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 379 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 114; cf. Falck, Idea boni cantoris, 102. 380 Playford, An Introduction to the Skill of Musick, 39. 381 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. 382 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 15. 383 Ibid., 15–16. 384 Ibid., 16. 385 Ibid. 386 Ibid. 387 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 239; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 16. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 151 notes enriched with vibrato on one or two strings.388 Mozart adds that it gives the impression of a continuous fever if it is heard too often389 and that a trem- olo of increasing speed with a messa di voce can be used on the long note (tonic or dominant) before a cadenza.390 Agricola describes vibrato [Bebung auf einem und eben demselben Tone] in his chapter about trills,391 like Tartini’s.392 On strings, the fingertip must be on the string and oscillate without changing the sound.393 In singing, it has a good effect on long held notes, notably towards their ending; however, Agricola un- derlines that not all voices are suited for a vibrato, as Tartini does.394 Marpurg too describes vibrato [Bebung].395 He explains that it is done with the fingertip on string instruments and with breath in singing and on wind in- struments; as for keyboard instruments, it can be performed on few clavichords and on Hohlfeld’s Bogenflügel.396 Marpurg claims that the number of oscilla- tions is usually specified in writing, while Tartini does not say so.397 Baron’s vibrato [Bebung or Schwebung] on the lute is done through an os- cillation of the left hand, whose thumb must be loose and free; otherwise, it would be a hindrance to this kind of movement.398 He also describes a wider vibrato [Mordant] that seems to get higher or lower than the actual vibrato because the string must be pulled.399 Mattheson specifies that a vibrato [Tremolo or Beben der Stimme] is ob- tained with a gentle movement and moderation of breath in singing and with a fingertip on the lute, violin or clavichord.400 It consists of a light oscillation of the note, so it must not be confused with a trill, which has two clearly in- terchanged sounds.401 He also mentions the relationship of this grace with the organ tremulant.402 388 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 239–242; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 15–16. 389 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 238–239. 390 Ibid., 241–242. 391 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 121–122. 392 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 10. 393 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 121. 394 Ibid. 395 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 46. 396 Ibid. 397 Ibid. 398 Baron, Historisch-theoretisch und practische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten, 168–169. 399 Ibid. 400 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 114. 401 Ibid. 402 Ibid. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 152 Vibrato can also be found in French texts. Villeneuve describes his vibrato [balancement] as a vacillating sound such as that of a bell after a single stroke.403 Montéclairs vibrato [flatté], consisting of soft aspirations of the voice, has the same effect of a string shaken with the finger; he warns that this grace should not be used too often on long notes.404 Hotteterre describes a vibrato [flatte- ment or tremblement mineur], which is a sort of digital vibrato; on the lower D, for which all the fingers are used, it is done by shaking the flute.405 Corrette’s vibrato [flattement] on the flute is quite similar to Hotteterre’s;406 he warns that this grace is not often used.407 Bérard and Blanchet recommend letting the voice ascend by 1/4 of tone and exhale in their interval [flatté or balance].408 Geminiani’s vibrato [tremolo or close-shake]; he advises to make it low and soft to express affliction and fear, to swell the sound and bring the bow nearer to the bridge to express majesty and dignity. On short notes, however, he claims that it only makes the sound agreeable, and thus advises to use it as often as possible. Simpson as well describes a vibrato [close-shake] which requires moving the finger softly, as close to the note as possible; it can be used where no other grace is concerned.409 Prelleur’s text on vibrato [softening of notes or lesser shake]410 is like Hotteterre’s.411 The tremolo is absent in Tartini’s Regole,412 but it is mentioned by other texts, though it is often described as a slower vibrato as not always treated as a clearly different ornament. Montéclair describes a tremolo [balancement] whose aspirations are more marked and slower than those of the vibrato [flatté];413 Loulié’s414 and Corrette’s tremolo [balancement], which is reminis- cent of the organ tremulant, is soft and slow,415 like L’Affilard’s.416 The tremolo [tremblement] repeating a note in the same bow stroke is also mentioned by Rousseau, who claims that it is not used anymore in his time.417 Brossard as- 403 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 39. 404 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 85. 405 Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, 34. 406 Ibid. 407 Corrette, Méthode pour apprendre aisément à joüer de la flute traversière, 30. 408 Bérard, L’art du chant, 119–120, 132; Blanchet, L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant, 116, 126. 409 Simpson, The Division-Viol, 11. 410 Prelleur, “The Newest Method for the Learners on the German Flute”, in The Modern Musick- Master, 9. 411 Hotteterre, Principes de la flute traversière, 34. 412 Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 4–19. 413 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 85. 414 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 73. 415 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 50. 416 L’Affilard, Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.), 26–27. 417 Rousseau, Dictionnaire de Musique, 523. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 153 sociates it to both strings and voice, giving the example of tremolo [trembleurs] in Lully’s Isis.418 In Germany, Mattheson cites Brossard to claim that a tremolo [Tremolo] can also be performed with the bow on the violin, by repeating the same note in a bow stroke.419 In English texts, both Simpson and Grassineau mention tremolo (respectively shake or tremble with the bow420 and tremolo, tremolante or tremente421 – probably following Brossard’s advice that tremolante and tremante were better than the word tremolo to define this grace).422 Turn In Tartini’s Regole, the turn consists of three notes added before the written one, on which the force falls.423 It must be performed so fast that the notes cannot be clearly distinguished, but their effect makes the note lively, bold and full of spirit.424 Thus, this grace is more suonabile than cantabile – it may only be adapted to a cantabile allegro or andante needing some spirit in its expres- sion.425 It can be both ascending and descending: its direction must be deduced from the preceding note; however, a descending turn makes a better effect than an ascending one, just as a descending appoggiatura is better.426 As it is a sort of accent, it can be used on crotchets or quavers followed by shorter notes as well as on all equal notes; it cannot be used on notes separated from the melody (anacruses), because they can never be accented.427 Though other European embellishments are quite similar as for speed, melodic direction or intervals, they are usually accented or their context of usage differs. The greatest similarities are to be found in Mozart’s Violinschule: he de- scribes a turn [Mordant mit drei Noten] identical to Tartini’s;428 he too shows both ascending and descending versions, claiming that the choice depends on the preceding note, though a descending turn, like a descending appoggiatura, makes a better effect.429 The effect is described in precisely the same way: falling under the category of mordents, it is an accent giving spirit to the note, whose sound is lost immediately to leave the sound of the written note free, and if it 418 See entries “Tremolo”, and “Trembleurs”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 419 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 114. 420 Simpson, The Division-Viol, 10. 421 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 289. 422 See entry “Tremolo”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 423 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17. 424 Ibid. 425 Ibid. 426 Ibid., 18. 427 Ibid. 428 Cf. Ibid., 17–18. 429 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 243–244. Cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17–18. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 154 is not very fast, it is not correct.430 However, Mozart specifies that it must be intelligible,431 while Tartini clearly states that the tone of each note must not be as clear as their overall effect.432 The other difference is that Mozart shows a case of anacrusis with a turn, though he claims that this rarely happens.433 Loehlein’s turn [Doppelschlag] is similar to Tartini’s as for melodic direction. It is quite fast (demisemiquavers on a crotchet) and the written note is longer, but the accent falls on the grace instead of the main note.434 The same goes for Bach’s turn [Doppleschlag].435 It must always be fast436 and it is used to give brilliance to the note.437 As this grace can never be slow, there are three kinds of turn: in fast tempo all notes are short, in measured tempo the fourth (the real note) is longer, in slow tempo two are short, the third is a little longer and the fourth even longer.438 According to Bach, the opposite of a turn is a double ascending appoggiatura [Schleifer von dreyen Nötgen].439 Agricola’s turn [einfacher Doppelschlag] too might seem quite similar to Tar- tini’s as for melodic direction, but the accent falls on the first note. Indeed, the author describes it as a note preceded by a short appoggiatura and followed by a nachschlag; this implies that the first and second note must be quick, while those forming the nachschlag can be slower or faster440 – resulting in Bach’s classification.441 Agricola’s turn can also be used after the note, if it is long enough.442 According to Marpurg, the ascending or descending turn [Doppelschlag] in the Spielmanieren corresponds to an ascending or descending turn [Halbzirkel] in the Setzmenieren.443 He only shows the second with equal notes (Bach’s first case),444 while he foresees Bach’s and Agricola’s first and third kinds for the 430 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 244; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17–18. 431 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 244. 432 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17. 433 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 243; cf. Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 18. 434 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 435 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 75 (cf. Tab V Fig L). 436 Ibid., 77. 437 Ibid., 76. 438 Ibid., 75 (cf. Tab V Fig L). 439 Ibid., 94. 440 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 114–115. 441 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 115; cf. Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, Tab V Fig L. 442 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 118–119. 443 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 52. 444 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 42; cf. Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, Tab V Fig L. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 155 other.445 He also states that the descending turn is used more often than the ascending one.446 Unlike Tartini’s and Mozart’s,447 the German turn is accented and can be preceded by additions. Bach mentions the possibility of adding it on an appoggiatura,448 shows a trilled turn [prallender Doppelschlag] whose first two notes are repeated twice,449 a darted turn [geschnellter Doppelschlag] with a note added at the beginning450 and a turn from below [Doppelschlag von unten] with two rapid ascending notes added at the beginning.451 Agricola presents the trilled turn452 and Bach’s darted turn453 and mentions the possibility of add- ing an appoggiatura before the turn.454 Loehlein shows two kinds of increased turns [vermehrter Doppelschlag], with one (like Bach’s darted turn) or two (like Bach’s turn from below, though here the last notes that are faster, not the first) notes added at the beginning.455 Montéclair’s turn [tour de gosier] descends; it has a real note held [note d’appui] followed by the three fast notes of the grace in one breath, resting on the real note; the author also requires a rapid trill on the second note of the embellishment.456 It seems similar to Villeneuve’s turn [double cadence], which is made of three descending notes slurred so quickly that they are hardly heard, as if sliding them;457 seemingly, it is also quite similar to L’Affilard’s turn [dou- ble cadence coupée].458 All these graces, however, are inserted into a long note or at any rate require that the main note be played both before and after. A grace whose melodic direction is similar to Tartini’s turn is also found in Brossard’s Dictionnaire, who exemplifies his turn [circolo mezzo but also groppo or gruppo]459 as a quadruplet, both ascending and descending.460 445 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 53, Tab. IV; cf. Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, Tab V Fig L; Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 121–122. 446 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 53, Tab. IV. 447 Cf. Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 243–244; Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17–18. 448 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 76. 449 Ibid., 81. 450 Ibid., 84–85. 451 Ibid., 86. 452 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 119. 453 Ibid., 121. 454 Ibid., 120. 455 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 456 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 85–86. 457 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38. 458 L’Affilard, Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.), 26–27. 459 Brossard’s tour de gosier refers to ribattuta di gola or double cadence. 460 See entries “Circolo mezzo”, and “Groppo”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 156 The French turn can also be related to the trill, and mainly to the German trill with nachschlag. Corrette’s turn [tour de gozier] is used to end a trill, and it is composed of the last shake and of the nachschlag.461 Loulié’s turn [tour de gosier] is explained as a trill with the first note of the last shake lowered by a third; thus, it can be either shorter or longer (with more or less shakes), just like a trill.462 The only grace described in English texts that seems quite similar to Tar- tini’s descending turn as for melodic direction is Pasquali’s turn, which is none- theless accented and slower, taking the value of about half of the note.463 Both Purcell464 and Grassineau (here reporting Lambert)465 show turns that might seem similar to Tartini’s, but there are substantial differences mak- ing them more similar to the French above-mentioned embellishments. They both have five notes, as the main note is heard both at the beginning and at the end, and they differ in value. All the notes have the same value in Grassineau’s example;466 in Purcell’s, the main note is held longer than the three added notes, both at the beginning and at the end,467 though not as long as in Mon- téclair’s example468 – the same goes for Prelleur’s turn on the harpsichord.469 Grassineau also illustrates an ascending or descending turn [circolo mezzo or group], formed of a quadruplet470 identical to Brossard’s.471 Mordent According to Tartini, a mordent472 is a note returning to itself beaten with its lower auxiliary.473 It can consist of two, four or six notes depending on the speed and it is used in the same way as a turn.474 It is suitable for music that is joyful, suonabile, and full of spirit, but it cannot be used in grave or melancholic pieces; it makes a good effect when the expression is somewhere in the middle, if it is used at the right moment.475 461 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 49. 462 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 73–74. 463 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 464 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. 465 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 102. 466 Ibid. 467 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. 468 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 86. 469 Prelleur, “The Harpsichord Illustrated and Improv’d”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 5. 470 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 29, 90. 471 See entries “Circolo mezzo”, and “Groppo”, in Brossard, Dictionnaire de musique. 472 He calls it simple mordent, as opposed to the compound mordent, which is here referred to as a turn; they are related because they have the same function, though with different structures (Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17–19). 473 Ibid., 18–19. 474 Ibid., 19. 475 Ibid. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 157 Tosi mentions a mordent [trillo mordente] as the eight and fastest kind of trill: it is taught more by nature than by art, it must cease immediately after it starts and good singers rarely use an appoggiatura without it.476 Though Tartini too claims that the good rendition of a short appoggiatura foresees a mordent, a long one is naturally followed by a trill.477 However, according to Agricola, the Italians call mordent [mordente] not only the French mordent [pincé], but also the short trill as well as passing appoggiaturas in those descending notes that are too short for a short trill478 – this is why, in his opinion, Tosi’s text on mordents is not quite clear.479 Mozart notably defines a mordent [Mordant or Mordente] as a number of notes that are really fast, tied to the main note, whose sound ceases immedi- ately so that the real note is clearly heard.480 The first kind of these mordents, in Mozart’s explanation, comes from the note itself:481 it is just like Tartini’s simple mordent with two or four notes.482 Mozart also describes another em- bellishment (which he calls Batement or Zusammenschlag), which originates in the lower semitone483 and is thus quite different. Bach’s mordent [Mordent] can be both short (two notes) and long (more than two notes) depending on both the value of the note and the tempo.484 According to him, the mordent holds notes together (e.g. on rising seconds, with or without appoggiatura),485 fills them (e.g. on long notes)486 and makes them brilliant (e.g. on notes by leap).487 Bach also describes a short upper mordent [Schneller] with the upper auxiliary, it is very fast, it gives brilliance to short notes and fills them;488 no trace of such an upper mordent can be found in the Regole. Bach also describes a case in which the mordent can be slow without being wrong, and he claims that singers perform it usually at the beginning or before a pause or fermata489 – Marpurg and Agricola report this too. 490 476 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 27–28. 477 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 5, 8. 478 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 103–104. 479 Ibid., 104. 480 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 242. 481 Ibid. 482 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 18–19. 483 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 245. 484 Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, 86–87. 485 Ibid., 87. 486 Ibid., 88. 487 Ibid. 488 Ibid., 97–98. 489 Ibid., 90. 490 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 59; Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 114. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 158 Marpurg defines the mordent [Mordent] as the opposite of a trill, though with not as many repetitions:491 his short has two added notes and his long mordent has four.492 Like Tartini’s, his mordent is very fast;493 however, he also reports Bach’s short upper mordent.494 In his additions to Tosi’s rules,495 Agricola claims that the mordent [Mor- dent] has to be performed at the highest possible speed496 – just like Tarti- ni.497 According to him, it is generally built with a semitone even when the tonality would need a whole tone, in order to give more strength to it498 – something that is quite characteristic. In his examples, he shows both shorter and longer mordents, claiming that the choice depends on the value of the note.499 According to Agricola, the mordent preceded by an appoggiatura is the opposite of a short trill, as it is from below: both graces start with an appoggiatura, but the short trill needs a descending one, while the mordent needs an ascending one.500 This grace is generally associated to instrumental renditions rather than voice, as it is in Tartini’s thought. However, according to Mattheson, the mor- dent [Mordant] can be performed both with instruments and voice; while there are many ways of playing it on instruments, there is only one for singers: with two notes added and in such a rapid way that the three sounds are almost heard as one.501 He describes its effect somewhat differently from Tartini, as a hesitation, detainment or gentle push.502 Moreover, Mattheson, like Bach, thinks that a mordent can tie sounds, while the violinist deems it more suona- bile than cantabile. Loehlein’s examples of short and long mordent [kurzer and langer Mordent] are preceded by an appoggiatura,503 resulting in graces that are quite similar to Couperin’s simple and double appoggiaturas504 (though Loehlein’s long mor- dent has six notes, two more than Couperin’s double appoggiatura). 491 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 58. 492 Ibid., Tab. V. 493 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17–19. 494 He adds that many clavierists call Mordent a Schneller, which in his opinion is not only wrong, but also laughable. 495 Tosi, Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni, 27–28. 496 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 114. 497 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17–19. 498 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 114. 499 Ibid., 103–104. 500 Ibid., 103. 501 Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister, 119. 502 Ibid. 503 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 504 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 159 In an example, Quantz shows a grace that is quite similar to Loehlein’s mordent, as the first note must be held as long as the following note requires.505 As opposed to appoggiatura, which contributes to the softening and sadness of music, the mordent is associated to the short trill and turn expressing en- couragement and joy;506 such additions are necessary to play brilliantly appog- giaturas in the French style.507 In the French texts considered, the mordent is usually called pincé. Just like Tartini, French musicians start beating the mordent from the real note; though the number of beats and thus the length sometimes differs, no sub- stantial differences can be found. Couperin’s simple mordent [pincé simple] has two notes while his double mordent [pincé double] has six; he explains that the length of the mordent or trill (i.e. the number of shakes) is determined by the value of the note.508 Couperin also adds a long mordent [pincé continu] lasting the whole value of the note and sharp or flat mordents [pincés diésés and bémolisés] with an inferior note unrelated to the tonality,509 which Tartini does not mention.510 As for Rousseau, he reminds the reader that the mor- dent has to begin and end with the real note interchanged with the inferior auxiliary and describes it as the opposite of a trill,511 just like Hotteterre in his method for the musette512 and Marpurg and Agricola in Germany513 – quite differently from Tartini. Montéclair, like Villeneuve,514 shows only mordents [pincé] with two added notes and, like Tartini, he specifies that it must be done before a strong note.515 Saint-Lambert claims that de Chambonnière and Le Bègue know only a mordent with two added notes; D’Anglebert uses two (with two or four notes), specifying that the choice of using a longer or shorter mordent is determined by the value of the note,516 like Couperin and Agricola.517 Loulié’s mordent [martellement] can be simple, double or triple depending on the number of notes (two, four or six respectively – thus one, two or three shakes).518 505 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, Tab. XVI Fig. 25 b; cf. Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 506 Quantz, Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen, 81. 507 Ibid., 80. 508 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 75. 509 Ibid. 510 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 18–19. 511 Rousseau, Dictionnaire de Musique, 378. 512 Hotteterre, Méthode pour la musette, 59. 513 Marpurg, Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, 58; Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 103. 514 Villeneuve, Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile, 38–39. 515 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 84. 516 Saint-Lambert, Les principes du clavecin, 48–49. 517 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74; Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 103–104. 518 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 72. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 160 In his singing method, Corrette’s mordent [pincé or martellement] has only two notes; he claims that it can be used on long notes and clarifies that a mor- dent on the tonic has to be done with the leading tone.519 In his flute method, however, Corrette’s mordent [battement] can be either simple (with one shake) or double (with more shakes), with a tone or a semitone depending on the tonality of the piece.520 Corrette also presents two kinds of mordents [martelle- ments]: the first, which is faster than a trill, begins with the lower auxiliary and is composed of a double appoggiatura and a double shake; the second is the Italian mordent [à la manière Italienne], which consists of an appoggiatura as long as the whole real note followed by a mordent on the real note.521 Mahaut too presents mordents [martellements], which he classifies as simple, double and triple depending on the number of shakes.522 This is quite different from Tartini’s mordent, which never starts from the auxiliary note;523 however, it is similar to Mozart’s Batement in this respect.524 In English texts, Tartini’s simple mordent is a beat. Geminiani’s mordent [beat or mordente] is always repeated and seems to be much longer than Tar- tini’s: in his general examples, he uses 10 or 14 added notes, while in the ex- amples in which different ornaments are combined he uses 4 or 6, starting with the real note, whether held or short. The vast majority of the English musicians, however, do not start from a tone returning to itself, but from an inferior added note going to the main note. Pasquali’s mordent is repeated and, as he starts from the inferior auxiliary, he adds an odd number of notes (five in the example).525 Purcell uses three notes, the first of which is held while the following are really short,526 which makes this grace look somehow similar to a French inferior appoggiatura with a mor- dent. Grassineau’s mordent (from Lambert) has three added notes as well but they are short.527 Pearson does not give clear indications about repetitions; as for viols, its beat starts from the half note below,528 while for other instruments from either the note or half note below.529 In his harpsichord method, Prelleur shows a quadruplet.530 Simpson’s mordent [shaked beat]531 has the same nature 519 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 49. 520 Corrette, Méthode pour apprendre aisément à joüer de la flute traversière, 32. 521 Ibid., 34–35. 522 Mahaut, Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traversière, 22. 523 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 18–19. 524 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 245. 525 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 526 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. 527 Grassineau, A Musical Dictionary, 102. 528 Pearson, The Compleat Musick-Master, 27. 529 Ibid., 41, 66. 530 Prelleur, “The Harpsichord Illustrated and Improv’d”, in The Modern Musick-Master, 4. 531 Thus a shaken ascending appoggiatura. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 161 of an ascending appoggiatura and both generally involve a semitone; the only difference is a short shake of the finger before it is placed: he starts from the inferior auxiliary and shows eight notes in his example.532 Like the trill, it is rough and masculine, therefore more proper for the bass, though it is also fit to express life, courage or cheerfulness on the treble. Conclusion The present research is aimed to give an overview of the European musi- cal context of Tartini’s embellishments. As this topic is extremely wide, it is beyond the scope and aim of this paper to give in-depth analyses of each writer’s views in relationship to Tartini. It will be possible to deepen and widen the research by adding methods and treatises by other authors and by analyzing more deeply the indications and examples displayed in the texts. Moreover, it would be interesting to extend the comparison with Piranese’s context to other aspects of his thought, and most of all to his theoretical system. This would allow gaining a precise and wide knowledge of the inter- relationships between Tartini’s overall musical and intellectual activity and its European context. By underlining similarities and differences in the instructions for embel- lishments in treatises and methods written in Europe during Tartini’s lifetime, the present analysis underlines how many different points of view could coexist throughout the continent during the first half of the eighteenth century. This rich and fruitful panorama was characterized by a certain level of cos- mopolitanism: as texts, masters, students and letters circulated, more or less direct contacts arose among schools – as testified by Tartini’s epistolary as well as some more or less direct references to other musicians, styles and/or Euro- pean countries in the texts. It is nonetheless clear that each musician’s style was deeply personal and totally unstandardized. Notwithstanding this diversity – or maybe owing to it – these texts con- stitute a whole organic system testifying to the Zeitgeist of early-eighteenth- century Europe. 532 Simpson, The Division-Viol, 11–12. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 162 Bibliography Primary Sources Agricola, Johann Friedrich. Anleitung zur Singkunst. Berlin: G. L. Winter, 1757. Bach, Carl Philipp Emanuel. Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen. Vol. 1 (2nd ed.). Berlin: G. L. Winter, 1759. Baron, Ernst Gottlieb. Historisch-theoretisch und practische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten. Nuremberg: J. F. Rüdiger, 1727. Bérard, Jean Antoine. L’art du chant. Paris: Dessaint & Saillant, Prault fils, Lambert, 1755. Blanchet, Jean. L’art, ou Les principes philosophiques du chant (2nd ed.). Paris: A.-M. Lottin, M. Lambert, N. Bon Duchesne, 1756. Brossard, Sébastien de. Dictionnaire de musique. Paris: C. Ballard, 1703. Corrette, Michel. Le parfait maitre à chanter. Paris: author, [s. a.]. Corrette, Michel. Méthode pour apprendre aisément à joüer de la flute traversière. Paris: Me. Boivin, [s. a.]. Couperin, François. L’art de toucher le clavecin. Paris: author, Foucault, 1716. Couperin, François. Pièces de clavecin. Vol. 1. Paris: author, Foucault, 1713. D’Alembert, Jean le Rond. Elémens de musique, théorique et pratique, suivant les principes de M. Rameau. Paris: David l’aîné, 1752. Falck, Georg, Idea boni cantoris. Nürnberg: Wolfgang Moritz Endter, 1688. Geminiani, Francesco. A Treatise of Good Taste in the Art of Musick. London: [author], 1749. Geminiani, Francesco. The Art of Playing on the Violin. London: J. Johnson, 1751. Grassineau, James. A Musical Dictionary. London: J. Wilcox, 1740. Hotteterre, Jacques-Martin. Méthode pour la musette. Paris: J. B. C. Ballard, 1738. Hotteterre, Jacques-Martin. Principes de la flute traversière, ou flute d’Allemagne: De la flute à bec, ou flute douce; et du haut-bois (8th ed.). Paris: J. B. C. Ballard, 1741. L’Affilard, Michel. Principes très-faciles pour bien apprendre la musique (2nd ed.). Paris: C. Ballard, 1705. Loehlein, Georg Simon. Clavier-Schule. Leipzig: auf Kosten der Waisenhaus und Fromma- nischen Buchhandlung, 1765. Loulié, Étienne. Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre. Paris: C. Ballard, 1696. Mahaut, Antoine. Nouvelle méthode pour Aprendre en peu de tems à Joüer de la Flute Traver- sière. Paris: De Lachevardière, 1759. Marpurg, Friedrich Wilhelm. Anleitung zum Clavierspielen. Berlin: Haude & Spener, 1755. Marpurg, Friedrich Wilhelm. Die Kunst das Clavier zu spielen. Berlin: Henning, 1750. Masson, Charles. Nouveau traité des règles pour la composition de la musique (3rd ed.). Paris: C. Ballard, 1705. Mattheson, Johann. Der vollkommene Capellmeister. Hamburg: C. Herold, 1739. Montéclair, Michel Pignolet de. Principes de musique. Paris: V.ve Boivin, 1736. Mozart, Leopold. Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule. Augsburg: J. J. Lotter, 1756. Pasquali, Nicolò. The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord. Edinburgh: R. Bremner, 1760. Pearson, William. The Compleat Musick-Master (3rd ed.). London: author, 1722. Playford, John. An Introduction to the Skill of Musick (12th ed.). London: E. Jones, 1694. Prelleur, Peter. The Modern Musick-Master. London: author, 1731. Purcell, Henry. A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet. London: H. Play- ford, 1696. Quantz, Johann Joachim. Versuch einer Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen. Berlin: J. F. Voss, 1752. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 163 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Dictionnaire de Musique. Paris: V.ve Duchesne, 1768. Saint-Lambert, Michel de. Les principes du clavecin. Paris: C. Ballard, 1702. Simpson, Christopher. The Division-Viol (3rd ed.). London: W. Pearson, 1712. Tartini, Giuseppe. “Letter to Maddalena Lombardini.” In Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in do- kumenti / Letters and Documents. Vol. 1, edited by Giorgia Malagò, 286–289. Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020. Tartini, Giuseppe. Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino. [S. a.], Ms. 323. Venice: Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica “B. Marcello”. Tosi, Pier Francesco. Opinioni de’ cantori antichi, e moderni. Bologna: L. della Volpe, 1723. Villeneuve, Antoine de. Nouvelle méthode très courte et très facile. Paris: author, Boivin, Le Clerc, 1733. Secondary Sources “Archives: Letters – Giuseppe Tartini’s Treatises and Theoretical and Educational Texts.” Dis- cover Tartini. Accessed February 18, 2025. https://www.discovertartini.eu/archives/detail/2. Aversano, Luca. “Struttura e principi della didattica del violino nel Settecento italiano.” In Italienische Intrumentalmusic des 18. Jahrhundert: Alte und neue Protagonisten, edited by Enrico Careri and Markus Engelhardt, 267–288. Lilienthal: Laaber-Verlag, 2002. Boyden, David D. “The Violin and Its Technique in the 18th Century.” The Musical Quar- terly 36 (1950): 9–38. Braunschweig, Karl. “Enlightenment Aspirations of Progress in Eighteenth-Century Ger- man Theory.” Journal of Music Theory 47, no. 2 (2003): 273–304. Dolmetsch, Arnold. L’Interpretazione della Musica dei Secoli XVII e XVIII, edited by Luca Ripanti. Milan: Rugginenti, 1994. Durante, Sergio. Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa. Livorno: Sillabe, 2017. Garde Badillo, Ana. “Tratados y enseñanza inicial del Violín en el s. XVIII.” Quodlibet 60, no. 3 (2015): 7–25. Gutknecht, Dieter. “Aspekte zur Aufführungspraxis in den Lehrwerken von C. P. E. Bach, Joh. J. Quantz, Leopold Mozart und Fr. W. Marpurg: Ein Vergleich.” In Fragen der Aufführungspraxis und Interpretation von Werken Carl Philipp Emanuel Bachs: Ein Beitrag zum 200. Todestag, edited by Thom Eitelfriedrich, 54–59. Blankenburg: Kultur- und Forschungsstätte Michaelstein, 1989. Harer, Ingeborg. “Der musikalische Vortrag um 1750: Dargestellt am Beispiel der Instru- mentalschulen von Johann Joachim Quantz, C. Ph. E. Bach und Leopold Mozart.” Musikerziehung 44 (1990): 14–23. Jacobi, Erwin R. “G. F. Nicolai’s manuscript of Tartini’s Regole per ben suonar il violino.” Musical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (1961): 207–223. Kuckartz, Udo. “Qualitative Text Analysis: A Systematic Approach.” In Compendium for Early Career Researchers in Mathematics Education, edited by Gabriele Kaiser and Nor- ma Presmeg, 181–198. Cham: Springer, 2019. Ledbetter, David. “On the Manner of Playing the Adagio: Neglected Features of a Genre.” Early Music 29, no. 1 (2001): 15–26. Lopera Quintanilla, Alejandra, and María del Pilar Lopera Quintanilla. “Referencias históricas sobre el perfil didáctico del maestro de música del siglo XVIII a partir de tres tratados europeos de la época.” ANTEC – Revista Peruana de Investigación Musical 4, no. 2 (2020): 125–137. Mackesen, Karsten. “‘Ungezwungene Leichtigkeit’ Qualitative Verfahren in einer histori- schen Musiksoziologie.” In Soziale Horizonte von Musik: Ein kommentiertes Lesebuch zur muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 164 Musiksoziologie, edited by Christian Kaden and Karsten Mackensen, 270–297. Kassel: Bärenreiter-Verlag, 2006. Malagò, Giorgia, ed. Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in dokumenti / Letters and Documents. Vol. 1. Translated by Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo. Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020. Moreno, Emilio. “Aspectos técnicos del tratado de violín de José Herrando (1756): El violín español en el contexto europeo de mediados del siglo XVIII.” Revista de Musicología 11, no. 3 (1988): 555–655. Petrobelli, Pierluigi. Giuseppe Tartini: Le fonti biografiche. Wien: Universal Edition, 1968. Petrobelli, Pierluigi. Tartini, le sue idee e il suo tempo. Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 1992. Stowell, Robin. “Violin Bowing in Transition: A Survey of Technique as Related in Instruc- tion Books.” Early Music 12, no. 3 (1984): 316–327. Vanhulst, Henri. “La pratique de l’improvisation d’après les traités de clavier de l’empfindsamer Stil.” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekweten- schap 25, no. 1/4 (1971): 108–153. Veilhan, Jean-Claude. Les règles de l‘interprétation musicale à l ’époque baroque. Paris: Leduc, 1977. SUMMARY This paper is focused on the practice of embellishing melodies during the lifetime of Giu- seppe Tartini (1692–1770) and its aim is to situate the thought of the Piranese violinist, music teacher and theoretician into a wider European context. This paper thus describes similarities and differences in the instructions for embellishments given by Giuseppe Tartini and other coeval musicians. The work on which this analysis is based is a handwritten version of Tartini’s rules for embellishments, that of the violinist’s pupil Giovanni Francesco Nicolai. This manuscript, titled Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino [Rules to Learn How to Play the Violin Well], is preserved at the Library of the Conservatorio di Musica “B. Marcello” in Venice. In the present analysis, this text has been compared with treatises and methods in Italian, German, French and English published throughout Europe during Giuseppe Tartini’s lifetime. Ove- rall, these texts represent a wide multilingual corpus from the Western area of the continent. This paper is solely focused on the embellishments described by the Piranese violinist, namely appoggiatura, trill, turn and mordent. Thus, it compares Tartini’s points of view and those of the selected coeval musicians on the rendition of these different graces. In order to organically analyze such a wide corpus, the approach of Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA) has been used. Firstly, the chapters about embellishments of the selected European texts have been isolated; secondly, these relevant sections have been transcribed with the online software Transkribus in order to make it possible for the software Atlas.ti24 to read the resulting corpus. The formation of the main categories – which correspond to appoggiatura, trillo (trill), tremolo and mordente (mordent) in Tartini’s terminology – and subsequent coding of the data has taken place. The following creation of subcategories has been based on the characteristics attributed to the embellishments by the various authors as for their structure, usage and purpose. Finally, the category-based analysis has been drawn from the coded data. For increased clarity, the present paper also includes a table of the main embellishments in the appendix. The graces are displayed as shown by several authors, which allows to tho- roughly understand the subtle differences among the various authors’ opinions. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 165 POVZETEK Okraševanje v času Giuseppeja Tartinija Članek se osredotoča na prakso okraševanja melodij v času delovanja Giuseppeja Tartinija (1692–1770). Njegov cilj je umestitev stališč piranskega violinista, glasbenega učitelja in teoretika v širši evropski kontekst. Članek zato opisuje podobnosti in razlike v navodilih za okraševanje, ki so jih oblikovali Giuseppe Tartini in drugi sodobni glasbeniki. Analiza temelji na različici Tartinijevih pravil za okraševanje, ki jo je napisal violinistov učenec Giovanni Francesco Nicolai . Rokopis z naslovom Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino [Pravila za dosego dobrega igranja violine] hrani knjižnica Konservatorija za glasbo »B. Marcello« v Benetkah. V analizi je bilo besedilo primerjano z razpravami in učbeniki v italijanščini, nemščini, francoščini in angleščini, objavljenimi v različnih evropskih deželah v času življenja Giuseppeja Tartinija. Celota uporabljenih besedil predstavlja širok večjezični korpus z zahodnega dela celine. Članek se osredotoča izključno na okraske, ki jih je opisal piranski violinist, in sicer na predložek, trilček, dvoložek in mordent. Primerja Tartinijeva navodila za izvedbo teh okraskov z navodili izbranih sodobnikov. Za analizo tako širokega korpusa je bil uporabljen pristop kvalitativne analize vsebine (QCA). Poglavja o okraskih v izbranih evropskih besedilih so bila najprej izolirana. Ustrezni odseki so bili nato prepisani s spletno programsko opremo Transkribus, da je programska oprema Atlas.ti24 lahko prebrala nastali korpus. Izvedeno je bilo oblikovanje glavnih kategorij – ki v Tartinijevi terminologiji ustrezajo predložku [appoggiatura], trilčku [trillo], tremolu [tre- molo] in mordentu [mordente] – ter naknadno kodiranje podatkov. Nadaljnje oblikovanje podkategorij je temeljilo na značilnostih, ki jih različni avtorji pripisujejo okraskom glede njihove strukture, uporabe in namena. Končno je bila iz kodiranih podatkov izvedena analiza na podlagi kategorij. Za večjo jasnost je članku dodana tudi tabela glavnih okraskov. Prikazani so tako, kot jih predstavlja več avtorjev, kar omogoča temeljito razumevanje subtilnih razlik med njihovimi mnenji. ABOUT THE AUTHOR CAMILLA RUBAGOTTI (rubagotticamilla@gmail.com) has a master’s degree in trans- lation at the University of Trieste and another in guitar at the Conservatory of Trieste. As a translator, she has published for Leduc Editions Musicales. She is currently a PhD student at the University of Ljubljana. O AVTORICI CAMILLA RUBAGOTTI (rubagotticamilla@gmail.com) je magistrirala iz prevajanja na Univerzi v Trstu in iz kitare na Konservatoriju v Trstu. Kot prevajalka je objavljala pri založbi Leduc Editions Musicales. Trenutno je doktorska študentka na Univerzi v Ljubljani. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 166 Appendix: Table of the Main Embellishments APPOGGIATURA Tartini Simple descending appoggiaturas [appoggiatura semplice discendente] (writing and rendition)533 Tartini Short passing appoggiaturas [appoggiatura breve di passaggio] (writing and rendition)534 Tartini Simple/double descending appoggiatura [appoggiatura semplice/ composta ascendente]535 Tartini Another kind of double ascending appoggiatura, which ascends and then descends [appoggiatura ascendente composta in altro modo, cioè che cominci ascendendo, e f inisca discendendo]536 Tartini Ascending and descending appoggiaturas with wider intervals [appoggiatura di salto] (writing and rendition)537 533 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 4. 534 Ibid., 7. 535 Ibid., 9. 536 Ibid. 537 Ibid. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 167 Couperin Simple appoggiatura [port de voix simple] (writing and rendition)538 Couperin Double appoggiatura [port de voix double] (writing and rendition)539 Lohlein Long and short double appoggiatura [kurzer/ langer Anschlag] 540 Loulié Appoggiatura [port de voix] (writing and rendition)541 Loulié Descending appoggiatura [coulé] (writing and rendition)542 538 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74–75. 539 Ibid. 540 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 541 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 69. 542 Ibid., 68. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 168 Montéclair Descending appoggiatura [coulé]543 Montéclair Appoggiatura [port de voix]544 Bach Appoggiatura from above or below [Vorschlag]545 Bach Double ascending appoggiatura [Schleifer]546 Bach Dotted double ascending appoggiatura [Schleifer mit dem Punkte]547 Bach Double appoggiatura [Anschlag]548 543 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 78. 544 Ibid., 79. 545 Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, “Exempel”, in Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, vol. 1 (2nd ed.) (Berlin: G. L. Winter, 1759), 45–100, Tab III. 546 Ibid., Tab VI. 547 Ibid. 548 Ibid. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 169 Bach Dotted double appoggiatura [punctierter Anschlag]549 Pasquali Ascending/descending appoggiatura [appogiatura]550 Purcell Ascending appoggiatura [fore fall]551 Purcell Descending appoggiatura [back fall]552 Purcell Double appoggiatura [slur]553 Mozart Ascending appoggiatura [aufsteigender Vorschlag] (writing and rendition)554 549 Ibid. 550 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 551 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. 552 Ibid. 553 Ibid. 554 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 201. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 170 Mozart Passing appoggiaturas [durchgehender Vorschlag]555 Mozart Zwischenschlag556 Agricola Passing appoggiaturas [Unveränderliche Vorschläge] (writing and rendition)557 TRILLS Tartini Trill [trillo]558 Tartini Trill prepared from above [parecchiato di sopra] with a descending appoggiatura559 555 Ibid., 206. 556 Ibid., 207–208. 557 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 68. 558 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 10. 559 Ibid., 11. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 171 Tartini Trill prepared from below [parecchiato di sotto] with notes resembling to the beginning of a trill560 Tartini First kind of final trill [primo modo di trillo f inale] (writing and rendition)561 Tartini Second kind of final trill [secondo modo di trillo f inale] (writing and rendition)562 Tartini Chain of trills [andamento di trilli]563 Couperin Prepared and tied trill [tremblement appuyé et lié]564 Couperin Prepared but not tied [tremblement lié sans etre appuyé] (writing and rendition)565 Couperin Open trill [tremblement ouvert]566 Couperin Closed trill [tremblement fermé]567 560 Ibid. 561 Ibid. 562 Ibid. 563 Ibid., 12. 564 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74–75. 565 Ibid. 566 Ibid. 567 Ibid. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 172 Couperin Detached trill [tremblement détaché] (writing and rendition)568 Couperin Long trill [tremblement continu]569 Bach Trill with Nachschlag [Triller mit dem Nachschlag]570 Bach Trill from above [Triller von oben]571 Loehlein Trill from below [Trillo von unten herauf]572 Bach Normal trill [ordentlicher Triller]573 568 Ibid. 569 Ibid. 570 Bach, “Exempel,” Tab iV. 571 Ibid. 572 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 573 Bach, “Exempel,” Tab iV. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 173 Loehlein Short trill [Pralltriller/ Abzug]574 Geminiani Holding the note [trattenuto sopra la nota]575 Loulié Simple, double, triple trill [tremblement simple/double/triple]576 Loulié Trill prepared with an appoggiatura [tremblement appuyé]577 Montéclair Prepared trill [tremblement appuyé]578 Montéclair False trill [tremblement feint]579 Pasquali Trill [shake] (writing and rendition)580 574 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 575 Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin, 26. 576 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 70. 577 Ibid. 578 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 83. 579 Ibid. 580 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 174 Pasquali Trill with Nachschlag [turn’d shake]581 Corrette Trill with Nachschlag [double cadence]582 Corrette Trill with anticipation [cadence fermée]583 Corrette Italian trill [cadence Italienne]584 Mozart Double trill [Doppeltriller]585 Mozart Zurückschlag/ Ribattuta586 Agricola Short trill [halbe Triller / Pralltriller] (writing and rendition)587 Agricola Trill preceded by a ribattuta588 581 Ibid. 582 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 49. 583 Ibid. 584 Ibid. 585 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 235. 586 Ibid., 246. 587 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 99. 588 Ibid., 112. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 175 TURN Tartini Turn [mordente composto]589 Mozart Turn [Mordant mit drei Noten]590 Couperin Turn [doublé]591 Loehlein Turn [Doppelschlag]592 Montéclair Turn [tour de gosier]593 Loulié Turn [tour de gozier]594 Bach Turn [Doppelschlag] (writing and rendition in different tempo)595 589 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 17. 590 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 242. 591 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74–75. 592 Loehlein, Clavier-Schule, 15. 593 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 86. 594 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 74. 595 Bach, “Exempel”, Tab V. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 176 Bach Trilled turn [prallender Doppelschlag]596 Bach Darted turn [geschnellter Doppelschlag]597 Bach Turn from below [Doppelschlag von unten]598 Bach Double ascending appoggiatura opposite of a turn [Schleifer von dreyen Nötgen]599 Pasquali Turn (writing and rendition)600 Purcell Turn601 596 Ibid. 597 Ibid. 598 Ibid. 599 Ibid., Tab VI. 600 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 601 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 177 MORDENT Tartini Simple mordent [mordente semplice]602 Mozart Mordent [(Mordent aus der Hauptnote selbst]603 Couperin Simple mordent [pincé simple] (writing and rendition)604 Couperin Double mordent [pincé double]605 Couperin Long mordent [pincé continu]606 Couperin Sharp or flat mordent [pincé diésé et bémolisé]607 602 Tartini, Regole per arrivare a saper ben suonare il Violino, 19. 603 Mozart, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, 242. 604 Couperin, Pièces de clavecin, 74–75. 605 Ibid. 606 Ibid. 607 Ibid. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 178 Geminiani Mordent [beat/ mordente]608 Montéclair Mordent [pincé]609 Loulié Simple, double, triple mordent [martellement simple, double, triple]610 Bach Mordent [Mordent]611 Bach Upper mordent [Schneller]612 Pasquali Mordent [beat] (writing and rendition)613 Purcell Mordent [beat] (writing and rendition)614 608 Geminiani, The Art of Playing on the Violin, 26. 609 Montéclair, Principes de musique, 84. 610 Loulié, Eléments ou Principes de musique mis dans un nouvel ordre, 72. 611 Bach, “Exempel”, Tab V. 612 Ibid., Tab VI. 613 Pasquali, The Art of Fingering the Harpsichord, plate I. 614 Purcell, A Choice Collection of Lessons for the Harpsichord or Spinnet, [9]. Camilla Rubagotti: The Practice of Embellishments During Giuseppe Tartini’s Lifetime 179 Corrette Mordent [martellement/ pincé] (writing and rendition)615 Agricola Mordent (writing and rendition)616 615 Corrette, Le parfait maitre à chanter, 49. 616 Agricola, Anleitung zur Singkunst, 103. 181 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.181-199 UDK: 781”17”Tartini G.(0.032)=131.1:004.352.242 A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works: Training and Testing a Custom AI Model for Handwritten Text Recognition*617 Jerneja Umer Kljun University of Ljubljana ABSTRACT The article describes the digitisation of Giuseppe Tartini’s manuscripts with the help of hand- written text recognition via the Transkribus app. It explains the basics concepts, describes the training process for a customised model and the tests run on Tartini’s scientific texts. The results of private and public AI models are compared in terms of accuracy, readability and efficiency of the editing process. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, eighteenth century, HTR, Transkribus, digital humanities, digital musicology IZVLEČEK Članek prinaša podroben opis procesa digitalizacije rokopisov Giuseppeja Tartinija z uporabo programske opreme Transkribus, namenjene samodejnemu prepoznavanju in transkribiranju rokopisnega gradiva. V članku so predstavljena osnovna načela tehnologije HTR, opisana sta postopek učenja namenskega modela UI za transkribiranje ter preizkus dela z različnimi modeli pri transkribiranju Tartinijevih znanstvenih besedil. Sledi primerjava rezultatov, pri- dobljenih z dvema zasebnima in enim javno dostopnim modelom za transkripcijo italijanskih besedil, in sicer z vidika natančnosti, berljivost in učinkovitosti, pri čemer je upoštevan tudi čas urejanja in revizije samodejno generirane transkripcije. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, 18. stoletje, HTR, Transkribus, digitalna humanistika, digitalna muzikologija * The author acknowledges the financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (research core funding no. P6-0446). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 182 Introduction The past decade has seen a renewed interest in Giuseppe Tartini, especially due to two consecutive Interreg project (tARTini1 and TartiniBIS2) dedicated to the legacy of the composer as well as the preservation and promotion of his cultural heritage. However, even after the publication of Tartini’s letters in 2020,3 and the launch of a digital collection4 and a thematic catalogue5 in 2025, much more remains to be uncovered. The rapid advancements in artificial intelligence have created novel oppor- tunities to access historical records. The article, meant as an account of an on- going research project, presents a possible further step in the digitisation of Tartini’s scientific texts kept at the Piran branch of the Regional Archives Ko- per (Pokrajinski arhiv Koper – Archivio regionale di Capodistria, hereinafter SI-PAK) through the integration of Handwritten Text Recognition (HTR) technology for automatic or assisted transcription provided by the Transkribus platform (READ Coop).6 Although an increasing number of researchers and institutions have begun exploring the use of HTR technology in various contexts,7 there is still room to further investigate its practical implementation and potential, as the field is constantly evolving. This article contributes to that growing body of scholarly work by providing a detailed account of the HTR software used, namely the Transkribus platform, including the training process for a tailored text reco- gnition model, i.e. a trained AI algorithm, able to detect the most probable sequence of characters for each text line,8 its advantages and limitations, and its possible applications in future interdisciplinary research and teaching, espe- cially in the field of digital musicology. To this end, the article first gives a brief introduction to the general concepts of HTR and describes the main features of the Transkribus app. It then focuses 1 “TARTini”, Interreg Italia – Slovenija, accessed September 5, 2025, https://2014-2020.ita-slo.eu/ it/tartini. 2 “TartiniBIS”, Interreg Italia – Slovenija, accessed September 5, 2025, https://www.ita-slo.eu/it/ tartini-bis. 3 Giorgia Malagò (ed.), Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in Dokumenti / Letters and Documents, vol. 1, transl. Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo (Trieste: EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2020). 4 “Archives and Catalogue”, Discover Tartini, accessed September 5, 2025, https://www. discovertartini.eu/archivi?type=1&lang=en. 5 “Thematic Catalogue”, Discover Tartini, accessed September 5, 2025, https://www.discovertartini. eu/archivi?type=5&lang=en. 6 “Transkribus”, Transkribus, accessed August 20, 2025, https://www.transkribus.org/. 7 Joe Nockels et al., “Understanding the Application of Handwritten Text Recognition Technology in Heritage Contexts: A Systematic Review of Transkribus in Published Research”, Archival Science 22, no. 3 (2022): 367–392. 8 “Training Text Recognition Model”, Transkribus, accessed September 5, 2025, https://help. transkribus.org/training-text-recognition-models. Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 183 on the archival sources selected for a test run with Transkribus, describing the main features of Tartini’s theoretical manuscripts. In addition, an experiment was conducted to test the effectiveness of the app by comparing the results of automatic transcription with two custom AI models with the results of a publicly available AI model for handwritten Italian, in terms of readability, the ability of the model to accurately recognize numbers, abbreviations, ratios and fractions, as well as the estimated time needed for editing a single automati- cally recognized page. A Brief Introduction to Handwritten Text Recognition Handwritten text recognition, i.e. the technology that generates machine- readable transcriptions from images of manuscripts, is certainly not a novelty – according to Muehlberger et al., it is “an active research area in the computa- tional sciences dating back to the mid-twentieth century”.9 Originally closely linked to the development of optical character recognition (OCR), which is used to convert scanned images of printed text into machine-encoded text, it quickly became “a research area in its own right”10 due to the computational complexity involved in dealing with the specificity of handwriting, with its frequent deviations from the norm, as well as the variability of different hand- writing styles.11 And while the OCR problem has been solved rather early and effectively, as there is (only) a finite number of fonts that can be used in print, which allows the software to be programmed to recognize and read them all, the nearly infinite number of possibilities rendered the same task impossible when dealing with handwriting.12 The HTR technology made considerable leaps forward with the advent and improvement of artificial neural networks.13 With the use of AI models and Deep Learning, HTR software is now able to learn to recognize hand writing in an image, using “the model’s knowledge to transcribe that handwriting into digital text”.14 But as the topic of deep neural network approaches exceeds the scope of this article, readers should refer to the cited sources as well as the numerous user-friendly resources available on the READ-COOP platform 9 Guenter Muehlberger et al., “Transforming Scholarship in the Archives through Handwritten Text Recognition: Transkribus as a Case Study”, Journal of Documentation 75, no. 5 (2019): 995. 10 Ibid., 955. 11 Ibid.; Jože Glavič, “Primer uporabe programa Transkribus in izdelava modela za avtomatsko optično prepoznavanje znakov za poenostavljeno transkribiranje ročno pisane gotice”, Moderna arhivistika 3, no. 1 (2020): 87. 12 “What Is HTR and How Does It Work”, Transkribus blog, accessed September 5, 2025, https:// blog.transkribus.org/en/what-is-handwriting-recognition-and-how-does-it-work. 13 Ibid., 79. 14 “What Is HTR and How Does It Work”. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 184 for a detailed overview of the technology behind Transkribus.15 From a user’s perspective, it is sufficient to note that HTR: “is now a mature machine learn- ing tool capable of producing accurate, machine-processable text from images of historical manuscripts […] speeding up the transcription of primary sources and facilitating full text searching and analysis of historic texts at scale.”16 Working with Transkribus Transkribus is a comprehensive AI-powered, user-friendly HTR software, de- veloped within the framework of the Recognition and Enrichment of Archival Documents (READ) European Union Horizon 2020 project, which is now run by the READ-COOP cooperative.17 The Transkribus app allows users to quickly transcribe handwritten documents using one of the many publicly available text recognition models (at the moment of writing this article, there are 325 public models trained on a variety of scripts and languages). Howe- ver, it is much more effective if it is trained to recognise a specific hand. The workflow for training a custom text recognition model in Transkribus consists of several steps, which can be roughly summarised as follows: i. Layout recognition (segmentation): after uploading an image of a manuscript, the automatic layout recognition function segments the image into text regions and lines that connect the text and the image and serve as a reference point for text recognition; ii. manual transcription or text-image matching and editing (data preparation): the editing software shows the layout editor and the text editor simulta- neously, allowing the user to manually transcribe the page line by line. The transcription can also be enriched by using textual tags to mark-up words (e.g. names, dates, places) or to add other information about the manuscript. Once completed, the transcription can be downloaded in different formats (image, searchable PDF, docx, text file and XML). It is now also possible to align pre-existing transcriptions with images of manuscripts;18 iii. training: accurately transcribed pages serve as ground truth, i.e. accurate and veri- fied data used for training and testing AI models.19 To train a solid HTR model, it is advisable to manually transcribe at least 10,000 words for each 15 Transkribus Blog, accessed September 5, 2025, https://blog.transkribus.org/en. 16 Nockels et al., “Understanding the Application of Handwritten Text Recognition Technology in Heritage Contexts”, 368. 17 Muehlberger et al., “Transforming Scholarship in the Archives through Handwritten Text Recognition”. 18 “Text-Image Matching”, Transkribus, accessed September 5, 2025, https://help.transkribus.org/ import-existing-transcriptions-with-text-image-matching. 19 “What Is Ground Truth?”, Transkribus, accessed September, 2025, https://help.transkribus.org/ import-existing-transcriptions-with-text-image-matching. Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 185 hand. After choosing the training data, i.e. ground truth data on which the knowledge of the model is based, and the validation data, i.e. a set of examples from the same collection that serves as evaluation of the mo- del, the users can proceed to set up and train their model.20 During the training process, the validation data is set aside to serve to test the model’s performance. By comparing the automatically transcribed pages against the accurate manually transcribed data, the model counts all the incor- rectly recognized characters, giving a “score” to the overall performance. The metric used is the character error rate or CER, i.e. the number of errors ex pressed as a percentage of the total number of transcribed characters.21 This exact process has been applied to a selection of documents described in the next section to train a custom model for the transcription of Tartini’s the- oretical work. Towards a Digitised Tartini Collection The Tartini family collection is succinctly described in Pucer’s introduction to the catalogue:22 [The Tartini collections] was previously stored at the “Sergej Mašera” Ma- ritime Museum in Piran, where some of the documents were also displayed as exhibits. The collection was organised in a makeshift and non-archival manner. The documents were numbered; however, they were not organised chronologically or by subject. An inventory of sorts was included in the form of a manuscript written by Igor Cvetko. In 1986, the collection was acquired by the Piran branch of PAK.23 Pucer started working on the collection in 1991, compiling a detailed inven- tory of the material. The collection, covering the period from 1654 to 1951, comprises 11 archival units, i.e. 1.1 linear meter, organised in seven thematic sections, indexed with the letters A through G, namely A – Family records; B – Scientific texts; C – Copies of Tartini’s work; D – Commemoration of the 200th anniversary of Tartini's birth in Piran; E – Print; F – Photography; 20 “Setup and Training”, Transkribus Blog, accessed September, 2025, https://help.transkribus.org/ model-setup-and-training. 21 “How Is CER Calculated in Transkribus?”, Transkribus Blog, accessed September 5, 2025, https:// blog.transkribus.org/en/how-is-the-cer-calculated-in-transkribus. 22 Albert Pucer, Giuseppe Tartini: Inventar zbirke / Inventario della collezione: 1654–1951 (Koper: Pokrajinski arhiv Koper, 1993). 23 “Arhivska zbirka ‘Giuseppe Tartini’ je bila prej shranjena v Pomorskem muzeju ‘Sergej Mašera’ v Piranu, kjer so nekateri dokumenti služili tudi kot razstavni eksponati. Tu je bila zbirka zasilno in nearhivsko urejena. Dokumenti so bili oštevilčeni, vendar niso bili urejeni ne po zadevah ne kronološko. V rokopisu je bil izdelan tudi neke vrste inventar, delo mag. Igorja Cvetka. Leta 1986 je zbirko dobil PAK – enota v Piranu.” Pucer, Giuseppe Tartini, 7, quotation translated by Jerneja Umer Kljun. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 186 G – Miscellanea. Each section is further divided into subsections marked with roman numerals (I – XIV) and the documents are organised chronologically.24 Within the framework of the TartiniBIS project, Pucer’s catalogue served as the basis for the identification of previously undiscovered or undigitised archival records. A comprehensive examination of the digital and physical ar- chive uncovered various problems, such as difficult access, incomplete digiti- sation, digitisation errors and missing or misplaced documents.25 And while the missing materials have now been digitised and published on the disco- vertartini.eu website,26 the PDF documents and images available online are still scattered across various databases and out of context. To address the issue of document accessibility, further efforts could also be made by applying the methods presented here. Description of the Digitally Transcribed Manuscripts The small selection of seven digitally transcribed documents from the “scienti- fic” section of the Tartini fonds presented in this article is built upon a manual transcription of Tartini’s unpublished treatise Quadratura del circolo (see entry #1 in Table 1 below), previously discussed by Sukljan27 and Umer Kljun28 in the volume In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts.29 The manual transcription of the relatively short treatise proved to be optimal as ground truth, as it yielded the first successful version of the Giuseppe Tartini model, with a CER of 2.3%. Six more short unpublished documents that have not been transcribed before were then cho- sen from the Tartini fonds, t. u. 3 and 4 (scientific texts), automatically transcri- bed and manually edited to serve as ground truth for further model training and testing. 24 Ibid., 7. 25 “Five Studies and New Sources”, Discover Tartini, accessed September 5, 2025, https://www. discovertartini.eu/main/pagina/19/Five-studies-and-new-sources?lang=en. 26 “Nuove fonti dagli archivi di Pirano”, Discover Tartini, accessed September 5, 2025, https://www. discovertartini.eu/index.php/archivi/pirano. 27 Nejc Sukljan, “Tartini and the Ancients: Traces of Ancient Music Theory in the Tartini-Martini Correspondence”, in In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, ed. Nejc Sukljan (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 141–167. 28 Jerneja Umer Kljun, “Understanding Tartini and His Thought: Overcoming Translation Difficulties in the Correspondence between Tartini and Martini”, in In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, ed. Nejc Sukljan (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 245–260. 29 Nejc Sukljan (ed.), In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022). Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 187 Ta bl e 1 : Th e D ig iti se d H T R T ar tin i C ol lec tio n E nt ry # Id en tif ie r # Pa ge s Tr an - sc rib ed W or ki ng ti tle O pe ni ng li ne s G en re C on te nt s, th em es 1 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 4 , a . u . 2 32 52 Q ua dr at ur a d el cir co lo “S i è sc op er to u n fe no m en o ar m on ico , p er d i c ui m ez zo si pr et en de o tte nu ta la q ua dr at ur a d el cir co lo [… ]” sc ie nt ifi c te xt th ird to ne ; sq ua rin g of th e c irc le 2 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 3 , a . u . 1 43 7 R isp os ta a cri tic o ig no to “M on sie ur , S e l a f at ica d i t an ti an ni pe r l a r ice rc a d el ve ro p rin cip io de ll’ ar m on ia n on m i a ve ss e r ec at o alt ro va nt ag gi o [.. .]” sc ie nt ifi c te xt , let te r th ird to ne ; a d ef en ce o f t he co ns eq ue nc es de du ce d fro m th e t hi rd to ne 3 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 3 , a . u . 1 50 8 Pr os eg ui m en to e Co m pi m en to d ell a Ca rta m us ica le “P ro se gu im en to , e co m pi m en to de lla C ar ta M us ica le. L a p rim a pr op os iz io ne fù l’ ac co rd o co ns on an te sim ul ta ne o de lla se stu pl a a rm on ica [.. .]” di da ct ic m at er ia l m us ic th eo ry ; a p ap er o n ra tio s, pr og re ss io ns , in te rv als an d no ta tio n 4 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 3 , a . u . 1 51 30 D iss er ta zi on e m us ica le su i p rin cip i de ll’ ar m on ia “L ’ A ut or e, ch e n el su o Tr at ta to d i M us ica se co nd o la ve ra S cie nz a de ll' ar m on ia [… ]” sc ie nt ifi c te xt th e t ru e f ou nd at io n of h ar m on y 5 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 3 , a . u . 1 53 24 Pa rte T er za “I n qu es ta te rz a p ar te s’ in te nd e de m os tra re , c he la sc ie nz a d el pr es en te si ste m a s ia id en tic am :te qu ell a s te ss a d e P itt ag or ici e di Pl at on e [ … ]” sc ie nt ifi c te xt a j us tif ica tio n of th e p ro po se d ha rm on ic sy ste m th ro ug h an ela bo ra tio n of P lat o’s T im ae us muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 188 E nt ry # Id en tif ie r # Pa ge s Tr an - sc rib ed W or ki ng ti tle O pe ni ng li ne s G en re C on te nt s, th em es 6 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 3 , a . u . 1 56 12 Ev id en tis sim a di m os tra zi on e “E vi de nt :m a d im os tra zi on e de ll’ ar m on ica n at ur a d i q ua nt ità a pr io ri. ” sc ie nt ifi c te xt th e i nt rin sic h ar m on ic na tu re o f th e O ne as a wh ol e 7 SI P A K P I 33 4 Z bi rk a G iu se pp e Ta rti ni , t. u. 4 , a . u . 2 41 3 Co nf ro nt o d ei pr in cip j “C on fro nt o de i p rin cip j n el pi an o di m os tra tiv o. Pr in cip j i po te tic i: pu nt o, lin ea , e su pe rfi cie : d ell e Sc ie nz e C om un i [ … ]” sc ie nt ifi c te xt a c om pa ris on o f t he fu nd am en ta l pr in cip les o f t he co m m on ly kn ow n sc ie nc es an d th e pr in cip les o f T ar tin i’s h ar m on ic sc ie nc e Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 189 All seven autographs, written in eighteenth century cursive, present similar traits and while Tartini’s penmanship is quite legible and consistent, there are some orthographic variations that could prove useful when placing the do- cuments on a timeline or when trying to connect various scattered fragments. For example, there is some oscillation in the use of double consonants, such as -z- and -zz- in mezo, mezi and mezzo, mezzi (mean, means). Furthermore, “Parte terza”30 includes segments in Latin, in which Tartini employs the e caudata [ę] for æ (see Figure 1), and three of the seven digitised do- cuments present an uncommon diacritic above the letter e that does not appear elsewhere and the (inconsistent) use of which remains uncertain (see underlined words in Figure 1 and excerpts from various documents in Figure 2). Figure 1: Use of the e caudata in Latin script. Figure 2: Uncommon diacritics in Tartini’s manuscript. In Tartini’s texts, the most frequently abbreviated words are Italian adverbs of manner ending in -mente (e.g. demostrativamente, universalmente) and qua litative adjectives describing roots, ratios and progressions (e.g. armonico, 30 SI PAK PI 334 Zbirka Giuseppe Tartini, t. u. 3, a. u. 153 (“Parte Terza”). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 190 aritmetico, geometrico) or superlatives (verissimo), all categories abbreviated with the use of a colon and superscript (e.g. demostrativam:te, geom:che, ver:mo). Other methods of abbreviation include the use of a macron over an omitted letter or a longer stroke indicating contractions or suspensions, e.g. prople for proporzio- nale, caplo for capitolo, as well as various forms of ordinal indicators, e.g. 2dō, 3zā and even sesqui3zā, as shown in Figure 3 below. Figure 3: Frequently used abbreviations. In general, the mise-en-page is relatively straightforward, facilitating rapid au- tomatic layout recognition. However, most of the digitised theoretical texts are characterized by the presence of specific graphical elements, such as musical and mathematical symbols that appear both in-line, which means they are embedded in the sentence structure and therefore must be transcribed for the sentence to be complete, as well as separate, floating elements,31 see Figure 4 below. Similarly, Tartini makes frequent use of illustrative examples of both musical and mathematical nature, i.e. geometric drawings, sketches, calcula- tions and musical examples, see Figure 5 below. Since the primary goal was to obtain an effective model, a “hyper-diplo- matic” approach to transcription proved to be the best option in the data pre- paration stage, “so as not to confuse the computer model when it is comparing transcriptions to the image of the manuscript”.32 This means that the manual transcription follows the source material as closely as possible, including non- standard punctuation and capitalization, superscript, un-expanded abbrevia- tions etc. However, due to the specificities of Tartini’s text some adjustments and simplifications had to be made (e.g. omission of in-line graphics when a suitable Unicode character was not available). 31 Fabian C. Moss et al., “Digitizing a 19th-Century Music Theory Debate for Computational Analysis”, in Proceedings of the Conference on Computational Humanities Research 2021: Amsterdam, the Netherlands, November 17–19, 2021. https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-2989/short_paper31.pdf. 32 Bram Caers, “Teaching Handwritten Text Recognition: Can New Technologies Save Old Skills?”, Quaerendo 54, nos. 2-3 (2024): 207. Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 191 Figure 4: In-line (bass clef, stave) and floating elements (the diatonic scale with its corresponding ratios). Figure 5: Floating elements – corda or linea sonora AB [line segment AB representing a string]; a semicircle illustrating the harmonic system contained in AB. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 192 Testing Model Versions To test the two versions of the model specifically trained on Tartini’s hand- writing, confronting the fully automatic transcription to the one achieved with a publicly available model for Italian, a single page from the Tartini archive, which has not been previously transcribed, has been selected. To ensure the best possible outcome with each of the selected AI models, the test page had to present minimal “disturbance”, i.e. clear handwriting, little to no cancellations, corrections, additions, ink bleed-through or lacerations. It also had to include abbreviations, numbers, ratios, fractions and calculations, as they are consis- tently present in Tartini’s theoretical work. The effectiveness of the automated transcription was then assessed in terms of readability, the ability of the model to correctly transcribe abbreviations, ratios and fractions, as well as the estima- ted time needed for editing a single page. The models used to transcribe the selected page from “Appunti sulla pro- porzione armonica”33 were Transkribus Italian handwriting M134 (trained by the Transkribus team on 653,630 words; 6.70% CER) and my own private models Giuseppe Tartini I (trained on 26,402 words; 2.30% CER) and Giuseppe Tar- tini II (trained on 51,355 words; 3.06% CER). The Italian handwriting M1 is a generic model trained on a diverse dataset spanning from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century and it is occasionally updated with community data. Giu- seppe Tartini I is a private model trained on the manual transcription of Tarti- ni’s unpublished manuscript “Quadratura del circolo” (diplomatic transcripti- on; abbreviations tagged; expansions provided within the tag). Giuseppe Tartini II is a private model built upon the previous version of the model. It is trained on the Tartini Collection: one manual transcription of Tartini’s unpublished manuscript “Quadratura del circolo”; six documents, automatically recognized with Giuseppe Tartini I model, which were then edited and tagged (diplo- matic transcription; abbreviations tagged; expansions provided within the tag; documents feature tables and special Unicode characters; training included expanding abbreviations). The differences between the resulting transcriptions are best illustrated by the examples in Tables 2 and 3 below, in which errors are highlighted. 33 Biblioteca del Conservatorio di musica Giuseppe Tartini, IT-TS0108, Collezione Tartiniana: scritti teorici, musiche e documenti relativi a Giuseppe Tartini in Trieste e Pirano: GT/FA/23 ms 1, “Appunti sulla proporzione armonica”. 34 “Transkribus Italian Handwriting M1”, READ Coop, accessed September 5, 2025, https://app. transkribus.org/models/text/38440. Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 193 Figure 6: Excerpt from “Appunti sulla proporzione armonica” (GT/FA/23 ms1), top of the page. Table 2: Unedited automatic transcriptions with selected models Pu bl ic m od el Alla dimostrazione del trattato contenuta nel Capuoto secondo, assegnata per sopo il Circolo armonico per intrinseca natura della sua costruzione et soglione, che quanto i si dimostra per numesi linean animatici ridotto a proporzione alm.te di spese, non rese al numero mune a rimetto attratto da linee, pare, e predazioni. Perche dati dice paesi qualunque moltiglicati tra loro, il prodotto e mezzo proporzionale de due da G iu se pp e T ar tin i I Alla dimostratione del trattato contenusa nel circolo secondo assegnata per provati il circolo armonico per intrinseca natura, della sula costragione etc:, si ossone, che quanto ivi si dimostra per numeri lineari aritmetici, ridotti a proporzione geom:ca discreta, non regge al numero comune aritmetico astratto da linee, figare, e proporzioni. Perchè dati due numeri qualunque moltiplicati tra loro, il prodotto è mezzo proporzionale de due dati G iu se pp e T ar tin i I I Alla dimostrazione del Trattato contenuta nel capitolo secondo assegnata per provare il circolo armonico per intrinseca natura della sua costruzione etc:, si ossione, che quanto ivi Si dimostra per numeri linea aritmetici ridotti a proporzione geom:ca discreta, non regge al numero comune aritmetico astratto da linee, figure, e proporzioni. Perchè dati due numeri qualunque moltiplicati tra loro, il prodotto è mezzo proporzionale de due dati Similarly, if we observe a section with a more complicated layout, the efficacy of the models becomes even more obvious: muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 194 Figure 7: Excerpt from “Appunti sulla proporzione armonica” (GT/FA/23 ms1), bottom of the page. Table 3: Unedited automatic transcriptions with selected models Pu bl ic m od el ne puo esser ma ragion semplice, ma è sempre ragione, inevitabilm.te composte di tre ragioni espresse nell’ nell’esempio, qui sopra et poi 488 142 dalle lino A. A da vera 3 846 243 la citta siam.te dipende la dimostrazione del cerchio armonico per intrinseca la natura esse essendo vero de il quadra del seno [BD] e mezzo [prople] non tra i quadrati di £ 8, e però in tal rispetto di pom.a natura, e ver altrettanto e più che G iu se pp e T ar tin i I ne può esser mai ragion semplice, ma è sempre ragione inevitabilm:te composta di tre ragioni espresso nelle nell’essenqui qui sopra esposta AB, BC. 1 a 2. dalle linee, Ab, Ac da umeri 1 a 3 BC, AC. – 2 a 3 Sa ciò sottavialm:te dipende la dimostratione del cerchio armonico per intrinseca sia natura. Perchè essendo verte che il quadrato del seno BD e mezzo prople tra quadrati di AB, BC, e però in tal rispetto di geom:ca natura, è veri altrettanto, e sia, che G iu se pp e T ar tin i I I nè puo esser mai ragion semplice, ma è dempre ragione inevitabilm:te composta di tre ragioni espresse nell’ nell’esempio qui sopra esposta AB, BC 1 a 2 dalle linee AB, AC, da numeri 1 a 3 BC, AC 2 a 3 Da ciò sostanzialm:te dipende la dimostrazione del cerchio armonico per intrinseca sua natura. Perchè essendo ved:mo che il quadrato, del seno BD è mezzo prople tra i quadrati di AB, BC, e però in tal rispetto di geom:ca natura, è veri altrettanto e più, che Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 195 Discussion In general, it can be observed that using a public model when automatically transcribing Tartini’s script is not really a time-saving solution. As expected, the model used in this comparison proved to be unsuitable for the task, as it had difficulties recognizing abbreviations and even differentiating letters and numbers, which yielded a nearly illegible, nonsensical transcription that would possibly take longer to edit than transcribing the document manually. The two versions of the private model give far better results, even though several cor- rections are still necessary. While the text is readable and errors mainly occur at character level (e.g. interchanging the letters q, g, z, p and r, f and s), a bigger issue stems from an inaccurate layout recognition and line segmentation (see Table 3 above) – an issue that can be easily prevented with proper layout edit- ing before proceeding to text recognition. To quantify these observations, each of the automated transcriptions was manually corrected and edited, the editing process was timed, and the version history in Transkribus and the comparison function in Word were used to identify the changes in the resulting transcriptions. While it only took a little over a minute to automatically transcribe a page with each of the models, it took over 47 minutes to correct the layout and the text transcribed with the public AI model. A comparison of the exported text files transcribed with Ita- lian Handwriting M1 showed that 370 revisions were made to the text itself, while the Transkribus version history feature calculated a 20.79% CER and a 57.52 % WER (word error rate) on the analysed page. In comparison, it took 25 minutes to complete the same task on the page transcribed using the Giu- seppe Tartini I model (199 text revisions detected by document comparison; 5.72% CER and 15.22% WER calculated with Transkribus’ version history feature), and 19 minutes to correct the layout and text transcribed with the AI Giuseppe Tartini II model (98 revisions detected by document comparison, 3.47% CER and 8.48% WER calculated with Transkribus’ version history fe- ature). It should be noted that half of that time was spent on layout editing, which means the text editing will be quicker if the layout of the pages with a more complex structure is carefully prepared in advance. To summarise, the performance of the second version of the private model is already quite satisfactory, but it could be improved further with more data and “fine-tuning”, as there are still some issues to be addressed. For example, most floating elements had to be excluded from the training process because the software cannot yet recognise musical notation or other graphics. However, efforts have been made towards handwritten music recognition (OMR) wit- hin Transkribus, which entails textual encoding of the written music.35 Whi- 35 “Jorge Calvo-Zaragoza – Handwritten Music and Text Recognition in Transkribus”, YouTube video, 08:02, accessed September 5, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TvDyF9L7sYE. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 196 le the method proposed by Calvo-Zaragoza36 did not seem efficient enough at this time or even compatible with training an HTR model, the automatic recognition of Tartini’s music may be well within reach in the near future. In Lieu of a Conclusion: Possible Applications As the digitisation of the Tartini collection is an ongoing project, there is no concrete conclusion to be made yet. It is easy to see, however, how this approach could be useful in compiling a fully digitised, machine-readable database of Tar- tini’s scholarly work that could be adapted for research (e.g. corpus-based studi- es) or critical editions. The process of model training is a time-consuming pro- cess, nevertheless, the efficiency of the tool is truly expressed when working with a large collection of documents,37 creating a large data set. And as Nicholas Cook observed, “working with larger data sets will open up new areas of musicology”.38 In addition, the use of HTR in university courses has already proven to be an engaging method for teaching palaeography and digital editing, revitalizing the discussion about text editions.39 With HTR (and AI in general), we are standing at a crucial moment in digital humanities, a moment that requires a sensible and well-considered approach, but nevertheless “a moment of opportunity”40. Bibliography Primary sources Biblioteca del Conservatorio di musica Giuseppe Tartini, IT-TS0108 Collezione Tartiniana: scritti teorici, musiche e documenti relativi a Giuseppe Tartini in Trieste e Pirano GT/FA/23 ms1 (“Appunti sulla proporzione”) Pokrajinski arhiv Koper/Koper Regional Archives SI PAK PI 334 Zbirka Giuseppe Tartini t. u. 3 a. u. 143 (“Risposta a critico ignoto”) a. u. 150 (“Proseguimento e Compimento della Carta musicale”) a. u. 151 (“Dissertazione musicale sui principi dell’armonia”) a. u. 153 (“Parte Terza”) a. u. 156 (“Evidentissima dimostrazione”) t. u. 4 a. u. 232 (“Quadratura del circolo”) a. u. 241 (“Confronto dei principj”) 36 Ibid. 37 Glavič, “Primer uporabe programa transkribus […]”, 88. 38 Nicholas Cook, “Towards the Complete Musicologist?”, ISMIR 2005, 4, https://ismir2005.ismir. net/documents/Cook-CompleatMusicologist.pdf. 39 Caers, “Teaching Handwritten Text Recognition”. 40 Cook, “Towards the Complete Musicologist?”, 1. Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 197 References “Archives and Catalogue.” Discover Tartini. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://www.dis- covertartini.eu/archivi?type=1&lang=en. Caers, Bram. “Teaching Handwritten Text Recognition: Can New Technologies Save Old Skills?.” Quaerendo 54, nos. 2-3 (2024): 198–209. https://brill.com/view/journals/ qua/54/2-3/article-p198_6.pdf; DOI: 10.1163/15700690-BJA10024. Cook, Nicholas. “Towards the Complete Musicologist?.” ISMIR 2005. https://ismir2005. ismir.net/documents/Cook-CompleatMusicologist.pdf. “Five Studies and New Sources of Documentation Relating to Giuseppe Tartini, His Con- temporaries, Pupils and Followers.” Discover Tartini. Accessed September 5, 2025. htt- ps://www.discovertartini.eu/main/pagina/19/Five-studies-and-new-sources?lang=en. Glavič, Jože. “Primer uporabe programa transkribus in izdelava modela za avtomat- sko optično prepoznavanje znakov za poenostavljeno transkribiranje ročno pisane gotice.” Moderna arhivistika 3, no. 1 (2020): 86–97. DOI: https://doi.org/10.54356/ MA/2020/1/ECAD5603. “How Is CER Calculated in Transkribus.” Transkribus Blog. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://blog.transkribus.org/en/how-is-the-cer-calculated-in-transkribus. “Jorge Calvo-Zaragoza – Handwritten Music and Text Recognition in Transkribus.” You- Tube video. 08:02. Posted by Transkribus on 12 october 2022. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TvDyF9L7sYE. Malagò, Giorgia, ed. Giuseppe Tartini / Pisma in Dokumenti / Letters and Documents. Vol. 1. Translated by Jerneja Umer Kljun and Roberto Baldo. Trieste: EUT Edizioni Univer- sità di Trieste, 2020. Moss, Fabian C., Maik Köster, Melinda Femminis, Coline Métrailler, and François Ba- vaud. “Digitizing a 19th-Century Music Theory Debate for Computational Analy- sis.” In Proceedings of the Conference on Computational Humanities Research 2021: Amsterdam, the Netherlands, November 17–19, 2021. https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-2989/ short_paper31.pdf. Muehlberger, Guenter, Louise Seaward, Melissa Terras, Sofia Ares Oliveira, Vicente Bosch, Maximilian Bryan, Sebastian Colutto, et al. “Transforming Scholarship in the Archives through Handwritten Text Recognition: Transkribus as a Case Study.” Journal of Docu- mentation 75, no. 5 (2019): 954–976. https://doi.org/10.1108/JD-07-2018-0114. Nockels, Joe, Paul Gooding, Sarah Ames, and Melissa Terras. “Understanding the Applica- tion of Handwritten Text Recognition Technology in Heritage Contexts: A System- atic Review of Transkribus in Published Research.” Archival Science 22, no. 3 (2022): 367–392. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10502-022-09397-0. “Nuove fonti dagli archivi di Pirano.” Discover Tartini. Accessed September 5, 2025. https:// www.discovertartini.eu/index.php/archivi/pirano. “OCR vs. HTR.” Transkribus Blog. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://blog.transkribus. org/en/insights/ocr-vs-htr. Pucer, Albert. Giuseppe Tartini: Inventar Zbirke / Inventario Della Collezione: 1654–1951. Koper: Pokrajinski arhiv Koper, 1993. “Setup and Training.” Transkribus Blog. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://help.transkri- bus.org/model-setup-and-training. Sukljan, Nejc, ed. In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. DOI: 10.3726/b20325. Sukljan, Nejc. “Tartini and the Ancients: Traces of Ancient Music Theory in the Tartini- Martini Correspondence.” In In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 198 Theory in Local and European Contexts, edited by Nejc Sukljan, 141–167. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. “TartiniBIS.” Interreg Italia – Slovenija. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://www.ita-slo. eu/it/tartini-bis. “TARTini.” Interreg Italia – Slovenija. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://2014-2020.ita- slo.eu/it/tartini. “Text-Image Matching.” Transkribus. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://help.transkri- bus.org/import-existing-transcriptions-with-text-image-matching. “Thematic Catalogue.” Discover Tartini. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://www.discov- ertartini.eu/archivi?type=5&lang=en. “Training Text Recognition Model.” Transkribus. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://help. transkribus.org/training-text-recognition-models. Transkribus Blog. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://blog.transkribus.org/en . “Transkribus Italian Handwriting M1.” READ Coop. Accessed September 5, 2025. https:// app.transkribus.org/models/text/38440 . “Transkribus.” Transkribus. Accessed August 20, 2025. https://www.transkribus.org/. Umer Kljun, Jerneja. “Understanding Tartini and His Thought: Overcoming Translation Difficulties in the Correspondence between Tartini and Martini.” In In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, edited by Nejc Sukljan, 245–260. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. “What Is Ground Truth?.” Transkribus. Accessed September 5, 2025. https://help.transkri- bus.org/import-existing-transcriptions-with-text-image-matching . “What Is HTR and How Does It Work.” Transkribus Blog. Accessed September 5, 2025. htt- ps://blog.transkribus.org/en/what-is-handwriting-recognition-and-how-does-it-work. SUMMARY The article outlines the potential next steps in digitising Giuseppe Tartini’s scientific texts kept at the Piran branch of the Regional Archives Koper, through the integration of Hand- written Text Recognition (HTR) technology for automatic or assisted transcription. It first gives a brief overview of the general concepts of HTR, describing the main features of the Transkribus app, including the training process for a customized text recognition model. The focus then shifts towards the primary sources selected for a test run with the HTR app, describing the main features of Tartini’s theoretical manuscripts. In addition, an experiment was conducted to test the performance of the trained model by comparing the results of two private custom AI models against the results obtained with a publicly available AI model for handwritten Italian. The resulting transcriptions were compared in terms of readability, the ability of the model to accurately recognize numbers, abbreviations, ratios and fractions, as well as the estimated time needed for editing a single automatically recognized page. Jerneja Umer Kljun: A Digital Approach to Tartini’s Theoretical Works 199 POVZETEK Digitalni pristop pri obravnavi Tartinijevih teoretičnih del: učenje in preizkušanje prilagojenega umetnointeligenčnega modela za prepoznavanje rokopisnih besedil Članek zarisuje eno izmed možnih nadaljnjih poti pri digitalizaciji znanstvenih besedil Giu- seppeja Tartinija, ki jih hrani piranska enota Pokrajinskega arhiva Koper, in sicer z uporabo tehnologije HTR (handwritten text recognition), namenjene samodejnemu prepoznavanju in transkribiranju rokopisnega gradiva. Uvod prinaša kratek pregled osnovnih načel tehnologije HTR in opisuje glavne značilnosti programske opreme Transkribus, ki omogoča učenje pri- lagojenih umetnointeligenčnih modelov za prepoznavanje rokopisnih besedil. Po podrobni razčlenitvi temeljnih značilnosti izbranih Tartinijevih rokopisov, tj. primarnih virov, izbranih za preizkušanje programske opreme, sledi opis preizkusa učinkovitosti izbranega pristopa za obdelavo gradiva. Nazadnje je predstavljena primerjava rezultatov dveh zasebnih prilagoje- nih umetnointeligenčnih modelov z rezultati, pridobljenimi z javno dostopnim modelom za italijanščino, in sicer z vidika natančnosti pri prepoznavanju in prepisovanju števil, krajšav, razmerij in ulomkov, berljivost besedila in splošni učinkovitosti modelov, pri čemer je upo- števan tudi čas urejanja in revizije samodejno generirane transkripcije. ABOUT THE AUTHOR JERNEJA UMER KLJUN ( Jerneja.umerkljun@ff.uni-lj.si) is a translator, translation teach- er and researcher exploring the fields of Translation Studies, Sociolinguistics and Digital Humanities. She teaches Italian-Slovene translation and several language courses at the Department of Translation Studies (Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana) as well as at the Academy of Music of the University of Ljubljana. She has translated Giuseppe Tarti- ni’s letters into Slovene and authored several scientific articles and a monograph on code- switching and language attitudes. O AVTORICI JERNEJA UMER KLJUN ( Jerneja.umerkljun@ff.uni-lj.si) je prevajalka, visokošolska uči- teljica in raziskovalka na področju prevodoslovja, sociolingvistike in digitalne humanistike. Je avtorica številnih strokovnih in znanstvenih člankov ter nedavno objavljene monografije o kodnem preklapljanju in odnosu do jezika. Na Oddelku za prevajalstvo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani poučuje italijanske jezikovne predmete ter prevajanje med italijanščino in slovenščino. Redno sodeluje z Akademijo za glasbo Univerze v Ljubljani, kjer poučuje italijanščino za pevce. Posveča se prevajanju avdiovizualnih vsebin ter leposlovnih, huma- nističnih in zgodovinskih besedil, med katerimi velja zlasti omeniti prevod zbirke pisem Giuseppeja Tartinija. 201 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.201-222 UDK: 78.07Tartini G.:78.01Stillingfleet B. Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony Andrew Baker Independent researcher ABSTRACT This paper explores the world of ideas surrounding the English polymath Benjamin Stillingfleet (1702–1771), who published The Principles and Power of Harmony in 1771, a work consisting of translations of portions of Tartini’s Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell’armonia [Treatise on Music according to the True Science of Harmony] with commentaries and notes. In 1760 Stillingfleet and his friend Robert Price had published the Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel to which Stillingfleet contributed footnotes in praise of Tartini. A few years later Stillingfleet and a student of Tartini, the composer Antonín Kammell, belonged to the circle of Thomas Anson of Shugborough, a key patron of the Greek Revival. An enthusiasm for Tartini’s music and philosophy can be seen as part of a wider fascination for music, nature and Universal Harmony, influenced by the ideas of Sir Isaac Newton and Count Algarotti. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, Benjamin Stillingfleet, Antonín Kammell, universal harmony IZVLEČEK Članek raziskuje svet idej angleškega polihistorja Benjamina Stillingfleeta (1702–1771), ki je leta 1771 objavil delo The Principles and Power of Harmony [Počela in moč harmonije], ki je sestavljeno iz prevodov nekaterih delov Tartinijevega spisa Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell’ar- monia [Razprava o glasbi, ki temelji na resnični znanosti o harmoniji], dopolnjenih s komentarji in opombami. Leta 1760 sta Stillingfleet in njegov prijatelj Robert Price objavila delo Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel [Spomini na življenje pokojnega Georgea Frederica Handla], v katerem je Stillingfleet prispeval opombe, ki hvalijo Tartinija. Nekaj let kasneje sta Stillingfleet in Tartinijev učenec, skladatelj Antonín Kammell, pripadala krogu prijateljev Thomasa Ansona iz Shugborougha, ključnega pokrovitelja oživljanja grške antike. Navdušenje nad Tartinijevo glasbo in filozofijo lahko razumemo kot del širšega zanimanja za glasbo, naravo in vseprisotno harmonijo, na katerega so vplivale ideje sira Isaaca Newtona in grofa Algarottija. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, Benjamin Stillingfleet, Antonín Kammell, univerzalna harmonija muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 202 In 1771 the English botanist, poet and author of libretti for oratorios, Be- njamin Stillingfleet published, anonymously The Principles and Power of Har- mony.1 This book is largely made up of Stillingfleet’s translations from Tartini’s Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia [Trea tise on Music accor- ding to the True Science of Harmony, 1754],2 with commentaries expressing his own thoughts on Tartini’s work. I believe that music in the eighteenth centu- ry cannot be understood on its own. People had very wide-ranging interests and their attitude to music was part of their attitude to the world as a whole. Stillingfleet’s book is of interest for its comments on Tartini’s ideas but its si- gnificance can be more fully understood in its context of the world of ideas of the author and his friends. Through a multi-disciplinary approach, this paper thus aims to look at this eighteenth century English interest in Tartini and to provide evidence that the fascination with the composer was part of a concern within Stillingfleet’s intellectual circle for nature and the concept of Universal Harmony. Stillingfleet, the Grand Tour and the Glacier Benjamin Stillingfleet (1702–1771) was born in Wood Norton, Norfolk, the grandson of Edward Stillingfleet (1635–1699), Bishop of Worcester, who died be fore he was born. Having received no inheritance, he would always be de- pendent on the support of others for his very limited income. At Cambridge University, Stillingfleet became tutor to William Windham (1717–1761) of Felbrigg Hall, close to the north Norfolk coast, whose family were cousins of his mother and his patrons for a large part of his life, much of which was spent at the country houses of his friends. Stillingfleet had studied the work of Sir Isaac Newton (1642/3–1727), who believed there was a direct relationship between colour and harmony; to understand this would explain the unifying law within nature. Newton’s ideas were popularised in England by Count Algarotti in his book Il Newto- nianismo per le Dame [Newtonianism for Ladies, 1737].3 Algarotti’s dialogues were translated by Elizabeth Carter and published anonymously in 1739 as Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy Explain’d for the Use of the Ladies: In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours.4 This search for a universal law in all nature lay behind 1 [Benjamin Stillingfleet], Principles and Power of Harmony (London: printed by J. & H. Hughs, 1771). 2 Giuseppe Tartini, Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia (Padova: Stamperia del Seminario, appresso Giovanni Manfré, 1754). 3 Francesco Algarotti, Il Newtonianismo per le Dame ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce e i colori (Napoli: [s. n.], 1737). 4 Francesco Algarotti, Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy Explain’d for the Use of the Ladies: In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours, transl. Elizabeth Carter (London: printed for E. Cave, at St. John’s Gate, 1739). Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 203 a new romantic enthusiasm for nature itself. Importantly, the complexities of nature, its light and shade, concord and discord, could be understood in terms of music. The early eighteenth-century philosopher Anthony Ashley Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury (1671–1713), believed that an understanding of harmony required the wilder aspects of nature to be acknowledged. As he wrote in The Moralists (1709): The Wildness pleases. We seem to live alone with nature. We view her in her inmost re- cesses, and contemplate her with more Delight in these original wilds, than in the artificial labyrinths and feigned wildernesses of the Palace.5 Shaftesbury felt that to appreciate the more discordant aspects of nature one had to develop a new perception, or taste: What difficulty to be in any degree knowing! How long ere a true taste is gained! How many things shocking, how many offensive at first, which afterwards are known and acknowledged the highest beauty! […] In painting there are shades and masterly strokes, which the vulgar understand not, but find fault with; in architecture there is the rustic; in music the chromatic kind and skilful mixture of dissonancies.6 In 1737 the romantic and sensitive Stillingfleet, deeply upset after being re- jected by a young lady, set off with the young William Windham on a Grand Tour, a journey made by young men in which they would learn about classical culture, acquire works of art and enjoy themselves. He and his charge followed the traditional route and travelled via Paris (where they may have stayed for some months). Ingamells notes they arrived in Geneva in April 1738,7 where they met another young traveller, Robert Price (1717–1761), an enthusiastic amateur violinist and composer, who, carrying his violin, journeyed with them over the Alps to Italy. They would have crossed the difficult and dangerous St. Bernard Pass, experiencing nature at its most dissonant and dramatic. By October 1738 the three had reached Turin and were in Florence the fol- lowing February. By Easter 1739 they were in Rome,8 where Price studied mu- sic with Basili, a curious choice. Andrea Basili (1705–1777) was a well-known teacher of music but as a composer he wrote almost en tirely sacred music for the Catholic Church, whereas Price’s enthusiasm was for instrumental music. 5 Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury, The Moralists, a Philosophical Rhapsody: Being a Recital of Certain Conversations Upon Natural and Moral Subjects (London: J. Wyatt, 1709), 315. 6 Ibid., 320–321. 7 John Ingamells, A Dictionary of British and Irish Travellers in Italy 1701–1800 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997). 8 Ibid. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 204 The Rev. William Coxe (1748–1828), in his Literary Life and Select Works of Benjamin Stillingfleet (1811), mentions that Price com posed “solos and trios” in the Italian style,9 “solos” mean ing violin sonatas, probably, but not neces sarily, with continuo accompaniment.10 In Rome both William Windham and Robert Price bought pictures by Gio vanni Battista Busiri (1698–1757). These were romantic scenes of rocks and waterfalls to remind them of their journey through the alps. Price smuggled his home through Geneva in his violin case.11 Stillingfleet’s writings imply that he had heard Tartini play, but there is no record of when the three travellers might have been in Padua where they could have heard Tartini perform at the Basilica of St. Anthony and perhaps met him. It is possible they were in Italy for more than a year and would have also visited Venice; they may even have spent time in Padua on their return journey home. Back in Geneva, the group formed what they called a “Common Room” and put on theatrical productions, passing their time with elaborate amuse- ments. Price provided the music and scenery while Stillingfleet was “Director of Machinery”.12 Geneva was a strictly Calvinist city where drama was di- sapproved of, though such private activities were tolerated. During this time Benjamin Stillingfleet and a group of fellow travellers that included Richard Pococke (1704–1765), who was on his way home from an adventurous journey to the Middle East, made an ascent of the glacier at Chamonix. This was an historically important event and signifi- cant both in terms of a scientific exploration and an unusual appreciation of wild nature.13 Another musician who the group met in Geneva was Benjamin Tate (c.1716–1790), “an enthusiastic fiddler and composer”.14 Tate set off on his return journey to England before the ascent of the glacier, having left Geneva a few months earlier with his tutor, Thomas Dampier. Tate wrote to Stillingfleet, who was still in Geneva, on 11 April 1741, describing a visit to the violinist and composer Pietro Locatelli (1695–1764), in Amsterdam: 9 Benjamin Stillingfleet, Literary Life and Select Works of Benjamin Stillingfleet: Several of Which Have Never Before Been Published, vol. 2, ed. William Coxe (London: J. Nichols and Son, 1811), 171. 10 Robert Price’s violin sonatas are unfortunately lost. 11 Charles Watkins and Ben Cowell, Uvedale Price (1747–1829): Decoding the Picturesque (Martlesham: Boydell Press, 2012), 15–16. 12 J. S. Rowlinson, “Our Common Room in Geneva and the Early Exploration of the Alps of Savoy”, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 52, no. 2 (1998): 221–235. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/531858. 13 Watkins and Cowell, Uvedale Price (1747–1829), 16. 14 Robert Wyndham Ketton-Cremer, The Early Life and Diaries of William Windham ([London]: Faber & Faber, 1930). Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 205 [He] has the most affected Look before he begins to Play, that I ever saw in my Life. I have heard him Play that Concerto which is so prodigiously difficult […] I beg you’ll let Fritz know, that Locatelli never sits by to Rest; but Plays for three Hours together, without be- ing in the least fatigued. I never in my Life saw a Man Play with so much ease: He played that difficult Caprice as old Fritz accompanys his Son.15 “Old Fritz” was Gaspard Fritz (1716–1893), their friend in Geneva who played for the Common Room drama productions. Tate bought some new works from Locatelli to try out with their gentleman’s orchestra, but the style was thought too modern by their leader, English violinist and composer Michael Christian Festing (1705–1752).16 Benjamin Tate showed Fritz’s sonatas, which he and Robert Price arranged to be published in London,17 to George Frideric Handel (1685–1759). Thomas Dampier wrote: Don’t you think it odd in him to trust me with talking of musick and Handel? They [Tate and Handel] have had several conferences together, and I observed Fritz’s musick to lie before them, and that the great man frequently cried Bravo and sometimes bravissimo.18 Music and the Picturesque On their return to England, Robert Price invited Stillingfleet to live in a cotta- ge on his estate at Foxley, near Hereford. He lived here intermittently for about fifteen years and would spend his summer months studying the local botany, in particular grasses.19 Stillingfleet became best-known as a botanist but, as William Coxe con- firms, continued his interest in music: [Stillingfleet] increased his knowledge and love of music. In the midst of his botanical and classical pursuits, he dedicated a part of his time to the practice of this delightful art, being a tolerable proficient on the Violencello.20 15 Simon McVeigh and Jehoash Hirschberg (eds.), The Italian Solo Concerto, 1700–1760: Rhetorical Strategies and Style History (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 41. 16 Albert Dunning, Pietro Antonio Locatelli: Der Virtuose und seine Welt (Iphofen: F. Knuf, 1981), 279. 17 Gaspard Fritz, Sei sonate a quatro stromenti, a violino primo, secondo, alto viola, cembalo o violoncello: Dedicate a. s. e. Francesco Grevile, baron di Brooke; Opera Prima (London: printed for the author, 1742). 18 The Manuscripts of the Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl of Donoughmore, and Others, Historical Manuscripts Commission: twelfth report, appendix, part IX (London: printed for Her Majesty’s stationery office by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1891), 203, https://archive.org/details/ manuscriptsofduk00grea_1/mode/2up. 19 Benjamin Stillingfleet, Literary Life and Select Works of Benjamin Stillingfleet: Several of Which Have Never Before Been Published, vol. 1, ed. William Coxe (London: J. Nichols and Son, 1811), 120–121. 20 Stillingfleet, Literary Life and Select Works of Benjamin Stillingfleet, vol. 1, 151. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 206 Foxley, in Herefordshire’s rolling hills, was an agricultural estate with an area of woodland. Stillingfleet played a part in the develop ing concept of picturesque gardens created in natural form, imitating nature itself in this beautiful land- scape, for which Robert Price’s son, Uvedale Price, is usually credited.21 In 1759 Stillingfleet and Price made a journey across the border to the wild landscape of Wales. In a letter to Mrs. Montagu (who we shall hear more about shortly), Stillingfleet wrote: We made directly to Merionethshire being the wildest part of Wales and passed a week in the vale of Festiniog which is a very delightful spot surrounded by the most barren country i [sic] ever saw having in its neighbourhood a great many very grand cataracts of which Mr. Price made landscapes while I looked for plants. […] After our return from Wales we spent a week at Hereford it being the anniversary music meeting of the three quires viz Gloucester Hereford and Worcester. Mr. Price was steward and master of the ceremonies at the balls, and performed that office without offending one single lady.22 Foxley during this period became an artistic retreat where new ideas about music, art and nature could be discussed and nurtured (the house is no longer there). Handel’s assistant John Christopher Smith Jnr. (born Johann Chris- toph Schmidt, 1712–1795), the stepfather of William Coxe having married his mother, was at Foxley during this extraordinary time of creative and talented individuals coming together, composing his oratorio Paradise Lost for which Stillingfleet wrote the words. Smith and Stillingfleet collaborated on several works, including an unfinished opera Medea (1763), which they soon realised had too horrific and tragic an ending for an English audience.23 The violinist John Malchair (c.1729–1812), who came to England in 1754, was at Foxley in 1757 and began to study drawing with Price who became an important landscape watercolour artist and later a drawing master. Malchair was also a musician. In later years he was described as “one of the most distin- ctive figures of eighteenth-century Oxford”.24 In the summer of 1760, the artist Thomas Gainsborough (1727–1788) pa- inted a study of beech trees at Foxley.25 He was always more interested in 21 Charles Watkins and Ben Cowell (eds.), Letters of Uvedale Price: The Sixty-Eighth Volume of the Walpole Society 2006 (Leeds: Maney Publishing for the Walpole Society, 2006), 14. 22 Benjamin Stillingfleet, “Letter to Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu, 4 November 1759”, The Huntington Digital Library (1759), 1, https://hdl.huntington.org/digital/collection/p16003coll18/ id/14700/rec/1. 23 Kay Gilliland Stevenson and Margaret Seares, Paradise Lost in Short: Smith, Stillingfleet, and the Transformation of Epic (London: Associated University Presses, 1998), 161. 24 Colin Harrison, John Malchair of Oxford, Artist and Musician (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 1999), 9–10. 25 Thomas Gainsborough, “Study of Beech Trees at Foxley, 1760”, Manchester, Whitworth Art Gallery, https://www.akg-images.co.uk/search/AQAAAAAA4v9TdHVkeSBvZiBCZWVjaCB UcmVlcyBhdCBGb3hsZXkAAAAAAQAF9QIAAMxX-QAB. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 207 landscape than portraiture, seeking form in the “subtlety of the rich russets and shimmering golds and silvers” and the light of a scene, described as “a simplicity that nevertheless demanded sensitive enhancement”,26 rather than necessarily conveying accurate observation. Gainsborough was also a keen musician. A friend of Carl Friedrich Abel (1723–1787) and Johann Christian Bach (1735–1782), both of whom Kammell was to meet, Gainsborough was a proficient player of a viola da gamba which he purchased from Abel. In a letter from Bath to his friend William Jackson,27 the artist wrote: I’m sick of Portraits and wish very much to take my Viol da Gam [sic] and walk off to some sweet Village where I can paint Landskips [landscapes] and enjoy the Fag End of life in quietness and ease.28 It is easy to imagine that ideas about the relationship between music and colo- ur made popular by Algarotti and translated by Elizabeth Carter when she was only in her twenties, would have been discussed by Gainsborough, Malchair, Price and their musical friends in the woods at Foxley. In 1760, Robert Price and friends produced the first known biography of any composer written in English, Memoirs of the Life of the Late Geor- ge Frederic Handel. Published in the name of theologian John Mainwaring (1724–1807),29 Fellow of St. John’s College, Cambridge, the biographical information was probably supplied to him by John Christopher Smith Jnr., possibly when these individuals were together at Foxley.30 In a section headed “Observations on the Works”, Robert Price empha- sises the differences and contrasts in Italian and German musical traditions, comment ing on the great composer’s ability to combine the best qualities of both.31 A “Catalogue of Works” was added by Smith, or, as some academics suggest, by the philosopher James Harris (1709–1780). There are anonymo- us footnotes which as, David Hunter suggests, can reasonably be identified as Stillingfleet’s contribution to the book. The two longest of which are, od- dly, about Tartini rather than Handel, and show that the presumed author’s 26 Brian Robins, “Gainsborough and Music”, Early Music World ([s. a.]), accessed December 4, 2025 https://www.earlymusicworld.com/gainsborough-music. 27 William Jackson, The Four Ages: Together with Essays on Various Subjects (London: Cadell and Davies, 1798). 28 Robins, “Gainsborough and Music”. 29 [ John Mainwaring], Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel: To Which Is Added, a Catalogue of His Works, and Observations upon Them (London: printed for R. & J. Dodsley, Pall- Mall, 1760), 183–184. 30 David Hunter, The Lives of George Frideric Handel (Martlesham: Boydell Press, 2015), 395. 31 [Mainwaring], Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel, 159ff. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 208 enthusiasm for the composer was still strong.32 Stillingfleet adds this note to a comment about instrumental music: This is to be understood with some limitation. For it is not meant that the excellence of Instrumental Music consists altogether in the strength and fulness of its harmony; but only that this is the perfection of it as contradistinguished from the Vocal. The Concertos of TARTINI, and some other first-rate Composers for instruments, are strong proof that Instrumental Music should not be confined to harmony alone. For the merit of those pieces consists still more in the high and uncommon delicacy of the melody, than in the harmo- ny, though excellent of its kind, and incomparably well contrived for the setting off and strengthening of the principal part.33 Again, alluding to the Piranese violinist, he comments on the relationship between vocal and instrumental music: After all, the vocal species is not more indebted to the instrumental, than this to the other. Many instances might be produced to confirm this assertion, from the compositions of differ- ent Masters. But TARTINI’s Music may almost be considered as one continued instance if it. All his melody is so truly vocal in its style and character, that those parts which do not exceed the compass and powers of a voice, one would almost imagine were intended to be sung. His most difficult passages bear the same character, which was very apparent, when they were executed by himself: and all the Italians were so strongly sensible of this, that in speaking of his manner of playing, they often made use of the following expression, non suona, canta su’l violino. The reason why the compositions of this great master are admired by so few people in England, is that the Performers of them neither enter into the true character of the music, nor play it according to the intention of its author. The more any piece of Music is delicate and ex- pressive, the more insipid must it appear under a coarse and unmeaning execution. Just as the most delicate strokes of humour in comedy, and the most affecting turns of passion in tragedy, will suffer more from being improperly read, than a common paragraph in a newspaper.34 It is quite remarkable that Benjamin Stillingfleet took the opportunity to pra- ise Tartini in a book about Handel. It is worth pointing out that the music of Giuseppe Tartini (1692–1770), who taught many musicians, was little known in England in the eighteenth century. The only public performances of Tartini concertos before 1787, listed in Simon McVeigh’s Calendar of London Concerts, 1750–1800, are three in 1753 by the London based violinist, and later guitar teacher, Giuseppe Passerini (1716–1783).35 It has to be presumed that Tarti- ni’s work became better known through his early chamber music published in London, apart from by those who had heard him perform in person. 32 Hunter, The Lives of George Frideric Handel, 395. 33 Ibid., 175–176. 34 Ibid., 183–184. 35 Simon McVeigh, Calendar of London Concerts 1750–1800, Goldsmiths Research Online (published May 21, 2014, last modified March 6, 2025), https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/10342/. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 209 Figure 1: Benjamin Stillingfleet (1702–1771), by Johan Zoffany c.1761.36 Stillingfleet the Bluestocking By now Stillingfleet was a regular visitor at gatherings hosted in London by Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu (1718–1800), where card playing was replaced by informal conversation. It was primarily a literary and philosophical discussion group, mainly for learned women known as “the bluestockings”. Stillingfleet is often said to have been the original “bluestocking”, a term that appears to have been in use from the 1750s. Always short of money, he wore blue woollen stoc- kings rather than the more expensive black silk stockings of formal evening dress. On an occasion when he was absent from the group, it was remarked that they were “nowhere without blue stockings”.37 36 National Portrait Gallery, licensed with permission. 37 Geri Walton, “Benjamin Stillingfleet and the Bluestockings”, Geriwalton: Unique Histories from the 18th and 19th Centuries (published January 18, 2016), https://www.geriwalton.com/ bluestockings-and-benjamin-stillingflee/. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 210 At the time that Mrs. Montagu wrote to Dr. Monsey of 8 March 1757, Stil- lingfleet was neglecting his bluestocking friends, distracted by an enthusiasm for opera and his work with John Christopher Smith Jnr.: “I assure you our philosopher is so much a man of pleasure, he has left off his old friends and his blue stockings and is at operas and other gay assemblies every night.”38 Perhaps the most important of the members of Mrs. Montagu’s circle was Elizabeth Carter (1717–1806), a poet who praised Plato in her work. By 1760 she had become famous, and earned an income, for her translation of the works of the stoic philosopher Epictetus.39 It was probably either through Mrs. Montagu, or through their mutual fri- end George, Lord Lyttelton (1709–1773), that Benjamin Stillingfleet became acquainted with Thomas Anson (1695–1773), the elder brother of George An- son, an important figure in English naval history. The Ansons’ uncle Thomas Parker, the first Earl of Macclesfield, was a friend of Isaac Newton, as were Thomas’s two proponents to The Royal Society in 1728: Rev. Zachary Pearce and the mathematician William Jones.40 The earliest known reference to Anson by Stillingfleet is in an undated letter to Mrs. Montagu: “I intend to have the pleasure of meeting Mr. Anson as you desire on Thursday and think myself greatly honoured by his favourable opinion of me.”41 Stillingfleet was certainly acquainted with Anson before the end of 1758. In November 1758 Stillingfleet was present at a very significant occasion, one that is usually accepted as the symbolic beginning of the Greek Revival in England. This was when Thomas Anson, architect James “Athenian” Stuart and Benjamin Stillingfleet met at Lyttelton’s country estate, Hagley Park, Wor- cestershire, to discuss plans for a Doric temple at Hagley. This was the first structure in England to be built in authentic Greek style, based on drawings Stuart had made on his visit to Greece in the 1740s.42 The Greek Revival was not only a rediscovery of Greek architecture but also a movement to promote Greek philosophy, particularly that of Plato as an 38 Reginald Blunt and Emily J. Climenson (eds.), Mrs. Montagu, “Queen of the Blues”: Her Letters and Friendships from 1762 to 1800, vol. 1, 1762–1776 (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), https://archive.org/details/mrsmontaguequeen01mont. 39 Elizabeth Carter, All the Works of Epictetus which Are Now Extant: Consisting of His Discourses, Preserved by Arrian, in Four Books, the Enchiridion, and Fragments (London: S. Richardson, 1758). 40 For the connections between Thomas Anson and Isaac Newton see Andrew Baker, Thomas Anson of Shugborough and his world (AJB Publications, 2025), 33–40. 41 Benjamin Stillingfleet, “Letter to Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu, c.1760”, The Huntington Digital Library ([s. a.]), https://hdl.huntington.org/digital/collection/p16003coll18/id/16654/rec/3. Letters exchanged between Benjamin Stillingfleet and Mrs. Montagu are accessible from The Huntington Library, Art Museum, and Botanical Garden, Digital Library. 42 For Thomas Anson’s role in the Greek Revival see Baker, Thomas Anson of Shugborough and His World. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 211 antidote to the materialism of the age. Stillingfleet was a devotee of Plato and Thomas Anson an almost invisible patron of many involved, including possibly Stillingfleet himself. Though he rarely spoke about his travels, Thomas made a Grand Tour of Italy in the 1720s and in the 1730s and 1740s had visited Asia Minor, Athens, Cairo and the ancient cities of Palmyra and Baalbek. While interested in the newest developments in science and industry, he was also a seeker of ancient knowledge. In the 1740s Thomas extended his family home at Shugborough, Staffordshi- re and developed his estate and gardens. His new drawing room and library, whi- ch contained several of Newton’s first editions, have ceiling plasterwork images representing classical poets and philosophers and an unusual mix of deities (in- cluding Isis and Serapis) who appear with the Chinese philosopher Confucius. The theme both inside the house and outside seems to contrast time and the inevitable ruin of earthly civilisations, with eternal truth and wisdom. With Stuart’s buildings based on original Greek style, Shugborough beca- me a showcase for the Greek Revival in a natural Arcadian landscape. The key feature is the mysterious Shepherds Monument with its marble relief based on Poussin’s painting Et In Arcadia Ego. Below the relief is a cryptic inscription which has never been satisfactorily explained. In context, the calm shepherdess who stands beside the tomb has been interpreted by some as Wisdom, perhaps Urania, a representation of Universal Harmony. Thomas Anson’s will, written in July 1771,43 is brief and very straight- forward. His estate passed to his nephew, George Adams (who took the name Anson and became the ancestor of the present Earls of Lichfield). He also left money to a small but carefully chosen group of friends, four of whom were to receive annuities: £100 (£10,000 today) to the architect James “Athenian” Stu- art and to Benjamin Stillingfleet; £50 to Antonín Kammell and to Nathaniel Kent, agriculturalist and estate manager, a protegé of Stillingfleet who later worked for Uvedale Price at Foxley. It is, surely, very remarkable that two of these four friends of his later years had a connection with Tartini. Antonín Kammell Antonín (Anthony John) Kammell was born in Bĕleč, Central Bohemia, in 1730. He studied philosophy and law in Bohemia and music with Tartini in Italy, though it is not known during which period. From about 1763–1765 Kammell was in Germany.44 43 Staffordshire County Record Office, Wills and administration of members of the Anson family 1661–1772. Thomas Anson, 1772, D615/EL/69. 44 Biography and thematic catalogue of Antonín Kammell: Andrew Baker, “Antonín Kammel (Anthony John Kammell) a Bohemian Composer in 18th Century England”, Andrew Baker: Composer, accessed December 4, 2025, https://andrewbakercomposer.com/ anton-kammell-a-bohemian-composer-in-18th-century-england/. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 212 His father was a forester. It was as an agent selling wood for ships’ masts supplied by his employer, Count Vincent Ferrerus Waldstein, that Kammell came to England in 1765. His business, however, was a disaster as the masts were not tall enough to meet British Navy standards. It seems likely that his real motive was to launch his musical career, with Waldstein’s support. Waldstein was later the patron of another of Tartini’s students, Josef Mysliveček (1737–1781). It was probably not by chance that Kammell soon made the acquaintance of Johann Christian Bach, the eighteenth child of German composer Johann Sebas- tian Bach (1685–1750). In 1765 he became a close associate of J. C. Bach and Carl Friedrich Abel. The three would perform trios on violin, piano and viola da gamba. Kammell’s career spans a time of changing fashion in musical style. He cer- tainly has a place in the history of the development of the classical style, which has largely gone unnoticed. His music is exclusively instrumental, written most- ly for the violin: solo sonatas, duets, trios and quartets, with some orchestral works. He composed symphonies and violin concertos, though only one set of symphonies was published; his printed concertos were published in France.45 In November 1768 Kammell was in Bath, where on 8 November he played at Thomas Linley’s concert, the leading figure of music at the Spa. The musicians are named in the advertisement in the Bath Journal of 31 October 1768.46 On 14 November a second concert was held in Simpson’s Rooms for 17 November, at which the same musicians again perform. The announcement states this to be the last appearance in Bath of Mr. Fisher ( Johann Christian Fischer), oboist and composer, and Mr. Weiss (Carl Weiss), a flautist: “Mr. Fisher and Mr. Weiss hope to be honoured by the Presence of the Nobility and Gentry at their Con- cert, as it will be the last Time of their Performance in Bath.”47 This initial concert appears to have promoted Kammell as a versatile compo- ser rather than a violin virtuoso, a variety of his compositions performed. As first violin, Kammell would have led the orchestra: two of his overtures (symphonies), a violin solo and a “quintetto” (now lost), featured all the instrumental soloists. This was most likely the occasion for which Thomas Gainsborough, himself an accomplished musician, painted the portrait that in 2021 was identified as being of Antonín Kammell. Hugh Belsey, British art historian, dates the painting (to be included in future editions of his catalogue of Gainsborough’s portraits) to c.1768, possibly to help promote Kammell’s Bath concerts that autumn. It shows a romantic image of the composer, gazing slightly upwards as if waiting for inspiration, holding a manuscript in his left hand.48 45 Copies of Kammell’s known published works can be found in the British Library, the Library of Congress, and in many other collections. 46 “Mr. Linley’s Concert”, Bath Journal (31 October 1768). 47 “Mr. Fisher and Mr. Weiss’s Concert”, Bath Journal (14 November 1768). 48 Hugh Belsey’s description of the painting for future editions of his Thomas Gainsborough: Hugh Belsey, The Portraits, Fancy Pictures and Copies after Old Masters (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019); communicated to the author, March 2021. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 213 Figure 2: Antonín Kammell (1730–1784), by Thomas Gainsborough, c.1768.49 In 1764 Thomas Anson inherited the wealth and property of his younger brother George, Lord Anson. He used his unexpected fortune to promote the arts and sciences, often anonymously, and developed his own house and park at Shugborough. His most important project was the rebuilding of 15 St. James’s Square, both to show off the Greek-inspired architectural design of his friend James “Athenian” Stuart and as a London venue for highly esteemed private concerts.50 Lady Shelburne, first wife of William Petty Fitzmaurice, Earl of Shelbur- ne, who, much later in 1782–83, became Prime Minister of Great Britain, describes a lavish social event held on 13 April 1769,51 possibly the first held in the house which had taken several years to complete. “Thursday Morning, April 13th. —We breakfasted at Mr. Anson’s, who gave a breakfast and concert to Mrs. Montagu, to which she very obligingly invited us.”52 49 Private collection, with permission. 50 For Thomas Anson see: Baker, Thomas Anson of Shugborough and His World. 51 The year 1768 is incorrectly given on the English Heritage website and elsewhere. Donald Burrows and Rosemary Dunhill and other contemporary references confirm the year to be 1769. 52 Edmond Fitzmaurice, Lord, Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, Afterwards First Marquess of Lansdowne, with Extracts from his Papers and Correspondence, vol. 2, 1766–1776 (London: Macmillan & Co., 1876), 187–188. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 214 Lady Shelburne names several of Mrs. Montagu’s bluestocking circle who were present. It is likely, though not documented, that Stillingfleet, a close friend of both Mrs. Montagu and Thomas Anson, was also there, and that Kammell took the lead as he certainly did on later occasions, the concert being an opportunity to show off his new music. The philosopher James Harris, his wife Elizabeth and daughter Catherine Gertrude were also there. On 21 April Elizabeth Harris wrote to her son James Jnr. with some im- portant news: The opera next winter is to be manag’d by Mr. G. Pitt & Mr. Hobart, & they talk of hav- ing the He Guadagni & the Amicis, but I have liv’d long enough to know that spring talk & winter performances are not always the same.53 George Hobart, the third Earl of Buckinghamshire, had taken on the manage- ment of the opera for the next four years. The conversation Mrs. Harris reports may well have taken place at Thomas Anson’s breakfast concert. The highlight of the forthcoming opera season, under the aegis of Pitt and Hobart, would be the first performance in England of Christoph Willi- bald Gluck’s Orfeo ed Euridice or, as it was described in the published libretto, this version extended by J. C. Bach, Orpheus and Eurydice: An Opera, in the Grecian Taste. The Paduan castrato, Guadagni was to perform the leading role of Orfeo that he had created for the original production in 1762. This was the finest operatic example of the ideals of the Greek Revival and the ideas of Count Algarotti’s An Essay on the Opera,54 originally published in Italian in 1755.55 About this time Kammell dedicated a set of violin duos (Op. 5, AK2/2) to Thomas Anson. These are substantial works, at times romantic in tone, more classical than gallant.56 The first known performance of a string quartet in a public concert in London was a work by Kammell on 27 April 1769,57 one of his six quartets, Op. 4 (AK4/1), dedicated to George Pitt, Esq. A month or two later, John Parnell, having visited Thomas Anson’s country estate, wrote in his journal: 53 Ibid., 545. 54 Francesco Algarotti, An Essay on the Opera Written in Italian by Count Algarotti, transl. Elizabeth Carter (?) (London: printed for L. Davis and C. Reymers, 1767); 55 Donald Burrows and Rosemary Dunhill, Music and Theatre in Handel ’s World: The Family Papers of James Harris, 1732–1780 (Oxford University Press, 2002), 546; see also: Baker, Thomas Anson of Shugborough and His World, 387. 56 Baker, “Antonín Kammel (Anthony John Kammell) a Bohemian Composer in 18th Century England”. 57 Susan Wollenberg and Simon McVeigh (eds.), Concert Life in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Farnham: Ashgate, 2004). Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 215 There has been this day, Thursday, a most agreeable meeting of the neigh bouring gentry, Snead, Clifford, Piggot etc. who all play or sing and dance together here afterwards and have music again on the evening.58 Kammell certainly visited Shugborough in the summer of 1772 and was quite possibly one of the musicians that Parnell heard three years earlier. Benjamin Stillingfleet was there in early autumn. 59 Elizabeth Harris revealed the quality of the musicians who played at An- son’s London house in a letter of 27th March 1772 to her son James Jnr. Yesterday morning we were all at that most elegant house of Mr. Anson’s to a breakfast and concert after, every thing suited the elegance of the house. When breakfast was ended the rooms were open for people to walk about and admire – after that the concert, for which he had collected the best hands in town – Madme [sic] Sirman, Grassi, Fischer, Crosdale, Ponto, Kamell etc. Got home in time enough to snap a short dinner before the opera.60 These names are, indeed, the leading musicians of the day: Johann Christian Fischer (1733–1800), the busiest and most accomplished oboist in London who made his first public appearance in June 1768, Jan Václav Stich (1746– 1803) known as Giovanni Punto, and the English performer John Crosdill (1751–1825) – the leading oboist, horn player and cellist respectively, all colle- agues of J. C. Bach – and note the “etc.” Maddelena Laura Lombardini Sirmen (1745–1818), a composer, violinist and singer, was another important student of Tartini. During her visits to Lon- don, she stayed at Kammell’s house in Half-Moon Street, Piccadilly, previo- usly the home of opera manager and friend of Gainsborough and Kammell, George Pitt. Her unusually close relationship with her teacher is indicated by the essay-length letter which Tartini sent her on the art of violin playing (pu- blished and translated into English by Dr. Charles Burney).61 The Principles and Power of Harmony Stillingfleet died on 15 December 1771, a few months after he had anonymou- sly published his Principles and Power of Harmony.62 With no dedication, it was 58 John Parnell, John Parnell ’s Journal (1769), LSE Library, Misc. 38, William Salt Library, Staffordshire County Council, CB/Shugborough/8. 59 Baker, Thomas Anson of Shugborough and His World, 392. 60 Ibid., 666. 61 Giuseppe Tartini, Letter from the Late Signor Tartini to Signora Maddalena Lombardini (Now Signora Sirmen): Published as an Important Lesson to Performers on the Violin, transl. Charles Burney (London: printed for R. Bremner, 1779), https://archive.org/details/imslp-letter-to-maddalena- lombardini-signora-sirmen-tartini-giuseppe; see also https://imslp.org/wiki/Tutorial_Letter_to_ Maddalena _Lombardini_(Tartini,_ Giuseppe). 62 Stillingfleet, Principles and Power of Harmony. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 216 very likely funded privately by Thomas Anson, whose concerts continued until his own death in 1773. Stillingfleet’s work is, as mentioned, largely a commentary on Tartini’s Trattato di musica which allowed him to express his own attitude to music and, most interestingly, his interest in Universal Harmony. He is sceptical of Tartini’s mathematical theories but beyond this Stillingfleet is an enthusiastic supporter of his ideas: Platonic numbers and figures had made a strong impression on his mind, and set him upon the very laborious task of deducing everything in music from abstract ideas; but these were accompanied with such important physical experiments, so fine an ear, and such a practical knowledge of his art, that he seldom draws wrong consequences.63 Tartini and Stillingfleet agree that the music which has the most power relies on simplicity rather than art, or artifice.64 Stillingfleet reveals his high regard for ancient Greece at almost every opportunity, and comments that the lost music of Greece was “uncommonly touching, and capable of producing any effect almost within the limits of possibility”.65 For Tartini this natural power of music is demonstrated by folk song. Tar- tini writes, translated by Stillingfleet, that these songs are: of ancient tradition, many newly composed, and adopted by common consent. In general, they are extremely simple; nay, the most simple are generally the greatest favourites […] That the people listen with greater pleasure to one of these songs, than to the most exquisite song modulated through all the maze of harmony, is an observation as easy to make, as it is significant when verified […] Nature has more power than Art.66 Stillingfleet continues by stating the expressive style of Italian opera is in the same spirit. The various accompaniments had become less complex, though some, presumably those who favoured a more theoretical or contrapuntal style, ridiculed what Stillingfleet calls “those thrumming bases”: Those feelings of nature, which, as Tartini observes, are and must be common to us and the Greeks, have of late years put the Italian masters upon working the parts less in their opera music; and have produced those thrumming bases, as they are called by our harmonists, by way of ridicule.67 63 Ibid., v. 64 See Andrew Baker, Hidden Music: A Franciscan Musical Theology (AJB Publications, 2023). 65 Stillingfleet, Principles and Power of Harmony, 134. 66 Ibid., 83. 67 Ibid., 213. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 217 Stillingfleet believes the Italian style is best demonstrated by Handel, for whom melody and expression are paramount. He feels this to be closer to nature’s truths than the complexity and artifice of polyphonic music, fugue and other intellectu- al devices, more commonly associated with J. S. Bach. He writes: I believe most men, if they dared to speak their own feelings, would talk the language of Tartini; but the dread of being thought to have a vulgar taste, puts them under restraints, and makes them undergo the fatigue of silently listening, with a dozing kind of attention, as if they were well bred, and ashamed to interrupt others, to what they are told is fine; but which they cannot, with all their endeavours, be brought to think agreeable; whereas, many of our old simple songs steal our affections, in spite of all our prejudices, and even when we are almost ashamed to be touched by such low and vulgar things; but high-bred taste, like high-born pride, is sometimes forced to listen to the humble dictates of Nature, and enjoy a pleasure it does not openly avow.68 That the power of music comes from nature is one aspect of the mystery of Universal Harmony, knowledge that Stillingfleet felt probably came from the Egyptians. He raises this in a footnote: But this is not the full extent of harmony according to the Pythagoreans and Platonicians. They supposed the universe itself and all its parts to be formed by the principles of harmony. Nor do I imagine they meant only to make use of a figurative expression. There are traces of the harmonic principle scattered up and down sufficient to make us look on it as one of the great and reigning principles of the inanimate world.69 The ancient world-view of the cosmos in which the movements of the celestial spheres were seen as a sign of harmony might be dismissed, yet Stillingfleet suggests that the planetary movements and the actual solar system do, in fact, follow harmonic laws. Certain as this harmonic coincidence is now become, till Sir Isaac Newton demonstrated the laws of gravitation in relation to the planets, it must have passed for the dream of an Utopian philosopher.70 Newton had written, in a then unpublished commentary on his Principia: To some such laws the ancient Philosophers seem to have alluded when they called God Harmony and signified his actuating matter harmonically by the God Pan’s playing upon a pipe and attributing music to the spheres made the distances and motions of the heavenly bodies to be harmonical and represented the Planets by the seven strings of Apollo’s Harp.71 68 Ibid., 214. 69 See note to paragraph 195. Ibid., 145. 70 Ibid., 146. 71 Joscelyn Godwin, The Harmony of the Spheres: The Pythagorean Tradition in Music (Vermont: Inner Traditions, Bear & Co., 1992), 307–308. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 218 Did colour also relate to musical harmony, a consequence of the same law? It was this prospect that led Newton to see the rainbow as having seven colours when others would perceive only five or six. Though his observations may have been influenced by wish-fulfilment, Newton believed the proportional colours in a rainbow matched the musical scale of D in the Dorian mode, the mode of Apollo or the Sun.72 Stillingfleet explains: Besides the above-mentioned instance, which proves the harmony of the universe to be true in a literal sense, and which we suppose to have been known to the ancients, there is another instance totally new, discovered also by Newton, equally striking, and equally extensive. He found that the breadths of the seven original colours, were in the same pro- portion as the seven musical intervals that compose an octave. The reason why this law was followed rather than any other, does not appear, nor has Newton given any the least conjecture about it: but we cannot avoid believing that it tends somewhere or other to the perfection of the universe, either as to use or beauty.73 Algarotti, in Carter’s translation, speaks of one of the experimental instru- ments of his time whereby colours could produce different harmonies: Upon moving the Keys of the Instrument, instead of hearing Sounds, you will see Colours and Mezzo Tintos appear, which produce the same Harmony as Sounds do. The Sonatas of Rameaux or Corelli will give the same Pleasure to the Eyes when seen on this philo- sophical Harpsichord, as they do to the Ear when they are played on the common Sort. The Concords of a Piece of Purple and Scarlet will raise the Passions of Love, Pity, Courage, or anger in our Souls.74 Tartini and Newton both searched for a mathematical explanation for Uni- versal Harmony, a law that seems to be beyond number. Lord Shaftesbury be- lieved we come to know harmony through feeling, or affection, not only thro- ugh intellect, because we embody the same harmony in ourselves as in nature. The Greek Revival circle that centred around Thomas Anson would have had sympathy with Tartini’s view that Nature embodied the divine laws of Harmony. Pierpaolo Polzonetti writes: “Tartini suggests that the Ideal world is instinctively sensed by the musician, by the performer and by the listener according to nature.”75 72 Penelope Gouk, Music, Science and Natural Magic in Seventeenth-Century England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 244–245. 73 Stillingfleet, Principles and Power of Harmony, 146. 74 Algarotti, Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy Explain’d for the Use of the Ladies, 223. 75 Pierpaolo Polzonetti, Tartini e la musica secondo natura (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2001), 170, https://www.academia.edu/654345/Tartini_e_la_musica_secondo_natura. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 219 As he wrote to Francesco Algarotti, on 20 November 1749: “I feel more at home with nature than art, having no other art than the imitation of nature.”76 In the context of the ideas of this intellectual circle it appears that for Be- njamin Stillingfleet and his friends Tartini’s music was the true voice of nature and was an echo of the Universal Harmony which they sought in their artistic and scientific endeavours. Bibliography Algarotti, Francesco. An Essay on the Opera Written in Italian by Count Algarotti. Translated by Elizabeth Carter (?). London: printed for L. Davis and C. Reymers, 1767. Algarotti, Francesco. Il Newtonianismo per le Dame ovvero dialoghi sopra la luce e i colori. Napoli: [s. n.], 1737. Algarotti, Francesco. Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy Explain’d for the Use of the Ladies: In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours. Translated by Elizabeth Carter. London: printed for E. Cave, at St. John’s Gate, 1739. Baker, Andrew. “Antonín Kammel (Anthony John Kammell) a Bohemian Composer in 18th Century England.” Andrew Baker: Composer. Accessed December 4, 2025. https://andrew- bakercomposer.com/anton-kammell-a-bohemian-composer-in-18th-century-england/ Baker, Andrew. Hidden Music: A Franciscan Musical Theology. AJB Publications, 2023. Baker, Andrew. Thomas Anson of Shugborough and his world. AJB Publications, 2025. Belsey, Hugh. The Portraits, Fancy Pictures and Copies after Old Masters. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019. Blunt, Reginald, and Emily J. Climenson, eds. Mrs. Montagu, “Queen of the Blues”: Her Letters and Friendships from 1762 to 1800. Vol. 1, 1762–1776. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1923. https://archive.org/details/mrsmontaguequeen01mont. Burney, Charles. A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period. Vol. 4. London: printed for the author, 1789. Burrows, Donald, and Rosemary Dunhill. Music and Theatre in Handel ’s World: The Family Papers of James Harris, 1732–1780. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Carter, Elizabeth. All the Works of Epictetus which Are Now Extant: Consisting of His Discours- es, Preserved by Arrian, in Four Books, the Enchiridion, and Fragments. London: Printed by S. Richardson, 1758. Cooper, Anthony Ashley, Earl of Shaftesbury. The Moralists, a Philosophical Rhapsody: Being a Recital of Certain Conversations Upon Natural and Moral Subjects. London: J. Wyatt, 1709. Dunning, Albert. Pietro Antonio Locatelli: Der Virtuose und seine Welt. Iphofen: F. Knuf, 1981. Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond. Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, Afterwards First Marquess of Lansdowne: With Extracts from His Papers and Correspondence. Vol. 2, 1766–1776. Lon- don: Macmillan & Co., 1876. Fritz, Gaspard. Sei sonate a quatro stromenti, a violino primo, secondo, alto viola, cembalo o vio- loncello: Dedicate a. s. e. Francesco Grevile, baron di Brooke; Opera Prima. London: printed for the author, 1742. Gainsborough, Thomas. “Study of Beech Trees at Foxley, 1760.” Manchester, Whit- worth Art Gallery. https://www.akg-images.co.uk/search/AQAAAAAA4v9TdHV 76 Pierpaolo Polzonetti, “Tartini and the Tongue of Saint Anthony”, Journal of the American Musicological Society 67, no. 2 (2014), 429–486. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 220 keSBvZiBCZWVjaCBUcmVlcyBhdCBGb3hsZXkAAAAAAQAF9QIAAMxX- QAB. Godwin, Joscelyn. The Harmony of the Spheres: The Pythagorean Tradition in Music. Vermont: Inner Traditions, Bear & Co., 1992. Gouk, Penelope. Music, Science and Natural Magic in Seventeenth-Century England. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999. Harrison, Colin. John Malchair of Oxford: Artist and Musician. Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 1999. Hunter, David. The Lives of George Frideric Handel. Martlesham: Boydell Press, 2015. Ingamells, John. A Dictionary of British and Irish Travellers in Italy 1701–1800. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997. Jackson, William. The Four Ages: Together with Essays on Various Subjects. London: Cadell and Davies, 1798. Ketton-Cremer, Robert Wyndham. The Early Life and Diaries of William Windham. [Lon- don]: Faber & Faber, 1930. [Mainwaring, John.] Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel: To which Is Added, a Catalogue of His Works, and Observations upon Them. London: printed for R. & J. Dod- sley, Pall-Mall, 1760. McVeigh, Simon, and Jehoash Hirschberg, eds. The Italian Solo Concerto, 1700–1760: Rhe- torical Strategies and Style History. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004. McVeigh, Simon. Calendar of London Concerts 1750–1800. Goldsmiths Research Online. Published May 21, 2014. Last modified March 6, 2025. https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/ eprint/10342/. “Mr. Fisher and Mr. Weiss’s Concert.” Bath Journal (14. November 1768). “Mr. Linley’s Concert.” Bath Journal (31. December 1768). Parnell, John. John Parnell ’s Journal (1769). LSE Library, Misc. 38. William Salt Library, Staffordshire County Council, CB/Shugborough/8. Polzonetti, Pierpaolo. “Tartini and the Tongue of Saint Anthony.” Journal of the American Musicological Society 67, no. 2 (2014): 429–486. Polzonetti, Pierpaolo. Tartini e la musica secondo natura. Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2001. https://www.academia.edu/654345/Tartini_e_la_musica_secondo_natura Probyn, Clive T. The Sociable Humanist: The Life and Works of James Harris, 1709–1780; Pro- vincial and Metropolitan Culture in Eighteenth-Century England. Oxford University Press, 1991. Robins, Brian. “Gainsborough and Music.” Early Music World. [S. a.]. Accessed December 4, 2025. https://www.earlymusicworld.com/gainsborough-music. Rowlinson, J. S., “Our Common Room in Geneva and the Early Exploration of the Alps of Savoy.” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 52, no. 2 (1998): 221–235. https://www.jstor.org/stable/531858. Stevenson, Kay Gilliland, and Margaret Seares. Paradise Lost in Short: Smith, Stillingfleet, and the Transformation of Epic. London: Associated University Presses, 1998. Stillingfleet, Benjamin. “Letter to Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu, 2 November 1759.” The Huntington Digital Library. 1759. https://hdl.huntington.org/digital/collection/ p16003coll18/id/14700/rec/1. Stillingfleet, Benjamin. “Letter to Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu, c.1760.” The Hunting- ton Digital Library. [S. a.]. https://hdl.huntington.org/digital/collection/p16003coll18/ id/16654/rec/3. Andrew Baker: Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini, and the Pursuit of Universal Harmony 221 Stillingfleet, Benjamin. Literary Life and Select Works of Benjamin Stillingfleet: Several of Which Have Never Before Been Published. 3 Vols, edited by William Coxe. London: J. Nichols and Son, 1811. [Stillingfleet, Benjamin]. Principles and Power of Harmony. London: printed by J. & H. Hughs, 1771. Tartini, Giuseppe. Letter from the Late Signor Tartini to Signora Maddalena Lombardini (Now Signora Sirmen): Published as an Important Lesson to Performers on the Violin. Translated by Charles Burney. London: printed for R. Bremner, 1779. https://archive. org/details/imslp-letter-to-maddalena-lombardini-signora-sirmen-tartini-giuseppe/ PMLP124143-Letter_from_Tartini_1779/mode/2up. Tartini, Giuseppe. Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia. Padova: Stamperia del Seminario, appresso Giovanni Manfré, 1754. The Manuscripts of the Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl of Donoughmore, and Others. Histori- cal Manuscripts Commission: Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part IX. London: Printed for Her Majesty’s stationery office by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1891. https://archive.org/ details/manuscriptsofduk00grea_1/mode/2up. Walton, Geri. “Benjamin Stillingfleet and the Bluestockings.” Geriwalton: Unique Histories from the 18th and 19th Centuries. Published January 18, 2016. https://www.geriwalton. com/bluestockings-and-benjamin-stillingflee/. Watkins, Charles, and Ben Cowell, eds. Letters of Uvedale Price: The Sixty-Eighth Volume of the Walpole Society 2006. Leeds: Maney Publishing for the Walpole Society, 2006. Watkins, Charles, and Ben Cowell. Uvedale Price (1747–1829): Decoding the Picturesque. Martlesham: Boydell Press, 2012. Wollenberg, Susan, and Simon McVeigh, eds. Concert Life in Eighteenth-Century Britain. Farnham: Ashgate, 2004. SUMMARY This paper explores the influence of Tartini on Benjamin Stillingfleet, who, in 1771, translated and commented upon Tartini’s Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell’armonia [Treatise on Music according to the True Science of Harmony, 1754], as The Principles and Power of Harmony, 1771. Stillingfleet was inspired by Tartini on his Grand Tour of Italy in 1739–40. He spent summers at the country estate of Robert Price with a group of creative people who shared interests in art, music and nature, including the composer John Christopher Smith Jnr, with whom Stillingfleet worked on oratorios including Paradise Lost, and artist Thomas Gains- borough. In 1760 Stillingfleet and Price published the Memoirs of the Life of the late George Frederic Handel to which Stillingfleet contributed footnotes in praise of Tartini. Stillingfleet was member of the philosophical “bluestocking” group, which included Elizabeth Carter, the translator of Algarotti’s Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy Explain’d for the Use of the Ladies: In Six Dialogues on Light and Colours. In later life Stillingfleet and another student of Tartini, the composer Antonín Kammell, were close friends of Thomas Anson of Shugborough, a key patron of the Greek Revival. It was probably Thomas Anson who was the patron of Stillin- gfleet’s Principles and Power of Harmony in which the composer comments on Tartini’s ideas and adds his own observations on Sir Isaac Newton’s search for Universal Harmony. This concept was a common interest amongst the philosophers and artists of the Greek Revival in England and in the context of the lives and activities of Stillingfleet and his friends it can be seen that Tartini’s music in accordance with nature was an inspiration. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 222 POVZETEK Benjamin Stillingfleet, Tartini in iskanje univerzalne harmonije Članek raziskuje vpliv Tartinija na Benjamina Stillingfleeta, ki je leta 1771 prevedel in ko- mentiral Tartinijevo delo Trattato di musica secondo la vera scienza dell ’armonia [Razprava o glasbi, ki temelji na resnični znanosti o harmoniji, 1754], pod naslovom The Principles and Power of Harmony [Počela in moč harmonije, 1771]. Stillingfleeta je Tartini navdihnil med njegovim velikim popotovanjem po Italiji v letih 1739–40. Poletja je preživljal na podeželski posesti Roberta Pricea, skupaj s skupino ustvarjalnih ljudi, ki so se zanimali za umetnost, glasbo in naravo. Med njimi je bil skladatelj John Christopher Smith mlajši, s katerim je Stillingfleet sodeloval pri oratorijih, vključno s Paradise Lost [Izgubljeni raj], pa tudi slikar Thomas Gainsborough. Leta 1760 sta Stillingfleet in Price objavila delo Memoirs of the Life of the late George Frederic Handel [Spomini na življenje pokojnega Georgea Frederica Handla], h kateremu je Stillingfleet prispeval opombe, ki hvalijo Tartinija. Stillingfleet je bil član fi- lozofske skupine »bluestocking«, ki je vključevala Elizabeth Carter, prevajalko Algarottijeve knjige Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy Explain’d for the Use of the Ladies: In Six Dialogues on Li- ght and Colours [Filozofija sira Isaaca Newtona, razložena za dame: v šestih dialogih o svetlobi in barvah]. V poznejšem življenju sta bila Stillingfleet in drugi Tartinijev učenec, skladatelj Antonín Kammell, tesna prijatelja Thomasa Ansona iz Shugborougha, ključnega pokrovite- lja oživljanja grške antike. Verjetno je bil Thomas Anson pokrovitelj Stillingfleetovega dela Principles and Power of Harmony, v katerem skladatelj komentira Tartinijeve ideje in dodaja svoje lastne opazke o Newtonovemu iskanju univerzalne harmonije. Ta koncept je bil skup- ni interes filozofov in umetnikov oživljanja grške antike v Angliji, v kontekstu življenja in dejavnosti Stillingfleeta in njegovih prijateljev pa je mogoče videti, da je nanje vplivala tudi Tartinijeva glasba v skladu z naravo. ABOUT THE AUTHOR ANDREW BAKER (Ajbakeresq@hotmail.com) lives in Stafford, England. He is a compo- ser and retired music librarian, author of Hidden Music, a Franciscan Musical Theology (2003), and Thomas Anson of Shugborough and his world (2025), both available from The Great British Bookshop and Amazon. For further articles see: www.andrewbakercomposer.com O AVTORJU ANDREW BAKER (Ajbakeresq@hotmail.com) živi v Staffordu v Angliji. Je skladatelj in upokojeni glasbeni knjižničar, avtor knjig Hidden Music, a Franciscan Musical Theology [Skrita glasba, frančiškanska glasbena teologija, 2003] in Thomas Anson Of Shugborough and His World, ki sta na voljo v knjigarni The Great British Bookshop in na Amazonu. Za več člankov glej: www.andrewbakercomposer.com. 223 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.223-241 UDK: 78.07Tartini G.:930.85(497.4Koper)”18” “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria”: An Insight into the Reception of Tartini in Koper in the Nineteenth Century 77 Nejc Sukljan University of Ljubljana ABSTRACT By examining a selection of documents from the Koper archives, this article offers an in- sight into the reception of Tartini in Koper in the nineteenth century. It deals with Luigi Biscontini’s musical treatise Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto [Theoretical and Practical Treatise on the Art of Sound and Singing], the correspondence between Manzoni and Stanco- vich, and documents from the Borisi family collection relating to the erection of the Tartini monument in Piran. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, reception, Koper, nineteenth century IZVLEČEK Prispevek prek obravnave izbranih dokumentov iz koprskih arhivov ponuja vpogled v re- cepcijo Tartinija v Kopru v 19. stoletju. Obravnavani so glasbeni spis Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto [Traktatek o umetnosti zvoka in petja] Luigija Biscontinija, korespondenca Stancovich – Manzoni in dokumenti, povezani s postavitvijo Tartinijevega spomenika v Piranu iz družinskega fonda Borisi. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, recepcija, Koper, 19. stoletje * The research for this article was performed within the research programme Researches in the History of Music in Slovenia (P6-0004), funded by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (ARIS). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 224 Giuseppe Tartini is undoubtedly one of the most important and interesting musical personalities of the European Enlightenment: there are not many fig- ures in the history of music who were known not only as first-class performers and composers, but also as music teachers and music theorists. Given Tartini’s importance in all of these areas, questions naturally arise about his influence and the reception of his work. As Sergio Durante notes in his introductory essay to the three-volume series Tartini and the Musical Culture of the Enlightenment, Tartini studies have only gained depth in recent decades, and the same is true of the performances of his compositions, most of which are still awaiting a much-needed criti- cal edition.1 What did the reception of Tartini look like before that? At first glance, it seems to have been limited to the more interesting events of his life (e.g., the well-known anecdote about the Devil ’s Trill) and (relatively rare) per- formances of his better-known compositions. The aim of this article is to provide insight into the reception of Tartini in Koper during the nineteenth century by examining selected documents from the Koper archives. It is well-known that Koper played an important role in Tartini’s early years: he was educated at Koper’s Scuole Pie and prob- ably acquired the foundations of a humanistic education during this period, which was undoubtedly of decisive importance for his later musical career.2 But what was known about Tartini in Koper during the nineteenth century? To what extent was he present in the local consciousness, and which of the many areas of his musical activity were known in the local environment? In this context, the concept of reception is understood in its broadest sense: not merely as the performance or dissemination of Tartini’s music, but above all as a comprehensive awareness of his life and work, as well as his position within a broader social and national framework. For the present article, three groups of documents from the repositories of Koper were examined, suggesting possible directions of Tartini’s reception in the nineteenth century. Although their limited number does not allow far- reaching generalisations, they nevertheless offer valuable insight into the un- derstanding of Tartini’s presence in the (emerging) local historical memory. The documents will first be analysed and their content presented; they will then be placed within a wider historical and cultural context, followed by an attempt to assess the form of Tartini’s reception that emerges from them. 1 Sergio Durante, “Introduction: The Tartini Moment”, in In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, ed. Nejc Sukljan (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 13–24. Critical editions of Tartini’s opera omnia are currently being published by Bärnreiter; two volumes have been published to date. 2 For basic information on Tartini’s life, see Pierluigi Petrobelli, “Tartini, Giuseppe”, in Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001), accessed August 26, 2025. A more detailed and up-to-date account can be found in Sergio Durante, Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa (Livorno: Sillabe, 2017). Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 225 Trattatello dell’Arte del suono e del canto The first of the documents discussed is Trattatello dell’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico [Theoretical and Practical Treatise on the Art of Sound and Singing], which is kept in the Department of Local History of the Srečko Vilhar Central Library in Koper.3 Based on the sources examined, it is not possible to fully clarify the circumstances of the treatise’s creation and authorship. The only avail- able information about the author can be found on the cover of the manuscript, which states that it was written by “Maestro Don Luigi Biscontini”, and adds that he was a “vicar and music teacher in Koper around 1800”.4 On the inside cover of the treatise, the name Rosa Sindici appears under Biscontini’s name, but no further information about her is given. The possible year of origin of the trea- tise is mentioned in the catalogue of the first Istrian regional exhibition (1910), where the manuscript was exhibited: it states that Trattatello was written in 1836 and that at the time of the exhibition its owner was Simeone Vascotti.5 Figure 1: Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico, title page. 3 Luigi Biscontini, Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico, MS (Koper, [1836?]). 4 “Cooperatore e maestro di musica a Capodistria nel 1800 circa.” No additional reliable information about Biscontini could be found based on research conducted to date in the Diocesan Archives in Koper, the Diocesan Archives in Trieste and the Koper Regional Archives. Based on the title “don” written before his name on the cover of the treatise, we can assume that he was a priest who (if the information on the cover is to be believed) served as a vicar in Koper around 1800. 5 Prima Esposizione provinciale Istriana (Capodistria: Carlo Priora, 1910), 151. As can be seen from the note on the inside cover, Simeone Vascotti donated the treatise on 30 May 1911. (See Biscontini, Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico, cover.) When the manuscript was stored in the Srečko Vilhar Central Library in Koper after the Second World War, it was listed in the inventory book among the items taken from the archives of the Franciscan monastery of St Anne, which leads us to believe that Vascotti donated it to the Franciscans in Koper. (See Inventarna knjiga Zbirnega centra knjižnic v Portorožu (1950–1953), 178; Trattatello is listed under no. 12451, which is also written on the manuscript.) muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 226 As indicated by the title, the treatise is broadly divided into two parts: one theoretical and one practical. The treatise begins with a definition of music: “Music is the art of arranging tones.”6 The first, theoretical part then introduces the basics of music theory and the science of counterpoint. It appears that the author himself relies on the initial definition of music, as the entire presenta- tion centres on tones, their arrangement and their relationships. The following theoretical topics are discussed: • Tones and their notation: note values and corresponding rests, extension of note values with dots, staves and clefs, names of tones in the diatonic scale, accidentals, tone formation (ornamentation, articulation, dynamics). • Meter: perfect (binary) and imperfect (ternary), triplets as a rhythmic pe- culiarity between binary and ternary meter. • Diatonicism and chromaticism, the diatonic scale. • Consonances and dissonances, intervals (accordi semplici) and chords (ac- cordi completi). • The bass tone as the foundation of the chord, harmonisation of the diatonic scale. • Fingering for C major (simple and in thirds), cadences. • Harmonics, the origin of harmony by dividing the string into six parts: sestupla. • Basso continuo (= l ’arte dell‘accompagnare il Basso): construction and no- tation of chords, use of dissonances, harmonic, arithmetic and mixed ca- dences, harmonic rhythm accompanying the melody, modulations. • The theory of counterpoint: definition, basic concepts and forms (imitation, fugue), solmisation syllables, parallel minor. The practical part of the treatise includes shorter vocal pieces (solfeggio) with accompaniment and piano pieces (technical exercises and piano miniatures) in all major and parallel minor keys, presented in various forms (waltz, march, romanzetto, preludietto, rondo, gavotte, polacca, canzonetta, monferina, cavatina, arietta, capriccio, romance, imitation, anglais, contredanse, minuet, theme with variations and allemande). Given its content, the treatise was clearly intended for pedagogical pur- poses, as it has a practical character. However, it should be noted that in several places the theoretical part goes beyond simply presenting the theoretical foun- dations that a practical musician needs in order to perform musical works, also providing deeper theoretical explanations and the acoustic background for the individual theories discussed. In this respect, Biscontini demonstrates at least some familiarity with the most important music-theoretical considerations of 6 “La Musica è l’Arte di modificare i suoni.” Biscontini, Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico, 1. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 227 the eighteenth century. Tartini is also mentioned in one such passage, in the context of a discussion on the origin and construction of chords and the justi- fication of harmony based on dividing of the string into six parts.7 In his discussion of the origins of chords and harmony, Biscontini largely fol- lows the views expressed in the writings of Jean-Philippe Rameau (1683–1764), a leading French composer and music theorist of the first half of the eighteenth century.8 Biscontini’s starting point is the belief that chords create harmony in mu- sic and support the melody, with all chords deriving from a single chord created by nature [un unico e solo accordo ci additò la Natura]: this is the perfect chord [accordo perfetto] or the original principle [principio organico].9 Biscontini then explains that the perfect chord is a major triad derived from the notes of the harmonic series, and that it has two inversions (3–5–1, 5–1–3) in addition to its basic form (1–3–5).10 In the major scale, we find the major triad on degrees I, IV and V, and with these three chords we can harmonise all of the notes of the diatonic scale. Biscontini justifies the major triad as the original source of all other chords, both consonant and dis- sonant, by dividing the string (in his case tuned to C) into six parts: Musical figure 1: Division of a string tuned to C into six parts.11 If we divide the string into three parts (aD), we get a fifth; if we divide it into four parts (aE), we get a fourth. If we divide the string into five parts (aF), we get a major third, and if we divide it into six parts (aG), the result is a minor third.12 This division gives us six tones that form a sextuple [sestupla], which is 7 Ibid. The discussion in Biscontini’s treatise is difficult to follow because the pages are clearly out of order. In several cases, the discussion on one page does not continue on the next but resumes only after several pages (e.g., page 14 should actually follow page 25). The disordered pages suggest that the treatise was cut apart and given new covers with information about the author and the exhibitor (owner) in order to present it at the 1910 exhibition. A detailed examination of the treatise’s content, which is beyond the scope of the present article, would be necessary to definitively reconstruct the correct order of the pages. 8 The key points of Rameau’s theoretical considerations are outlined in Graham Sadler and Thomas Christensen, “Rameau, Jean-Philippe”, in Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001), accessed August 26, 2025. 9 Biscontini, Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico, 36. 10 Ibid., 36–37. 11 Ibid., 21. 12 Ibid., 20–21. The interval ratios given by Biscontini for the division of the string into six parts have been well known since the ancient Greek theorists: 2:1 = octave, 3:2 = fifth, 4:3 = fourth, 5:4 = major third, 6:5 = minor third. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 228 nothing other than the harmony of a third, a fifth and an octave, from which the original number [numero organico] is derived.13 Musical figure 2: The sextuple [sestupla] and the original number [numero organico].14 Having established this by dividing the string into six parts, Biscontini adds that the common principle of the origin of chords (and harmony) is also con- firmed by the acoustic “phenomenon of the third tone [terzo suono] discovered by Mr Tartini”.15 The third tone of all intervals contained in the sextuple will always be the same, namely the lowest tone (no. 1 in Musical figure 2 above), which is therefore the first principle [principio primo] of all others.16 Musical figure 3: Biscontini’s representation of the third tone in intervals in the sextuple.17 Neither Rameau’s nor Tartini’s theoretical approach to the origin and justifica- tion of chords and harmony is presented in detail in Biscontini’s treatise, which is understandable given the work’s clearly practical and pedagogical purpose. On closer inspection, however, Biscontini’s conclusion appears to be correct. Both theorists base harmony on the bass note of the chord, which each derived in his own way: Rameau through his exploration of the overtones above it (and emanating from it), and Tartini through his exploration of the third tone that arises below through the resonance of two higher tones (or a combination of 13 Ibid., 22. 14 Ibid. 15 “[...] il fenomeno del terzo suono scoperto dal Sig. Tartini”. Ibid. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 229 their frequencies).18 Interestingly, Biscontini also referred to Tartini’s third tone when explaining the origin of harmony: although this acoustic phenomenon was clearly presented in Tartini’s treatises, it seems that ideas from Rameau’s theoretical tradition were more widespread and accepted. Correspondence between Stancovich and Manzoni Another set of documents attesting to Tartini’s reception in Koper in the nineteenth century is part of the correspondence between Pietro Stancov- ich (1771–1852), canon of Barban,19 and Giannandrea Manzoni (d. 1872), a nobleman, physician and philologist from Koper,20 which is preserved in the Manzoni family collection in the Koper Regional Archives. Stancovich gath- ered information for his most important work, Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria [Biographies of Distinguished Istrians, 1828–1829], partly through correspondence with several prominent Istrian (and other) intellectuals of the time. Among them was Manzoni, whom Stancovich asked for assistance in finding information for the entry on Tartini. In a letter dated 11 November 1828, Stancovich explains to Manzoni that he would like to add some information to the entry on Tartini that he had read in the Dizionario Biografico Universale di Parigi21 at Count Grisoni’s, specifically “about the creation of one of his sonatas, entitled The Devil’s [del Diavolo], and 18 For further details on Tartini’s third tone, see Patrizio Barbieri, Quarrels on Harmonic Theories in the Venetian Enlightenment (Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 2020), 61–76. On the third tone as the bass foundation of a chord, see also Margherita Canale Degrassi, “The Orchestral Accompaniments of Giuseppe Tartini’s Concertos for Violin and Orchestra and the Third-Tone Theory: Hypotheses for an Analysis”, in In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, ed. Nejc Sukljan (Berlin: P. Lang, 2022), 55–75. 19 Pietro Stancovich was a priest, archaeologist, historian and publicist from Barban in Istria. He attended secondary school in Rovinj, then studied philosophy in Udine and theology in Padua. He addressed scientific topics (including agriculture) as well as philosophy and historiography (among other things, he wrote about St Jerome). His best-known and most important work is Biografia degli uomini distinti dell’Istria [Biographies of Distinguished Istrians], Trieste, 1828–1829. See Peter Štoka, “Stancovich, Pietro”, in Obrazi slovenskih pokrajin, accessed September 8, 2025, https://www.obrazislovenskihpokrajin.si/ oseba/stancovich-pietro/, and Pietro Zovatto, “Stancovich, Pietro (1771–1852)”, Slovenska biografija, accessed September 8, 2025, https://www.slovenska-biografija.si/oseba/sbi946540/. 20 The Manzoni family was admitted to the nobility of Koper in 1802, during the time of Giannandrea’s father and uncle, judge Andrea and surgeon Domenico. Giannandrea served as a town and district physician and was also highly regarded as a philologist. Giannandrea’s son Domenico (1844–1891) was a lawyer and the founder and editor of the newspaper L’Unione, which was published from 1874 to 1881. See Zdenka Bonin (ed.), Vodnik po fondih in zbirkah pokrajinskega arhiva Koper (Koper: Pokrajinski arhiv Koper, 2006), 472; and Paolo Giro and Cristina Bernich (eds.), Blasonario giuliano: Raccolta di stemmi e notizie storiche delle famiglie dell ’Istria e delle città di Fiume, Trieste, Gorizia e Grado (Trieste: Unione degli Istriani, 2021), 698. 21 This refers to Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne [Ancient and Modern Universal Biography]; the entry on Tartini is published in volume 44. See Prony, “Tartini (Giuseppe)”, in Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne: STR–TAR, vol. 44, ed. Louis Gabriel Michaud (Paris: Michaud, 1826), 578–586. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 230 about the fact that his biography was written in French in Paris”.22 Stancovich says that he currently only has access to the Italian translation of the aforemen- tioned work, in which the entries beginning with the letter T have not yet been published. He therefore asks Manzoni if he could transcribe at least the passages containing the information he needs from the original entry on Tartini.23 Man- zoni replies promptly24 and fulfils his request: he transcribes the desired excerpts from the entry on Tartini in the Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne [An- cient and Modern Universal Biography] and adds a transcription of the end of the entry on Tartini from the Nuovo dizionario istorico [New Historical Dictionary].25 Stancovich then included the entry on Tartini in the second volume of his multi-volume work Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria.26 He devoted particular attention to the sonata “del Diavolo”, about which he had obtained information with the help of Manzoni, at the end of the text, where Tartini’s works are listed; in doing so, he refers to the “universal dictionary of Paris” [“dizionario universale di Parigi”] and summarises the well-known anecdote about its composition.27 Stancovich’s entry on Tartini contains all of the es- sential information about Tartini’s life and work that is still found in texts of this kind today, although many details were understandably added and up- dated later. Stancovich reports on Tartini’s early training in Piran and Koper and his studies in Padua, also mentioning the complications surrounding his marriage and his stay in a monastery in Assisi. This is followed by an account of Tartini’s meeting with Veracini in Venice and his move to Ancona, where he discovered, among other things, the third tone. Next, Stancovich describes Tartini’s return to Padua, where he became the first violinist at the Basilica of St Anthony of Padua, and briefly comments on the years during which Tartini worked in Prague. He then mentions the founding of the violin school in 1728, after which he devotes a large part of the text to Tartini’s fame and the many invitations he received to leave Padua. More detail is then provided about Tartini’s theoretical ideas, with a presentation of his theoretical writings and their reception. Based on this, Stancovich also describes Tartini’s character, supporting his account with a list of the latter’s correspondents and quotations from the literature. The entry concludes with information on Tartini’s death 22 “[...] dell'origine di una sua Sonata, detta del Diavolo, e l'altra che la di lui vita fu scritta a Parigi in Francese”. SI PAK KP 304, Družinski fond Manzoni, t. u. 6, folder 9, letter from P. Stancovich to G. A. Manzoni, 11 November 1828. 23 Ibid. 24 SI PAK KP 304, Družinski fond Manzoni, t. u. 6, folder 9, letter from G. A. Manzoni to P. Stancovich, November 1828?. 25 “Tartini (Giuseppe)”, in Nuovo dizionario istorico ovvero storia in compendio: SF–TA, vol. 19 (Bassano, 1796), 300–301. 26 Pietro Stancovich, Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria: Tomo secondo (Trieste: Gio. Marenigh Tipografo, 1829), 293–322. 27 Ibid., 319. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 231 and funeral, as well as on the erection of the Tartini monument in Prato della Valle in Padua. At the end is a list of Tartini’s published and unpublished musi- cal and scientific works. Figure 2: First page of G. A. Manzoni’s letter to P. Stancovich.28 28 SI PAK KP 304, Družinski fond Manzoni, t. u. 6, folder 9, letter from G. A. Manzoni to P. Stancovich, November 1828?. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 232 When reading Stancovich’s text, one inevitably gains the impression that the au- thor was primarily concerned with portraying Tartini and his work in the most positive and noble light possible. Tartini’s character and fame are described in su- perlatives, and although the sources from which Stancovich draws are correctly quoted, they are uncritically summarised (in many cases even copied) and arranged to serve the author’s purpose. Such a text would undoubtedly rank Tartini among the most important Istrians, which was the author’s intention: Stancovich’s Bio- grafia degli uomini distinti dell’Istria was very influential and established a canon, so to speak, of prominent Istrians. This is not surprising, as the author explains in the introduction to the first volume that the purpose of the work is: [...] to provide descriptions of the nature, character, and deeds of all men who have excelled in morals, science, art, labour, honour, valour and every other branch of human endeavour, whether they followed virtue or fell into vice and unbridled passions.29 Then he adds the following: The interest and benefit, however, are greater when we read about the deeds and events of our own citizens. The prospect of their virtues enlivens and expands our minds in a cer- tain way, nourishes and intoxicates us with a divine savour of homeland that gently stirs our hearts, and the love of virtue and honour within us is warmed and inflamed with an eager desire to follow in their footsteps.30 The entry from Stancovich’s Biography is thus one of the works that shaped the image of Tartini as one of the key figures of Istria in the public consciousness, even though the focus was obviously not on actual knowledge of his music. In the decades after the publication of Stancovich’s book, Tartini became a symbol of Istrian culture, and with the rapid rise of national movements in the second half of the nineteenth century, he increasingly became one of the sym- bols of Italian culture in Istria. The Italian national movement regarded this area as one of the unredeemed territories [terra irredenta] and sought to annex it to a united Italy. In this context, the erection of a monument to Tartini in his hometown of Piran, which is the subject of the third series of documents, is also significant. 29 “[..] darci relazione dell’indole, del carattere, e delle gesta tutte degl’uomini che si distinsero nella morale, nelle scienze, nelle arti, negl’impieghi, negli onori, nel valore, ed in ogni e qualunque altro ramo dell’umano operare, sia seguendo la virtù, sia inciampando nel vizio e nelle sregolate passioni”. Pietro Stancovich, Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria: Tomo primo (Trieste: Gio. Marenigh Tipografo, 1828), 9. 30 “L’interesse e l’utile però ci si presentano maggiori, quando noi leggiamo le gesta e le vicende de’proprii cittadini. Al prospetto delle loro virtù si accende ed allarga in certo modo l’animo nostro, si pasce e s’inebria di un sapore divino di patria, che il cuore dolcemente ne scuote, e l’amore alla virtù ed agli onori in noi si riscalda e s’infiamma, col vivo desiderio di seguirne le traccie.” Ibid., 10. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 233 Documents about the Tartini Monument in Piran As Duška Žitko writes, “the awakened citizenry [in the predominantly Ital- ian coastal towns within the framework of the Austrian Adriatic Littoral] was looking for suitable personalities who would be sufficiently important to satisfy the meaning and purpose of memorials with a deep national emo- tional charge”.31 Tartini undoubtedly fit this profile, as indicated by the aforementioned entry in Stancovich’s Biografie. The monument was planned for 1892, the 200th anniversary of the composer’s birth. Preparations be- gan in the late 1880s, but for various reasons the erection was delayed, and the monument, designed by the Venetian sculptor Antonio Dal Zotto, was not officially unveiled until 2 August 1896.32 The documents relating to the Tartini monument in Piran are kept in the Borisi family collection33 in the Koper Regional Archives and provide insight into the beginnings of the construction process. The first document is a printed letter from the administration [la direzione] of the Provincial Committee for the Centenary of Tartini [Comitato provinciale pel Centenario “Tartini”] dated 26 June 1890.34 The text serves both to present the project to erect a monument to Tartini and to invite all of the recipients to provide support and assistance. It begins with an account of Istria and its glorious past, and then explains that 1892 marks the 200th anniversary of Tar- tini’s birth, placing the composer firmly within the Italian cultural context. The authors are convinced that it is the duty of everyone in Istria to honour Tartini with a monument in his hometown that will remind future genera- tions of his importance. For this reason, representatives of the entire region of Istria have joined together in the Regional Committee to honour Tartini with a monument worthy of his name and, at the same time, to demonstrate the region’s advanced cultural awareness. The letter ends with an appeal to all mu- nicipalities, companies, associations and newspapers in Istria, Trieste, Gorizia and Trentino, where the highest sense of national consciousness has not yet been extinguished (and hope- fully never will be), the undersigned committee gladly believes, and indeed firmly holds the conviction, that even on this solemn occasion the province will give magnificent and 31 Duška Žitko, El Tartini in piassa (Piran: Pomorski muzej “Sergej Mašera”, 2019), 43. 32 See Ibid., 51–55, 69, 77–78. 33 SI PAK KP 390 Družinski fond Borisi. The Borisi family was a noble family admitted to the High Council of Koper at the beginning of the seventeenth century; from the early eighteenth century, the family held the title of count. See Giro and Bernich, Blasonario giuliano, 215–217; Bonin, Vodnik po fondih in zbirkah pokrajinskega arhiva Koper, 415. 34 SI PAK KP 390 Družinski fond Borisi, t. u. 8, “Letter from the Provincial Committee for Tartini’s anniversary, 26 June 1890”. The members of the administration of the Provincial Committee who signed the letter are President Giuseppe Bubba, Vice-Presidents Attilio Hortis and Pietro de Madonizza, Secretaries Michele Depangher and Domenico Vatta and Treasurer Nicolò Zarotti. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 234 solemn proof of its desire to preserve intact that glorious heritage which no people educated in civilizing intentions could ever do without.35 The following document is a handwritten letter from Giuseppe Bubba, chair- man of the Provincial Committee for Tartini’s anniversary, to committee member Giovanni Battista De Franceschi of Umag, dated 8 July 1890. In the letter, Bubba informs De Franceschi that the administration has prepared a letter addressed to the province and beyond36 to emphasise that the erection of a monument to Tartini is of both provincial and supra-regional importance, as Tartini was “one of the men who most shaped the history of Istria”37 and the project therefore requires broader support. To this end, Bubba encloses several copies of the letter and asks De Franceschi to distribute them to those he believes would be most supportive of the project and willing to contribute the necessary funds. He also suggests that De Franceschi consider whether the funds should be raised through a public collection or perhaps by organising a charitable cultural event. The next document from the Borisi family collection shows that the neces- sary funds for the erection of the Tartini monument were in fact also raised through the organisation of various cultural events: it is an invitation to a grand concert [grande concerto] held on 19 March 1891 at the Rosetti Multipurpose Theatre [Politeama Rosetti] in Trieste, accompanied by an admission ticket and a cover letter. In the letter, the Trieste Promotional Committee for the Tartini Monument [Comitato promotore del Monumento a Giuseppe Tartini] invites all fellow citizens to attend the concert, stating that it is their duty “to contribute to honouring the genius and thus our region, which is rightly proud of the noble minds who have brought it fame”.38 35 “[…] dove non è spento ancora (e speriamo non sarà mai) il sentimento supremo della coscienza nazionale, l’infrascritto Comitato ama di credere, anzi tiene per fermo, che anche in questa solenne occasione la Provincia darà prova splendida e solenne di voler serbare intatto quel patrimonio di gloria, a cui nessun popolo educato a civili intendimenti, ha potuto mai rinunciare”. SI PAK KP 390 Družinski fon Borisi, t. u. 8, “Letter from the Provincial Committee for Tartini’s Anniversary, 26 June 1890”, 2. 36 This refers to the printed letter from the administration of the Provincial Committee for Tartini’s Anniversary presented above. 37 “[…] uno degli uomini che più illustrarono la storia dell’Istria […]”. SI PAK KP 390 Družinski fond Borisi, t. u. 8, “Letter from Giuseppe Bubba to Giovanni Battista De Franceschi, 8 July 1890”, 1. 38 “[…] di contribuire all’omaggio fatto al genio e per esso a questa regione nostra, che meritamente si vanta di que’ nobili inteletti che le diedero rinomanza”. SI PAK KP 390 Družinski fond Borisi, t. u. 8, “Cover letter to the invitation to a concert to raise funds for the construction of a monument to Giuseppe Tartini, March 1891.” The letter names Gustavo Wieselberger, Ruggero Berlam, Antonio Boccardi, Attilio Hortis, Giangiacomo Manzutto and Alberto Puschi as members of the Promotion Committee. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 235 Figure 3: Ticket to the concert to raise funds for the construction of a monument to Giuseppe Tartini, 19 March 1891.39 The last document from the Borisi family collection related to the erection of the Tartini monument contains the text of the hymn to Piran, written by Naz- ario Stradl for the ceremonial unveiling of the Tartini monument in August 1896. As the documents show, the erection of the Tartini monument was not solely a project of the town of Piran; the committee for the monument’s erec- tion sought the broadest possible support. The committee justified this by arguing that Tartini was one of the most important and prominent Istrians, having made a significant contribution to the identity and recognition of the region, a conviction evident even in the aforementioned entry in Stancovich’s Biografie. As part of its efforts to gain broad support for the erection of the Tartini monument, including financial support, the committee apparently also approached Istrian noble families who were potential candidates for providing much-needed funding and other support, including the Borisi family. Unfor- tunately, it is not clear from the documents reviewed how the family responded or how much they may have contributed to the project. 39 SI PAK KP 290 Družinski fond Borisi, t. u. 8, Ticket to the concert to raise funds for the construction of a monument to Giuseppe Tartini, 19 March 1891. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 236 The unveiling of the monument to Tartini in Piran, although four years late, was undoubtedly a significant event that demonstrates that by the end of the nineteenth century, Tartini had truly become one of the central icons of Istrian cultural history. Cultural institutions from across Istria participated in the all-day cultural programme that accompanied the unveiling; numerous newspapers reported on the event and more than 4,660 passengers arrived in Piran for the ceremony by steamboat and other vessels. Finally, the monument itself bears the inscription that it was erected to Tartini by Istria [L’Istria].40 The fact that the Trieste Conservatory was named after Tartini,41 although, as far as we know, he had no connection with Trieste and never visited the city, also shows that Tartini had attained extraordinary, pan-Istrian significance by the end of the nineteenth century. Conclusions Although we cannot generalise based on the limited number of documents examined, their presentation allows us to conclude with some certainty that Tartini was relatively well known in Koper in the nineteenth century, at least among the upper classes. The sources examined address all of the main ar- eas of Tartini’s musical activity – music theory, composition, performance and teaching – and identify him as one of the central cultural figures in Istria (and beyond) until the beginning of the twentieth century. In this regard, it is noteworthy that each of the three sets of documents dis- cussed reveals different aspects of and approaches to Tartini’s reception, which changed significantly from the beginning to the end of the nineteenth century. Biscontini’s Trattatello highlights one of Tartini’s key theories, but only within a music-theoretical discussion and without broader social or national connec- tions. Such connections are, however, very present in Stancovich’s entry, in which Tartini is presented as one of the most prominent Istrians and a symbol of Istrian culture, and is thus included in the process of strengthening local (Istrian) identity. At the same time, in the context of building national (Italian) identity, he is presented as an integral part of Italian cultural heritage. Social and national motives were ultimately at the forefront of the erec- tion of the Tartini monument at the end of the nineteenth century, which can be seen as one of the most important events in strengthening the Italian cultural presence in Istria. At a time when the process of nation building was at its peak, often turning into increasingly aggressive nationalism, the search for and recognition of “great personalities” responsible for the existence and 40 Žitko, El Tartni in piassa, 77–78. 41 The Trieste Conservatory was founded in 1903 as a music lyceum [liceo musicale]. For more on the Trieste Conservatory, see Giuseppe Radole, Le scuole musicali a Trieste e il Conservatorio “Giuseppe Tartini” (Trieste: Edizioni Italo Svevo, 1992), 87–113. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 237 legitimisation of a nation and its culture was not unusual, and Tartini was by no means an isolated case in this respect. Similar processes of mythologisation and national appropriation occurred elsewhere; for example, the interest of Germans in Johann Sebastian Bach and Slovenians in Jacobus Handl - Gallus, around whom a national myth was also created, can largely be placed within this framework. The problem with such nineteenth-century historiographical paradigms was primarily that they labelled historical figures with national tags and placed them in contexts that were not relevant to the time of their actual activity. Nevertheless, the fact remains that while knowledge of Tartini was limited to a relatively small circle of experts at the beginning of the nineteenth cen- tury, by the end of the century, Tartini was recognised as an important Istrian figure in the wider public consciousness. This raises the question of how deep the knowledge of his work actually was, and whether it was largely limited to recognition of Tartini’s name and general awareness that he was an important musician. In this regard, it should also be noted that the documents discussed focus primarily on the reception of Tartini’s life and work in the broadest sense, without providing any information about the dissemination or performance of his compositions, or their possible use in violin teaching in Koper in the nine- teenth century. The question of the reception of Tartini’s music and the perfor- mance of his works is undoubtedly interesting, but it would require much more extensive research, which goes beyond the scope of the present article. Bibliography Archival sources and other manuscript material Biscontini, Luigi. Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto teorico e pratico. MS. Koper, [1836?]. Inventarna knjiga Zbirnega centra knjižnic v Portorožu (1950–1953). Oddelek za domoznan- stvo Osrednje knjižnice Srečka Vilharja Koper. Pokrajinski arhiv Koper/Koper Regional Archives SI PAK KP 304 Družinski fond Manzoni, t. u. 6, folder 9 “Letter from G. A. Manzoni to P. Stancovich, November 1828?.” “Letter from P. Stancovich to G. A. Manzoni, 11 November 1828.” SI PAK KP 290 Družinski fond Borisi, t. u. 8, folder Dokumenti o glasbeniku Tartiniju “Cover letter to the invitation to a concert to raise funds for the construction of a monument to Giuseppe Tartini, March 1891.” “Invitation to a concert to raise funds for the construction of a monument to Gi- useppe Tartini, 12 March 1891.” “Letter from the Provincial Committee for Tartini’s Anniversary, 26 June 1890.” “Letter from Giuseppe Bubba to Giovanni Battista De Franceschi, 8 July 1890.” “Ticket to the concert to raise funds for the construction of a monument to Gi- useppe Tartini, 19 March 1891.” muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 238 Literature Barbieri, Patrizio. Quarrels on Harmonic Theories in the Venetian Enlightenment. Lucca: Li- breria musicale italiana, 2020. Bonin, Zdenka, ed. Vodnik po fondih in zbirkah pokrajinskega arhiva Koper. Koper: Pokrajin- ski arhiv Koper, 2006. Canale Degrassi, Margherita. “The Orchestral accompaniments of Giuseppe Tartini’s Con- certos for Violin and Orchestra and the Third-Tone Theory: Hypotheses for an Analy- sis.” In In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tartini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and Euro- pean Contexts, edited by Nejc Sukljan, 55–75. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. Durante, Sergio. “Introduction: The Tartini Moment.” In In Search of Perfect Harmony: Tar- tini’s Music and Music Theory in Local and European Contexts, edited by Nejc Sukljan, 13–24. Berlin: P. Lang, 2022. Durante, Sergio. Tartini, Padova, l ’Europa. Livorno: Sillabe, 2017. Giro, Paolo, and Cristina Bernich, eds. Blasonario giuliano: Raccolta di stemmi e notizie storiche delle famiglie dell ’Istria e delle città di Fiume, Trieste, Gorizia e Grado. Trieste: Unione degli Istriani, 2021. Accessed August 26, 2025. https://www.unioneistriani.it/ archivio-multimediale/. Petrobelli, Pierluigi. “Tartini, Giuseppe.” In Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001). Accessed August 26, 2025. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630. article.27529. Sadler, Graham, and Thomas Christensen. “Rameau, Jean-Philippe.” In Grove Music Online: Oxford Music Online (2001). Accessed August 26, 2025. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/ gmo/9781561592630.article.22832. Štoka, Peter. “Stancovich, Pietro.” In Obrazi slovenskih pokrajin. Accessed September 8, 2025. https://www.obrazislovenskihpokrajin.si/oseba/stancovich-pietro/. Prima Esposizione provinciale Istriana. 2nd ed. Capodistria: Carlo Priora, 1910. Prony. “Tartini (Giuseppe).” In Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne: STR–TAR. Vol. 44, edited by Louis Gabriel Michaud, 578–586. Paris: Michaud, 1826. Radole, Giuseppe. Le scuole musicali a Trieste e il Conservatorio “Giuseppe Tartini”. Trieste: Edizioni Italo Svevo, 1992. Stancovich, Pietro. Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria: Tomo primo. Trieste: Gio. Mare- nigh Tipografo, 1828. Stancovich, Pietro. Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria: Tomo secondo. Trieste: Gio. Ma- renigh Tipografo, 1829. “Tartini (Giuseppe).” In Nuovo dizionario istorico ovvero storia in compendio: SF–TA. Vol. 19, 300–301. Bassano, 1796. Zovatto, Pietro. “Stancovich, Pietro (1771–1852).” Slovenska biografija. Accessed September 8, 2025. https://www.slovenska-biografija.si/oseba/sbi946540/. Žitko, Duška. El Tartini in piassa. Piran: Pomorski muzej “Sergej Mašera”, 2019. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 239 SUMMARY The article explores the reception of Giuseppe Tartini in Koper during the nineteenth cen- tury through three selected groups of archival documents. It begins from the observation that Tartini – one of the central musical figures of the European Enlightenment – became an important cultural symbol of Istria several decades before the emergence of modern mu- sicological research. The study shows that his reception throughout the nineteenth century was closely tied to broader social and national processes, especially the formation of local and, later, Italian national identity. The first group of sources is the musical-pedagogical treatise Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto [Theoretical and Practical Treatise on the Art of Sound and Singing] by Luigi Biscon- tini, probably written around 1836. Intended for teaching singing and the piano, the work also includes chapters on the theoretical foundations of harmony and counterpoint. When explaining the origins of chords, Biscontini adopts Rameau’s ideas and refers to Tartini’s “third tone”, indicating that, in this case, Tartini was seen primarily as a theorist embedded in the broader context of eighteenth-century thought, rather than as a cultural emblem. The second group of sources derives from the correspondence between Pietro Stancovich and Giannandrea Manzoni, who exchanged information for Stancovich’s Biografia degli uo- mini distinti dell ’Istria [Biographies of Distinguished Istrians, 1828–1829]. Stancovich’s entry on Tartini emphasises the composer’s moral virtues and fame, as well as his contribution to the prestige of Istria. Although the author follows the Enlightenment biographical model, he already hints at emerging processes of regional self-definition. Tartini is presented as one of the most distinguished Istrians, even though the focus remains on his life story rather than on a detailed knowledge of his music. The third set of sources consists of documents related to the planning and erection of the Tartini monument in Piran (1896). These reveal strong national motivations: Tartini had become a symbol of Italian cultural presence in Istria, and the monument was conceived as a collective project of the entire province. Appeals for support stress Tartini’s role as “one of the men who most shaped the history of Istria”, transforming his image into a national myth characteristic of the era of intense nationalism. Taken together, the three source groups show that Tartini’s reception in the nineteenth century evolved from technical, music-theoretical reference to regional iconisation, and ulti- mately to national appropriation. Although the documents demonstrate significant interest in Tartini’s personality, the actual knowledge and performance of his music in this period remains an open question. POVZETEK “Eden od mož, ki so najbolj zaznamovali zgodovino Istre”: vpogled v recepcijo Tartinija v Kopru v 19 stoletju Članek odpira vprašanje recepcije Giuseppeja Tartinija v Kopru v 19. stoletju ob obravnavi treh izbranih skupin dokumentov iz koprskih hranišč. Izhaja iz ugotovitve, da je Tartini – ena osrednjih glasbenih osebnosti evropskega razsvetljenstva – postal pomemben kulturni simbol Istre že nekaj desetletij pred začetkom sodobnih muzikoloških raziskav. V razpravi je ob tem prikazano, da je bila recepcija Tartinija v 19. stoletju tesno povezana s širšimi družbenimi in nacionalnimi procesi, zlasti z oblikovanjem lokalne in kasneje italijanske nacionalne identitete. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 240 Prvi obravnavani dokument je glasbeno-pedagoški traktat Trattatello dell ’Arte del suono e del canto [Traktatek o umetnosti zvoka in petja] Luigija Biscontinija, ki je morda nastal okoli leta 1836. Spis, v osnovi namenjen poučevanju petja in klavirja, vključuje tudi poglavja o teoretičnih temeljih harmonije in kontrapunkta. Pri pojasnjevanju izvora akordov Bisconti- ni prevzema Rameaujeve ideje in omenja Tartinijev »tretji ton«; v tem okviru je bil Tartini obravnavan predvsem kot teoretik, vpet v širši kontekst glasbenoteoretske misli 18. stoletja, in ne kot kulturni ali nacionalni simbol. Druga skupina virov je del korespondence med Pietrom Stancovichem in Giannandreo Manzonijem, ki sta si izmenjavala informacije za Stancovichovo delo Biografia degli uomini distinti dell ’Istria [Življenjepisi izstopajočih Istranov, 1828-1829]. Stancovichevo geslo o Tar- tiniju poudarja skladateljeve moralne vrline in slavo ter njegov prispevek k prepoznavnosti Istre. Čeprav avtor pri pripravi gesla sledi razsvetljenskemu biografskemu modelu, je njegovo besedilo že moč umestiti v okvir procesov oblikovanja regionalne in nato nacionalne iden- titete. Tartini je predstavljen kot eden najbolj uglednih Istranov, pri čemer poudarek ostaja na predstavitvi njegove življenjske zgodbe in ne na podrobnem poznavanju njegove glasbe. Tretji sklop obravnavanih virov so dokumenti, povezani z načrtovanjem in postavitvijo Tartinijevega spomenika v Piranu (1896). Ti razkrivajo močne nacionalne motivacije: Tar- tini je postal simbol italijanske kulturne prisotnosti v Istri, spomenik pa je bil zasnovan kot skupni projekt celotne dežele. Pozivi k podpori izpostavljajo vlogo Tartinija kot »enega od mož, ki so najbolj zaznamovali zgodovino Istre«, s čimer se je njegova podoba spremenila v nacionalni mit, značilen za vrhunec obdobja oblikovanja modernih narodov. Čeprav spričo omejenega števila obravnavanih virov zaključke težko posplošimo, vsebina dokumentov vendarle precej jasno kaže, kako se je recepcija Tartinija v 19. stoletju razvila od tehnične, glasbeno-teoretske obravnave do regionalne in slednjič nacionalne ikonizacije in apropriacije. Pri tem se v obravnavanih dokumentih izpostavlja predvsem recepcija Tarti- nijevega življenja in dela v najširšem smislu, zaradi česar ostaja vprašanje o recepciji njegove glasbe (poznavanje in izvedbe glasbenih del) v tem času odprto. ABOUT THE AUTHOR NEJC SUKLJAN (nejc.sukljan@ff.uni-lj.si) studied musicology and history at the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana. As an Erasmus student, he also studied in Regensburg, Germany. He graduated with distinction in September 2009, and for his thesis in musico- logy, Vincenzo Galilei’s Musical-Theoretical and Musical-Aesthetical Thought, he received the faculty’s Prešeren award. His research focuses on early music history and music theory and the history of music in Trieste; in April 2017, he completed his PhD studies with the the- sis Gioseffo Zarlino’s Istitutioni Harmoniche and Ancient Music Theory. Since February 2010, he has been a teaching assistant and, since June 2019, assistant professor of musicology at the Department of Musicology, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, where he has also been deputy head from 2020 to 2024. From 2008 to 2012 and from 2017 to 2021, he was the Secretary of the Slovenian Musicological Society. From 2011 to 2015, he directed the Wind Orchestra of Koper. Nejc Sukljan: “One of the Men Who Most Shaped the History of Istria” 241 O AVTORJU NEJC SUKLJAN (nejc.sukljan@ff.uni-lj.si) je po maturi na Gimnaziji Koper študiral muzikologijo in zgodovino na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani. Del študijskih ob- veznosti je v okviru izmenjave Erasmus opravil v Regensburgu v Nemčiji. Študij je z odliko zaključil septembra 2009 in za muzikološko diplomsko nalogo Glasbeno-teoretska in glasbe- no-estetska misel Vincenza Galileija prejel študentsko Prešernovo nagrado. Raziskovalno se ukvarja z zgodovino starejše glasbe in teorije glasbe ter z glasbeno zgodovino Trsta; aprila 2017 je doktoriral s temo Istitutioni Harmoniche Gioseffa Zarlina in antična glasbena teorija. Februarja 2010 se je kot asistent zaposlil na Oddelku za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, kjer od 2019 deluje kot docent za muzikologijo in kjer je bil med 2020 in 2024 namestnik predstojnika. V letih 2008–2012 in 2017–2021 je bil tajnik Slovenskega muzikološkega društva. 243 DOI: 10.4312/mz.61.2.243-261 UDK: 534.851”1910-1950”:785Tartini G. The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records Ella Bernadette Nagy Giacomo Puccini Conservatory of La Spezia ABSTRACT The article contains an analytical description of forty-one 78 rpm records of Giuseppe Tartini’s compositions, released between 1910 and the 1950s. Most of these early recordings are based on arrangements by Fritz Kreisler, such as Variations on a Theme by Corelli and The Devil’s Trill. Keywords: Giuseppe Tartini, Fritz Kreisler, discography, early recordings, 78 rpm IZVLEČEK Članek vsebuje analitični opis enainštiridesetih plošč s hitrostjo vrtenja 78 vrt/min, izdanih od leta 1910 do petdesetih let 20. stoletja, na katerih so posnetki skladb Giuseppeja Tarti- nija. Večinoma gre za posnetke priredb Fritza Kreislerja, med katerimi so tudi Variacije na Corellijevo temo in Hudičev trilček. Ključne besede: Giuseppe Tartini, Fritz Kreisler, diskografija, zgodnji posnetki, 78 vrt/min muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 244 The 78 rpm disc, the first mass commercial medium, was essential for the large-scale circulation of music in the first half of the twentieth century, allow- ing an increasingly wider audience to access performances that, until then, had only been available live. During those same years, a growing interest developed in Renaissance and Baroque composers, whose works were often presented in transcriptions or adaptations for modern instruments. Recordings contributed significantly to the rediscovery and dissemination of early music throughout the world. A 10-inch record side could accommodate three and a half minutes of mu- sic, while the 12-inch format, used mainly for classical repertoire, allowed be- tween four and five minutes. These time constraints often led performers to re- cord only excerpts, to cut sections by omitting repeats, or to split a work across multiple sides. Two discs were required to record a Baroque piece of three or four movements, lasting a total of about 10–12 minutes; often the B side of the second disc contained another work, sometimes by a different composer. The emergence of online music databases has made a significant contribu- tion to research into the history of the reception and performance of music from the past. In recent decades, many musicologists have focused on docu- menting the discography of a composer or musical genre, with the aim of ena- bling the systematic study of interpretative practices. For Italian Baroque mu- sic, it is worth mentioning the ongoing contribution of Roger-Claude Travers to Vivaldi’s discography, published annually in the journal Studi vivaldiani for over 40 years, always accompanied by a critical essay. More specifically, for 78 rpm records, the repertoire compiled by Gianluca Tarquinio is particularly relevant, including 123 entries on recordings of Vivaldi’s works produced be- tween 1924 and 1953.1 Regarding Tartini’s music, we have a partial discography compiled by Fe- derico Gon in 2018, which can be consulted on the Discover Tartini web- site.2 It contains 180 entries relating to recordings released between 1923 and 2018, eleven of which describe 78 rpm discs. Although limited to recordings preserved in Italian libraries – and therefore focused on the European record industry – this mapping indicates of the popularity of Tartini’s sonatas and concertos in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. However, in order to investigate more deeply the history of Tartini’s reception and the violin aes- thetics of past eras, updated research tools conceived from a global perspective are needed. The present contribution therefore aims to provide a discographic 1 Gianluca Tarquinio, “La diffusione dell’opera di Antonio Vivaldi attraverso le fonti sonore: La discografia a 78 giri”, in Antonio Vivaldi: Passato e futuro; atti del Convegno internazionale di studi 13-16 giugno 2007, Isola di San Giorgio Maggiore, eds. Francesco Fanna and Michael Talbot (Venezia: Fondazione Giorgio Cini, 2009), 413–439. 2 Federico Gon, “Discografia”, Archivi e cataloghi, accessed August 10, 2025, https://www. discovertartini.eu/archivi?type=4&lang=it. Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 245 update and an indispensable basis for future research on violin performance practice in the first half of the twentieth century. The corpus surveyed includes 41 commercial recordings released on 78 rpm discs containing at least one movement of a Tartini sonata or concerto; 30 of these are now available online in digital format, which considerably facilitates research on the history of musical performance. These data already reveal that the compositions of the Piranese violinist achieved a certain degree of inter- national circulation, particularly in the United States and, from the 1950s on- wards, also in the Soviet Union, albeit with fewer recordings than composers of the same period, such as Corelli, Vivaldi and Scarlatti.3 The recording history of Tartini began in 1910 with Variations on a Theme by Corelli, in Fritz Kreisler’s (1875–1962) free elaboration, published by Schott and recorded by the violinist himself at the Victor Studio in New York, with George Falkenstein at the piano.4 Although far from Tartini’s original, the piece achieved considerable success, as evidenced by the numerous subsequent recordings and the work’s continued presence in the repertoire of contempo- rary violinists. The arrangement includes only three variations (with the theme repeated at the end), with a total duration of about three minutes, perfectly suited to the limited capacity of a 78 rpm record. Kreisler also freely tran- scribed Sonata GT 2.g05, known as The Devil ’s Trill (1905), and the Fugue from the second movement of Sonata GT 2.A14 (1913) for violin and piano, both of which have been recorded by many performers.5 It is clear that the fame of the transcriber played a decisive role in the rediscovery of Tartini in the first half of the twentieth century: fifteen recordings bear his name (eight with the Variations on a Theme by Corelli, four with the Fugue and three with The Devil ’s Trill, to which must be added four other recordings that do not explic- itly indicate the arranger). Other transcribers include Emilio Pente (modern 3 Cf. the table reproduced by Tarquinio, “La diffusione dell’opera di Antonio Vivaldi attraverso le fonti sonore”, 415, compiled on the basis of data from the WERM encyclopaedia. The Discogs database lists as the first recording of Corelli that of Carlos Salzedo, harp, Gigue/Chacone, Columbia A1986 (1916), while the first of D. Scarlatti is by Mischa Elman (vl) and Philip Gordon (pf ), Pastorale, Victor 64636 (1917). Vivaldi seems to have entered the repertoire of violinists only around 1924 (Renée Chémet, vl, “Largo” from the Violin Concerto in A minor, with Harold Craxton, pf, La Voce del Padrone DA 417; with orchestra conducted by Eugène Goossens, La Voce del Padrone DB 761), cf. Tarquinio, “La diffusione dell’opera di Antonio Vivaldi attraverso le fonti sonore”, 419. 4 The 38 variations on a gavotte by Corelli, entitled L’arte del arco, were published in Paris in 1757 (Giuseppe Tartini, L’arte del arco ou l ’art de l ’archet: Contenant 38. variations composées sous la plus belle gavotte de Corelly (Paris: M. Leclerc, [1757])). In the brief introductory note to his edition, Kreisler states that he possessed the manuscripts from which he freely drew for his transcription. His arrangement features a basso continuo realised for piano, with frequent octave doublings and harmonies in a late-Romantic style. Fritz Kreisler, Variationen über ein Thema von Corelli (Mainz: Schott’s Söhne, 1910). 5 Giuseppe Tartini, The Devil ’s Trill, ed. Fritz Kreisler (Leipzig: Eulenburg, 1905); Giuseppe Tartini, Fuge A-dur für Violine und Klavier, ed. Fritz Kreisler (Mainz: Schott, 1913). muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 246 edition of the Concerto in D minor GT 1.d03),6 Friedrich Grützmacher (re- duction for cello and piano of the Concerto in D major GT 1.D34),7 Mario Corti (transcription for violin and piano of the first movement of the Sonata in G major GT 2.G19)8 and Hermann Scherchen (transcription of a violin concerto in E major, not identified). The following list shows the success of The Devil ’s Trill and Variations on a Theme by Corelli compared to other works, although not all of the interpretations are based on Kreisler’s arrangements. - The Devil ’s Trill, GT 2.g05: 10 recordings (7 arr. by F. Kreisler, 1 De Bar- bieri, 2 others) - Variations on a Theme by Corelli, GT 2.F11: 9 recordings (8 arr. by F. Kreisler, 1 arr. by Z. Francescatti); - “Fugue”, II mov. of sonata GT 2.A14: 4 recordings (arr. by Kreisler); - Sonata in G minor, GT 2.g10: 3 complete recordings (1 of which was re- corded at different times and issued on three separate discs); - Concerto in D minor for cello, GT 1.D34: 1 complete recording, 3 limited to the III mov. “Grave”; - Sonata in G major for violin and bass, GT 2.G19: 1 complete recording, 2 limited to the I mov. “Andante”; - Concerto in D minor for violin and bass, GT 1.d03: 1 complete recording; - Concerto in B flat major for violin, GT 2.Bb10: 1 recording limited to the III mov. “Presto”; - Concerto in A major, GT 1.A05: 1 recording limited to the III mov. “Adagio”; - Not identified: 4 The Tartini repertoire recorded on 78 rpm discs shows a predominance of re- ductions for solo instrument and piano: only five recordings feature orchestra. There is also a prevalence of partial performances, due to the limited duration of the medium. Of Tartini’s more than 400 compositions, only nine pieces reached the general public in the first half of the twentieth century, mostly in the form of transcriptions, reworkings or adaptations. Kreisler played a decisive role in this rediscovery, encouraging scholars and composers to publish new editions and inspiring performers to record Tartini on disc. 6 Giuseppe Tartini, Concerto in Re minore, revised and provided with original cadenzas by E. Pente (Hamburg: Hugo Thiemer 1898). 7 Giuseppe Tartini, Konzert D dur, arranged for cello and piano, and published by Friedrich Grützmacher (Leipzig/Berlin: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1891). 8 Giuseppe Tartini, Adagio, ed. Mario Corti (Milano: Carisch, 1914). Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 247 Bibliography Tarquinio, Gianluca. “La diffusione dell’opera di Antonio Vivaldi attraverso le fonti sonore: La discografia a 78 giri.” In Antonio Vivaldi: Passato e future; atti del Convegno interna- zionale di studi 13-16 giugno 2007, Isola di San Giorgio Maggiore, edited by Francesco Fanna and Michael Talbot, 413–439. Venezia: Fondazione Giorgio Cini, 2009. Viverit, Guido, Alba Luksich, and Simone Olivare. Catalogo tematico delle composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini (GT). Trieste: Conservatorio “Giuseppe Tartini”, 2018-. Accessed Au- gust 10, 2025. https://www.discovertartini.eu/archivi?type=5&lang=it. Sheet music Kreisler, Fritz. Variationen über ein Thema von Corelli. Mainz: Schott’s Söhne, 1910. Tartini, Giuseppe. Adagio, edited by Mario Corti. Milano: Carisch, 1914. Tartini, Giuseppe. Concerto in Re minore, revised and provided with original cadenzas by E. Pente. Hamburg: Hugo Thiemer, 1898. Tartini, Giuseppe. Fuge A-dur für Violine und Klavier, edited by Fritz Kreisler. Mainz: Schott, 1913. Taritini, Giuseppe. Konzert D dur, arranged for cello and pianoforte and published by Frie- drich Grützmacher. Leipzig/Berlin: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1891. Tartini, Giuseppe. L’arte del arco ou l ’art de l ’archet: Contenant 38. variations composées sous la plus belle gavotte de Corelly. Paris: M. Leclerc, [1757]. Tartini, Giuseppe. The Devil ’s Trill, edited by Fritz Kreisler. Leipzig, Eulenburg, 1905. Discographies Catalogo dell ’Istituto centrale per i beni sonori ed audiovisivi [ICBSA]. Accessed August 10, 2025. http://opac2.icbsa.it/vufind/. Centre for the History and Analysis of Recorded Music [CHARM]. Accessed August 10, 2025. https://charm.rhul.ac.uk/. Clough, Francis F., and G[eoffrey] J[ohn] Cumin. The World’s Encyclopaedia of Recorded Mu- sic. London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1952. Discography of American Historical Recordings [DAHR]. Accessed August 10, 2025. https:// adp.library.ucsb.edu/. Gon, Federico. “Discografia.” Archivi e cataloghi. Accessed August 10, 2025. https://www. discovertartini.eu/archivi?type=4&lang=it. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 248 Appendix Criteria for compiling the discography For each record, the discography provides the record label, catalogue and ma- trix numbers, format, dimensions in inches, total number of sides, performers, date and place of recording (when indicated in the catalogues), as well as a link to the digitised recording available online. Works are identified by their the- matic catalogue number in the Catalogo Tematico delle composizioni di Giuseppe Tartini (GT), unless the record label does not clearly identify the piece or the recording could not be consulted. Titles are retained in their original language, with Cyrillic transliterated according to the ISO 9 system. Each entry is also accompanied by a list of the consulted discographic sources, including refe- rence to YouTube if the video of the recording displays the image of the disc label. Non-commercial recordings cited only by their matrix number, as well those listed with information too incomplete to allow identification or location in other catalogues, have not been included. List of abbreviations: CHARM = Centre for the History and Analysis of Recorded Music DAHR = Discography Of American Historical Recordings b. c. = basso continuo fl = flute ICBSA = Catalogo dell’Istituto Centrale per i Beni Sonori ed Audiovisivi in. = inch pf = piano r. = recorded RPM = revolutions per minute s. = side vl = violin vla = viola vlc = cello WERM = The World’s Encyclopedia of Recorded Music N. 1) 1910 Title on the disc label: Variations (Tartini) USA: Victor: 64156, mx. B-8977, shellac, 1 s., 10 in. Performers: Fritz Kreisler vl, George Falkenstein pf Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 18/05/1910, New York Work: GT 2.F11 Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 249 Digitised copy: https://adp.library.ucsb.edu/index.php/matrix/detail/20000 9081/B-8977-Variations (duration 2:48) Source: DAHR N. 2) 1914 Title on the disc label: Variations on a Theme by Corelli USA: Edison 50205, mx. 2677, shellac, 10 in., 1 s., 78 RPM Performers: Samuel Gardner vl, pf not indicated Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 02/01/1914, New York Digitised copy: https://adp.library.ucsb.edu/index.php/matrix/detail/ 2000150640/2677-Variations_on_a_theme_by_Corelli (duration 2:57) Source: DAHR N. 3) 1915 Title on the disc label (side A): Violoncello Solo Played by Pablo Casals: Concert in D Minor Adagio (Tartini) USA, Columbia, A 5654; shellac, 12 in., 2 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Pablo Casals vlc, orchestra not indicated Work: GT 1.D34 (III mov. “Grave”) Notes: r. 15/01/1915 (mx. 37132-2) e 27/01/1915 (mx. 37151), New York; on side B Romanza for vlc and pf by B. Campagnoli Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wcj_nyEmb7M (dura- tion 4:18) Sources: DAHR, Discogs N. 4) 1916 Title on the disc label (side A): Variations (on a Theme by Corelli) (Tartini- Kreisler) – Witches Dance (Kuzdo) USA: Columbia A5859, mx. 48616-7, shellac, 2 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Eddy Brown vl, George Falkenstein pf Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 28/02/1916; on side B Witches Dance by V. Küzdő Digitised copy: http://www.centuryoldsounds.com/Columbias/C_A5859-A. mp3 (duration 2:55) Sources: DAHR, Discogs N. 5) 1920 Title on the disc label: Sonata in G minor Gramophone 08093, 3-07919, DB-475, mx. HO4492af, shellac, 1 s., 12 in., 78 RPM muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 250 Performers: Renée Chémet vl, Marguerite Delcourt pf Work: GT 2.g10 (III mov.) Notes: r. 16/07/1920, London Other issue: Victor 6349 Source: DAHR N. 6) 1921 Title on the disc label: Sonata in G Minor – Presto non troppo Gramphone 5-7931, Gramophone DA-417, mx. HO6041ae, shellac, 10 in., 1 s., 78 RPM Performers: Renée Chémet vl, Ivor Newton pf Work: GT 2.g10 (II mov. “Presto”) Notes: r. 17/01/1921, London Other issue: Victrola 613, 66076 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pzLifJfq85M (duration 1:53; part B not repeated) Sources: DAHR, Discogs N.7) 1922 Title on the disc label: Sonata in G Minor – Andante con moto USA: Victrola 74751, mx. HO6041ae, shellac, 12 in., 1 s., 78 RPM Performers: Renée Chémet vl, Marguerite Delcourt pf Work: GT 2.g10 (I mov. “Affettuoso”) Notes: r. 16/07/1920, London Other issue: His Master’s Voice, 07919 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n73MfG9bA2I (duration 4:33, without repeats) Source: DAHR, Discogs N. 8) 1924 Title on the disc label (side B): Variationen über en Thema von Corelli von Tartini-Kreisler Germany: Grammophon 65980, mx. B 27511-2, shellac, 12 in., 2 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Adolf Busch vl, Bruno Seidler-Winkler pf Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 06/1922 Berlin, Deutsche Grammophon Studios; on side A Slawischer Tanz n. 7 by A. Dvořak, arr. M. Preß Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=od85bArzyIE (duration 3:04) Source: Discogs Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 251 N. 9) 1926 Title on the disc label (sides A-D): The Devil ’s Trill: Sonata (Teufels-Sonate) USA: Columbia, D 1559-1560, mx. A 3887-90; shellac, 12 in., 4 ss., 80 RPM Performers: Albert Sammons vl, pf not indicated Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: [transcription by F. Kreisler]; r. 09/1926 Other issues: Columbia, D 4818-4819; Poland: Columbia MM. 531, 535 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=atnY_Z9mGoU (tot. du- ration 11:08, without repeats) Sources: Gon n. 1, Discogs, ICBSA, WERM N. 10) 1928 Title on the disc label (side B): Fuge A-dur Germany: Odeon O-6573, AA 68044, mx. xxB 7755-6, shellac, 2 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Stefi Geyer vl, Walter Schuldhess pf Work: GT 2.A14, II mov. “Allegro” Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; on side A Adagissimo op. 103a by Max Reger Other issue: USA Decca 25763 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nrWa71XO7Uo (dura- tion 3:46) Source: Discogs, WERM N. 11) 1928 Title on the disc label (sides A-B-C): Sonata in G Major UK: Columbia D 1629/30, mx. A 5789-91, shellac, 4 ss., 10 in., 80 RPM Performers: Joseph Szigeti vl, Kurt Ruhrseitz pf Work: GT 2.G19 Notes: r. 29/06/1927, London, Petty France Studio; on side D Allegro Vivace from Sonata n. 8 (op. 30 n. 3) by L. van Beethoven Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QVg5wYiYaNg (tot. du- ration 6:47) Sources: Gon nn. 2 & 5, DAHR, Discogs, ICBSA, CHARM N. 12) 1928 Title on the disc label (side B): Variation on a Theme by Corelli USA: Columbia, 02773, mx. 98504-5, shellac, 2 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Naoum Blinder vl, [Valentin Pavlovsky] pf Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 19/11/1928; on side A Caprice Viennois by F. Kreisler muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 252 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kPb-AwIYQ7I (duration 2:53) Other issue: Columbia 5106-M Source: Youtube N. 13) 1928 Title on the disc label: Variations on a Theme of Corelli USA: Edison 80905, mx. 18683, shellac, 1 s. 10 in. Performers: Erna Rubinstein vl, Josef Adler pf Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 27/08/1928 Digitised copy: https://adp.library.ucsb.edu/index.php/matrix/detail/ 2000159493/18683-Variations_on_a_theme_of_Corelli (duration 3:20) Source: DHAR N. 14) 1929 Title on the disc label (sides A-D): Devil ’s Trill Sonata USA: Brunswick 4226-7, mx. C2655-8, shellac, 10 in., 4 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Alexander Sebald vl, pf not indicated Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: [transcription by F. Kreisler]; r. 11/12/1928 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l-h-bJ74tO8 (part I; du- ration 2:42, part B repeated) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NVjgEMl_4MA (part II, duration 3:12, without repeats) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aOkPDNK0Dh8 (part III, duration 3:25) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=16E3BM7dDR0 (part IV, duration 2:57) Other issue: UK, Brunswick 3984 Sources: DAHR, Discogs N. 15) 1929 Title on the disc label (side B): Variations (Sur un thème de Corelli) France: Columbia D 13087, mx. 1462-3, shellac, 2 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: René Benedetti vl, Maurice Faure pf Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 02/1929; on side A Rondino (Sur un thème de Beethoven) by F. Kreisler Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EwJ9_G5rthM (duration 2:53) Sources: DAHR, Discogs, Youtube Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 253 N. 16) 1930 Title on the disc label (side B): Concerto: Grave ed espressivo (Tartini) Italy: Disco Grammofono DB 1400, 32-1169/71, mx. CJ2274-2/2265-2, shel- lac, 2 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Pablo Casals vlc, Blas Net pf Work: GT 1.D34 (III mov. “Grave”) Notes: reduction by F. Grützmacher; r. 14/06/1929, Barcelona; on side A Can- tata BWV 161 Vieni, dolce morte by J. S. Bach for vlc and pf Other issues: Spain: La voz de su amo DB 1400; Victor 7660, Victor JS-8-A Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xX9FJHJLNI (duration 4:03) Sources: Gon n. 10, Discogs, ICBSA, WERM N. 17) 1930 ca Title on the disc label (side A): Der Teufelstriller Germany: Odeon Rxx 76432, mx. xxPh 4526, 4530, shellac, 2 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Franz von Vécsey vl, pf not indicated Work: GT 2.g05, excerpts Notes: cadence by J. Hubay; on side B Aria russa by H. Wieniawski Other issue: Il Trillo del Diavolo (Tartini), Milano: Società Italiana di Fonoti- pia, 74091, 756 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X-lvTzX23qI (duration 3:19) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uenoO7o4A-E Source: Discogs, Youtube N. 18) 1930 ca Title on the disc label (sides A-F): Concerto in D Major (G. Tartini) UK: Parlophone E 11151/2, mx. H. M. 510/3, shellac, 6 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Rudolf Hindemith vlc, Berlin Symphony Orchestra Work: GT 1.D34 Notes: b. c. with pf Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mWsmi_W0mZg (tot. duration 15:04) Other issues: UK, His Master’s Voice A4342/3, Homocord 4-9009 & 9012, USA: Decca 25239/40 Source: Gon n. 7, Discogs, Youtube, WERM, CHARM N. 19) 1930 ca Title on the disc label (sides A-C): Violinkonzert in E-Dur Svizzera: His Master’s Voice DB 6093/4, mx. OZA696/7, 4 ss., 78 RPM muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 254 Performers: André de Ribaupierre vl, Stadtorchester Winterthur, Hermann Scherchen dir. Work: ? Notes: transcription by H. Scherchen; on side D Le Devin du Village by J. J. Rousseau Sources: WERM, CHARM, Ebay N. 20) 1931 Title on the disc label (side A): Andante cantabile Italy: Columbia GQ 7026, mx. WB3928, 10 in. Performers: Gilberto Crepax vlc, E. Calace pf Work: ? Notes: r. 22/01/1931, Milano; on side B Allegro by G. Valentini Source: DAHR N. 21) 1933 Title on the disc label (sides A-C): Sonata for Violin and Piano (“Devil ’s Trill”) UK: His Master’s Voice D.B. 1786/7, mx. 32/3019 & 3042-4, shellac, 4 ss. 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Yehudi Menuhin vl, Arthur Balsam pf Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: [transcription by F. Kreisler]; r. 20/05/1932 Paris, Studio Albert; on side D Recitative and Scherzo-Caprice by F. Kreisler for vl solo Other issues: Il trillo del diavolo, La voce del padrone D.B. 1786/7 (1943) Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JKKC7EGUwkw (tot. duration ca. 15 min. – the last five bars are missing from the digitalisation; part B of Larghetto repeated) http://opac2.icbsa.it/vufind/Record/IT-DDS0000056270000000 Sources: Gon nn. 3, 6, 8, Discogs, ICBSA, WERM N. 22) 1935 Title on the disc label (sides A-D): The Devil ’s Trill-Sonata USA: Victor 14139, 1787, mx. CS-89311-2, shellac, 2 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM (parts 1 & 2); Victor 1787, mx. BS-89313-4 (parts 3 & 4); shellac, 2 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: Albert Spalding vl, André Benoist pf Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: [transcription by F. Kreisler]; r. 11/03/1935 New York, RCA Victor Studios Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7AurEnvQNU0 (from min. 29:27 to 43:55; tot. duration 14:27; part B of Larghetto repeated; ad- dition of a cadence) Sources: DAHR, Discogs, WERM Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 255 N. 23) 1935 Title on the disc label: Grave aus dem Konzert für Violoncello D-dur (Giuseppe Tartini) Germany: Telefunken A1820, mx. 20607 Performers: Gaspar Cassadó vlc, Berliner Philarmoniker, Hans Schmidt-Iss- erstedt dir. Work: GT 1.D34 (III mov. “Grave”) Notes: arrangement by L. Delune; r. 25/02/1935 Digitised copy: https://classical.music.apple.com/sv/recording/giuseppe-tarti- ni-1692-pp60-715050058 (excerpt) Sources: WERM, CHARM N. 24) 1935 ca Title on the disc label (side A): Adagio Tartini Danimarca: Tono, K 8040, mx. 2897-8, shellac, 2 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: Emil Telmányi vl, Annette Telmányi pf Work: GT 2.G19 (I mov. “Andante”) Notes: transcription by Mario Corti; on side B Aria by N. Porpora not specified Source: Discogs N. 25) 1936 Title on the disc label: [Violin Concerto in A Major] Columbia, LX630, mx. CAX 7750 Performers: Joseph Szigeti vl, Nikita de Magaloff pf Work: GT 1.A05 (II mov. “Adagio”) Notes: arrangement by F. Ondřiček; r. 06/03/1936, London, EMI Studio Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=825T4pD7EkM (dura- tion 3:36) Source: WERM, CHARM N. 26) 1938 Title on the disc label (sides A-C): Tartini, Concerto in D minor UK: Columbia 69273-D, LX 710-1, mx. CAX 8130-8133, shellac, 12 in., 4 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Joseph Szigeti vl, orchestra not indicated Work: GT 1.d03 Notes: transcription by E. Pente; r. 06/12/1937, London, EMI Studio; on side D Largo from Concerto BWV 1056 by J. S. Bach (arr. J. Szigeti) Other issues: Columbia LWX 261/2; USA Decca 68273/4 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jmx9fnxH4KY (tot. dura- tion 12:58) Sources: Gon n. 4, Discogs, ICBSA, WERM, CHARM muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 256 N. 27) 1938 Disc title: 10 Celebrated Minuets by Beethoven, Bizet, Bolzoni, Boccherini, Haydn, Mozart, Paderewski, Tartini, Valensin USA: Decca 2340-2344 (Tartini: Minuet in A, 2340A, side A), mx. 64802; shellac, 10 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: The Oxford Ensemble (arrangement for vln, vla, vlc, fl, harp) Work: ? Notes: r. 12/12/1938, New York Sources: DAHR, Discogs, WERM N. 28) 1938 Title on the disc label (sides A-D): Sonata for Violin and Piano (Devil ’s Trill) UK: Columbia LX 825-6, mx. XCO 22347–22350, shellac, 12 in., 4 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Nathan Milstein vl, Leopold Mittmann pf Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: transcription by F. Kreisler; r. 31/01-01/02/1938 Other issue: Columbia 69196/7-D, MX 98 (1941) Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XiTmh7MGlsU (mov. I, duration 2:40) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JnI3xGUAxeY (mov. III, duration 5:38, the last five bars are missing from the digitalisation) Source: Discogs, WERM, CHARM N. 29) 1939 Title on the disc label: „Teufelstriller Sonate” (Tartini) side A: I. Teil Larghetto Affettuoso; side B II. Teil Tempo giusto-Largo; side C III. Teil: Allegro assai-Largo, side D IV. Teil: Cadenz von Vasa Prihoda Germany: Polydor 57099/100, mx. 8401/2, 8417/8, shellac, 12 in., 4 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Váša Příhoda vl, Otto A. Graef pf Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: r. 28/08/1938 Other issues: Italy, Polydor, Il trillo del diavolo. OR. 5049, Cetra 838/41ge Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l3-_1gat_l4 (tot. duration 15:25; without repeats) http://opac2.icbsa.it/vufind/Record/IT-DDS0000059349000000 Sources: Gon n. 9, Discogs, Youtube, ICBSA, WERM, CHARM N. 30) 1939 Title on the disc label: [Fugue in A major] Columbia: 69794/5-D, X-155, mx. XCO 25539/42, shellac, 4 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Arnold Belnick vl, Vladimir Padwa pf Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 257 Work: GT 2.A14 (II mov. “Allegro”) Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; r. 14/11/1939, New York; on side A Sonata in C minor by F. Geminiani Sources: WERM, CHARM N. 31) 1944 Title on the disc label (side A): Il trillo del diavolo (Tartini) Italy: La Voce del Padrone, mx. AW 338/9, 4 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Renato De Barbieri vl, Giuseppe Guastalla pf Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: arrangement by R. De Barbieri; on side D Sonata n. 12 in E minor by N. Paganini Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wb5mUT312qA (tot. du- ration 13:23, without repeats; addition of a cadence) http://opac2.icbsa.it/vufind/Record/IT-DDS0000050903000000 (III mov., excerpt) Source: Gon n. 11, ICBSA, WERM N. 32) 1946 Title on the disc label (s. H): Air from Sonata No. 12 in. G Major, Op. 7 USA: Columbia Masterworks MM-609, mx. 71753-D, XCO 34649-56, shel- lac, 12 in., 8 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Adolf Busch vl, Busch Chamber Players orch Work: GT 2.G19 (I mov. “Andante”) Notes: ss. A-G contain Concerto n. 5 by Mozart for vl and orchestra KV219 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JlgrWcEDkUM (dura- tion 4:18) Source: Discogs, Youtube N. 33) 1946 Title on the disc label (sides A-C): Tartini: Sonata in G minor UK: Decca AK 1531-2, mx. AR10240-3, shellac, 4 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Alfredo Campoli vl, Eric Gritton pf Work: GT 2.g10 Notes: r. 18/04/1946; on side D Largo-Arioso from concerto BWV 1056 by J. S. Bach Other issue: Australia: Decca Z909 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-P7DxrYbe84 (tot. du- ration 11:31; I mov. without repeats; II mov. with repeats; IV mov. with repeats) Source: Discogs, Youtube, ICBSA, WERM, CHARM muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 258 N. 34) 1947 Title on the disc label (side A): Variations on a Theme of Corelli USA: Columbia M 660-1, 17404-D, mx. 36078, M 660-5, 17406-D, mx. 36207, shellac, 2 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: Zino Francescatti vl, Max Lanner pf Notes: transcription by Zino Francescatti; r. 12/04/1946 New York; on side B Vogel als Prophet op. 82 n. 7 by R. Schumann Work: GT 2.F11 Other issue: Variaciones Sobre Un Tema De Corelli - El Pajaro Profeta Argenti- na: Columbia, 292610 Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aB70Nxl_dss (duration 3:14) Source: Discogs, Youtube N. 35) 1949 Title on the disc label (sides A-D): Violin Sonata Devil ’s Trill Columbia GFX 144/5, mx. CLX 2661/4, shellac, 4 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Miguel Candéla vl, Jean-Michel Damase pf Work: GT 2.g05 Notes: transcription by F. Kreisler; r. 20/05/1949 Paris, Studio Albert Sources: WERM, CHARM N. 36) 1950 Title on the disc label (side D): Presto in B-Flat Major UK: Decca, AK 2366/7, mx. AR 13238/41, shellac, 4 ss., 12 in., 78 RPM Performers: Alfredo Campoli vl, Eric Gritton pf Work: GT 2.g10 Notes: r. 12/05/1949; on sides A-C Concerto in B flat major for violin by G. Tartini, GT 2.Bb10 (IV mov. Presto), arrangement by L. Bridgewater Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=idfsy3xmbAE (Presto in B flat, duration 3:26) Source: WERM, CHARM N. 37) 1950 Title on the disc label: [Fuge in A Dur] Italy: Parlophone PE 135, shellac, 2 ss., 78 RPM Performers: Enrico Pierangeli vl, Amalia Pierangeli-Mussato pf Work: GT 2.A14 (II mov. “Allegro”) Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; on side A Larghetto by Vivaldi, RV 230 Sources: WERM, Tarquinio Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 259 N. 38) 1952 Title on the disc label (side B): Variacii Na Temu Korelli USSR: Aprelevskij Zavod D-00921/2, vinyl, 2 ss., 8 in., 78 RPM Performers: Igor Bezrodny vl, Abram Makarov pf Work: GT 2.F11 Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler; on side A Fantasy on the Theme of the Op- era ‘The Golden Cockerel ’ by N. Rimskij Korsakov (Fantazija Na Temy Op- ery “Zolotoj Petušok”); on side B Hungarian Dance by J. Brahms (Vengerskij Tanec’ N°1) Other issue: Aprelevskij Zavod 1724-5 Source: Discogs N. 39) 1953 Title on the disc label (side B): D. Tartini Adagio Kantabile USSR: Aprelevskij Zavod D-001215/6, vinyl, 2 ss., 8 in., 78 RPM Performers: Daniil Šafran vlc, Nina Musinjan pf Work: ? Notes: on side A M. Paradis Siciliana – L. Bokkerini Rondo Source: Discogs N. 40) 1953 ca Title on the disc label: Fuga Muz. D. Tartini – F. Kreislera USSR: Aprelevskij Zavod 14331-2, shellac, 2 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: Galina Barinova vl, Alexander Dedyukhin pf Work: GT 2.A14 (II mov. “Allegro”) Notes: arrangement by F. Kreisler Source: Discogs N. 41) 1956 ca Title on the disc label: Sonata Sol ’ Minor (“D’javol’skie Treli”) USSR: Aprelevskij Zavod D 508-9, mx. D508/4-2, D509/4-2, vinyl, 2 ss., 10 in., 78 RPM Performers: David Oistrakh vl, Vladimir E. Jampolskij pf Work: GT 2.g05, I mov. Notes: transcription by F. Kreisler Other issue: Le Chant du Monde LDY 8068 (EP) Digitised copy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zXGZwUOtIis (I mov., duration 2:48, without repeat) Source: Discogs muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 260 SUMMARY This study presents an updated discography of Giuseppe Tartini’s works released on 78 rpm records. Thanks to online music databases, 41 recordings have been identified, 30 of which are available online in digitised form. This research updates Federico Gon’s partial discography (2018) published on the Discover Tartini website, and shows how widespread Tartini’s music is throughout the world. In the first half of the twentieth century, only nine of Tartini’s compositions reached the general public through recordings, mostly in the form of transcriptions or adaptations. Due to the time limits of 78 rpm records, performers often recorded only excerpts, omitted repeats, or split works across multiple sides. Dating from 1910, the earliest recording is Fritz Kreisler’s arrangement for violin and piano of Variations on a Theme by Corelli, recorded by the violinist himself and George Fal- kenstein. Although far removed from Tartini’s originals, Kreislers’ transcriptions, including The Devil ’s Trill (GT 2.g05) and the Fugue (GT 2.A14), have been recorded by many perfor- mers, even in more recent times. Kreisler played a decisive role in the rediscovery of Tartini, encouraging scholars and composers to publish new editions. For each disc, the discography lists label, catalogue and matrix numbers, format, dimen- sions, number of sides, performers, recording date and location (where available), with links to digitised versions. Works are identified by their GT numbers when possible. POVZETEK Ponovno odkritje Giuseppeja Tartinija s ploščami z 78 vrtljaji na minuto Študija predstavlja posodobljeno diskografijo del Giuseppeja Tartinija, izdanih na ploščah z 78 vrtljaji na minuto. S pomočjo spletnih glasbenih baz podatkov je bilo identificiranih 41 posnetkov, od katerih jih je 30 na voljo na spletu v digitalizirani obliki. Raziskava dopolnjuje delno diskografijo Federica Gona (2018), objavljeno na spletni strani Discover Tartini, in omogoča vpogled v stopnjo razširjenosti Tartinijeve glasbe v prvi polovici 20. stoletja. V tem obdobju je le devet Tartinijevih skladb doseglo širšo javnost prek posnetkov, večinoma v obliki transkripcij ali priredb. Zaradi časovnih omejitev plošč z 78 vrtljaji na minuto so izvajalci pogosto posneli le odlomke, izpustili ponovitve ali pa so dela razdelili na več strani plošče. Najzgodnejši posnetek je iz leta 1910 in vsebuje priredbo Variacij na Corellijevo temo, ki jo je pripravil Fritz Kreisler. Ta je tudi solist, spremlja ga pianist George Falkenstein. Čeprav so Kreislerjeve transkripcije, vključno s Hudičevim trilčkom (GT 2.g05) in Fugo (GT 2.A14), zelo oddaljene od Tartinijevih izvirnikov, so jih posneli številni drugi izvajalci, tudi v novej- šem času. Kreisler je imel odločilno vlogo pri ponovnem odkritju Tartinija, saj je spodbujal znanstvenike in skladatelje k objavljanju novih izdaj. Za vsako ploščo so v diskografiji navedeni založba, kataloška in matrična številka, format, dimenzije, število strani, izvajalci, datum in lokacija snemanja (kjer je na voljo) ter povezave do digitaliziranih različic. Dela so, kadar je to mogoče, označena s številkami GT. Ella Bernadette Nagy: The Rediscovery of Giuseppe Tartini through 78 rpm Records 261 ABOUT THE AUTHOR ELLA BERNADETTE NAGY (ella.nagy@conssp.it) studied Philology and Musicology at the University of Padua, where she obtained her PhD in 2017 with a thesis on plucked string instruments in the Middle Ages. Her research has focused on various areas, including the history and repertoire of the guitar and lute, lexicography and music treatises, medieval secular music, and the musical traditions of Venezuela and Brazil. She has published a cri- tical edition of the manuscript Tiranas, boleras, seguidillas for voice and guitar, preserved in the Mayr collection of the Bergamo Civic Library. Since 2022, she has been working at the Conservatory of La Spezia as a professor of musicology. O AVTORICI ELLA BERNADETTE NAGY (ella.nagy@conssp.it) je študirala filologijo in muzikologijo na Univerzi v Padovi, kjer je leta 2017 doktorirala z disertacijo o brenkalih v srednjem veku. Njene raziskave so se osredotočale na različna področja, vključno z zgodovino in repertoar- jem kitare in lutnje, leksikografijo in glasbenimi traktati, srednjeveško posvetno glasbo ter glasbenimi tradicijami Venezuele in Brazilije. Objavila je kritično izdajo rokopisa Tiranas, boleras, seguidillas za glas in kitaro, ki ga hranijo v zbirki Mayr v mestni knjižnici v Bergamu. Od leta 2022 deluje kot profesorica muzikologije na Konservatoriju v La Spezii. 263 John Paul Edward Harper-Scott and Oliver Chandler Return to Riemann: Tonal Function and Chromatic Music London, Routledge, 2024. 90 pages. £39.99. ISBN: 9781032025056. Riemann’s role in the history of music analysis is well known. In recent de- cades, Neo-Riemannian theory has contributed a major development to the field. The theory still presents many ways to be discussed in original research. One way is to celebrate its first appearance and use for analyzing music; a se- cond, debating whether this methodology can still be useful and to what extent it is still powerful. Thirdly, attempting to push its rules to its limits to then use the method in innovative ways, such as to represent musical successions. This third way is the focus of the current book. Starting with Neo-Riemann theory, it posits an “expansion” of Hugo Riemann’s original theory of tonal function to explore new potentialities and avenues of enquiry that the theory can offer. To do this, the book proposes diagrams and graphs to show harmonic procedures and successions that trace a new way to analyze and represent harmonic move- ments in a piece. The authors – an Emeritus Professor of Music history and theory at the Royal Holloway, University of London and an Academic Professor at the Royal College of Music – focus on the period of late tonal music. The pe- riod’s use of chromatics in an often extreme way allows the authors to explore further potentialities of the theory. As one footnote explains, “in terms of its philosophical approach, it reawakens the critical-theoretical examination of the relation between music and late capitalist society that is sedimented in the musical material themselves”. The book continues in this interdisciplinary vein, considering how society shapes music as well as viewing the changing of society through musical events. In the same way that music can mirror – and hold up a mirror to – the dynamics of society, changes in tonality reflect a shift- ing society. Following this thread an interesting line of enquiry arises, not of whether tonality is still alive but of how it is still current. The authors use a new way not only to represent tonal movements but also to deal with tonal material. This is done by applying and extrapolating the Riemann material to represent complex tonal events. In this manner they demonstrate how Riemann theory still has much to offer. The title itself, “Return to Riemann”, is not so much a return to the past as a reconsideration and renewal of something shared and known by many analysts. muzikološki zbornik • musicological annual lxi/2 264 The book is divided into five chapters, plus a glossary of Riemann symbol- ogy. Focusing on its renewal of Riemann theory, the chapters demonstrate fresh ways to deal with certain material but also point to how much remains for future scholarship to continue examining other music with this method. The aforementioned schemes for the tonal organization of pieces are part in- teresting, using arrows and near tonalities to give the reader a clear indication of the tonal movements within a piece of music. Being focused on late tonal music, future research could set these types of representations in a widened tonality, or suspended tonality. An interesting point that arises in the Introduction is how it is possible to understand the functions in late tonal music by exploring how the concept of function is changed in this period. The authors state that “for the neo-Riemann theory, therefore, the suggestion that late tonal music might be thoroughgo- ingly (as opposed to sporadically) functional is logically invalid” (p. 3). This syllogism is explained and investigated in various chapters and constitutes the road map of this study. The first two chapters examine whether chromatic events can be seen as negation of tonality. The authors show how the neo- Riemann theory can be adapted to describe these events in detail, with exam- ples including “Waltraute’s Plaint” from Wagner’s Götterdämmerung. Chapter 3 takes some of the issues identified in Chapter 2 and links them to a more general chromatic repertoire, with particular reference to Beethoven (op. 10, no. 1) and Brahms (op. 102). Here the authors present a sort of critique of Neo-Riemann Theory: the tendency to isolate short fragments and to focus on them out of context can modify the results of the analysis, especially from an harmonic point of view. Chapter 4 then “considers Riemann’s attitude to seventh chords and outlines common critiques to his position, especially from the neo-Riemann theory perspective” (p. 4). The title itself for this chapter, “The Multiple Lives of Seventh Chords”, suggests the potentialities of a type of chord used frequently in the late tonal period by exploring each in a new way. A brief but fascinating question is reflected upon here of how so com- mon a chord can still generate interest among composers and listeners, and if this is only down to the chord’s own characteristics or also the way it is used in a chord chain. Finally, the last chapter is focused on another criticism: the tendency to focus on functional description of a given moment. An interesting point arises from this concerning how chromaticism can be analyzed and also how it can be drawn in a written analysis. In this sense, the present study is seminal for many researchers and schol- ars. Focusing on functions in chromatic music, it demonstrates how chromati- cism is a perfect evolution of the theory and music of the previous decades. The neo-Riemann theory can perfectly represent it, modifying its internal ele- ments accordingly by stretching the Riemann principles to their limits. By do- ing this, the authors have demonstrated its elasticity and applicability but also recenzije • reviews 265 its contemporaneity as a tool that can be used in a modern understanding and not only in its original inception. This process leads to two important questions that remain in the minds of the reader: is tonality still alive, and if so, how is it perceived nowadays? How differently can we perceive tonality today compared to the perception of the ninteenth Century? It can be argued that this book suggests that the way to deal with tonality has changed over the past decades and still remains an extremely interesting musical phenomenon to deal with. Federico Favali (federicofavali@gmail.com) Antonio Vivaldi Conservatory of Alessandria